Catholic Church Groups

Dionisio, Eleanor. 2014.
“Catholic Partisanship in the 2013 Elections: Churchifying

Democracy or Democratizing the Church?” Philippine Sociological Review 62:11-40.
• Some Catholic Church groups were said to have established partisanship with some political
candidates opposed to the Reproductive Health Act because the law promotes beliefs and
practices that are contrary to the teachings of the Church.
Two Catholic Church Groups
1. Team Buhay/Team Patay Campaign

- “An intervention from the hierarchy of the Church, constituted by its bishops– or in
this case, one particular bishop” (Dionisio 2014:13).
- Bishop Navarra of San Sebastian Cathedral in Bacolod
- Team Buhay –> six senatorial candidates and two party-list groups opposed to the
Reproductive Health (RH) Law (Reuters 2013).
- Team Patay –> seven senatorial candidate and four party-list groups supporting RH
law (Reuters 2013).
- Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) did not endorse the
campaign because the Catholic Canon Law restricts bishops, clergy, and members of
the religious orders from partisan politics "unless, in the judgment of competent
ecclesiastical authority, the protection of the rights of the Church or the promotion of
the common good requires it" (Code of Canon Law 287 §2).
- Article 28 §2 of the decrees states that "bishops, priests and religious must
refrain from partisan politics, avoiding especially the use of the pulpit for
partisan purposes, so as to avoid division among the flock" (PCP-II 1992:241).
2. The White Vote Movement (WVM)

- “An intervention from the unconsecrated laity, non-ordained Catholics who do not
exercise institutional authority within the Church” (Dionisio 2014:13).
- Unconsecrated lay people are called to engage in principled partisan politics since
2009 in order to promote the election of true integrity leaders to the public office
(16-17).
- Though the CBCP encouraged them to engage in partisan politics, they are
discouraged from imposing decision on their members (17).
- The WVM endorsed their own set of candidates– ten political candidates including
all six on Team Buhay’s campaign and a number of party-list groups opposed to RH
law (17).
- “One Catholic Vote”
• Does it violate the autonomy, and the freedom of conscience and religious freedom?
- The 1987 Constitution declares the separation of Church and State to be "inviolable" (Art.
II, Sec. 6).
- “The endorsement of specific candidates by elements of the Church may not violate the
constitution, but does it violate this autonomy, and thus the religious freedom and freedom
of conscience, of those with different convictions?” (19).
Use of Casanova’s Modern Public Religion to answer the question in which

Casanova said that there is still a need of religious participation in public sphere.
• Three Levels on which Church could locate themselves (19)

- First is the state – where a religion is to be established but the constitution forbids
it
- Second is the political society, This encompasses "political parties, elections,
electoral rules, political leadership, intraparty alliances, and legislatures.” But it
means that they are endangering the own moral autonomy because the state could
control them (19).
- Third is the civil society, which consists of institutions of life such as associations
and social movements. Casanova claims that this is the best location for the
church because they can contribute to the forging of a moral framework to the
people without interference of the state (19).
• Is the Catholic Church in the Philippines relocating to political society?

- No, the 2013 partisanship over the RH law does not indicate an attempt by the Church to
relocate in political society. Why?
The church organization do not become political parties simply by endorsing political
candidates especially if it is decided election by election (23).
They did not develop a long-term alliance with political candidates. They considered as
just church agents who endorse candidates, and that also means that they are just civil
society agents. There’s no case such as the long-term alliance with political candidate
in the country because of shifting of alliances (23).
The church chose political candidates in different parties which shows that there are no
stable political party whom they form alliance with.
And because the church realizes that forming long-term alliance with political parties
may compromise their ethical mission (25).
• Is the Catholic partisanship harmful to freedom of conscience and the autonomy of

political process?
- The church is not successful in generating a Catholic vote because most of the political
candidates whom they endorsed did not win (27-28).
- The 2013 partisanship not encroached on the autonomy of the political process or on the
freedom of conscience of Catholics (29).
- Bu it doesn’t mean that attempts to generate one Catholic vote have no impact on Catholics.
They agree that the Church should not try to influence people’s decision in voting
candidates (28).
Conclusion
- Self-location in political society seems unlikely for the Church in the Philippines.
- Little evidence of one Catholic vote which may impose Catholic beliefs on non-Catholics to
electoral coercion by the Church (Dionisio 2014).
- Possible contribution to the development of political society of Catholic partisanship by
maintaining ethical principles as standards for electoral choice (32).

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Dionisio, Eleanor. 2014.

“Catholic Partisanship in the 2013 Elections: Churchifying

Two Catholic Church Groups

1. Team Buhay/Team Patay Campaign

2. The White Vote Movement (WVM)

Use of Casanova’s Modern Public Religion to answer the question in which

• Three Levels on which Church could locate themselves (19)

• Is the Catholic Church in the Philippines relocating to political society?

• Is the Catholic partisanship harmful to freedom of conscience and the autonomy of

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