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New directions in the study of implicit and explicit

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DOI: 10.1017/S027226311500008X

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Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 2015, 37, 185–196.
doi:10.1017/S027226311500008X

NEW DIRECTIONS IN THE STUDY OF

IMPLICIT AND EXPLICIT LEARNING

An Introduction

Sible Andringa
University of Amsterdam

Patrick Rebuschat
Lancaster University

It has been exactly 10 years since Studies in Second Language Acquisition

published a thematic issue on the topic of implicit and explicit second
language (L2) learning, edited by Jan Hulstijn and Rod Ellis (2005). This
seminal issue consisted of a brief general introduction (Hulstijn, 2005),
five experimental studies (R. Ellis, 2005; de Jong, 2005; Robinson, 2005;
Tokowicz & MacWhinney, 2005; Williams, 2005), and a review article on
the implicit-explicit interface (N. C. Ellis, 2005). The current issue simi-
larly takes stock of recent developments in implicit and explicit language
learning research. In this introduction, we redefine the notions of
implicit and explicit learning, briefly sketch the new directions this field
of inquiry has ventured into, and illustrate how the contributions to this
thematic issue exemplify recent trends and developments.
In his introduction to the 2005 thematic issue, Hulstijn (2005) iden-
tified implicit and explicit learning as one of the more urgent matters to
be addressed by L2 researchers. This is still true, and one could even
argue that the topic has increased in relevance, because it has started to
engage more with other issues in the field of SLA, a point we will return
to later. In SLA, interest in the topic can be traced back to Krashen’s

We would like to thank our contributors for their excellent articles and Sue Gass for being
incredibly helpful and supportive throughout the entire process.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Sible Andringa,
Amsterdam Center for Language and Communication, University of Amsterdam, Spuistraat
134, 1012 VB, Amsterdam, the Netherlands. E-mail: [email protected]

© Cambridge University Press 2015 185

186 Sible Andringa and Patrick Rebuschat

(1977, 1979, 1981, 1994) proposals, according to which L2 develop-

ment relies primarily on language acquisition (i.e., an incidental process
that results in implicit [unconscious] linguistic knowledge), with little
role for explicit knowledge or processes. We will not revisit these dis-
cussions in detail here, but it is important to establish that the distinc-
tions between implicit and explicit knowledge and learning are widely
accepted within SLA.
At the most fundamental level, the explicit-implicit distinction is about
whether learning in the absence of awareness is a real possibility; how-
ever, the implications are much wider. The distinction between implicit
and explicit learning and knowledge and how they interface is crucial for
a proper understanding of how L2 proficiency develops, as has been force-
fully argued by many (e.g., N. C. Ellis, in press; R. Ellis, 2005; Hulstijn, in
press). The distinctions are needed to understand language learning tra-
jectories and the extent to which these are or can be uniquely shaped by
implicit learning processes, to understand differences between child and
adult L2 acquisition, to understand which features of the L2 are amenable
to explicit instruction and to what extent this amenability interacts with
individual characteristics such as one’s first language (L1) or language-
related cognitive capacities, and to understand how different learning
contexts affect development. In other words, the explicit-implicit distinc-
tion permeates through just about every major theme in the study of SLA.
Three empirical questions have already resulted in a substantial amount
of research (see also Rebuschat, in press). The first question concerns the
role of awareness in L2 acquisition and the possibility of learning without
awareness (e.g., Hama & Leow, 2010; Leow, 1997, 2000; Leow & Hama, 2013;
Leung & Williams, 2011; Rebuschat, Hamrick, Sachs, Riestenberg, & Ziegler,
this issue; Schmidt, 1990, 1995a, 1995b, 2001; Williams, 2005, 2009). The
second question is methodological and concerns the process of measuring
awareness. Most research has concentrated either on the question of how
to measure awareness at the time of encoding (i.e., while participants are
engaged in a learning task) or on the question of how to measure aware-
ness of what has been learned (i.e., of the product of learning; e.g., R. Ellis,
2005; Godfroid et al., this issue; Grey, Williams, & Rebuschat, 2014; Hamrick
& Rebuschat, 2012; Leow, 1997; Leow, Grey, Marijuan, & Moorman, 2014;
Rebuschat, 2013; Rebuschat et al., this issue). The third question focuses
on the implicit-explicit interface (i.e., the issue of whether explicit knowl-
edge can foster the development of implicit L2 knowledge; Andringa &
Curcic, this issue; Cintrón-Valentín & Ellis, this issue; N. C. Ellis, 2005).

REDEFINING IMPLICIT AND EXPLICIT LEARNING

In his widely cited introduction to the 2005 issue, Hulstijn conveniently

provided definitions for implicit and explicit memory, implicit and explicit
New Directions in the Study of Implicit and Explicit Learning 187

knowledge, implicit and explicit learning, as well as implicit and explicit

instruction. In each pair, the absence or presence of conscious aware-
ness decides between the implicit or explicit status of the construct.
He also defined inductive and deductive learning as types of explicit
learning and incidental and intentional learning as relatively distinct
modes of learning that are related but separate from implicit and explicit
learning. There is little need to revise these definitions, with the excep-
tion perhaps of the definitions that Hulstijn provided for implicit and
explicit learning, which he already identified to be the most contro-
versial, because one’s conceptualization of implicit and explicit
learning is largely determined by one’s views of how language is
represented in our minds (symbolic or subsymbolic). In Hulstijn’s
(2005) words, “definitions of learning—whether implicit or explicit—
as a process (how) can easily become contaminated with the object
of learning (what)” (p. 133). This is how Hulstijn defined explicit and
implicit learning:

Explicit learning is input processing with the conscious intention to find

out whether the input information contains regularities and, if so, to work
out the concepts and rules with which these regularities can be captured.
Implicit learning is input processing without such an intention, taking
place unconsciously. (p. 131)

On close examination, these definitions do not say much about the

actual learning mechanisms themselves. They state that learning is input
processing with or without conscious awareness, but the exact nature of
such input processing remains unclear. Hulstijn defined explicit learning
mainly in terms of what is learned, and his use of the term regularities
in this definition seems to limit the construct of explicit learning to
those aspects of language that are regular. Because implicit learning
was defined as the inverse of explicit learning (that is, in negative terms,
as input processing without the conscious intention to learn the regu-
larities of the language), the same limitation holds for implicit learning.
Although it is true that most thinking and research has been devoted
to the acquisition of the rules of the L2, neither type of learning is
limited to the learning of regularities, and it seems more accurate to say
that both regular and irregular phenomena can be learned explicitly
and implicitly. Learners can explicitly learn the exceptions to a rule,
and they can learn to behave according to these exceptions without
being consciously aware of them.
For both implicit and explicit learning, it is still difficult to define the
constructs more carefully in terms of the how. If learning is input pro-
cessing, then what are the exact processes involved? The contributions
to the thematic issue bear testimony to the fact that progress is being
made in this area. For example, both L1 and L2 acquisition researchers
188 Sible Andringa and Patrick Rebuschat

have increasingly turned to the concept of statistical learning as the

primary language learning mechanism, as testified by Caldwell-Harris,
Lancaster, Ladd, Dediu, and Christiansen (this issue) and a recently
published edited volume on statistical learning in L1 and L2 acquisition
(Rebuschat & Williams, 2012b). It is useful to explore briefly this con-
cept and how it is related to implicit and explicit learning.
Statistical learning holds that language learning results from our
sensitivity to the distributional properties of the input. Humans (and
other mammals) are extremely well attuned to frequencies of occur-
rence and co-occurrence. Statistical learning is generally considered
to be a domain-general mechanism (i.e., not specific to language;
Rebuschat & Williams, 2012a), although some argue that it operates
under language-specific constraints (e.g., Shukla, Gervain, Mehler, &
Nespor, 2012). A hallmark property of statistical learning seems to
be that it occurs unconsciously and automatically when humans are
exposed to (linguistic) input. Some equate statistical and implicit learning
without further explanation (e.g., Conway, Bauernschmidt, Huang, &
Pisoni, 2010; Kuhn & Dienes, 2008), and others even go as far as com-
bining the two in name, as in implicit-statistical learning (Conway &
Christiansen, 2006; Onnis, Destrebecqz, Christiansen, Chater, & Cleeremans,
in press; Perruchet & Pacton, 2006; Perruchet & Poulin-Charronnat,
in press; Walk & Conway, in press).
Statistical learning, then, refers to a gradual process of accumulating
linguistic knowledge based on the distributional properties of the input.
Grammatical structure emerges in the course of extended periods of
time and many exposures to the target structure (Bybee, 2008; N. C. Ellis,
2008; N. C. Ellis & Larsen-Freeman, 2006; N. C. Ellis & O’Donnell, 2012).
Such a gradual learning process is somewhat at odds with the fleeting
concepts of attention to form and possible awareness of that form,
which are associated with brief and distinct points in time (Doughty,
2001; Robinson, 2003). This potential mismatch in temporal granularity
between implicit, statistical learning processes and attention and
awareness may make it difficult to become consciously aware of the
more abstract generalizations that result from such learning, especially
in natural language learning contexts. If implicit learning is indeed,
in essence, a statistical learning process, then what does that mean
for explicit learning? Could the same statistically driven input processing
mechanisms lie at the heart of both implicit and explicit learning, the
only difference being the level of awareness at which implicit and
explicit learning operate (as implied by Hulstijn’s definition)?
Explicit learning is generally defined as learning to think and talk
about the language system in symbolic terms—in terms of rules and
their exceptions—by committing these to memory through practice and
rehearsal (N. C. Ellis, in press; R. Ellis, 2004, 2005; Hulstijn, 2005). Sev-
eral researchers have pointed to the fact that the output of explicit and
New Directions in the Study of Implicit and Explicit Learning 189

implicit learning processes is highly different in nature and therefore

difficult to align: “It is not easy to see how knowledge as weighted
content (i.e., as a set of neural pathways of greater or lesser strength)
can be anything other than separate from knowledge of linguistic facts”
(R. Ellis, 2004, p. 234). However, the ultimate goal of explicit learning is
not simply knowledge of concepts and rules. Instruction aiming for
explicit learning is mostly provided to help learners process the input
in ways that are thought to be conducive to the L2 acquisition process,
a notion that is central to processing instruction approaches (VanPatten,
2006; VanPatten & Cadierno, 1993).
If the interface debate is considered from a statistical learning per-
spective, then the question becomes to what extent statistical learning
processes can be influenced by explicit instruction and metalinguistic
information. Nick Ellis has argued that instruction may serve to direct
attentional processes toward particular formal aspects of the input
and away from others, which in turn affects the frequency-based uptake
of these forms (N. C. Ellis, 2002, 2005, in press; N. C. Ellis et al., 2014).
Cintrón-Valentín and Ellis (this issue) is a direct test of this possibility.
The study demonstrates how form-focused instruction may cause
certain cues in the input to be blocked from attentional processes,
which in turn affects how well those cues are learned. However, explicit
instruction and learning can also be seen as an attempt to somehow
“hardwire” associations and processing routines that are normally the
outcome of a gradual, statistical learning process. Andringa and Curcic
(this issue) is a test of the possibility that explicit information can be
a shortcut to input processing in more targetlike ways and, conse-
quently, a circumvention of statistical learning processes. As such,
the study is a test of a strong version of the interface hypothesis that
claims that explicit knowledge directly affects implicit knowledge.
However, their results do not warrant any firm conclusions about such
an interface.

ONLINE PROCESSING AND IMPLICIT AND EXPLICIT LEARNING

The use of new measurement techniques illustrates how the field is

seeking to better understand the input processing mechanisms under-
lying implicit and explicit learning and knowledge. This issue clearly
reflects this. Morgan-Short et al. (this issue) used functional magnetic
resonance imaging (fMRI) to study the neurophysiological properties of
syntactic processing after implicit instruction; Cintrón-Valentín and Ellis
(this issue) used eye-tracking to investigate attention to form during
reading to find evidence of blocking (i.e., absence of attention to partic-
ular forms due to instruction); Godfroid et al. (this issue) also used eye-
tracking during reading to study attention to form in timed and untimed
190 Sible Andringa and Patrick Rebuschat

grammaticality judgment tasks to find evidence of more controlled

language processing in untimed grammaticality judgment tasks; and
Andringa and Curcic (this issue) used a visual world eye-tracking para-
digm to assess learners’ ability to predict upcoming linguistic input as a
result of explicit instruction.
Interestingly, although each of these studies looks at online input pro-
cessing mechanisms, they all zoom in on different aspects of input pro-
cessing. This is a demonstration of the fact that input processing is a
complex, multicomponential construct. For each of these techniques, it
is necessary and interesting to think about what processes exactly are
isolated and how these are related to (or unique to) implicit and explicit
learning or the engagement of implicit and explicit knowledge. Both
Godfroid and Winke (in press) and Morgan-Short, Faretta-Stutenberg,
and Bartlet-Hsu (in press) provide excellent discussions of the kinds of
processes that can be measured with eye movement and event-related
potential (ERP) techniques, respectively. The thing to be learned from
these discussions is that there is no one-to-one relationship between
the processes that these techniques tap into and implicit and explicit
processing and learning. At the same time, it is important to construct
hypotheses about such relationships. Work presented in this issue, for
example, hypothesizes that retrospective processes may be evidence
of the involvement of explicit knowledge—a possibility explored by
Godfroid et al. (this issue). Andringa and Curcic (this issue), on the
other hand, work from the assumption that predictive processes are
based on implicit processes.

MEASUREMENT ISSUES

A continual concern in the study of implicit and explicit learning

research is measurement. One of the thorny issues in particular is the
search for measures that can assess whether knowledge of a particular
structure is either implicit or explicit. Pure measures of implicit and
explicit knowledge are of crucial importance if one wants to falsify the
hypothesis that learning without awareness is impossible (Reber, 1989;
Williams, 2005). It has been difficult to establish that L2 learning can occur
without awareness, simply because our designs and measures do not
preclude the possibility that at some point in the learning process some
level of awareness occurred for the target structure (see DeKeyser,
2003). At the same time, it is certainly true that learning has been shown
to occur in situations that did not allow for much conscious processing
of the target structures. Much of the debate in this line of research cen-
ters on the validity of the measures used to ascertain absence of aware-
ness (Hama & Leow, 2010; Leow, 2000; Rebuschat, 2013; Williams, 2005).
Similarly, many have stressed the urgent need for tests that can measure
New Directions in the Study of Implicit and Explicit Learning 191

implicit and explicit knowledge separately to settle questions about a

potentially facilitative role that explicit knowledge can play in the acqui-
sition of implicit knowledge (Andringa, de Glopper, & Hacquebord,
2011; R. Ellis, 2004, 2005; Han & Ellis, 1998). It is a well-established fact
that tasks bias toward the use of one or another type of knowledge,
and most studies have used measures favoring explicit knowledge
(Doughty, 2003; Norris & Ortega, 2000).
In this issue, both Rebuschat et al. and Godfroid et al. explicitly
address such measurement concerns. Rebuschat et al. concurrently
administered three measures that have been used often to assess
the possibility that learning took place without awareness. One of the
interesting findings of the study is that it provides evidence for the
idea that the measures themselves affect learning outcomes. Partic-
ular tasks appeared to trigger participants to look for rules that they
had not yet noticed or realized might be present in the input; in addi-
tion, particular task features were found to interfere with the ability
to generalize patterns to new contexts. Godfroid et al. (this issue)
compared reading behavior in timed and untimed grammaticality
judgments and confirmed earlier findings that these tasks measure
separate kinds of linguistic knowledge (Bowles, 2011; R. Ellis, 2005;
Han & Ellis, 1998).
Findings such as these emphasize the importance of task design and
of research into how properties of testing tasks may bias participants
toward the use of a particular type of knowledge, which has large
repercussions for the interpretation of the findings based on such
tasks. As already touched on, reviews of and meta-analyses into the
effects of instruction have revealed strong biases in instruction studies
toward the use of tasks and testing procedures that favor the use of
explicit knowledge over implicit knowledge (R. Ellis, 2002; Norris &
Ortega, 2000; Spada & Tomita, 2010). It is interesting to note, in this
respect, that the online measurement techniques that are being intro-
duced in the field, most notably ERP and fMRI techniques, reveal a
similar bias. They rely on task procedures and test circumstances that
are favorable to the application of explicit knowledge and are more
likely to generate awareness of the target structure (through the pro-
vision of generous amounts of response time, the use of ungrammat-
ical items, and perhaps also the absence of fillers). Only the visual
world eye-tracking technique (exemplified by Andringa & Curcic, this
issue) avoids these task features altogether, but the technique is
applicable to a limited set of language phenomena. This discussion
underscores Godfroid and Winke’s (in press) and Morgan-Short et al.’s
(in press) contention that there is no one-to-one relationship between
online measures and implicit processing. In the interpretation of
results obtained from online measures, it is important to consider the
implications of task design.
192 Sible Andringa and Patrick Rebuschat

NEW LINES OF INQUIRY

This issue demonstrates how questions of implicit and explicit learning

have started to engage more with other themes in the study of L2 acqui-
sition. As Paciorek and Williams (this issue) point out, implicit and explicit
learning studies are not solely about whether learning can be entirely
implicit. Their relevance also lies in their potential to increase our
understanding of how input is processed and how tasks affect either
type of learning. However, by applying questions of implicit and explicit
learning to ever more varied linguistic phenomena and learning con-
texts, knowledge is gained about what can or cannot be learned implic-
itly and for whom such learning is or is not attainable. A case in point
is Caldwell-Harris et al. (this issue), who investigated the acquisition of
tonal features of language and found clear differences between learners
from languages that possess tonal distinctions and learners from
language backgrounds that lack these distinctions. Paciorek and
Williams (this issue) also illustrate this point nicely: Their study is one
in a line of studies that together serve to investigate the limits of implicit
learning (e.g., Chen et al., 2011; Leung & Williams, 2011, 2012; Williams,
2005). For the present issue, they assess learners’ ability to implicitly
acquire the collocational preferences of novel verbs, and they provide
evidence that this is a feature that can be learned implicitly.
Finally, there appears to be an increasing recognition of the idea that
individuals may differ in their ability to learn either explicitly or implic-
itly. In psychology, both implicit learning ability and statistical learning
ability have been considered by most to be fairly stable constructs both
in terms of variation among individuals and within individuals over time
(Misyak, Goldstein, & Christiansen, 2012). Similarly, when Krashen
proposed his theory of L2 acquisition, he proposed a stable language
acquisition device for implicit acquisition and attributed individual
differences and age effects to differences in the ability to use explicit
knowledge as a monitor and to differences in the affective filter
(e.g., Krashen, 1981). In the field of SLA, there has been much recogni-
tion of the existence of individual differences in language learning ability
through aptitude research, but the measures most commonly used in
aptitude research have been criticized for not tapping into differences
in implicit learning ability. It is fair to say that research into individual
differences in implicit learning ability is in its infancy, despite a recent
increase in experimental research (e.g., Grey, Williams, & Rebuschat,
in press; Morgan-Short, Faretta-Stutenberg, Brill-Schuetz, Carpenter, &
Wong, 2014; Tagarelli, Borges Mota, & Rebuschat, 2011, in press). Both
Caldwell-Harris et al. (this issue) and Morgan-Short et al. (this issue)
address individual differences: Caldwell-Harris et al. show that L1 back-
ground affects statistical learning processes, whereas Morgan-Short et al.
New Directions in the Study of Implicit and Explicit Learning 193

were able to establish links between the recruitment of particular neu-

ral circuits and performance on behavioral measures of declarative
and procedural memory.

Received 30 January 2015

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