American Presidents and Israeli Settlements Since 1967
American Presidents and Israeli Settlements Since 1967
American Presidents and Israeli Settlements Since 1967
Israeli nationals to the Arab West Bank and East Jerusalem has long been identified
as a major contributor to the lingering absence of peace in that part of the world.
What distinguishes this study form others before it is its emphasis on the policy
of each individual American president and his reaction to the egregious dismissal
of international law as it applies to the Israeli-Palestinian issue. In the process,
Professor Cairo also succeeds in clarifying the ways in which American foreign
policy decisions are reached.
—Ghada Hashem Talhami, Lake Forest College, USA
This new series sets out to publish high-quality works by leading and emerging
scholars critically engaging with United States Foreign Policy. The series
welcomes a variety of approaches to the subject and draws on scholarship from
international relations, security studies, international political economy, foreign
policy analysis and contemporary international history.
Subjects covered include the role of administrations and institutions, the
media, think tanks, ideologues and intellectuals, elites, transnational corporations,
public opinion, and pressure groups in shaping foreign policy, US relations with
individual nations, with global regions and global institutions and America’s
evolving strategic and military policies.
The series aims to provide a range of books—from individual research
monographs and edited collections to textbooks and supplemental reading for
scholars, researchers, policy analysts and students.
Michael F. Cairo
First published 2023
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© 2023 Michael F. Cairo
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A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
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ISBN: 978-1-032-26217-8 (hbk)
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DOI: 10.4324/9781003287131
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
To Carey, Max, and Sophia
Contents
Acknowledgmentsx
1 Introduction 1
9 Settled 192
References200
Index219
Acknowledgments
This book began almost a decade ago. As a result, I have incurred many debts.
First, in 2016, the project was interrupted by my administrative service as
Associate Dean and then Interim Dean of the University. As Interim Dean, I had
the pleasure and honor to serve alongside President John Williams, a 1974 graduate
of Transylvania University and current member of the University’s Board of
Trustees. John understood the importance of research and my desire to return
to the classroom. As part of the completion of my administrative service to the
University, John granted me a one-year sabbatical so that I could write this book.
I am deeply grateful.
Also, throughout the early stages of the research for this book, I spent time
in six presidential libraries: Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard M. Nixon, Gerald R.
Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, and George H.W. Bush. I am appreciative of
the expertise and assistance of the archivists at each of these libraries. I am also
thankful for the grant support I received to travel to each of these libraries, includ-
ing a Gerald R. Ford Presidential Foundation grant and three different Transylva-
nia University faculty development fund grants: the Kenan Fund for Faculty and
Student Enrichment, the Jones Faculty Development Program, and the Byron and
Judy Gaines Young Faculty Development Fund.
I am fortunate to be at a university that prides itself on teaching. As a result,
I am thankful that several undergraduate students at Transylvania University
assisted me in annotating and summarizing the voluminous archival materials
I collected from presidential libraries. They are Quentin Becker (Lyndon B. John-
son), Chanslor Gallenstein (Richard Nixon), Daniel Lyvers (Jimmy Carter), Eliz-
abeth Hardt (Ronald Reagan), and Josh Landry (George H.W. Bush). I also want
to thank Lauren Gilbert for her enthusiastic and insightful conversations about
Israel.
I would be remiss if I did not thank the Routledge staff for their excellent work.
Rob Sorsby, Senior Editor, and his team were professional and always helpful.
I also want to thank the editors of the Studies in U.S. Foreign Policy series, John
Dumbrell and Inderjeet Parmar, for their support.
Finally, I could not have completed this book without the constant encourage-
ment of my colleagues, friends, and family. I thank Transylvania University Dean
Rebecca Thomas and Associate Dean Sarah Bray for being truly exemplary and
Acknowledgments xi
supportive colleagues. Additionally, I thank my colleagues in Political Science,
Don Dugi and Steve Hess, for their backing. Gratitude must also go to Susan
Brown, Director of the J. Douglas Gay Jr./Frances Carrick Thomas Library at
Transylvania University, and her staff for their assistance throughout this project.
No university can survive without a strong library. All of us in the Division of
Social Sciences at Transylvania University are also blessed to have an excellent,
supportive, and always helpful Administrative Assistant, Katie Banks.
Deep appreciation also goes to the friendship of our neighborhood “porch sit-
ters,” whose laughter and joy sustained me throughout the project.
Most important is the love of my family. My parents, Chick and Valerie Cairo,
always encouraged my love of learning and supported me throughout my educa-
tion. I cannot thank them enough for their love.
The love of my wife, Carey, and children, Max and Sophia, knows no bounds.
They were always patient with me when I was frustrated and supportive of me
when this project stalled. They know better than anyone else how much went into
this book. I am a better person because of their love and affection.
1 Introduction
The waiting period would be the time it takes for them to obtain internal
approvals and to obviously create the documentation, the calibration, the
mapping. . . . If they wish to apply Israeli law to those areas allocated to
Israel, we will recognize it.8
The Trump Plan essentially incorporated the narrative and political position of
Israel’s political leadership.
Since 1967, all American presidents had to grapple with the challenge of Israeli
territorial acquisition and settlements. According to the Population Registry of
Israel’s Interior Ministry, there were just over 400,000 Jewish settlers in the West
Bank by December 2016; this did not include the Jewish residents of East Jerusa-
lem, approximately 360,000. This represented nearly a 24% growth in settlement
Introduction 3
Table 1.1 Israeli settlements (West Bank and Gaza Strip)
1970 — —
1972 1,500 —
1975 3,200 520
1980 12,500 1,790
1985 46,100 1,660
1990 81,900 1,870
1995 134,300 2,854
2000 198,300 4,958
2005 247,300 2,028
2010 311,100 741
2015 385,900 1,963
2019/2020 463,353 (2019)** 1,285 (2020)
* Data before 2005 includes construction starts of housing units in
settlements in the Gaza Strip.
** 2019 Settler data is from AP and TOI Staff, “West Bank settlements
report rapid growth in 2019,” The Times of Israel (28 January 2020),
https://www.timesofisrael.com/west-bank-settlements-report-
rapid-growth-in-2019/.
Source: Data is from PeaceNow.org. https://peacenow.org.il/en/
settlements-watch/settlements-data.
activity since 2010.9 And in 2019, the population of the Israeli settlements in the
West Bank rose to 463,353, an increase of 3% from the previous year.10 (See
Table 1.1 and Figure 1.1.)
More important, the expansion of a Jewish presence throughout the West
Bank and East Jerusalem renders change more difficult, establishing “facts on
the ground.” As United Nations Peace Process Envoy Robert Serry explained in
2015:
[T]he Two State Solution (TSS) is slipping away and . . . instead, Israelis
and Palestinians are heading towards . . . a “One State reality”. . . . [Con-
struction in settlements] has fundamentally (and should we add: irrevers-
ibly?) changed realities on the ground with more than 500,000 settlers living
nowadays across the 67-lines in what is for them “Judea and Samaria”—the
heartland of previous ancient Jewish kingdoms.11
first settlement arose. Israeli prime minister Levi Eshkol unofficially authorized
the settlement at Kfar Etzion south of Jerusalem without consultation when he
gave permission to Hanan Porat and his followers to spend Rosh Hashanah in the
area but encouraged them to stay after the Holy Days.12 Kfar Etzion, thus, became
the beginnings of Eretz Ysrael (Greater Israel).
In addition to authorizing the creation of settlements, the Israeli government
annexed East Jerusalem and much of the surrounding area in the West Bank,
forming one undivided city. One dozen Jewish settlements were constructed in the
Introduction 5
annexed areas. According to the international community, international law, and
United Nations Security Council resolutions, including Resolutions 446 (1979),
452 (1979), 465 (1980), and 1515 (2003), all Israeli settlements lack legal validity
under the Fourth Geneva Convention. But the settlement movement has always
looked to a higher law for its guidance.
The Israeli settlement movement is driven by divine providence; the only law
that applies is God’s law. The settlement movement is redemptionist, vision-
ary, and territory-centered. Hanan Porat, the charismatic leader of the settlement
movement, described their activities as the Zionism of Redemption.13 The primary
focus of the movement was the settlement of the West Bank heartland, Biblical
Judea and Samaria. Its vision is that of a Jewish state, not within its internationally
recognized borders but within all of Palestine embracing an absolute devotion to
rabbinical laws. Thus, the settlement movement sees its path as righteous.
The movement found an early benefactor in Ariel Sharon. From 1977 to 1981,
Sharon served in the Ministry of Agriculture and created the Civil Administra-
tion to oversee the administration of the occupied territories. Sharon’s legacy can
largely be tied to the growth in Israeli settlements; he personally selected areas for
settlements, which were intended to alter facts on the ground, making a two-state
solution virtually impossible.14 Most governments regard this policy as a violation
of international law. In 2004, the International Court of Justice confirmed this in
an advisory opinion.15
The Argument
While the American-Israeli relationship may have been created in the aftermath of
the Holocaust and World War II, the relationship was cemented during the Lyndon
B. Johnson (LBJ) administration. Prior to 1967, presidents took considerable care
to avoid the appearance of favoritism toward Israel. Notwithstanding his recogni-
tion of the State of Israel, President Harry S. Truman signed the Tripartite Dec-
laration of 1950. The Declaration committed the United States, France, and the
United Kingdom to take action within and outside the United Nations to prevent
violations of the frontiers or armistice lines; it also outlined their commitment to
peace and stability in the area and their opposition to the use or threat of force,
and reiterated their opposition to the development of an arms race in the region.
President Dwight Eisenhower also exercised an even-handed approach during the
1956 Suez crisis. During the crisis, the United States, with support from Soviet
Union at the United Nations intervened on behalf of Egypt to force a British,
French, and Israeli withdrawal. Furthermore, despite the initiation of arms sales
to Israel during the John F. Kennedy administration, the United States continued
to be viewed as impartial in the region.
Beginning with the LBJ administration and continuing throughout the 1970s,
the United States publicly continued to appear impartial. In particular, presidents
rhetorically supported the applicability of international law and the unlawful
character of settlements. However, the Johnson, Nixon, Ford, and Carter adminis-
trations did little to reverse the construction and expansion of Israeli settlements.
6 Introduction
Furthermore, the Johnson, Nixon, and Ford administrations, in particular, sent
mixed signals regarding Israel’s withdrawal from the occupied territories. More-
over, while the Carter administration declared Israeli settlements illegal, it did
little else to stop the settlement enterprise. By the end of Carter’s administra-
tion, the United States found itself reversing Carter’s forceful condemnation of
settlements.
With the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, the Israeli settler movement
received further support. Reagan reversed Carter’s declaration and argued that
the settlements were not illegal.16 Since the Reagan administration, Ameri-
can presidents have publicly opposed settlement activity to various degrees,
but not on the basis of their illegality. Rather, presidents have described them
as unwise, unhelpful, or obstacles to peace. Most notably, even when presi-
dents have had opportunities to confront Israel on Israeli settlements directly,
domestic pressure and the reality of Israel as a reliable ally in the region have
prevented serious presidential action beyond rhetoric and condemnation. The
Trump administration’s acknowledgment and support of Israeli settlements
reflect the reality of American policy. Far from being an aberration, the Trump
policy toward Israeli settlements is the unfortunate culmination of over 50 years
of American foreign policy.
This book tells the story of American presidents, their administrations, and
Israeli settlement activity. It focuses on presidents and their administrations
because they have a decisive role in articulating and crafting American policy with
regard to Israeli settlements and settlement activity. Since the United States and
Israel embraced the idea of a “common fate,” American policymakers elevated
Israel to an important position in American foreign policy, sometimes equating the
interests of Israel with those of the United States. Israeli leaders often understood
this and used it to their advantage. Following the September 11, 2001, attacks on
the United States, for example, Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon generated a
sense of shared threat by referring to Yasser Arafat as Israel’s Osama bin Laden.17
In addition, American leaders ignored the significance of Israel at their own peril.
American presidents and presidential candidates have, thus, emphasized the spe-
cialness of the relationship with great veracity. Moreover, American presidents’
associations with Israel have impacted the course of the American-Israeli rela-
tionship and American perceptions of settlement activity. These associations
and perceptions produced stereotypes of and assumptions about America’s allies
and enemies in the Middle East, and, in turn, these stereotypes and assumptions
impacted American decision-making in its relationship with Israel. While Ameri-
can policy has often been rhetorically consistent with regard to settlement activ-
ity, policy is impacted by presidential images of the Middle East and its place in
the world. A president’s view of and pressures from Congress, media, the public,
and advisors influence policy and can significantly influence the American-Israeli
relationship.
William Quandt has suggested that the policy perspective of the president and
his advisors is the most important factor in understanding the American approach
Introduction 7
to the Arab-Israeli peace process.18 More significant, according to noted political
scientist Stanley Renshon:
Yaacov Vertzberger agrees, arguing, “[T]he individual’s belief set represents all
the hypotheses and theories that he is convinced are valid at a given moment.”20
Most scholarly work on the American-Israeli relationship, however, empha-
sizes the systemic or domestic political levels of analysis, underemphasizing the
importance of the president and the president’s advisors. At the systemic level,
scholars emphasize strategic relations and the national interest. A clear under-
standing of the national interest, however, requires agreement on foreign policy
objectives and assumes that leaders behave rationally. Since decision makers are
often under pressure to act, possess inadequate information, and must make deci-
sions under uncertain circumstances, the idea that leaders are rational decision
makers is, at best, questionable. Ideally, decisions may be a consequence of cost-
benefit analysis of alternative courses of action with comprehensive information.
This is rarely the case; in general, foreign policy decision makers act based on
their predisposed perceptions and cognitive constructs.
At the domestic political level, scholars have focused on the role of the Jewish
and Evangelical Christian communities in America’s commitment to and support
for Israel. In The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, John Mearsheimer and
Stephen Walt argue that foreign policy should be directed by the national inter-
est, but the overall thrust of American foreign policy in the Middle East has pri-
marily been impacted by domestic politics, especially the activities of the “Israel
lobby.”21 Mearsheimer and Walt argue:
Stephen Spector23 and Timothy Weber24 have examined Christian support for
Israel, the Christian Zionist movement, and its impact on the domestic politi-
cal system. They argue Christian Zionists have provided political support and
financial assistance to Israel and were particularly influential during the George
W. Bush administration. Michael Thomas concludes, “American policy toward
Israel is unusually, perhaps uniquely, subject to constraints reflecting broad public
8 Introduction
affinity with the Jewish state and enforced by an energized and effective network
of advocates.”25
But, the domestic political explanations are also lacking. To simply suggest
American foreign policy in the Middle East has been controlled by pressures from
the Israel lobby ignores much of the story. For one, it completely ignores the role
of the pro-Arab lobby, “funded in significant measure by foreign oil money.”26
In addition, it denies agency in policy-making. Domestic political explanations
assume, for example, that the Israel lobby acted as Israel’s proxy and drove the
United States into war against Iraq in 2003. This perspective denies the fact that
President George W. Bush and his advisors were predisposed to view Saddam
Hussein as evil and Iraq as a menacing state that required a military solution.
Moreover, presidential perceptions of domestic interest groups impact the power
of these interest groups. While every president is aware of the domestic pressures
affecting America’s policy toward Israel and the Middle East, how each presi-
dent deals with these pressures is different. Most significant, however, is that the
domestic political explanation absolves policymakers of authority and account-
ability, and denies the fact that the Israel lobby often plays a foil to administra-
tions, choosing to defy American foreign policy decisions.
This book takes account of the significant role of each president in policy mak-
ing toward Israel. In particular, it considers how their views of Israel and Israeli
occupation of the territories it controlled after 1967 impacted policy choices. After
1967, the United States and Israel embraced the idea of a “common fate.” Ameri-
can policymakers elevated Israel to an important position in American foreign
policy, sometimes equating the interests of Israel with those of the United States.
As noted, Israeli leaders often understood this and used it to their advantage. The
close relationships between LBJ and Levi Eshkol, Bill Clinton and Yitzhak Rabin,
and George W. Bush and Ariel Sharon, for example, enhanced Israel’s ability to
expand settlements and increase settlement construction. As a result, Israeli settle-
ment activity offers a good case of the interaction between the United States and
Israel, and presidents and prime ministers, noting the special role that presidents
have played in the American-Israeli relationship.
The remainder of this book examines American foreign policy toward Israeli
occupation and Israeli settlement activity since 1967. Throughout, the book dem-
onstrates the ways in which the United States has accommodated, acquiesced, and
often capitulated to Israeli policies in the occupied territories, particularly Israeli
settlement policy. Subsequent chapters examine each president and their admin-
istration since 1967. Each chapter begins with a brief analysis of the president’s
perceptions and attitudes about Israel and American foreign policy in the Mid-
dle East. Then, the chapters focus on American relations with Israel, specifically
emphasizing American policy toward Israeli settlements and occupation. The
book concludes by demonstrating how American accommodation, acquiescence,
and capitulation to Israeli settlements have “settled” the issue. It illustrates that
the Trump administration’s near-total support of Israel, and specifically Israeli
settlements, was hardly new. Rather, the Trump policy was merely the acknowl-
edgment of 50 years of American foreign policy.
Introduction 9
Notes
1 Quoted in Maria Kahn, “Netanyahu Admits ‘Profound Disagreement’ with Obama,”
International Business Times, February 11, 2015, accessed April 9, 2015, http://www.
ibtimes.co.uk/netanyahu-admits-profound-disagreement-obama-1487440.
2 Mark Landler, “With Netanyahu, Obama Plays Bad Cop to Kerry’s Good Cop,”
The New York Times, March 6, 2014, accessed April 10, 2015, http://www.nytimes.
com/2014/03/07/world/middleeast/with-netanyahu-obama-plays-bad-cop-to-kerrys-
good-cop.html.
3 Quoted in Carrie Dann and Andrea Mitchell, “Trump and Israel on a Collision
Course with Obama over UN Resolution,” NBC News, December 22, 2016, accessed
June 19, 2017, http://www.nbcnews.com/politics/white-house/trump-calls-obama-
veto-un-settlement-resolution-n699036.
4 “Netanyahu ‘Pleased’ with Trump’s Choice of David Friedman as Israel Envoy,”
i24 News, December 16, 2016, accessed June 20, 2017, https://www.i24news.tv/
en/news/israel/diplomacy-defense/132744-161216-trump-names-adviser-david-
friedman-for-ambassador-to-israel.
5 Peter Baker, “Trump Adopts a Harder Line on Israeli Settlements,” The New York Times,
February 10, 2017, accessed June 20, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/10/
world/middleeast/trump-adopts-a-harder-line-on-israeli-settlements.html.
6 The White House, “Peace to Prosperity: A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Pales-
tinian and Israeli People,” January 28, 2020, 10–11, accessed May 1, 2021, https://
trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/peacetoprosperity/.
7 Ibid., 12.
8 Friedman quoted in: “Ambassador Friedman: Israel ‘Does Not Have to Wait’ to Annex
Settlements,” Jewish News Syndicate, January 28, 2020, accessed May 1, 2021,
https://www.jns.org/ambassador-friedman-israel-does-not-have-to-wait-to-annex-set-
tlements/.
9 See Baruch Gordon, “The Precise Number of Jews in the ‘West Bank’,” Arutz Sheva:
Israelnationalnews.com, March 6, 2016, accessed June 21, 2017, http://www.israel
nationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/213234; “Population Statistics for Israeli Settle-
ments in the West Bank,” Wikipedia.com, accessed June 21, 2017, https://en.wikipedia.
org/wiki/Population_statistics_for_Israeli_settlements_in_the_West_Bank.
10 See AP and TOI Staff, “West Bank Settlements Report Rapid Growth in 2019,” The
Times of Israel, January 28, 2020, accessed April 23, 2021, https://www.timesofisrael.
com/west-bank-settlements-report-rapid-growth-in-2019/.
11 Robert Serry, “The Vanishing Prospects for a Two State Solution,” UPEACE Cen-
tre The Hague’s Fifth Lecture on “Peacebuilding in Progress,” September 9, 2015,
accessed June 21, 2017, http://www.upeace.nl/cp/uploads/downloadsnieuws/The%20
vanishing%20prospects%20for%20a%20two%20state%20solution,%20Lecture%20
Robert%20Serry,%209%20Sept%202015.pdf.
12 See Gershon Gorenberg, The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of Settlements,
1967–1977 (New York: Holt, 2006), 112–13.
13 Gabe Kahn, “Zionism Is About Redemption,” Arutz Sheva Israel National News,
March 27, 2011, accessed December 19, 2020, https://www.israelnationalnews.com/
News/News.aspx/143172.
14 See Benjamin Studebaker, The Legacy of Ariel Sharon, accessed June 26, 2017, https://
benjaminstudebaker.com/2014/01/12/the-legacy-of-ariel-sharon/; Max Blumen-
thal, Goliath: Life and Loathing in Greater Israel (New York: Nation Books, 2013),
79–82.
15 See “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian
Territories: Advisory Opinion,” International Court of Justice, July 9, 2004, accessed
June 26, 2017, http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?pr=71&code=mwp&p1 = 3&p
2 = 4&p3 = 6.
10 Introduction
16 Transcript of Telephone Press Conference with Jewish Press Association. June 13,
1980. Ronald Reagan 1980 Presidential Campaign Papers, 1964–1980. Meese Files.
Speeches/Statements. Press Conferences/Interviews. Box 154. Ronald Reagan Library.
17 Brian Whitaker, “Sharon Likens Arafat to Bin Laden,” The Guardian, September 14,
2001, accessed July 25, 2014, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2001/sep/14/israel.
september11.
18 See William B. Quandt, Decade of Decisions: American Policy Toward the Arab-
Israeli Conflict, 1967–1976 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1977); Wil-
liam B. Quandt, Camp David: Peacemaking and Politics (Washington, DC: Brookings
Institution Press, 1986); William B. Quandt, Peace Process: American Diplomacy
and the Arab-Israeli Conflict Since 1967, 3rd ed. (Washington, DC and Berkeley, CA:
Brookings Institution Press and University of California Press, 2005).
19 Stanley Renshon, “The Political Mind: National Security Informs McCain’s World-
view,” Politico.com, May 27, 2008, accessed April 21, 2015, http://www.politico.com/
news/stories/0508/10616.html.
20 Yaacov Vertzberger, The World in Their Minds: Information Processing, Cognition,
and Perception in Foreign Policy Decisionmaking (Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1990), 114.
21 John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy
(New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2008).
22 John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, “The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Pol-
icy,” Middle East Policy XIII, no. 3 (Fall 2006): 30.
23 Stephen Spector, Evangelicals and Israel: The Story of American Christian Zionism
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2009).
24 Timothy P. Weber, On the Road to Armageddon: How Evangelicals Became Israel’s
Best Friend (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2004).
25 Michael Thomas, American Policy Toward Israel: The Power and Limits of Beliefs
(New York: Routledge, 2007), 17.
26 Jeff Robbins, “Anti-Semitism and the Anti-Israel Lobby,” The Wall Street Jour-
nal, September 7, 2007, accessed June 15, 2015, http://www.wsj.com/articles/
SB118912590978320145.
2 Lyndon B. Johnson
The Problem of Territorial Integrity
DOI: 10.4324/9781003287131-2
12 Lyndon B. Johnson
also manipulated Arab hostility toward Israel. Thus, the region was faced with the
danger of not only a regional war but also a great power war.
Johnson’s turn toward Israel reflected a realistic view of the situation, but it also
led to mixed signals and American acquiescence in the face of Israel’s refusal to
withdraw from the territories conquered during the 1967 war. LBJ’s preoccupa-
tion with Cold War strategic issues, particularly the potential for an arms race
and increasing Soviet influence, resulted in a pragmatic approach to peace fol-
lowing the crisis. While emphasizing territorial integrity and political independ-
ence, the Johnson administration also settled on the idea that Israeli occupation
of the territories conquered in the 1967 war could be used as a bargaining chip in
any peace negotiations. Moreover, the administration believed that they could not
abandon Israel and force it to withdraw without concrete agreements protecting
Israeli security. As a result, while the administration rhetorically opposed Israeli
actions, including the introduction of settlements, in the occupied territories, it
never applied the necessary pressure to encourage the Israelis to shift their policy.
Thus, by the end of the Johnson presidency, Israel’s position had hardened.
To put it simply, the United Nations cannot apply one rule for the strong and
another for the weak; it cannot organize its economic weight against the little
State when it has not previously made even a pretense of doing so against the
large States. I have . . . seen no suggestions . . . of the application of economic
sanctions against the USSR. . . . I have been urging . . . a determined effort . . .
to go to the root causes of the troubles in the Middle East. One of these causes
has been the hostile activity against Israel on the part of Egypt. . . . I think
you will agree that it is not utterly unreasonable for Israel to request guaran-
tees . . . that these attacks against her will not once more be prevalent. . . .
I have seen no suggestion . . . that economic sanctions should be applied
against Egypt to force that State to agree to permanent cessation of hostile
activities . . . the merits, justice and the morality in this situation are clear.6
In a private letter on the eve of his election to the vice presidency, Johnson
shared his very personal thoughts on Israel and the special relationship.
I think the only real test of a man’s attitude on Israel . . . is his past record. . . .
I have actively supported the establishment of the State of Israel and have
consistently advocated a policy of friendship for and aid to Israel. Friendship
and support for Israel are deeply rooted in the American people. The efforts
which the Israelis have made in the rehabilitation of hundreds of thousands
14 Lyndon B. Johnson
of refugees and in the development of their country . . . remind us of the
heroism of our own pioneering era during the early phases of American His-
tory . . . people look with admiration at the achievements of small Israel. . . .
Israel has become a show-case for democracy and it is up to all believers in
democracy everywhere to support Israel in every possible way. . . . The world
community, including the United States, cannot and will never allow Israel to
be conquered by force.7
I can tell you that no one excels this extra-ordinary leader in breadth, vision,
understanding and humanity. . . . There is nothing narrow or provincial about
[his] views. . . . Fundamentally, this great man is a humanitarian . . . I have
always recognized the justice of Israel’s claims to the moral and material
support of the United States . . . to a very substantial degree, Israel is the
touchstone of the world . . . its preservation and encouragement are essential
to the interests and aspirations of humanity.8
The administration’s concern that Jordan would get planes from the Soviets
if the United States failed to supply them dictated the policy decision. However,
the administration’s decision was complicated by the fact that Jordan and Israel
remained in a state of war, and Israel feared a growing Jordanian military presence
in the West Bank. In addition, the administration was concerned that domestic
opposition to the bill might be enough to cause Congress to reject the Jordanian
arms sales.19 Johnson directed the State Department to assure the Israelis that the
supply of weapons to Jordan would not threaten their survival; in a memorandum
16 Lyndon B. Johnson
from Secretary of State Dean Rusk to President Johnson, Rusk concluded, “All
our estimates continue to show Israel as maintaining its military superiority over
the Arab states for the foreseeable future.”20 However, the administration never
believed that Eshkol’s government would accept this argument; therefore, John-
son searched for concessions that might satisfy the Israelis. As a result, the United
States conceded the nuclear nonproliferation policy that had emerged in the Ken-
nedy administration, deferring any pressure on Israel until the conclusion of the
Jordanian arms deal.
President Johnson, in particular, was also concerned about the domestic reper-
cussions of selling arms to Jordan. Writing to National Security Adviser McGeorge
Bundy, Robert Komer argued:
[I]t became crystal clear that the President’s chief reason for not accepting the
repeated State/DOD/CIA recommendation was his concern over US domes-
tic reaction. . . . So I kept pressing on State to face up to fact that if we agreed
to sell [to] Jordan, we’d have to sell Israel too—as the only way of protection
our domestic flank.21
On March 1, 1965, Secretary of State Rusk recommended that the United States
supply military equipment to Jordan as well as Israel in order to “abort [Israel’s]
strong adverse reaction.”24 As a result, the administration promised 100 tanks to
match the sale of American tanks to Jordan, as well as 90 additional M-48A1 and
M-48A3 tanks. President Johnson also committed to provide Israel with planes as
long as Israel agreed not to attack the Jordanian arms deal. Komer made clear that
“any further noises” from Israel would be regarded as a “breach of trust.”25 John-
son told Senator Abraham Ribicoff, “I have really saved [Eshkol], and gone to bat
with his equipment and stuff.”26 Prior to the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, the Johnson
administration was positioning the United States with Israel; the war solidified
this relationship.
While the United States initially hoped that the 1965 arms sale to Israel would
not constitute a precedent, it soon became clear that this was only the beginning of
military cooperation. In early 1966, the United States agreed to sell 48 A-4 Sky-
hawk bombers, hoping to defer pressure from Israel for direct security guarantees.
Israeli foreign minister Abba Eban expressed the significance of the agreement,
Lyndon B. Johnson 17
arguing that it was “a development of tremendous political value” and part of the
continuous “intensification of the existing U.S. commitment.”27
The NIE concluded that it would be difficult for the United States to maintain rela-
tions with both Israel and the Arab states.
The deepening of the strategic relationship with the United States was wel-
come news for Eshkol and Israel. Syria was sponsoring regular Palestinian raids
against Israel, and in October 1966, Egypt and Syria signed a mutual defense
agreement. Moreover, the terrorist attacks on Israeli soil had led to domestic
criticism against the Eshkol government. In response, on November 13, 1966,
Eshkol authorized Operation Shredder, a raid into the West Bank retaliating
against Arab villages deemed to be supporting Palestinian terrorist attacks
against Israel. The Israelis planned a quick surgical strike, but a battle between
the Israel Defense Force and Jordanian soldiers near the village of Samu resulted
in the deaths of 15 Jordanian soldiers and three Palestinian civilians. In the after-
math of the conflict, riots broke out in the West Bank, threatening to destabilize
Jordan’s government.
The American response aimed to avoid a conflict in the region. National Secu-
rity Adviser Walt Rostow, who had replaced McGeorge Bundy, explained that
Israel
promptly called Abe Feinberg to pass the blunt word that Israel was “going
too far” in striking Jordan and had better lay off. . . . I told Harman that
you fully understood Israel’s problems, but that use of force was dubious at
best and use of disproportionate force—against Jordan to boot—was folly
indeed. It undermined the whole US effort to maintain Jordanian stability,
18 Lyndon B. Johnson
which was so much in Israel’s own interest that Israel’s action was almost
incomprehensible.30
While President Johnson questioned the Israeli action, saying, “I just think they’re
damn fools to let [King] Hussein get thrown out,”31 he stopped short of withhold-
ing military aid to Israel.
However, concerns about Israeli actions continued to reverberate within the
administration. The State Department expressed concern over too close a military
relationship with Israel, particularly when Israel’s nuclear intentions were unclear.
Moreover, State suggested that supplying “the requested [Armored Personnel
Carriers (APCs)] to Israel would run contrary to the restraint that is an essential
part of our policy.”32 The Defense Department also shared State’s concerns, sug-
gesting a reduction in the number of APCs the United States should supply to
Israel.33 Despite this, Johnson continued to express his desire “to do everything
we can to help the Israelis.”34
On May 23, 1967, the eve of war in the Middle East, President Johnson author-
ized the sale of APCs and Hawk and tank spare parts to Israel.35 Johnson’s decision
proved significant since the Egyptian government had moved 75,000 troops into
the Sinai beginning May 16; Nasser then demanded the withdrawal of the United
Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) stationed in the Sinai as a buffer between
Israel and Egypt since 1957. This followed Nasser’s April decision to close the
Straits of Tiran, which controlled access to the Gulf of Aqaba and Israel’s southern
port, Eilat.
Nasser’s actions convinced American policymakers that Egypt was more dan-
gerous than it had perceived. President Johnson expressed his deep concern with
the “potentially explosive aspects of the present confrontation.” The closing of
the Straits of Tiran, he added, was “arbitrary and dangerous.”36 At the same time,
Johnson cautioned Eshkol “to avoid any action on your side which would add
further to the violence and tension in your area.” In addition to urging restraint,
Johnson also made clear that the United States would not support Israeli actions
without prior consultation.37 Throughout the crisis, the administration aimed
to “prevent Israel from being destroyed and. . . [stopping] aggression—either
through the UN or on our own.”38 In particular, the United States was concerned
that Israeli “preemptive action . . . would cause extreme difficulty.”39 President
Johnson concurred, telling Israeli foreign minister Abba Eban that “Israel need
not be alone unless it chooses to go alone.”40
Most within the administration believed that they had time to broker a settle-
ment, but despite his pressure on Israel urging restraint, Johnson believed that
Israel would attack: “They’re going to hit. There’s nothing we can do about it.”41
Johnson was right. The administration’s attempts to restrain Israel had failed. On
June 5, 1967, war broke out. Two days before the war, on June 3, President John-
son wrote to Prime Minister Eshkol outlining the American position in the Middle
East crisis. First, “the United States supported the territorial integrity and political
independence of all countries of the Middle East.” And, “ ‘As a leading maritime
nation, [the United States has] a vital interest in upholding freedom of the seas.’ ”42
Lyndon B. Johnson 19
The War’s Aftermath
The 1967 war began after an initial air strike by the Israelis that neutralized the
Egyptian Air Force; this was followed by an Israeli ground attack that moved deep
into the Sinai Peninsula and the Gaza Strip. Meanwhile, King Hussein of Jordan
entered the war only to see the rapid destruction of the Jordanian Air Force. King
Hussein then rejected an Israeli offer of a ceasefire, and the Israel Defense Forces
moved into the West Bank. While Syria initially stayed out of the conflict, Syria’s
entry into the war was met by an Israeli air attack on Syrian airfields. By June 10,
1967, Israel had completed its final offensive. On June 11, a ceasefire was signed,
leaving Israel in possession of the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank,
including East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights.43
Initially, the United States focused on restraining Israel, but once war broke out
the administration decided “to go for a full Arab-Israeli settlement and not just
another truce.”44 In addition, American decision makers emphasized the impor-
tance of preventing the Soviet Union from exploiting the war for their own gains.
The fear was that if the United States were to “over-embrace Israel,” it “would
give the Soviets even more of a free ride with the Arabs.”45 Thus, American pol-
icy focused on limiting Soviet gains and, as a result, tried to maintain a delicate
balancing act between support for Israel and moderate Arab states. According to
Ambassador William J. Porter:
[T]he U.S. goal should have been a solution to avoid clear-cut U.S. support for
Israel and . . . to provide Israel with the means to salvage the maximum from
the current situation. . . . It appeared . . . that Russian interests had been best
served by forcing the United States into the position of supporting the Israelis.46
“he was not sure [the United States was] out of our troubles.” He could not
visualize the USSR saying it had miscalculated, and then walking away. Our
objective should be to “develop as few heroes and as few heels as we can.” It
is important for everybody to know we are not for aggression. We are sorry
this has taken place. We are in as good a position as we could be given the
complexities of the situation. We thought we [had] a commitment from those
governments, but it went up in smoke very quickly. The President said that by
the time we get through with all the festering problems we are going to wish
the war had not happened.47
did not think . . . that it was practical or realistic to expect the Israelis to
withdraw until there were assurances they would return to a condition of
peace. . . . [T]here were natural anxieties everywhere that the Israelis had
large territorial ambitions. We could not speak for the Israeli Government,
but our impression so far was that Israel did not want great territorial changes,
but peace and security.51
The administration suffered under the belief that Israel had no territorial ambi-
tions. Soon after, the administration moved to a policy of acquiescence regarding
Israel’s territorial gains. Most significantly, the administration quickly accepted
the Israeli position on the retention of Jerusalem.
On June 16, the United States became aware that Israel was planning to annex
all of Jerusalem. Reports from Israel noted that the Israeli government had “reset-
tled” residents of the Mughrabi Quarter of Jerusalem, which bordered the Western
Wall, for easier access by Israeli citizens.52 And, on July 1, Walworth Barbour,
American ambassador to Israel, described Israeli actions in Jerusalem as an “inevi-
tably present” fait accompli. Focusing on free access to and protection of religious
sites, Barbour expressed concerns about Israel’s territorial acquisitions but asked
“whether we have any real alternatives to making the best of a potentially good
Lyndon B. Johnson 21
situation.” Barbour noted that the territorial acquisitions had occurred because of
defensive action by Israel and added:
While the administration expressed concern about Israeli action both in Jerusalem
and in the other occupied territories, it did little more.
Both in private and public statements, the Israeli government was making its
position clear. On June 14, Israeli Ambassador to the United States Abraham Har-
man stated, “Israel would stay where it is in occupied territory.” In addition, on
June 21, Israeli foreign minister Abba Eban told Secretary of State Rusk, “The
‘natural thing’ was for Gaza to be in Israel.”54 On June 26, Israeli defense min-
ister Moshe Dayan publicly stated, “Israel was reserving all territorial decisions
and claims concerning the lands it conquered until after it had talked with the
Arabs face to face.” Israeli prime minister Levi Eshkol announced, “as long as our
neighbors continue in their policy of belligerence and prepare plans to destroy us
we will not return the areas now under our control.”55 These statements, and oth-
ers like them, were gradually forcing a choice for the United States.
On the one hand, the United States was expressing serious concern about Israeli
territorial occupation and control of the territories occupied during the war. How-
ever, those concerns were tempered by mixed signals of acquiescence and sup-
port for Israel’s position. On July 4 and 14, the United Nations General Assembly
adopted two resolutions on Jerusalem. The first called upon Israel to rescind
all measures and from taking any further action in Jerusalem, and the second
deplored Israel for its failure to implement the July 4 resolution. The United States
abstained in both cases.56 Moreover, in a memorandum for the president at the
end of July, McGeorge Bundy, who returned to the administration to coordinate
American policy during the crisis, wrote:
The Israeli position appears to be hardening as the Arabs still resist all direct
negotiations. . . . I think the evidence grows that they plan to keep not only
all of Jerusalem but the Gaza Strip and the West Bank too. . . . [W]e have no
practical way of opposing the Israeli position. We can insist on the principle
of “withdrawal from danger” but as a practical matter the Israelis will con-
tinue to confront the Arabs—and us—with small accomplished facts (today
they put in their currency in much of the occupied territory), and we will find
it unwise to take any practical action in reply. . . . I doubt if we can or should
make the Israeli view of Jerusalem or the West Bank into a federal case. We
can’t tell the Israelis to give things away to people who won’t even bargain
with them. We may very well be heading toward a de facto settlement on
22 Lyndon B. Johnson
the present cease-fire lines. . . . In sum, I think the current short-run position
should be one of quiet watchful waiting.57
The administration continued to express its concerns, but now the Israelis were
using Johnson’s own commitments to move American policy closer to Israeli
positions.
In a September 13 National Security Council meeting, U.S. Ambassador to the
United Nations Arthur Goldberg argued:
[T]here are signs of moderation in the Arab camp, and some signs of harden-
ing in the Israeli camp. . . . Israel takes the President’s statement of June 19
and uses the portions it likes and omits those portions it does not like. On the
withdrawal issue, they have referred to the President’s statement.58
There are some who have urged, as a single, simple solution, an immediate
return to the situation as it was on June 4. As our distinguished and able
Ambassador, Mr. Arthur Goldberg, has already said, this is not a prescrip-
tion for peace, but for renewed hostilities. Certainly troops must be with-
drawn, but there must also be recognized rights of national life, progress in
solving the refugee problem, freedom of innocent maritime passage, limita-
tion of the arms race, and respect for political independence and territorial
integrity.59
Moreover, Johnson emphasized that negotiations would not be imposed from the
outside, but that the “parties to the peace . . . must make a settlement in the area.”60
Johnson had substantiated Israel’s claims that occupation of the territories would
serve as an important bargaining prospect in any peace settlement. Of course,
Johnson believed they would actually be bargained.
Johnson’s concern for domestic political repercussions also played an impor-
tant role in the acquiescence of American policy. As Bruce Altschuler explains,
Johnson highly regarded public opinion polls, especially when they approved of
his policies.61 And American attitudes toward Israel’s swift victory were strong.
Polls showed a net shift of 12% of Americans
who felt more friendly toward Israel. . . . If one eliminates the undecided
opinions, it is evident that a very substantial majority of those opinions feel
that Israel should keep all of Jerusalem. . . . American attitudes toward Isra-
el’s role in the present . . . crisis are extremely favorable.62
[I]n the absence of a situation of peace, Israel would have to maintain its posi-
tions on the basis of considerations of national security but in a peace agree-
ment with Arabs they could be in a flexible negotiating position. . . . [Eban]
intimated there may be an exchange of territory over along the international
frontier in favor of Egypt.
In addition, Rostow noted that the West Bank “presented particularly difficult
problems.” On the one hand, incorporation of the West Bank into Israel “would
cause a total reshaping of Israeli politics.” On the other hand, “Creation of a Pales-
tinian state might simply increase irredentist desires.” Most significantly, Rostow
left the meeting with the clear understanding that Israel “had in mind some border
adjustments for security purposes.”63 Gradually, the administration was accepting
the argument that security required additional territory and redrawn borders.
By late October, the Israeli position was hardening and the Israelis were push-
ing to “maximize territorial security.” Israeli foreign minister Eban told Rostow,
“We cannot go back to June 5 lines.”64 Meanwhile, the United States and the
Soviet Union worked to pass United Nations Security Council Resolution 242.
Resolution 242 called for the “Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories
occupied in the recent conflict” and the “Termination of all claims or states of
belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial
integrity and political independence of every State in the area.”65 Known as the
“land for peace” resolution, it became the basis for future negotiations.
But, by the end of the year, the United States knew they faced a serious problem
with the occupied territories and the land for peace formula. Increasingly, border
violations, terrorist raids against Israel, and Israeli retaliatory attacks were under-
mining any movement toward peace. Harold Saunders expressed the administra-
tion’s dilemma in a memorandum to National Security Advisor Walt Rostow in
October 1967.
The paramount issue in Israel today . . . is how best to utilize the opportunity
created by Israel’s military victory . . . to get a satisfactory political settle-
ment, while safeguarding its enhanced security position. . . . Israeli lead-
ers are determined to retain and if possible increase the margin of Israel’s
military superiority over its Arab neighbors. . . . Eshkol . . . will want as
firm and explicit a U.S. commitment as possible. . . . Our position since the
June hostilities has been one of support for the Israeli view that pre-June
conditions should not be restored. We have agreed . . . that the armistice
agreements and armistice lines should be replaced with a lasting settlement
based on secure and mutually acknowledge borders. . . . We believe and
have publicly stated that there should be no return to the dangerous and
insecure situation that prevailed before June 5. . . . The United States voted
for the Security Council resolution calling for withdrawal of Israeli forces
from occupied territories. We believe Israel should withdraw within agreed
frontiers. . . . Finally, we urge Israel to suspend actions in Jerusalem (such
as the establishment of Israeli Government offices in the Old City) and on
the West Bank (such as the destruction of villages for security purposes)
which lend credence to Arab suspicions that a final peace settlement is being
prejudged.70
On the one hand, the administration expressed concern about prejudging a peace
settlement with actions in Jerusalem and the West Bank. Yet the administration
also supported Israel’s desire not to return to the pre-June 5 situation and for
Lyndon B. Johnson 25
secure and recognized borders. Moreover, the administration was moving closer
to the view that withdrawal did not necessarily mean total withdrawal. Rather,
American policymakers were beginning to accept the idea that territory could be
negotiated. The United States was sending mixed signals, and soon they would
find it very difficult to reverse course.
Israeli territorial occupation, however, remained a significant concern for
American policymakers. On April 8, 1968, Secretary of State Rusk, again, noted
American concerns with Israeli activity in the occupied territories, specifically the
establishment of settlements, and instructed the American Embassy in Israel to
reiterate those concerns.
Yet, by July, the United States focused on Israeli concerns for “recognized and
secure boundaries” and, despite statements to the contrary, relied on past Israeli
assurances regarding territorial acquisitions. The United States played down the
legal issues associated with territorial occupation and instead emphasized the
challenges occupation presented to the peace process. Newly appointed United
States Ambassador to the United Nations George Ball told Foreign Minister Eban:
While Ball stressed the unnaturalness of occupation, he never referred to its ille-
gality. This, coupled with earlier American private and public statements, sent
mixed signals regarding Israeli occupation. Those signals would continue to com-
plicate discussions.
26 Lyndon B. Johnson
The administration expressed concerns about Israeli territorial acquisitions, but
also wanted to provide Israel with maneuverability in negotiations. On Novem-
ber 15, 1968, Undersecretary of State Nicholas Katzenbach relayed a conversation
he had with Israeli ambassador Yitzhak Rabin to President Johnson. Katzenbach
explained:
[W]e rely on past Israeli assurances that they have no territorial ambitions . . .
and . . . we are disturbed by recent indications that at least some members of
the Israeli Government are thinking of major territorial acquisitions. While
we have long made known to the Israelis our opposition to territorial expan-
sion on their part, we have in the past refrained from injecting ourselves into
the substantive negotiating process in order to permit them to play their hand
as they have thought best.
The United States, as a matter of policy, does not envisage a Jordan which
consists only of the East Bank. The United States is prepared [for] a return
of the West Bank with minor boundary rectifications. However, the United
States would use its influence to obtain compensation to Jordan for any ter-
ritory it is required to give up. . . . The territorial assurances that we have
given Hussein are manifestly inconsistent with any proposal that would place
‘certain unpopulated areas of West Bank’ under Israeli sovereignty or juris-
diction. The relevance of ‘unpopulated areas’ to ‘minor border rectifications’
is . . . another moot point.75
And the administration was doing the same with regard to territorial acquisitions
and settlements in the occupied territories. Johnson wanted to ensure Israel that
they would have secure and recognized borders, and the administration believed
that this would require some territorial changes. Moreover, the Johnson adminis-
tration believed that territorial occupation offered a significant bargaining chip in
any negotiations.
Secretary of Defense McNamara was right. As the 1967 war concluded, “the week
that began June 12 saw some remarkably candid discussion of the fact that we were
committed to the ‘territorial integrity’ of all states in the area but we were unable
to force Israel to withdraw.” We were in a “heck of a jam on territorial integrity.”78
Notes
1 The President in the Middle East Crisis, 12/19/68, “The Middle East Crisis,
May 12-June 19, 1967, Volume I, Tabs 1–15,” Files of Harold H. Saunders, NSF,
Box 34, LBJ Library.
2 Joseph Califano, Jr., The Triumph and Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson (New York: Simon
and Schuster, 1991), 49.
3 See, for example, Edward Tivnan, The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American
Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), 59; Steven L. Spiegel, The
Other Arab-Israeli Conflict: Making America’s Middle East Policy from Truman to
Reagan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 128.
4 See Irwin Unger and Debi Unger, LBJ: A Life (New York: Wiley, 1999), 203–5.
5 Tivnan, The Lobby, 59–60.
6 Letter, Senator Johnson to Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, 2/11/57, “1960 Sub-
ject, Foreign Relations, Israel,” Subject Files, 1960, United States Senate, 1949–1961,
Box 770, LBJ Library.
7 Letter, Senator Johnson to Donald C. Cook, 11/4/60, “1960, Subject, Foreign Rela-
tions, Israel,” Subject Files, 1960, United States Senate, 1949–1961, Box 770, LBJ
Library.
8 Draft re Ben Gurion, “1960 Subject, Foreign Relations, Israel,” Subject Files, 1960,
United States Senate, 1949–1961, Box 770, LBJ Library.
9 See Abba Eban, An Autobiography (New York: Random House, 1977), 355.
10 Michael Oren, Six Days of War: June 1967 and the Making of the Modern Middle East
(New York: Presidio Press, 2002), 50.
11 Douglas Little, “The Making of a Special Relationship: The United States and Israel,
1957–1968,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 25 (1993): 575.
28 Lyndon B. Johnson
12 Oren, Six Days of War, 17–26.
13 Zach Levey, “The United States’ Skyhawk Sale to Israel, 1966: Strategic Exigencies of
an Arms Deal,” Diplomatic History 28 (2004): 271–72.
14 Abraham Ben-Zvi, Lyndon B. Johnson and the Politics of Arms Sales to Israel: In the
Shadow of the Hawk (New York: Routledge, 2012), 47–48.
15 Quoted in Ron Kampeas, “Lyndon Johnson: No Better Friend,” Jewish Telegraphic
Agency, May 7, 2018, accessed October 2, 2021, https://www.jta.org/2018/05/07/
politics/lyndon-johnson-no-better-friend.
16 See Jeremy M. Sharp, “U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel,” CRS Report for Congress, Janu-
ary 2, 2008, accessed February 25, 2015, http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organiza
tion/100102.pdf.
17 See Douglas Little, “A Puppet in Search of a Puppeteer? The United States, King Hus-
sein, and Jordan, 1953–1970,” International History Review 17 (1995): 512–44.
18 “130. Summary Notes of the 544th Meeting of the National Security Council,” in
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968: Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1964–
1967, ed. Harriet Dashiell Schwar, vol. XVIII (Washington, DC: United States
Government Printing Office, 2000), accessed April 26, 2021, https://history.state.gov/
historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v18/d130.
19 Ibid.
20 “129. Memorandum from Secretary of State Rusk to President Johnson,” in Foreign
Relations of the United States, 1964–1968: Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1964–1967, ed. Har-
riet Dashiell Schwar, vol. XVIII (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing
Office, 2000), accessed April 26, 2021, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/
frus1964-68v18/d129.
21 Letter, R.W. Komer to McGeorge Bundy, 2/7/65, “Israel, Volume 3,” Country File,
NSF, Box 139, LBJ Library.
22 Levey, “The United States’ Skyhawk Sale to Israel, 1966,” 265.
23 “Telephone Conversation #6898, Sound Recording, LBJ and Dean Rusk, 2/28/1965,
6:50PM,” Discover LBJ, accessed October 2, 2021, https://www.discoverlbj.org/item/
tel-06898.
24 Memo, Dean Rusk to the President, Subject: Jordan Arms Request—Impact on Near
East Policy, 2/1/65, “Jordan, Volume I,” Country File, Middle East, NSF, Box 146,
LBJ Library.
25 Telcon, Komer/Ball, 2/8/65, “Jordan [4/14/64–3/12/65],” Papers of George W. Ball,
Box 4, LBJ Library.
26 “Telephone Conversation #8801, Sound Recording, LBJ and Abraham Ribicoff,
9/1/1965, 8:45AM,” Discover LBJ, accessed October 2, 2021, https://www.discoverlbj.
org/item/tel-08801.
27 Levey, “The United States’ Skyhawk Sale to Israel, 1966,” 274.
28 National Intelligence Estimate, The Arab-Israeli Problem, 3/10/65, “30. Middle East,”
National Intelligence Estimates, NSF, Box 6, LBJ Library.
29 Memo, W.W. Rostow to the President, 11/20/66, “Israel, Volume 6,” Country File,
NSF, Box 140, LBJ Library.
30 Memorandum for the Record, R.W. Komer, 11/16/66, “Israel, Volume 6,” Country
File, NSF, Box 140, LBJ Library.
31 “Telephone Conversation #11130, Sound Recording, LBJ and Arthur Goldberg,
12/13/1966, 5:40PM,” Discover LBJ, accessed October 2, 2021, https://www.discov
erlbj.org/item/tel-11130.
32 Note with Attachment, W.W. Rostow to the President, 4/18/67, “Israel, Volume 6,”
Country File, NSF, Box 140, LBJ Library.
33 Memo, W.W. Rostow to the President, Subject: Israeli Aid Package, 5/8/67, “Israel,
Israeli Aid,” Country File, NSF, Box 145, LBJ Library.
Lyndon B. Johnson 29
34 “416. Memorandum from the President’s Special Assistant (Rostow) to President
Johnson,” in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968: Arab-Israeli Dispute,
1964–1967, ed. Harriet Dashiell Schwar, vol. XVIII (Washington, DC: United States
Government Printing Office, 2000), accessed April 27, 2021, https://history.state.gov/
historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v18/d416.
35 “43. Memorandum from the President’s Special Assistant (Rostow) to President John-
son,” in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968: Arab-Israeli Crisis and
War 1967, ed. Harriet Dashiell Schwar, vol. XIX (Washington, D.C.: United States
Government Printing Office, 2004), accessed April 27, 2021, https://history.state.gov/
historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d43.
36 Yehuda Lukacs, Documents on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict 1967–1983 (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1984), 17.
37 See Letter, President Johnson to Prime Minister Eshkol, 5/17/67, “Middle East Crisis,
Volume 1, Memos and Misc.,” Country File, NSF, Box 105, LBJ Library.
38 “20. Memorandum from the President’s Special Assistant (Rostow) to President John-
son,” in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968: Arab-Israeli Crisis and
War 1967, ed. Harriet Dashiell Schwar, vol. XIX (Washington, D.C.: United States
Government Printing Office, 2004), accessed April 27, 2021, https://history.state.gov/
historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d20.
39 Memorandum of Conversation, 5/25/67, “Middle East Crisis, Volume 2, Memos and
Misc.,” Country File, NSF, Box 106, LBJ Library.
40 The President in the Middle East Crisis, 12/19/68, “The Middle East Crisis,
May 12-June 19, 1967, Volume I, Tabs 1–15,” Files of Harold H. Saunders, NSF,
Box 34, LBJ Library.
41 Robert Dallek, Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and His Times, 1961–1973, vol. 2
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 427.
42 United States Policy and Diplomacy in the Middle East Crisis, May 15-June 10, 1967,
Research Project No. 879, January 1969, “The Middle East Crisis, May 12-June 19, 1967,
Vol. VIII, Appendices O-S,” Files of Harold H. Saunders, NSF, Box 37, LBJ Library.
43 For further discussion of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, also known as the June or Six-
Day War, see Oren, Six Days of War; Tom Segev, 1967: Israel, the War, and the Year
that Transformed the Middle East (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2005); Guy Laron,
The Six-Day War: The Breaking of the Middle East (New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 2017).
44 Handwritten notes, Preface, “The Middle East Crisis, May 12-June 19, 1967, Volume
I, Tabs 1–15,” Files of Harold H. Saunders, NSF, Box 34, LBJ Library.
45 US Policy Toward Israel and the Arabs, “Arab-Israeli 1964–1965–1966,” Files of Rob-
ert W. Komer, NSF, Box 12, LBJ Library.
46 United States Policy and Diplomacy in the Middle East Crisis, May 15-June 10, 1967,
Research Project No. 879, January 1969, “The Middle East Crisis, May 12-June 19,
1967, Vol. VIII, Appendices O-S,” Files of Harold H. Saunders, NSF, Box 37, LBJ
Library.
47 Memorandum for the Record, National Security Council Meeting, June 7, 1967, Janu-
ary 7, 1969, Nixon Presidential Materials Staff. National Security Council (NSC) Files.
Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Negotiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presiden-
tial Library and Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
48 “Six-Day War: Draft Resolution by Soviet Union at Emergency UNGA Session,”
Jewish Virtual Library: A Project of AICE, June 19, 1967, accessed April 28, 2021,
https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/six-day-war-draft-resolution-by-soviet-
union-at-emergency-unga-session.
49 Lyndon B. Johnson, “Address at the State Department’s Foreign Policy Conference
for Educators,” The American Presidency Project, June 19, 1967, accessed April 28,
30 Lyndon B. Johnson
2021, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/address-the-state-departments-
foreign-policy-conference-for-educators.
50 See Memo, Foster to McFarland, The Middle East Crisis, May 12-June 19, 1967, Sep-
tember 30, 1968, Nixon Presidential Materials Staff. National Security Council (NSC)
Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Negotiations Files. Richard M. Nixon
Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
51 Memorandum of Conversation, Subject: Meeting of the President and Chairman
Kosygin, the Middle East and Vietnam, 6/20/67, “State, Department of, President’s
Evening Reading, Vol. VII,” Agency File, NSF, Box 50, LBJ Library.
52 Cable, 6/16/67, “Middle East Crisis, Arab Israeli Crisis by Post,” Country File, NSF,
Box 114, LBJ Library.
53 Cable, 7/1/67, “Middle East Crisis, Volume 7, Cables,” Country File, NSF, Box 109,
LBJ Library.
54 Israeli Statements Made to US Privately Concerning Their Intentions on a Peace Set-
tlement, “Middle East Crisis, Statements by Arab and Israeli Leaders relative to Mid-
dle East Conflict,” Country File, NSF, Box 113, LBJ Library.
55 Public Israeli Statements Concerning Territorial Acquisitions and Other Elements of a
Huge Settlement, “Middle East Crisis, Statements by Arab and Israeli Leaders relative
to Middle East Conflict,” Country File, NSF, Box 113, LBJ Library.
56 See General Assembly Resolution 2253, Measures Taken by Israel to Change the Sta-
tus of the City of Jerusalem, The United Nations, A/RES/2253 (ES-V), July 4, 1967,
accessed April 29, 2021, https://unispal.un.org/DPA/DPR/unispal.nsf/0/A39A906C-
89D3E98685256C29006D4014; General Assembly Resolution 2254, Measures
Taken by Israel to Change the Status of the City of Jerusalem, The United Nations, A/
RES/2254 (ES-V), July 14, 1967, accessed April 29, 2021, https://unispal.un.org/DPA/
DPR/unispal.nsf/0/3E28F2C76EBEA214852560DF00575C0E.
57 Memo, McGeorge Bundy to the President Through Walt Rostow, Subject: The Middle
East at the End of July, 7/31/67, “US Position—Discussion,” Files of the Special Com-
mittee of the NSC, NSF, Box 13, LBJ Library.
58 Memo, Jim Jones to the President, Subject: National Security Council meeting in the
Cabinet Room—Wednesday, September 13, 1967, “[September 13, 1967–12:32pm,
National Security Council Meeting],” Meeting Notes File, Box 2, Set 11, LBJ Library.
59 Lyndon B. Johnson, “Address at the State Department’s Foreign Policy Conference
for Educators,” The American Presidency Project, June 19, 1967, accessed April 28,
2021, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/address-the-state-departments-
foreign-policy-conference-for-educators.
60 Ibid.
61 See Bruce E. Altschuler, “Lyndon Johnson and the Public Polls,” Public Opinion
Quarterly 50, no. 3 (Autumn, 1986): 285–99.
62 Memo, Oscar Cohen to Regional Offices, Subject: Report on ADL—Gallup Study of
Attitudes Toward Israel, 9/24/67, “Israel, 6/1/67–10/31/67,” Files of Harold H. Saun-
ders, NSF, Box 16, LBJ Library.
63 Note with attachment, W.W. Rostow to the President, Subject: Israeli Views on Middle
East, 9/25/67, “Israel, Volume 7,” Country File, NSF, Box 140, LBJ Library.
64 Note with attached Memo, W.W. Rostow to the President, Subject: Memorandum of
Conversation, 10/24/67, “Israel, Volume 12, Filed by LBJ Library,” Country File, NSF,
Box 143, LBJ Library.
65 Resolution 242 (1967) of November 22, 1967, The United Nations, S/RES/242 (1967)
(November 22, 1967), accessed April 30, 2021, https://unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/0/7D
35E1F729DF491C85256EE700686136.
66 “476. Memorandum from Harold H. Saunders of the National Security Council Staff to
the President’s Special Assistant (Rostow),” in Foreign Relations of the United States,
1964–1968: Arab-Israeli Crisis and War 1967, ed. Harriet Dashiell Schwar, vol. XIX
Lyndon B. Johnson 31
(Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2004), accessed May 12,
2021, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d476.
67 “17. Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Israel,” in Foreign
Relations of the United States, 1964–1968: Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1967–1968,
ed. Louis J. Smith, vol. XX (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing
Office, 2001), accessed April 29, 2021, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/
frus1964-68v20/d17.
68 Note with attached Memo, Hal Saunders to W.W. Rostow, Subject: Memorandum of
Conversation Between the President and Abba Eban, 10/26/67, “Israel, Volume 12,
Filed by LBJ Library,” Country File, NSF, Box 143, LBJ Library.
69 Memo with Attachments, W.W. Rostow to the President, Subject: Israeli and Jordanian
Arms Requests, 12/13/67, “Middle East, Volume 1,” Country File, NSF, Box 104, LBJ
Library.
70 Scope Paper: Problems of Peace and Security, 1/4/68, “Israel, Eshkol Visit Briefing
Book,” Country File, NSF, Box 143, LBJ Library.
71 Article 49 of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons
in Time of War of August 12, 1949 states: “Individual or mass forcible transfers, as
well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of
the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited,
regardless of their motive . . . . The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer
parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.” Geneva Convention
Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of August 12, 1949, The
United Nations, accessed April 29, 2021, https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/
documents/atrocity-crimes/Doc.33_GC-IV-EN.pdf, 185.
72 “137. Airgram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Israel,” in For-
eign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968: Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1967–1968,
ed. Louis J. Smith, vol. XX (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing
Office, 2001), accessed April 29, 2021, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/
frus1964-68v20/d137.
73 “213. Telegram from the Embassy in Israel to the Department of State,” in For-
eign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968: Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1967–1968,
ed. Louis J. Smith, vol. XX (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing
Office, 2001), accessed April 29, 2021, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/
frus1964-68v20/d213.
74 Memo, Nicholas deB Katzenbach to the President, Subject: Present Status of Middle
East Peace Efforts, 11/15/68, “Middle East, Volume 2,” Country File, NSF, Box 104,
LBJ Library.
75 “328. Telegram from the Embassy in Jordan to the Department of State,” in For-
eign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968: Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1967–1968,
ed. Louis J. Smith, vol. XX (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing
Office, 2001), accessed April 29, 2021, https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/
frus1964-68v20/d328.
76 Memorandum of Conversation, 11/14/68, “Israel Arms, 10/1/68–1/20/69,” Files of
Harold H. Saunders, NSF, Box 18, LBJ Library.
77 Near East-South Asia-Major Developments 1964–1967, “Progress in Foreign Policy
Since 1964,” Subject File, NSF, Box 18, LBJ Library.
78 The President in the Middle East Crisis, 12/19/68, “The Middle East Crisis,
May 12-June 19, 1967, Volume I, Tabs 1–15,” Files of Harold H. Saunders, NSF,
Box 34, LBJ Library.
3 Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger
Limited Withdrawal
Richard Nixon came to the White House determined to make a fresh start in
foreign policy. The Johnson administration had left a burdensome legacy that
included a war in Vietnam, the war of attrition between Israel and Egypt along the
Suez, ruptured diplomatic relations with the Arab states, increased Soviet influ-
ence in many areas of the world, and a military vacuum in the Persian Gulf. While
his primary objective was to end America’s involvement in Vietnam, Nixon also
had broad objectives aimed at achieving peace in the Middle East and restrain-
ing Soviet influence in strategic regions throughout the world. In the Arab-Israeli
conflict, Nixon intended to pursue an impartial policy but naturally favored the
Israelis. His Secretary of State William Rogers and National Security Adviser
Henry Kissinger also favored the Israelis.
This is not surprising considering that the Nixon administration came to office
in 1969, two years after the 1967 war. But Nixon’s foreign policy worldview
further narrowed his perspective since his frame of reference was primarily influ-
enced by the Cold War and his views of the Soviet Union. Within this framework,
Israel naturally maintained an advantage with American policymakers. American
policymakers increasingly lived with the hardening Israeli positions and the delib-
erate ambiguity of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242. While the
Nixon administration worked to achieve a settlement between Israel and its Arab
neighbors, it also furthered the Israeli ability to advance its settlement project.
Like his predecessor, Nixon engaged in mixed signals regarding Israeli occupa-
tion and settlements.
When Gerald Ford took over the presidency, he too sought a diplomatic
response to the Arab-Israeli impasse. Ford chose to focus on bilateral negotia-
tions between Israel and Egypt, ignoring the Palestinian issues and allowing the
Israelis to control the agenda. However, Ford and Kissinger complained of Israeli
DOI: 10.4324/9781003287131-3
Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger 33
intransigence and rigidity throughout the negotiations and threatened a more com-
prehensive peace settlement. Despite these threats, American financial support
for Israel rose, and the United States increasingly linked itself to Israel and never
pursued a comprehensive settlement. Furthermore, by emphasizing the Cold War
context, Ford, like Nixon, enhanced Israel’s position within American foreign pol-
icy as a frontline opponent of Soviet expansion in the Middle East. Moreover, like
his predecessors, Ford continued the deliberate ambiguity of American policy,
sending mixed signals on Israeli occupation and settlements.
I hope that with the outbreak of the Arab-Israel hostilities, our government
will bring all possible influence to bear to have all major powers stand up to
their responsibility for the maintenance of peace. Let us make it clear that the
key to peace in the Middle East is now in Moscow and that peace efforts in
the United Nations and multilaterally up to this time have been blocked by
the Soviet Union. . . . My fear in the present circumstances is that unless we
can demonstrate that our attachment to peace is impartial, we will have given
the Soviet Union an unparalleled opportunity to extend its influence in the
Arab world to the detriment of vastly important United States and free world
interests.2
Nixon came to the presidency emphasizing his concerns about Soviet motives in
the Middle East and believed that a balanced approach to the Arab-Israeli conflict
would serve American interests.
Nixon’s approach stressed key alliances with the Arab states in the region to
counterbalance Soviet power and influence. He also wanted to enhance American
power in the region and Arab confidence in American leadership. In his memoirs,
Nixon wrote:
The potential for a confrontation between the United States and the U.S.S.R.
loomed large. . . . At the beginning of my administration, I assigned the Middle
East exclusively to Bill Rogers and his Assistant Secretary of State for Near
Eastern and South Asian Affairs, Joseph Sisco. I did this partly because I felt
that [Henry] Kissinger’s Jewish background would put him at a disadvantage
34 Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger
during the delicate initial negotiations for the reopening of diplomatic rela-
tions with the Arab states. . . . It was clearly in America’s interests to halt the
Soviet domination of the Arab Mideast. To do so would require broadening
American relations with the Arab countries.3
Thus, Nixon considered the Middle East an important strategic region. The United
Kingdom had officially announced its withdrawal from the region in 1971, and
Nixon was clearly concerned about the consequences of a power vacuum. Such a
vacuum might tempt the Soviets to advance their interests and influence, tipping
the Cold War balance in their favor. The United States could not remain indiffer-
ent to this possibility.
Henry Kissinger, Nixon’s National Security Adviser, also emphasized weaken-
ing Soviet influence in the region. He saw the potential to strengthen American
alliances and deter Soviet allies. Specifically, Kissinger believed it was impor-
tant to guarantee Israeli security, maintain Israeli military superiority over the
Arab states, and frustrate Soviet influence throughout the region. Thus, impartial-
ity would prove difficult in the region since both Nixon and Kissinger empha-
sized Soviet motives and interests in the Middle East. As a result, they focused
on weakening Soviet influence in the region, which naturally meant strengthening
the American alliance with Israel.4
Nixon and Kissinger took a global approach to the region; the region mattered
less than how the conflict in the region affected Cold War politics. This contrasted
with the Department of State’s approach, which viewed the conflict as a specific
issue, which had little to do with the Soviet Union. However, Nixon’s distaste for
State’s career bureaucrats was clear; in a conversation with Army Vice Chief of
Staff Alexander Haig in 1973, Nixon argued, “We can’t let State handle the Mid-
dle East; they’ll screw it up. . . . I have no confidence in State.”5 This contradicted
his initial inclination, noted earlier, to rely on the Department of State for his Mid-
dle East policy, demonstrating Kissinger’s influence on Nixon’s views. Initially,
this led Nixon and Kissinger to support a stalemate in the region that limited
Soviet and Arab options.6
Reflecting the White House’s global perspective, National Security Decision
Memorandum 92 approved a general strategy to promote cooperation between
Iran and Saudi Arabia to maintain stability in the area in the wake of the vacuum
created by the British withdrawal.7 According to a memorandum from Henry
Kissinger to the president on June 10, 1970:
The situation in the Middle East is now the most dangerous we face. . . .
Moreover, the question of the U.S. position there giving way to Soviet pre-
dominance is no longer academic. . . . The near term Soviet objective in the
Middle East is to destroy Western influence.8
To ensure Iranian strength, the Nixon administration provided Iran with F-14 and
F-15 aircraft, and agreed to assist Iran in aiding the Kurds in an uprising against
Iraq. This weakened Soviet-leaning Iraq, reducing its potential to confront Israel
Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger 35
in any future conflict. This proved significant during the Yom Kippur War; as
Kissinger explained, “The benefit of Nixon’s Kurdish decision was apparent in
just over a year: only one Iraqi division was available to participate in the Octo-
ber 1973 Middle East war.”9
Nixon and Kissinger’s views on the Middle East were clearly shaped by the
Cold War. They relied on conventional ideas about Israel and its role in the global
struggle. The Cold War focus naturally meant that Nixon would emphasize the
American relationship with Israel over a relationship with its Arab neighbors.
Despite his desire for impartiality, and his administration’s policy of engaging the
Arab states to undermine Soviet influence, Nixon guaranteed Israel’s security as a
primary instrument for thwarting Soviet advances. As a result, the Arab states, as
well as the Palestinians, were at a serious disadvantage in dealing with the Nixon
administration.
In addition, Nixon’s perceptions of Israel and Israelis played an important role
in his policies. He described the Israelis and their leaders as “intelligent and tough
people . . . surrounded by enemies,”10 while routinely labeling Palestinians as
“extremists.”11 Nixon had a particularly high opinion of Israel’s prime minister
Golda Meir: “of all the world leaders I had met none had greater courage, intel-
ligence, stamina, determination, or dedication to their country than Golda Meir.”12
Nixon admired Israeli patriotism and liked that they showed “guts” and “moxie.”13
In a conversation with Defense Minister Moshe Dayan, Nixon told Dayan of his
“great admiration for the people of Israel”; he was “tremendously impressed by
their spirit.”14 Arabs, on the other hand, did not fare that well; he described Egyp-
tian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, for example, as “belligerent.”15 In addition,
Arabs were “radical,” and Palestinians exhibiting the same toughness in negotia-
tions as Israelis were problematic.16 The administration also referred to Arabs as
irrational.17
Nixon’s policy toward Israel was often contradictory, wavering between a
global approach focused on Cold War interests and his concern for domestic polit-
ical interests. Domestically, Nixon viewed the Jewish community negatively. In a
conversation with the Reverend Billy Graham, who voiced a belief that Jews had
a stranglehold on the American media, Nixon agreed, suggesting, “every Demo-
cratic candidate will owe his election to Jewish people,” and he called American
Jews an “irreligious, atheistic, immoral bunch of bastards.” However, Nixon con-
tinued to think differently about Israel, arguing the “best Jews are actually the
Israeli Jews.”18 Furthermore, in his memoirs, Nixon wrote:
We are for Israel because Israel . . . is the only state in the Mideast which is
pro-freedom and an effective opponent to Soviet expansion. . . . What all this
adds up to is that Mrs. Meir, Rabin . . . must . . . take a strong stand against
Soviet expansionism in the Mideast.21
Nixon’s views of Israel were not as personal as they were with Johnson. Instead,
Nixon took a realist approach to Israel, considering its position and significance
in the wider Cold War.
After the [1967 Six Day War] high-level visits between Moscow and Cairo,
Damascus and Baghdad produced a massive new infusion of Soviet money,
men, and materiel. The Soviets wanted to maintain their presence in the Mid-
dle East, not because of ideological support for the cause of Arab unity but
because it was through Egypt and other Arab countries that the Soviets could
gain access to what the Russians had always wanted—land, oil, power, and
the warm waters of the Mediterranean. As I commented to Bill Rogers, “The
difference between our goal and the Soviet goal in the Middle East is very
simple but fundamental. We want peace. They want the Middle East.” . . .
Israel must understand that I have no illusions about Soviet motives. . . . Per-
haps I even understand them better than Israel itself.22
We are interested, very interested, in Israel and its security, and we should be.
But it is important to point out in the Middle East . . . and around the world
that we are interested in other countries in the area and have friends among
them.23
Ironically, Nixon’s concerns about the American Jewish community led the
administration to distance itself from Scranton. Nixon determined that an impar-
tial approach was not politically profitable, and the Scranton mission was forgot-
ten, including in Nixon’s memoirs.
Instead, Nixon focused on a potential Soviet-American confrontation in the
region. In doing so, Nixon simplified the conflict, arguing that “the Soviets are
the main cause of Middle East tensions.”24 While the Soviets were certainly
exploiting mutual hostilities in the region and openly supporting Arab national-
ism, this simplification blinded the administration to regionally situated causes of
Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger 37
the conflict. Israeli leaders understood this, manipulated the situation, and often
argued that the Soviet Union guided Arab actions. Israeli leaders affirmed Nixon’s
view that Soviet mischief was the root cause of protracted conflict in the region.
On August 15, 1970, for example, Ambassador Yitzhak Rabin told Henry Kiss-
inger, “Israel is now under the direct threat of a Soviet pistol . . . a Soviet threat—a
threat which is designed to bring Israel to its knees.” Kissinger assured Rabin that
Nixon was committed to frustrate Soviet influence in the Middle East.25 Israeli
leaders used American concerns about the Soviet Union to their advantage. Israeli
prime minister Golda Meir told American ambassador Kenneth Keating, “the
entire free world should realize that an important [byproduct] of U.S. assistance
to Israel will be to preclude Soviet domination of the Mid East.”26
Despite agreement on Soviet motives, American-Israeli relations during Nix-
on’s first year in office were tense. Nixon had given control of policy in the Middle
East to Secretary of State Rogers, and Rogers pursued his own peace initiative.
The Rogers Plan, announced in December 1969, largely followed United Nations
Security Council Resolution 242. The Plan called on Israel to return the territories
occupied in the 1967 war in exchange for Arab pledges to end the state of war
and respect the territorial integrity of Israel. Rogers’s even-handed approach was
doomed from the start; both the Israeli government and the American Jewish com-
munity harshly criticized it. The Israeli Cabinet rejected the attempt to determine
the outcome of the conflict, arguing, “The proposals submitted by the U.S. cannot
but be construed by the aggressive Arab rulers as an attempt to appease them, at
Israel’s expense.”27
Tensions were running high. Leonard Garment, White House adviser on Jew-
ish affairs, documented Israeli anger. According to sources, Prime Minister Meir
described the Plan as “scandal” and “calamitous,” and on a “personal level she
was ‘bitterly disappointed,’ ‘heart-broken’.” Meir was “ ‘furious’ at State’s ‘cyni-
cism’.” Ambassador Rabin, too, was “ ‘deeply hurt and offended’ by State’s han-
dling of the whole matter.” Furthermore, the Israeli government suspected that
the State Department was attempting to “separate the U.S. once and for all from
Israel.”28 The rift served to confirm Nixon’s views of State, isolate Rogers from
the president, and shift responsibility for Middle East policy to Kissinger.
The Plan elevated Kissinger and only served to move the administration
closer to the Israeli position. Kissinger argued, “the plan encouraged extremist
elements among the Arabs, gratuitously offended the Israelis, and earned the
contempt of the Soviets.”29 Kissinger told Israeli foreign minister Eban, “There
has been no change in U.S. attitude toward Israel . . . we have no intention
of diminishing Israel’s security . . . our objective remains to enhance Israel’s
long-term security.”30 In addition, the administration did everything it could to
distance itself from the Plan. Kissinger noted, “the ‘Rogers Plan’ . . . was aptly
named and did not originate in the White House.”31 Nixon supported Kissinger’s
view, arguing:
I knew that the Rogers Plan could never be implemented, but I believed that
it was important to let the Arab world know that the United States did not
38 Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger
automatically dismiss its case regarding the occupied territories or rule out a
compromise settlement of the conflicting claims.32
We must plan our future relations with Israel on the assumption that Jeru-
salem will remain its seat of Government. . . . Since the June 1967 war the
United States has continued to adhere to past policy regarding Jerusalem but
at the same time we have moved to adapt our position to the changed circum-
stances. . . . [W]e continue to refuse to recognize Israeli annexation . . . and
of course we refuse to recognize, and have actively opposed, steps taken by
Israel with the intent of annexing the . . . city. . . . Although . . . our own think-
ing runs in the direction of keeping the city unified.33
The accommodation toward the Israeli position that had begun in the Johnson
administration was now hardening in the Nixon administration. A new adminis-
tration was, once again, caught in a delicate and nearly impossible balancing act
and, like its predecessor, inclined to send mixed signals. Harold Saunders, who
remained on the National Security Council in the Nixon administration, explained:
The Israeli strategy of sitting tight until the Arabs agree to negotiate does not
seem likely to produce a negotiation. Unhappily, when coupled with Israeli
statements about its desire to change the borders, the Israeli strategy appears
to be designed to cover widening its borders. . . . [T]he US has had to adopt a
position which would permit us to say that we are working for peace and are
helping to promote Israel’s security not its conquests.34
Kissinger agreed, telling Ambassador Rabin, “It is the conviction of our people
that it is in the interests of Israel and in the interests of our ability to help Israel
that we should not adopt a position of all-out support of Israel’s conquests.”35
We are for Israel because Israel . . . is the only state in the Mideast which is
pro freedom and an effective opponent to Soviet expansion. . . . It is time for
Israel . . . to face up to the fact that their only reliable friends are the hawks
in this country—those that are hawks in the best sense when it comes to
Soviet expansionism any place in the world. . . . What they must realize is that
people like RN . . . will stand up for them when the crunch comes basically
because we admire them for their character and their strength and because we
see in Israel the only state in that part of the world which will not become an
abject tool of Soviet policy . . . RN . . . does not want to see Israel go down
the drain and makes an absolute commitment that he will see to it that Israel
always has ‘an edge’ (Original emphasis).37
Kissinger followed suit. In the summer, Kissinger argued that Soviet influence
necessitated further support for Israel. While Kissinger continued to support the
need for some form of Israeli withdrawal, he also understood the threat Israel
faced.
The situation in the Middle East is now the most dangerous we face. . . .
The problem is that the USSR has established a new kind of foothold in the
UAR and the U.S. has a strong interest in preventing its consolidation and
expansion. . . . It is sometimes argued that the U.S. can only preserve its
position in the Arab world by forcing Israeli withdrawal and placating the
Arabs. The supposition . . . is that if there is a peace settlement the Arab
radicals will cease to be a threat. Arab radicalism . . . is not just a product of
40 Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger
the Arab-Israeli impasse. It exploits that impasse for its own ends, but it has
roots of its own. . . . Without some commitment from the U.S. that Israel will
have the means of defense, it is impossible to expect Israel even to consider
withdrawal.38
In the negotiations over the delay in the supply of military equipment, Israeli
ambassador Yitzhak Rabin expressed Israeli anger, arguing that Israel was being
asked to negotiate with the Arabs from a weakened position. Assistant Secretary
of State Sisco responded with the strongest assertion that the United States would
not commit Israel to total withdrawal:
Sisco [pointed] out that Israel [was] being asked to commit itself to the prin-
ciple of withdrawal. This would leave to parties to work out terms of with-
drawal and final borders by negotiation. [The United States] did not buy the
Soviet-Arab position on withdrawal.39
The Israelis continued to push the administration for confirmation that the
United States supported the Israeli interpretation of withdrawal and Resolution
242. In multiple exchanges throughout the summer of 1970, the administration
affirmed its support for the Israeli position, acknowledging that it opposed inter-
pretations of withdrawal that sought to impose pre-1967 borders. In a letter to
Israeli prime minister Meir, July 23, 1970, President Nixon wrote:
However, this did not satisfy the Israelis, and Secretary Rogers instructed Sisco
to deliver an oral message through Ambassador Rabin to Israeli foreign minister
Eban to clarify the American position and assure the Israeli government of Amer-
ican support. The Israeli government asked for a clarification of the American
position as follows:
Sisco responded:
The President has informed the Prime Minister that he will not press Israel to
accept total Israeli withdrawal from the territories occupied in the 1967 con-
flict to the pre-June 5 lines. We would take the same position in the Security
Council and other international forums . . . and would oppose any resolution
to this effect.41
The administration had confirmed that it did not support the formula of total with-
drawal from the occupied territories. Moreover, the administration began to move
away from withdrawal as a concept, emphasizing instead the concept of secure
and recognized borders.
In August, Harold Saunders clearly laid out the American position to Kissinger;
furthermore, the administration understood that some Israeli leaders desired sig-
nificant territorial changes. According to Saunders,
The American position, therefore, accepted the formula that withdrawal, as out-
lined in Resolution 242, would not be interpreted as restricting Israel’s bargaining
power. Furthermore, the administration clearly understood that this meant that
Israel had the freedom to negotiate a change from its pre-June 4, 1967, borders.
Then, again, on December 3, 1970, President Nixon wrote to Prime Minister
Meir, repeating:
We will not press Israel to accept the positions of the [United Arab Republic]
that there must be total Israeli withdrawal from the territories occupied in the
1967 conflict to the pre-June 5 lines. . . . Our position on withdrawal is that
the final borders must be agreed between the parties by means of negotia-
tions. . . . It follows . . . that we could not be a party to an attempt by the
Security Council to substitute its judgment for that of the parties with respect
to the territorial and other detailed aspects of a settlement.43
42 Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger
Any pretense of impartiality had now vanished from the administration’s position.
The Nixon administration maintained that Israeli withdrawal could only begin
when the Arab states ended their state of war against Israel and commenced a
formal state of peace. The Nixon administration’s position, not surprisingly, con-
trasted with the Soviet position. The administration’s focus on Soviet motives
and influence in the region had only moved Nixon closer to the Israeli position
on withdrawal. While the Soviets demanded total withdrawal, the United States
maintained that boundaries should be negotiated; this provided Israel with the
freedom to negotiate new borders and locked the United States into the position
of supporting Israeli territorial conquests and expansion.
At the same time, the administration began to move toward a formulation that
later administrations would rely on. Increasingly, rather than opposing Israeli
actions in the occupied territories, including East Jerusalem, the United States
focused on Israeli policies, including settlements, as actions that prejudged a final
settlement, and were, therefore, not illegitimate, but obstacles to peace.
In May, Jordan was pushing for United Nations Security Council measures
against Israel for its actions in Jerusalem. Undersecretary Sisco met with Ambas-
sador Rabin and expressed American concern for “unilateral de facto steps Israel
[was] taking in Jerusalem which tended to prejudge the settlement.” Sisco pushed
Rabin to get the Israeli government to “freeze their actions” to “relieve pressure
Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger 43
impelling [the] Jordanians to resort to [the] Security Council and to raise Israel
as a disruptive issue.”45 In a follow-up meeting, Sisco again pressed Rabin, sug-
gesting it would be “helpful” if Israel could respond to Jordanian concerns about
Jerusalem. Sisco added, “What Israel should do we left [for] Israel to decide.”46
As he did earlier, Sisco sent mixed signals, asking the Israelis to consider curtail-
ing their actions in Jerusalem, but leaving it to the Israelis to determine the proper
course of action. Moreover, the American Embassy in Israel was encouraging the
status quo. In a telegram to the State Department, Deputy Chief of Mission Joseph
Zurhellen argued:
[The] Israelis [are] convinced [the] status quo on [the] West Bank can go
on for years without risk of significant violence and consequently without
constituting [a] threat to any outside power. . . . [The] Israelis are coming to
[the] conclusion that they can hold out for, and get, whatever they want on
[the] West Bank. . . . Where does this leave the U.S. . .? In the view of [the]
Embassy, while [the] situation is far from ideal . . . it is also far from being
intolerable.47
And, soon after, Kissinger told the Israelis, “There will be no pressure from
here. . . . As long as [the Arabs] insist on total withdrawal as a precondition, there
is no prospect of a negotiation.”52
Shortly after Rogers resigned as Secretary of State, the administration faced
a crisis regarding Israeli settlements in the occupied territories. The Israeli
Labor Party approved a platform that gave support to settlements and invest-
ment in the occupied territories. Specifically, the Labor platform called for the
expansion of Jerusalem’s municipal boundaries, loosening restrictions on the
purchase of private lands in the occupied territories, and the construction of a
sizable settlement in the Sinai.53 The State Department, in particular, was con-
cerned about minimizing damage to American interests and urged a “low-key
demarche” expressing the concerns, and wanted White House support for its
position. Moreover, the State Department believed it was important to “restate
our position to the Israelis” because American “silence in the face of this latest
development may be construed . . . as acquiescence, and so encourage the pace
of this activity.”54
Despite these urgings, in a meeting with Israeli ambassador Simcha Dinitz on
September 10, 1973, Kissinger did not raise the issue. Instead, he instructed Sisco
to “try to persuade [the Israelis] to delay implementation of the new program.”
He explicitly noted “not to make a public demarche.”55 Rather than putting further
pressure on Israel, Kissinger focused on supporting the Israelis and expressed
concern about Americans’ misunderstanding of the issues. Additionally, he laid
out a strategy of ensuring that Israel would not face an Arab bloc in negotiations.
Most significantly, Kissinger made clear that the United States was not planning
to push Israel into negotiations nor was it going to force Israel to abandon its posi-
tions. Rather, the United States wanted perceived momentum in the peace process
to prevent Israel from being perceived as obstructionist.
The trouble is, the U.S. public doesn’t understand what it really is that the
Arabs are proposing—that as a precondition for a negotiation you give up all
the territory in exchange for an “end to the state of belligerency,” which is
indistinguishable from the ceasefire that exists. They think the issue is Israeli
intransigence. Most people don’t understand. . . . [T]here is no immediate
pressure. . . . It is absolutely necessary that you don’t let yourself be put into
the position of looking like the obstacle to peace. You must keep the Arabs
on the defensive. . . . My strategy is to exhaust the Arabs. . . . If we can figure
out some way to split the Saudis off. . . . Jordan is already split off. . . . Egypt
is already willing to make a separate peace. . . . We are not asking you to give
up essential positions.56
Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger 45
By the end of September, Kissinger had clearly accepted the Israeli position. In a
conversation with William Buffum, United States Ambassador to Lebanon, who
argued, “Additional [American] assistance [for Israel] looks like it’s for defense
of conquered territory rather than the protection of the homeland,” Kissinger
responded by asking “Why should the Israelis give up anything?”57 And, in his
memoirs, Kissinger explained that the United States was not going to rush the
negotiation process: “I saw no need for haste. . . . Above all, I calculated that
the longer the process went on, the more likely Sadat would seek to deal with us
directly.”58 In October 1973, war once again erupted in the region. The Yom Kip-
pur War moved America even further into the Israeli camp.
[W]e must have a diplomatic settlement. . . . Fortunately, the Israelis will beat
these guys so badly. . . . You and I both know they can’t go back to the other
borders. But we must not . . . say that . . . we just go on with the status quo.59
Kissinger agreed, suggesting, “I think what we need now—if we can find a reso-
lution that doesn’t flatly say the 67 borders, but leaves it open—something that
invokes the Security Council resolution 242 that speaks of withdrawals.”60 Both
Nixon and Kissinger focused on a diplomatic settlement that would undermine
Soviet influence but also ensure Israeli security. The October War intensified the
administration’s mixed signals. On the one hand, they supported the Israeli inter-
pretation of Resolution 242, arguing that 242 did not call for total withdrawal. On
the other hand, they continued to seek a diplomatic solution that restored Arab
sovereignty to the occupied territories. Talking points during the October War
underscored the contradictions.
As the October War ended, negotiations at the United Nations Security Council
produced Resolution 338, which called for implementation of Resolution 242.62
46 Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger
The debate over the meaning of withdrawal took center-stage once again. The
Israeli position remained that withdrawal only referred to withdrawal to secure,
defensible, and agreed upon borders, and that withdrawal should not take place
until a final peace agreement. The Arab position, by contrast, treated withdrawal in
principle, as total withdrawal. Since 1967, “Israel [had] not been asked to under-
take any territorial commitments by the US. Rather, Israel. . .’received support’
for its stand that there will be no Israeli withdrawal until a reciprocal and binding
peace agreement is reached.”63 The administration’s position, however, was filled
with contradictions. On the one hand, the United States was “prepared to allow
Israel to negotiate for what it can get within reasonable limits,” thus supporting
limited territorial expansion. As Harold Saunders explained, “We are prepared to
allow Israel to bargain for whatever terms it can get.” Yet, on the other hand, the
United States did not want to support an Israeli “right to expand.”64 The admin-
istration was trying to have it both ways. Support of undefined Israeli expansion,
albeit limited, left the door open to territorial acquisition and settlements.
In the wake of the October War, Kissinger pursued diplomacy in an attempt to
broker peace. Kissinger’s strategy enhanced the Israeli position by avoiding a sce-
nario where the Israelis would be compelled to withdraw from all of the territories
occupied in 1967. Moreover, it was designed to handle an additional factor com-
plicating Kissinger’s efforts: the Palestinians in the West Bank and their desires
for self-determination. The October War reinforced the American view that the
Palestinians were Soviet-influenced, and that the Palestinians were radical terror-
ists bent on the destruction of Israel and any moderation by the Palestinian leader-
ship was simply a deception. This view moved the administration closer to Israel
and reinforced Israeli control of the West Bank and a unified Jerusalem. Moreo-
ver, it encouraged the expansion of Israeli control.65 While Kissinger pressed to
enhance Jordan’s role in the West Bank to prevent “radical Palestinians” from
taking over, he also realized that “Israel will not turn over the West Bank to radi-
cals.”66 American policy sidelined the Palestinians, delaying and evading a com-
prehensive peace settlement.
As a result, Israeli demands increased, and American policymakers acquiesced
further. The step-by-step, limited diplomatic engagement played right into Isra-
el’s hands. On Jordan-Israel peace negotiations, in particular, the administration
determined that little progress could be made, tacitly supporting the settlement
project in the West Bank, and focusing on Jordanian control of the Palestinians.
A National Security Council (NSC) memorandum on the “Next Steps Toward an
Arab-Israeli Settlement” argued:
It is not clear exactly what we can hope to achieve on [the Jordan-Israel] front
now. . . . [A]ny agreement should be portrayed as “disengagement”—not as
a political step toward a final settlement but rather a “separation of forces,”
a “preliminary stage,” or something of this nature. . . . [T]he following ele-
ments might be included: A withdrawal of Israeli and Jordanian regular
forces from the Jordan Valley. . . . To the west of the Jordan River, Jordanian-
Palestinian civilian authority would be restored within the disengagement
Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger 47
zone on the West Bank. . . . Some arrangement would be made allowing eight
Israeli settlements to stay in the area. . . . A freeze would be agreed, at least
informally, on further Israeli land purchases anywhere in the West Bank or
Gaza. . . . Press the Israelis to move toward at least a limited agreement on
disengagement.67
With respect to your recent message on cutting off Israel’s aid, I must tell you
as strongly as I can that such a course would be disastrous. . . . On an imme-
diate tactical level an ultimatum . . . would leave to an explosion here. With
85 Israeli children held by terrorists and three Katyusha rockets found at the
outskirts of Jerusalem . . . a cutoff of US aid would produce hysteria. . . . The
Israeli position, while tough and shortsighted, falls short of the intransigence
that would warrant the contemplated step.68
I came here . . . to discuss what the United States Government can do to help
Soviet Jewry. . . . [T]he President of the United States has an historic opportu-
nity to serve a compelling humanitarian cause on his forthcoming visit to the
Soviet Union. . . . I have offered my support for a House concurrent resolution
that calls for the free exercise of religion in the Soviet Union and asks that
country to permit its citizens to emigrate to countries of their choice.73
Throughout his congressional career, Ford had prioritized domestic politics and
focused on political tactics and feasibility. He was instinctually political, and,
as a result, relied on Kissinger for policy orientation and details. Ford was more
inclined toward the Israeli perspective and position than Nixon.
Despite his strong support for Israel, Ford desired Israeli cooperation in the
peace process, viewing peace as a way to achieve security and stability in the
region. In his memoirs, Ford wrote:
I began to question the rationale for our policy. I wanted the Israelis to recog-
nize that there had to be some quid pro quo. If we were going to build up their
military capabilities, we . . . had to see some flexibility to achieve . . . peace.74
Thus, Ford was prepared to pressure Israel to achieve peace in the Middle East.
Ultimately, Ford and Kissinger feared that Israeli intransigence in the peace pro-
cess was damaging its security and American interests in the Middle East. Yet,
like his predecessors, Ford sent mixed signals and, despite his reassessment of
the American relationship with Israel, further cemented American support of the
Israeli position on territorial withdrawal and settlements.
The basic strategy has been this: Israel can’t stand and we can’t handle deal-
ing with all these issues at once. That is what the Soviet Union wants. . . . We
must move step by step. . . . We use your newness to delay.75
A fundamental objective of our Middle East policy since the October war has
been to slow the pace of diplomatic efforts aiming at a comprehensive settle-
ment to accommodate the . . . Israeli Government. At the same time, we have
believed it essential to keep this step-by-step process moving along. . . . The
main point is that a breakdown in the negotiations now will lead to the coa-
lescence again of the international forces which were lined up against Israel
after last October’s war. . . . If these forces come together again, there will be
tremendous pressure on Israel to withdraw to its pre-1967 borders.78
FYI: We recognize that the above will be less than fully satisfactory. . . . Nev-
ertheless, it is only honest and responsible answer we can give to difficult
question. . . . We are not able at this stage . . . to do more than make US posi-
tion clear as a basis for discussion later.80
Thus, the United States had settled on a policy that would not directly pressure the
Israelis on settlements.
In the Middle East, the Israelis are the villains. . . . The key is whether we can
get a separate Egyptian-Israeli negotiation going. The only alternative would
be negotiation on the Golan, or with the PLO, and that would require real
blood. If we block the PLO . . . the Arabs may turn back to [Jordan’s King
Hussein]. . . . I told Rabin I would not agree to any economic aid . . . unless
they would move with Egypt. . . . I may have to go out to the Middle East
because the Israelis are such bastards.81
Ford shared Kissinger’s concerns and expressed them in a meeting with Israeli
deputy prime minister Yigal Allon in December 1974.
Ford reiterated his concerns with Israeli prime minister Golda Meir. Clearly
displaying his frustration with the Israelis, Ford threatened to return to the
Geneva negotiations, forcing Israel to pursue a comprehensive peace settlement;
at the same time, he signaled his reluctance to pursue a comprehensive settle-
ment, emphasizing that it would mean complete withdrawal from the occupied
territories.
I fear Israel is getting more and more isolated. Much as I love Israel, I must
say I think we must have movement now. If that is not possible, then I am
afraid we just ought to go to Geneva, and I don’t want that. The first argument
would be about the PLO and getting them in. . . . Brezhnev says the 1967
borders. That is impossible. But what can we do?83
Kissinger lamented what he saw as the failure of the step-by-step approach, which
was “designed to protect the Israelis from having to take final decisions on Jeru-
salem, borders, the West Bank and Gaza and to give them an opportunity to take
decisions on a piece-by-piece basis.”87
Despite Ford and Kissinger’s anger, the threatened reassessment of American
policy in the Middle East failed to alter the administration’s approach. In a famil-
iar course of events, the Israeli government did not waiver and mobilized its allies
in the United States. Two months later, May 22, 1975, a bipartisan letter signed by
76 senators criticized the administration’s efforts to blame Israel for the failure of
negotiations.88 The administration surrendered only supporting bilateral negotia-
tions and committing the United States to limited Israeli withdrawals from the
occupied territories. Consideration of a comprehensive settlement of the conflict
was abandoned. In exchange for a disengagement agreement between Israel and
Egypt in the Sinai, Ford and Kissinger increased Israeli military and economic
assistance, agreed not to negotiate with the P.L.O. until it recognized Israel and
accepted Resolution 242, guaranteed Israeli oil supplies, and assured Israel that it
would not put forward peace plans without their consultation.
With the Sinai disengagement agreement, Israeli policy on settlements in the
occupied territories took center-stage. The administration’s capitulation to Israel
following its threat of reassessment encouraged Israel to stay the course. In
December 1975, the Israeli Cabinet considered authorizing new settlements in
the occupied territories, in addition to four previously authorized in the Golan
Heights. Israel’s actions forced a debate within the administration regarding the
American position. Most significantly, the administration considered clarifying
its position publicly.89 The administration stopped short of going public, instead
54 Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger
settling for the threat of going public in the hopes that it might induce a change
in Israeli policy. Rather than the administration’s threatened demarche, which
was withdrawn from consideration,90 Kissinger instructed Ambassador Malcolm
Toon to make American views clear to the Israelis and note that the subject was
discussed.91
Throughout 1976, the administration was both aware that the United States
alone had the power to alter the Israeli policy on settlements92 and that the Israelis
had a “strong desire to retain the West Bank permanently.”93 Yet the administra-
tion remained committed to the Israeli position. The administration stressed that
American “silence on this issue . . . should not be construed as a lack of real
concern” and described settlement activities as “a serious obstacle to peace,” but
stopped short of being anything more than “disturbed.”94
In March 1976, William Scranton, United States Ambassador to the United
Nations, brought the issue to a head. Despite vetoing a draft resolution on the situ-
ation in the occupied territories, Scranton remarked:
The occupation of territories in the 1967 war has always been seen by the
world community to be an abnormal state of affairs that would be brought
to an end as part of a peace settlement. Resolution 242. . . established the
basic bargain that would constitute a settlement. This bargain was withdrawal
of Israeli forces in return for termination of all claims of belligerency and
respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and
political independence of every state in the area and their right to live in
peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of
force. My Government has committed itself to do all it can to bring about
this settlement. . . . [M]y Government believes that international law sets the
appropriate standards an occupier must maintain . . . and any changes must
be necessitated by the immediate needs of the occupation and be consistent
with international law. The Fourth Geneva Convention speaks directly to the
issue . . . in Article 49: “The occupying power shall not deport or transfer
parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.” Clearly,
then substantial resettlement of the Israeli civilian population in occupied
territories including East Jerusalem, is illegal under the Convention and can-
not be considered to have prejudged the outcome of future negotiations. . . .
Indeed, the presence of these settlements is seen by my Government as an
obstacle to the success of the negotiations for a just and final peace between
Israel and its neighbors.95
The Israelis, who accused the United States of shifting its policy and violating
its agreement to consult Israel on the peace process, harshly criticized Scranton’s
statement. Israeli foreign minister Allon argued that the statement was an Ameri-
can “call for dividing Jerusalem, giving back all territories, and defining the bor-
ders.”96 The administration now faced a serious backlash.
In May 1976, Egypt requested that the Security Council consider the deteriorat-
ing situation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip as a result of the continued Israeli
Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger 55
occupation. The Council discussed the situation and forged a consensus state-
ment. Under American pressure, the statement stopped short of declaring Israeli
settlements illegal, but emphasized their negative impact on the peace process.
While Ford approved American support for the statement, it’s important to note
that Ambassador Scranton
The administration had determined that that the Israeli preference for “no res-
olution and no consensus” was “unrealistic.”98 While it had failed to get these
changes, American policy was clearly favoring Israel’s position on settlements.
While American policymakers in the Nixon and Ford administrations thought
seriously about the Israeli settlement project, and considered taking steps to
thwart it, these considerations did not translate into a sustained or comprehen-
sive alteration in policy. Policymakers increasingly worked to shield Israel from
international pressure. Moreover, under Kissinger’s direction, the Nixon and Ford
administrations took a softer approach on Israeli settlements, sending mixed sig-
nals but ultimately highlighting the need for Israeli discretion to prevent a break-
down in the peace process. Moreover, the Nixon and Ford administrations never
pressed Israel for a substantial freeze to Israeli settlement construction nor did they
back away from Israel’s interpretation of Resolution 242. Instead, they supported
the Israeli position that 242 did not require complete withdrawal and gradually
came to accept Israeli settlements as an unappealing embarrassment, rather than
an illegality that required cessation. In fact, American support for Israel soared.
In 1970, American aid to Israel totaled $93.6 million. By 1976, it had more than
doubled, totaling $2.36 billion.99 The 1976 presidential election would bring a
new administration aiming to reverse American foreign policy. Despite its aims,
the United States would continue to send mixed signals and, ultimately, support
the Israeli settlement enterprise.
56 Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger
Notes
1 President’s Letter to Mrs. Meir. July 23, 1970. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff.
National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Nego-
tiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda,
California.
2 Quoted in William B. Quandt, Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab-
Israeli Conflict Since 1967, 3rd ed. (Washington, DC and Berkeley, CA: Brookings
Institution Press and University of California Press, 2005), 56.
3 Richard Nixon, The Memoirs of Richard Nixon (New York: Grosset and Dunlap,
1978), 477.
4 See Henry Kissinger, White House Years (New York: Little, Brown, and Company,
1979), 347–51, and 564.
5 “Conversation Between President Nixon and Army Vice Chief of Staff (Haig), Janu-
ary 23, 1973,” in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976: Arab-Israeli
Conflict and War, 1973, eds. Nina Howland and Craig Daigle (Washington, DC: U.S.
Government Printing Office, 2011), 8.
6 Kissinger, White House Years, 354, and 368–69.
7 National Security Decision Memorandum 92. November 7, 1970. National Security
Adviser. National Security Memoranda. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and
Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
8 Memorandum for the President. June 10, 1970. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff.
National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Nego-
tiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda,
California.
9 Kissinger, White House Years, 1,265.
10 Nixon, The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, 480.
11 Ibid., 483.
12 Ibid., 1,016.
13 Henry Kissinger, Years of Upheaval (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, and Company, 1982),
202–3.
14 Memorandum of Conversation Between the President, Israeli Defense Minister Moshe
Dayan, Israeli Ambassador Rabin, Secretary of Defense Laird, and General Haig.
December 11, 1970. National Security Council Files. Henry A. Kissinger Office Files.
Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum.
Yorba Linda, California.
15 Memorandum for the President from Henry A. Kissinger. Subject: UAR and Israeli
Public Comments on Middle East Initiative. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff.
National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Nego-
tiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda,
California.
16 Memorandum for the President from Henry A. Kissinger. Subject: Your Talks with
Israel. National Security Council Files. Henry A. Kissinger Office Files. Country
Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba
Linda, California.
17 See, for example, Joseph J. Sisco to the Secretary, “Israel’s Nuclear Policy and Impli-
cations for the United States,” in The National Security Archive: Israel Crosses the
Threshold, April 3, 1969, accessed April 30, 2021, http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/
NSAEBB/NSAEBB189/IN-07.pdf.
18 H.R. Haldeman, The Haldeman Diaries: Inside the Nixon White House (New York:
G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1994), 405.
19 Nixon, The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, 435.
20 Ibid., 481–82.
21 Ibid., 482.
Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger 57
22 Ibid., 477, 482. For similar remarks, also see Memorandum of Conversation Between
the President, Ambassador Rabin, and General Alexander Haig. August 17, 1970.
National Security Council Files. Henry A. Kissinger Office Files. Country Files—Mid-
dle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
23 Ralph H. Magnus, ed., Documents on the Middle East (Washington, DC: American
Enterprise Institute, 1969), 223.
24 Nixon, The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, 598.
25 Memorandum of Conversation Between Ambassador Rabin, Minister Argov, Mr.
Dinitz, Mr. Kissinger, and Mr. Haig. August 15, 1970. National Security Council Files.
Henry A. Kissinger Office Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presi-
dential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
26 Conversation with Prime Minister Meir. October 17, 1973. Nixon Presidential Materi-
als Staff. National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle
East Negotiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba
Linda, California.
27 “The War of Attrition: Israel Rejects the Rogers Plan,” Jewish Virtual Library, Decem-
ber 22, 1969, accessed April 30, 2021, http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/
History/rogers1.html.
28 Memorandum for Dr. Kissinger from Leonard Garment. December 20, 1969. National
Security Council Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential
Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
29 Nixon, The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, 478.
30 Memorandum of Conversation Between Abba Eban, Yitzhak Rabin, Henry A. Kiss-
inger, and Harold H. Saunders. December 16, 1969. National Security Council Files.
Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum.
Yorba Linda, California.
31 Kissinger, White House Years, 29–30.
32 Nixon, The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, 479.
33 Telegram to Department of State from AmEmbassy Tel Aviv. Subject: US Represen-
tation in Israel and the Jerusalem Problem. November 26, 1969. National Security
Council Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library
and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
34 Memorandum for Dr. Kissinger from Harold H. Saunders. Subject: Your Breakfast
with Foreign Minister Eban. December 15, 1969. National Security Council Files.
Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum.
Yorba Linda, California.
35 Memorandum of Conversation Between Yitzhak Rabin, Henry A. Kissinger, and
Harold H. Saunders. December 26, 1969. National Security Council Files. Coun-
try Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba
Linda, California.
36 Memorandum for Mr. Henry A. Kissinger. Subject: Four Power Talks: Analysis of
French and Soviet Positions on the Near East. January 24, 1970. National Security
Council Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library
and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
37 Memorandum for Henry Kissinger from the President. March 17, 1970. National
Security Council Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential
Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
38 Memorandum for the President. June 10, 1970. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff.
National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Negotia-
tions Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
39 Follow-up to June 19 meeting by Israelis. June 21, 1970. Nixon Presidential Materials
Staff. National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East
Negotiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda,
California.
58 Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger
40 President’s Letter to Mrs. Meir. July 23, 1970. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff.
National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Nego-
tiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda,
California.
41 US Initiative: Secretary to Eban Message and Answer to Israeli Queries. July 20, 1970.
Nixon Presidential Materials Staff. National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H.
Saunders Files. Middle East Negotiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library
and Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
42 Memorandum for Dr. Kissinger from Harold H. Saunders. Subject: Israeli Position on
U.S. Proposal. August 7, 1970. National Security Council Files. Country Files—Mid-
dle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
43 Letter to Golda Meir from President Nixon. December 3, 1970. Nixon Presidential
Materials Project. National Security Council Files. Presidential Correspondence,
1969–1974. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda,
California.
44 Letter to Golda Meir from President Nixon. December 3, 1970. Nixon Presidential
Materials Project. National Security Council Files. Presidential Correspondence,
1969–1974. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda,
California.
45 Subject: Sisco-Rabin Meeting May 18. May 19, 1971. Nixon Presidential Materials
Staff. National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East
Negotiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda,
California.
46 Subject: Sisco-Rabin Meeting June 2. June 3, 1971. Nixon Presidential Materials
Staff. National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East
Negotiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda,
California.
47 “Telegram from the Embassy in Israel to the Department of State,” Foreign Relations
of the United States, 1969–1976: Arab-Israeli Crisis and War, 1973, eds. Nina How-
land and Craig Daigle (2011): 48.
48 Memorandum for the President from Henry A. Kissinger. Subject: Secretary Laird’s
Views on Mideast Arms Policy. July 14, 1971. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff.
National Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Nego-
tiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda,
California.
49 “Memorandum of Conversation,” Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976:
Arab-Israeli Crisis and War, 1973, eds. Nina Howland and Craig Daigle (2011): 92.
50 Ibid., Document 45, 137.
51 Memorandum of Conversation Between Ambassador Kenneth Keating, Ambassador
to Israel, Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, and William B. Quandt. August 13, 1973. National
Security Council Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential
Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
52 Memorandum of Conversation Between Abba Eban, Simcha Dinitz, Dr. Henry A.
Kissinger, and Peter W. Rodman. August 17, 1973. National Security Council Files.
Henry A. Kissinger Office Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presi-
dential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
53 See “Memorandum from the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kiss-
inger) to President Nixon,” Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976: Arab-
Israeli Crisis and War, 1973 (2011): 259–60; and Memorandum for Dr. Kissinger from
Harold H. Saunders and William B. Quandt. Subject: Israeli Policy Toward the Occu-
pied Territories. September 7, 1973. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff. National Secu-
rity Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Negotiations Files.
Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger 59
54 Memorandum for Brig. Gen. Brent Scowcroft. Subject: Israeli Occupied Territories
Policy. September 6, 1973. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff. National Security
Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Negotiations Files. Rich-
ard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
55 “Memorandum from Harold H. Saunders and William B. Quandt of the National
Security Council Staff to the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kiss-
inger),” Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976: Arab-Israeli Crisis and
War, 1973, eds. Nina Howland and Craig Daigle (2011): 260–61.
56 Memorandum of Conversation Between Simcha Dinitz, Mordechai Shalev, Henry
A. Kissinger, and Peter W. Rodman. September 10, 1973. National Security Council
Files. Henry A. Kissinger Office Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon
Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
57 “Memorandum of Conversation,” Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976:
Arab-Israeli Crisis and War, 1973, eds. Nina Howland and Craig Daigle (2011): 271.
58 Kissinger, White House Years, 1289–90.
59 TELCON. The President/Secy Kissinger. October 8, 1973. Nixon Presidential Materi-
als Staff. Henry A. Kissinger Telephone Conversation Transcripts (Telcons). Chron-
ological File. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda,
California.
60 TELCON. The President/Sec. Kissinger. October 14, 1973. Nixon Presidential Materi-
als Staff. Henry A. Kissinger Telephone Conversation Transcripts (Telcons). Chron-
ological File. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda,
California.
61 Talking Points. October 15, 1973. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff. National Secu-
rity Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Negotiations Files.
Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
62 Resolution 338 (1973) of 22 October 1973. United Nations Security Council. S/
RES/338 (1973). October 22, 1973, accessed May 5, 2021, https://unispal.un.org/unis-
pal.nsf/0/7FB7C26FCBE80A31852560C50065F878.
63 Israeli Position. October 30, 1973. National Security Council Files. Henry A. Kissinger
Office Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and
Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
64 Memorandum for Secretary Kissinger from Harold H. Saunders. Subject: Your Meet-
ing with Prime Minister Meir. October 31, 1973. National Security Council Files.
Henry A. Kissinger Office Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presi-
dential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
65 Memorandum for the President from Brent Scowcroft. December 19, 1973. National
Security Council Files. Henry A. Kissinger Office Files. HAK Trip Files. Richard M.
Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
66 Memorandum for the President from Brent Scowcroft. January 20, 1974. National
Security Council Files. Henry A. Kissinger Office Files. Country Files—Middle East.
Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
67 Beyond Disengagement: Next Steps Toward an Arab-Israeli Settlement. April 24,
1974. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff. National Security Council (NSC) Files. Har-
old H. Saunders Files. Middle East Negotiations Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential
Library and Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
68 Memorandum for the President from Brent Scowcroft. May 15, 1974. National Secu-
rity Council Files. Henry A. Kissinger Office Files. Country Files—Middle East. Rich-
ard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
69 Working Meeting Between the President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, and
the Prime Minister of Israel, Yitzhak Rabin. June 16, 1974. National Security Council
Files. Henry A. Kissinger Office Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon
Presidential Library and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
60 Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger
70 See Briefing Memorandum to the Secretary of State from Alfred L. Atherton. Strat-
egy for Your Meetings with Foreign Minister Allon. July 26, 1974. National Security
Council Files. Country Files—Middle East. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library
and Museum. Yorba Linda, California.
71 Hand-written notes on Disengagement. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff. National
Security Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Negotiations
Files. Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
72 Gerald R. Ford, A Time to Heal (New York: Berkley Books, 1980), 126, 128.
73 Rally for Soviet Jewry, New York, NY, December 13, 1971—Ford Congressional
Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File, Box D32, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
74 Ford, A Time to Heal, 245.
75 August 12, 1974, Ford, Kissinger—National Security Adviser, Memoranda of Conver-
sations, 1973–1977, Box 4, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
76 August 23, 1974, Ford, Kissinger—National Security Adviser, Memoranda of Conver-
sations, 1973–1977, Box 5, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
77 Briefing Paper, Options for a First-State Jordan-Israel Agreement, Presidential Brief-
ing Material for VIP Visits, 1974–1976, VIP Visits: 8/16/74—Jordan—King Hus-
sein, 9/10–13/74—Israel—Prime Minister Rabin, Box 1, Gerald R. Ford Presidential
Library.
78 Memorandum, Official Visit of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, Presidential Briefing
Material for VIP Visits, 1974–1976, VIP Visits: 8/16/74—Jordan—King Hussein,
9/10–13/74—Israel—Prime Minister Rabin, Box 1, Gerald R. Ford Presidential
Library.
79 Briefing Memorandum, Strategy for Your Meetings with Prime Minister Rabin, Presi-
dential Briefing Material for VIP Visits, 1974–1976, VIP Visits: 8/16/74—Jordan—
King Hussein, 9/10–13/74—Israel—Prime Minister Rabin, Box 1, Gerald R. Ford
Presidential Library.
80 Cable, Response to Queries About Israeli Construction in Land Occupied in 1967,
Presidential Briefing Material for VIP Visits, 1974–1976, Peace Negotiations Chrono-
logical File: August 9–October 4, 1974, Box 45, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
81 November 10, 1974, Ford, Kissinger—National Security Adviser, Memoranda of Con-
versations, 1973–1977, Box 7, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
82 December 9, 1974, Ford, Kissinger, Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Yigal Allon—
National Security Adviser, Memoranda of Conversations, 1973–1977, Box 7, Gerald
R. Ford Presidential Library.
83 December 18, 1974, Ford, Kissinger, Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir—National
Security Adviser, Memoranda of Conversations, 1973–1977, Box 8, Gerald R. Ford
Presidential Library.
84 Note, Bob Oakley to Brent Scowcroft, Tree Plantings in Occupied Territories, Febru-
ary 7, 1975, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Handwriting File, Chronological File, Febru-
ary 3–11, 1975, Box C12, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
85 Letter, President Ford to Rabin, March 21, 1975, Israel—Items #46 - #57, 3/7/75–
3/21/75, National Security Adviser, Kissinger-Scowcroft West Wing Office Files,
1969–1977: General Subject File: Iran, Box 16, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
86 March 24, 1975, Ford, Kissinger—National Security Adviser, Memoranda of Conver-
sations, 1973–1977, Box 10, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
87 Memorandum for the Files, President’s Meeting with the Secretary and Congressional
Leadership, March 24, 1975, Presidential Briefing Material for VIP Visits, 1974–1976,
Peace Negotiations Chronological File: March 23–25, 1975, Box 49, Gerald R. Ford
Presidential Library.
88 “Congress & the Middle East: Senate Letter Condemning President Ford on
Blaming Israel for Peace Process Suspension (May 22, 1975),” Jewish Vir-
tual Library, accessed February 8, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/
Nixon, Ford, and Kissinger 61
senate-letter-condemning-president-ford-on-blaming-israel-for-peace-process-sus-
pension-may-1975.
89 See, for example, Cable, Action Memorandum: Israeli Settlement Activities, Presiden-
tial Briefing Material for VIP Visits, 1974–1976, Peace Negotiations Chronological
File: December 2–4, 1975, Box 54, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
90 Cable, Israeli Settlements in Occupied Territories, Presidential Briefing Material for
VIP Visits, 1974–1976, Peace Negotiations Chronological File: December 2–4, 1975,
Box 54, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
91 President’s Tuesday Briefing, December 8, 1975, Cable, Israeli Settlements in Occu-
pied Territories, Presidential Briefing Material for VIP Visits, 1974–1976, Peace Nego-
tiations Chronological File: December 5–8, 1975, Box 54, Gerald R. Ford Presidential
Library.
92 See Briefing Paper, Israeli Settlements in the Occupied Territories, Presidential Brief-
ing Material for VIP Visits, 1974–1976, VIP Visits: 1/27–29/76—Israel—Prime
Minister Rabin, Box 17, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
93 Memo, Saunders to Kissinger, Israeli Domestic Politics and the Prospects for an Israeli
Initiative on the West Bank Issue, February 12, 1976, Presidential Briefing Material for
VIP Visits, 1974–1976, Peace Negotiations Chronological File: February 11–22, 1976,
Box 55, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
94 Memorandum, Meetings with Prime Minister Rabin—Bilateral and Other Issues,
National Security Adviser, NSC Middle East and South Asian Affairs Staff: Files,
1974–1977, Visits File: Israel, January 27–28, 1976, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin,
Box 25, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
95 Ambassador Scranton’s Remarks at the United Nations Security Council Debate on the
Occupied Territories, March 23, Middle East—Occupied Territories, National S ecurity
Adviser, NSC Middle East and South Asian Affairs Staff: Files, 1974–1977, Subject
File: Middle East—Early Warning System, Box 35, Gerald R. Ford P residential
Library.
96 Cable, Israeli Reaction to Scranton Statement, NSC Middle East and South Asian
Affairs Staff: Files, 1974–1977, Country File: Iran—Military, Israel, Box 7, Gerald R.
Ford Presidential Library.
97 James M. Scott, “Security Council Majority Statement,” Department of State Bulletin
74, no. 1930 (June 21, 1976): 798.
98 Confidential attachments, including a memo, To Dick Cheney from Brent Scowcroft,
May 23, 1976, Re: United Nations Security Council Debate on the Middle East, Mid-
dle East—Richard B. Cheney Files, Box 9, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
99 “U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel: Total Aid,” Jewish Virtual Library, accessed May 14, 2021,
https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/total-u-s-foreign-aid-to-israel-1949-present.
4 Carter and the Illegality of
Settlements
Our position on the settlements is very clear. We do not think they are legal,
and they are obviously an impediment to peace.
—Jimmy Carter1
DOI: 10.4324/9781003287131-4
Carter and the Illegality of Settlements 63
arguing that “the greatest nation on earth was being jerked around by a few desert
states.”2 In his second debate with President Gerald Ford, he stated:
If the Arab countries ever declare an embargo on oil I would consider that not
a military but an economic declaration of war, and I would respond instantly.
I would not ship that Arab country anything—no weapons, no spare parts for
weapons, no oil-drilling rigs, no oil pipe, no nothing.3
Carter’s commitment to Israel was also clear in his view of the Arab boycott of
Israel. He described the boycott as a “disgrace.” As president, he requested and
obtained from Congress anti-boycott legislation, which imposed serious penalties
on violators.4
Furthermore, as a devout Southern Baptist, Carter was knowledgeable about the
Bible and accepted the belief that the Bible mandated the homeland for the Jews
and was therefore ordained by God.5 Carter believed that Jews were an “exalted
people” and that God had chosen them above all other believers.6 In addition,
Carter thought that “God wanted him to bring peace to the Middle East, and that
somehow he would find a way to do so.”7 Therefore, despite his tilt toward Israel,
Carter also retained flexibility, seeking out a balanced perspective and possessed a
willingness to explore new options with regard to the American relationship with
Israel. According to William Quandt, National Security Council staff member:
To some degree, [Carter’s] religious orientation led him to a concern with the
lands he had read so much about in the Bible. The idealist in him also seemed
to believe that real peace between Arabs and Israelis could be achieved, and
he clearly wanted to play a role in bringing that about if possible. Finally, his
commitment to the theme of human rights entailed a genuine concern for the
homelessness of the Palestinians.8
Yet Carter made clear that the United States “should never attempt to impose
a settlement on Israel nor should we force Israel to make territorial concessions
which are detrimental to her security. . . . Israel must be allowed to live within
her defensible borders.” And, most significantly, he argued, “A real peace must
be based on the absolute assurance of Israel’s survival and security. . . . The sur-
vival of Israel is not a political issue. It is a moral imperative.”9 Thus, despite his
willingness to pursue peace, Carter would pursue a peace that benefitted Israel.
During his presidential campaign, Carter also addressed the territorial issues, stat-
ing, “United Nations Resolution 242 calls for. . . ‘withdrawal of Israel’s armed
forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict.’ This language leaves open
the door for changes in the pre-1967 lines by mutual agreement.”10 Before his
presidency, Carter shared Israel’s interpretation of Resolution 242.
Rather early in his presidency, Carter took an active approach to the Arab-Israeli
conflict. Despite the Egyptian-Israeli and Syrian-Israeli agreements reached dur-
ing the Nixon and Ford administrations, tensions remained high in the region
and no official peace agreement had been reached. Israel favored the status quo,
64 Carter and the Illegality of Settlements
maintaining control of the occupied territories and military superiority over its
Arab neighbors. The Arab states were frustrated and restless with the outcomes
of the last decade and prone to seek closer ties with the Soviet Union. Nixon and
Ford had pursued limited objectives in resolving the conflict; as a result of the
Cold War, both administrations primarily ensured Israeli security. Carter, on the
other hand, wanted to pursue a more comprehensive peace process, meaning that
peace between Israel and the Arab states should not be piecemeal, focusing on
separate deals with each Arab state. Carter believed that American passivity in the
peace process would lead to increased Arab radicalization and the potential for
Soviet reentry into the region. As a result, he hoped to achieve a peace based on
United Nations Resolution 242, with Israel exchanging the territories it had occu-
pied in 1967 for recognition by and security guarantees from its Arab neighbors.11
These objectives, however, remained idealistic, and proved much more diffi-
cult to implement. Initially, Carter embraced the ideals of Nixon’s Secretary of
State, William Rogers, that the pre-1967 boundaries should be reestablished, with
only minor modifications. This clearly placed the Carter administration in opposi-
tion to Israel, which had vehemently disapproved of the Rogers Plan (see Chap-
ter 2). Carter’s view was supported by his National Security Adviser Zbigniew
Brzezinski.
As for the Palestinians, Carter was clearly motivated by his moralism and empha-
sis on human rights. He argued that the “continued deprivation of Palestinian
rights . . . was contrary to . . . basic moral and ethical principles.”13 Secretary of
State Cyrus Vance echoed these concerns: “Ejected from their homes, embittered,
radicalized, living in squalor and desperation, the Palestinians remained the cen-
tral, unresolved, human rights issue of the Middle East.”14 Consequently, Carter
initially supported a “homeland” for Palestinians. On March 16, 1977, he publicly
declared, “There has to be a homeland provided for the Palestinian refugees who
have suffered for many, many years.”15 In May, he repeated his support, stating,
United Nations resolutions supported by the United States
Carter’s remarks caused an uproar in the Jewish community and Israel. Moreo-
ver, they complicated American policy. On the one hand, the Arab League had
Carter and the Illegality of Settlements 65
declared the P.L.O. as the “sole representative” of the Palestinian people. On
the other hand, Carter accepted the Ford administration’s policy that the United
States would not recognize or negotiate with the P.L.O. as long as it did not
acknowledge Israel’s right to exist and accept United Nations Resolutions 242
and 338. Despite this, in August 1977 Carter considered repudiating the pledge
and opening up talks with the P.L.O. as a result of his frustration with the Israeli
position.17
Carter hoped to achieve broader peace goals based on Israeli withdrawal from
the occupied territories, security guarantees, and a homeland for the Palestinians.
He hoped to achieve this by inducing Israel, Egypt, and other Arab neighbors to
engage in negotiations. To do this, Carter devised a rather demanding schedule
of talks with Israel and the Arab states during his first year in office; he and his
advisers believed that negotiating with Arab states would produce friction with
Israel, and wanted to avoid postponing them to Carter’s third or fourth year in
office, when a presidential election would be approaching.18 In the end, however,
Carter’s efforts contributed to a hardening of Israeli policy and a stronger Ameri-
can commitment to Israel, including implicit support for Israeli settlements.
I think that what Israelis would like to have is what we would like to have: a
termination of belligerence toward Israel by her neighbors, a recognition of
Israel’s right to exist, the right to exist in peace, the opening up of borders. . .;
in other words, a stabilization of the situation in the Middle East without a
constant threat to Israel’s existence by her neighbors. This would involve
substantial withdrawal of Israel’s present control over territories. . . . I would
guess it would [involve] some minor adjustments in the 1967 borders. But
that still remains to be negotiated.21
66 Carter and the Illegality of Settlements
One week later, Carter stated, “There has to be a homeland provided for the Pal-
estinian refugees who have suffered for many, many years.”22 Carter had not only
publicly declared that the Israelis should withdraw from the occupied territories
with only “minor adjustments,” but he demonstrated stronger support for the Pal-
estinians than any previous president. Carter was on a collision course with Israel.
On March 30, 1977, the administration turned its attention to Israeli settle-
ments when the National Security Council discussed a Central Intelligence
Agency (C.I.A.) memorandum on the Israeli settlement program. The memoran-
dum argued:
The main purpose of the Israeli settlement program is to delineate the future
borders the Israelis desire. . . . Far from bringing a final peace nearer, the set-
tlements have heightened . . . tensions. . . . The Israeli government has . . .
linked its settlement program to its political aims. . . “creating facts” on the
ground.23
One month later, an informal decision by members of the Israeli government led
to the establishment of a new settlement in the West Bank. National Security
Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski discovered:
Suddenly, and for the first time since the six day war, there is . . . a clear
undertaking for the state of Israel to agree to the repartition of Eretz Israel
[Land of Israel]. We oppose such repartition. . . . We never imagined that after
Judea and Samaria came under Jewish rule, we would announce that we have
no right to them and undertake to hand them to [Jordan].25
Begin also had a reputation for resisting an active American role in Israeli policy;
he feared that an “externally devised formula” for peace might be imposed on
Israel.26
The C.I.A. described him as a “hardliner” who believed that “all of Eretz Israel
is historically and biblically the rightful homeland of the Jewish people.”27 In his
first speech to the Israeli Knesset, Prime Minister Begin stated, “The government
Carter and the Illegality of Settlements 67
will plan and establish and encourage settlements, both rural and urban, on the
land of the homeland.” At the same time, there was a small glimmer of hope, as
Begin argued, “The government will invite Israel’s neighbors . . . to conduct direct
negotiations for the signing of a peace contract between them.” But that glimmer
of hope was dashed when he added, “without prior conditions from either side and
without a formula for a solution being invented externally.” More significantly,
Brzezinski wrote, “Some Israeli sources see this as a deliberate avoidance of a
statement that he will negotiate on the basis of 242–338.”28
In July 1977, Begin came to Washington. His visit revealed the wide disparity
between the American and Israeli views. In meetings with Carter, Begin defended
Israel’s right to establish and expand Jewish settlements in the occupied territo-
ries. Carter responded by opposing such actions as being contrary to international
law and American policy. He also discussed “the importance of not building set-
tlements, but [Carter] said nothing about legalizing settlements already in exist-
ence.”29 Carter’s silence on the issue of legalizing existing settlements sent a
mixed message to Begin, and left a door open for the expansion of Israeli settle-
ments. Lastly, Carter outlined a five-point program meant to achieve a compre-
hensive peace, based on United Nations Resolution 242, involving open borders
and free trade; that peace would call for Israeli withdrawal from the occupied
territories and a Palestinian entity.30 Begin conveyed Israel’s principles of peace
as well, focusing on territory and made clear that Israel intended to maintain its
presence in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Despite their disagreements, Carter told the Cabinet that his meeting with Begin
“went well”; he described “Begin as a man of ‘deep feelings, commitments, integ-
rity, and honesty’,” and believed that Israel would demonstrate “flexibility” in the
peace process.32 Following Begin’s return to Israel, the Israeli Cabinet approved
the legality of three Israeli settlements. Begin believed that Carter would be angry
for six months but then acquiesce.33 Carter responded by becoming the first presi-
dent to publicly declare the settlements “illegal”:
This matter of settlements in the occupied territories has always been charac-
terized by our Government, by me and my predecessors as an illegal action.
But I think that the establishment of new territories [settlements] or the rec-
ognition of existing territories [settlements] . . . provide obstacles to peace.34
68 Carter and the Illegality of Settlements
Begin was right about Carter. While Carter continued to insist on the illegality of
settlements, the administration failed to provide the necessary pressure on Israel
to curtail settlement policies.
Based only on the pattern of settlements, it appears that Israel will continue
to resist withdrawing from the Golan Heights, the West Bank, and the Gaza
Strip. . . . Thus, the only substantial part of the Occupied Territories that Israel
Carter and the Illegality of Settlements 69
could give up without yielding any Jewish settlement, now in being or under
construction, would be the remainder of the Sinai.39
Our position on illegal settlements is well known. While this is the rationale
for our having to support this resolution, it can also be the reason that we
choose to abstain. We made strong public statements in protest of Israeli set-
tlements policy. . . . An alternative which should be considered is to abstain
from this formal vote, pointing out . . . that our public position . . . is well
known and that this resolution is disruptive to the peace process. . . . New
legalism, UN resolutions and other technicalities will have very little positive
effects. . . . The recent history of our efforts is that the Israelis have been forth-
coming . . . and the Arabs have been more difficult. . . . I do not understand
why we would want to restate something that is insured to be interpreted
in Israel as an insult. . . . If we vote against Israel . . . on this matter, we
should certainly gain something for it from the Arabs. . . . Our vote against
Israel . . . could precipitate a political confrontation in the Congress that could
be unfavorable to the Administration (Original emphasis).41
The basis for our agreements and negotiations . . . has been Resolution
242. All Israeli governments have endorsed 242. The crux of 242. . . was
70 Carter and the Illegality of Settlements
withdrawal of Israel from occupied territories in exchange for secure bounda-
ries and the guarantee of permanent peace. I realize that 242 has been inter-
preted differently . . . and we have basically taken the Israeli position that this
does not mean total withdrawal. . . . I hope that Israel will not ignore the crux
of 242 on withdrawal.
Begin noted, “242 as you rightly said does not oblige Israel to total withdrawal.
242 envisages secure boundaries.” Begin then explained that the Jordan River is
the security line. Carter did not object; instead, he expressed concern about the
“public description of the proposal” and its impact on Sadat.45 On the following
day, Carter repeated:
The basis for our agreements . . . has been UN Resolution 242. . . . The crux
of Resolution 242. . . is that Israeli will withdraw from occupied territories
in return for secure borders and permanent peace. . . . We have taken the
Israeli view that the language does not call for total withdrawal to the 1967
borders. . . . I hope that Israel will not ignore that the crux of 242 involves
withdrawal in exchange for peace.
Resolution 242 does not oblige Israel to total withdrawal. It simply talks
about territories occupied . . . not the territories and not all territories. It
envisaged the establishment of secure boundaries. . . . Our proposal is not in
contradiction with Resolution 242. The 1967 line did not constitute a secure
border. . . . There will be autonomous rule for the local population. . . . Israeli
state sovereignty will go to the 1967 line.46
One year from now, there will be no new civilian settlements. . . . There will
only be settlers in uniform in military camps. If the President can be helpful
in the negotiations, we can take a year and do just this.
We have in mind just these six [settlements on the West Bank].
Carter and the Illegality of Settlements 71
Settlements will not decide boundaries, and if a settlement is beyond our
final border, it will either be removed or we will get agreement with our
neighbors.48
Thus, Carter was furious when the Israeli government announced plans to build
new settlements in the West Bank, defying what he believed to be a commitment
from the Israelis not to do so. In a strong message to Begin, Carter wrote:
We will need to convince [Begin] that Israel now risks losing the opportunity
for peace with Egypt which is Israel’s primary objective. . . . Begin and the
Israelis are not yet ready for the necessary decisions on withdrawal and the
Palestinian problem. . . . [Begin] has expressed surprise and dismay about
our position on the illegality of settlements and on the requirement, under
UN Resolution 242, for withdrawal “on all fronts.” . . . [W]e must get his
understanding of the U.S. position: Successful negotiations must be based
on UN Resolution 242, including the need for withdrawal on all fronts. The
Israeli settlements are illegal, no new settlements should be established, and
the future of existing settlements must be negotiated.
72 Carter and the Illegality of Settlements
While Vance suggested pressuring Israel to “suspend further settlement activity
while negotiations” were taking place, he also explained that the United States
should be prepared to help Israel ensure a military presence in the occupied ter-
ritories for security.53
“Deception”
The administration turned its attention to getting a settlement on the Sinai to
achieve success, and, at the same time, demonstrating forward progress elsewhere
to allow Sadat to save face. Moreover, administration officials understood that a
separate Egyptian-Israeli agreement would make agreement elsewhere more dif-
ficult.54 Since Egypt had been Israel’s main opponent since 1948, a bilateral agree-
ment would eliminate Israel’s greatest threat and provide little incentive for Israel
to negotiate further agreements. As the administration began to shift its attention
toward an Egyptian-Israeli agreement, its own rhetoric was beginning to under-
mine its position. In April, Brzezinski reported:
We are beginning to hear some of our own words played back to us by the
Israelis. For example, the Israelis now say, correctly, that we do not call for
full withdrawal . . . and that we can envisage long-term security arrange-
ments which would permit Israeli military installations beyond Israel’s politi-
cal borders. We will need to be careful not to have our views interpreted as
support for substantial border changes and Israeli military outposts.55
The difficulty facing Carter, in particular, was striking a balance between support-
ing Israeli security and pressuring Israel to make hard decisions concerning the
occupied territories.
As plans were being made for the historic Camp David meetings between Sadat
and Begin, Carter’s own ability to pressure the Israelis was tempered by Sadat’s
increasing desire to accept less than a commitment on withdrawal in the West
Bank. Most notably, Sadat appeared more and more likely to pursue a course that
provided him with enough to suggest success. The study papers for the Camp
David discussions argued:
Your task with Sadat will be to persuade him to settle for less than a clearcut
Israeli commitment now to the 1967 borders in the West Bank with only
minor modifications, while at the same time not appearing to back away from
positions we have previously taken. Sadat will still need enough to say to
Arab colleagues that he won an Israeli commitment to withdraw. . . . We do
not want to jeopardize . . . Resolution 242 because it is the only agreed basis
for a peace settlement. At the same time, we must recognize that we in 1978
live in a different world from the days of 1967. . . . [W]e are no longer talking
about withdrawal as a black and white proposition. In 1967, Resolution 242
spoke explicitly of “withdrawal of Israeli armed forces.” . . . Today, we have
Carter and the Illegality of Settlements 73
Israeli military government and Israeli settlers in the West Bank. . . . Neither
Begin nor Sadat is talking about total withdrawal (Original emphasis).56
The crux of the issue was Begin’s concentration on details. During the Camp
David negotiations, Begin agreed to submit the question of settlements in the
Sinai to the Israeli Knesset for a vote, but he did not agree to do the same for any
other settlements. Carter, however, insisted that Begin committed Israel to a five-
year settlement freeze.62
74 Carter and the Illegality of Settlements
The issue heated up during Carter’s March 1979 meetings in Egypt and Israel.
Carter went to the region to break an impasse between Egypt and Israel, and final-
ize a peace agreement. Specifically, the Israeli Cabinet had rejected phased with-
drawal from the Sinai. In his meetings with Sadat, Carter acknowledged Sadat’s
never mentioning Israeli settlements as a major point of concern.63 This gave the
administration some maneuverability in negotiations with Israel. However, Cart-
er’s meetings in Israel did not go well. Begin explained that he could not sign any
agreement until he submitted the proposals to the Cabinet and the Knesset for
debate. This infuriated Carter.
[The meeting with Begin] was . . . very unpleasant. . . . There was no give on any
issue.65
Despite difficult negotiations, Carter and Begin finally came to an agreement.
Carter returned to Egypt and successfully concluded the agreement between
Egypt and Israel. Following the agreement, Brzezinski told Carter:
Ever since my first visit to President Carter . . . I have stated and reiterated
that we have an absolute right to settle in all parts of Eretz Israel. . . . Under
no circumstances did I ever agree with the announcements . . . alleging that
our settlements are illegal or that they constitute an obstacle to peace. . . .
Since forming the Government of Israel we did not mislead anybody . . . and
principally during . . . the Camp David discussions, we have declared and
reiterated: A) Jerusalem is the eternal, indivisible capital of Israel. B) We
have the full right to settle in all parts of Eretz Israel. . . . C) Under no circum-
stances will we permit the establishment of a Palestinian state. . . . We have
promised autonomy . . . for the Arab inhabitants of Judea, Samaria, and the
Gaza District, Jews and Arabs living together in Eretz Israel, and security for
Israel and all its citizens.70
The Carter administration persisted, but ultimately failed; and, in a final blow to
the administration, it publicly acquiesced.
In March 1980, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 465.
Among other things, Resolution 465 determined
that all measures taken by Israel to change the physical character, demo-
graphic composition, institutional structure or status of the Palestinian and
other Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, or any part
thereof, have no legal validity and that Israel’s policy and practices of set-
tling parts of its population and new immigrants in those territories con-
stitute a flagrant violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the
Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War and also constitute a serious
obstruction to achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Mid-
dle East; . . . [deplored] the continuation and persistence of Israel in pursuing
those policies and practices and [called] upon the Government and people of
Israel to rescind those measures, to dismantle the existing settlements and in
particular to cease, on an urgent basis, the establishment, constructing and
planning of settlements in the Arab territories occupied since 1967, includ-
ing Jerusalem; . . . [and called] upon all States not to provide Israel with any
assistance to be used specifically in connexion with settlements in the occu-
pied territories.71
The resolution was adopted unanimously, with the United States voting to sup-
port it. Two days later, Carter disavowed the American assent to the resolution,
76 Carter and the Illegality of Settlements
arguing that support of the resolution was a mistake resulting from failed commu-
nication. In his statement, Carter backed away from his forceful condemnation of
Israeli settlements and promoted negotiations as the basis for resolving the issue
of Israeli settlements.
I want to make it clear that the vote of the United States in the Security
Council of the United Nations does not represent a change in our position
regarding the Israeli settlements in the occupied areas nor regarding the status
of Jerusalem. While our opposition to the establishment of Israeli settlements
is longstanding and well known, we made strenuous efforts to eliminate the
language with reference to the dismantling of settlements in the resolution.
This call for dismantling was neither proper nor practical. We believe that
the future disposition of existing settlements must be determined during the
current Autonomy Negotiations. As to Jerusalem, we strongly believe that
Jerusalem should be undivided with free access to the holy places for all
faiths, and that its status should be determined in the negotiations for a com-
prehensive peace settlement. The United States vote in the United Nations
was approved with the understanding that all references to Jerusalem would
be deleted. The failure to communicate this clearly resulted in a vote in favor
of the resolution rather than abstention. I want to reiterate in the most une-
quivocal of terms that in the Autonomy Negotiations . . . the United States
will neither support nor accept any position that might jeopardize Israel’s
vital security interests. Our commitment to Israel’s security and well-being
remains unqualified and unshakable.72
Despite having declared settlements illegal, Carter, like his predecessors, sent mixed
signals. Rather than strongly opposing any settlement activity, Carter now accepted
the idea that Israeli settlements must be left to negotiations between the parties. He
ultimately determined that the administration’s declaration that the settlements were
illegal would hurt him politically in the 1980 presidential election.73 As a result, the
United States would not stand in the way of the Israeli settlement project.
As the autonomy negotiations proceeded, the administration embarked on a
policy that would seek to freeze future settlement activity but protect existing
settlements against “attempts to ‘dismantle’ them, or to ‘strangle’ them with a
ring of Arab ‘settlements.’ ”74 Moreover, American policy increasingly supported
the Israeli position on Jerusalem, despite Israeli actions to expand its power.
On August 20, 1980, Secretary of State Edmund Muskie explained the Ameri-
can abstention on Security Council Resolution 478, which censured Israel for its
occupation of Jerusalem.75 He tried to strike a balance between opposing Israeli
actions in Jerusalem and American support for Israel. Ultimately, his explanation
continued to send contradictory messages.
The administration also increasingly moved from a staunch proponent of the ille-
gality of settlements to the familiar argument of its predecessors that settlements
were “harmful” to peace negotiations.77
After he lost the presidency to Ronald Reagan, Carter angrily scolded the Israeli
ambassador, arguing that Begin had only given up the Sinai so that he could “keep
the West Bank.”78 Yet Carter never backed the idea of a Palestinian state, nor
did he punish Israel for its continued policy on settlements. In fact, the Israelis
profited significantly from the Carter administration. Not only had Begin won his
argument on settlements, but Israel received increased American military sup-
port, since an important part of the Camp David agreement guaranteed American
military aid to Israel and Egypt. In order to get an agreement on the Sinai, Carter
committed $4 billion in economic and military assistance to Egypt and Israel;79
the majority of that aid went to Israel. Total aid to Israel jumped from $1.9 billion
in 1979 to $5.1 billion in 1980.80 Moreover, by the time Carter left office, Israel
had formally annexed Jerusalem “in its entirety” as its capital,81 and the number of
settlers in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Golan Heights had grown. Furthermore,
despite Carter’s success at Camp David, his successor would publicly reverse his
declaration on settlements.
Notes
1 “Interview with the President on April 12, 1980,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of
the United States: Jimmy Carter 1980–81, Book I—January 1 to May 23, 1980 (Wash-
ington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1981), 680.
2 Jimmy Carter, Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President (New York: Bantam Books,
1982), 92. Also see Jimmy Carter, White House Diary (New York: Farrar, Straus and
Giroux, 2010), 21.
78 Carter and the Illegality of Settlements
3 The Second Carter-Ford Presidential Debate, October 6, 1976 Debate Transcript, Com-
mission on Presidential Debates, accessed January 23, 2015, http://www.debates.org/
index.php?page=october-6-1976-debate-transcript.
4 Carter, Keeping Faith, 278.
5 Ibid., 273–75.
6 Lawrence Wright, Thirteen Days in September: Carter, Begin, and Sadat at Camp
David (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014), 3–4.
7 Ibid., 6.
8 William B. Quandt, Camp David: Peacemaking and Politics (Washington, DC: The
Brookings Institution, 1986), 30.
9 Previous Quotes by Carter—Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files, “Defense,
9/74–12/74 Through Foreign Policy Defense—Correspondence/Recommendations/
Analysis [1],” Box 36, Jimmy Carter Library.
10 Jimmy Carter on Middle East Issues—Carter Family Papers, 1976 Campaign Files,
“Defense, 9/74–12/74 Through Foreign Policy Defense—Correspondence/Recom-
mendations/Analysis [1],” Box 36, Jimmy Carter Library.
11 Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Adviser,
1977–1981 (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1983), 99.
12 Ibid., 84.
13 Carter, Keeping Faith, 277.
14 Cyrus Vance, Hard Choices: Critical Years in American Foreign Policy (New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1983), 64.
15 Jimmy Carter, “Clinton, Massachusetts Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session
at the Clinton Town Meeting,” The American Presidency Project, March 16, 1977,
accessed May 16, 2021, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index. php?pid=7180.
16 Jimmy Carter, “The President’s News Conference,” The American Presidency Project,
May 26, 1977, accessed May 16, 2021, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.
php?pid=7587.
17 Brzezinski, Power and Principle, 105–6.
18 Ibid., 80.
19 Kenneth W. Stein, Heroic Diplomacy: Sadat, Kissinger, Carter, Begin, and the Quest
for Arab-Israeli Peace (New York: Routledge, 1999), 190.
20 Ken Stein and Rich Walter, “Prime Minister Rabin and President Carter Meet in
Washington,” Center for Israel Education: Today in Israeli History, March 7, 1977,
accessed January 25, 2015, http://israeled.org/prime-minister-rabin-president-carter-
meet-washington/. Also see “Carter Meets with Yitzhak Rabin,” March 7, 1977,
History Channel: This Day in History, accessed January 25, 2015, http://www.his
tory.com/this-day-in-history/carter-meets-with-yitzhak-rabin; Carter, White House
Diary, 31.
21 “The President’s News Conference of March 9, 1977,” in Public Papers of the Presi-
dents of the United States: Jimmy Carter 1977, Book I—January 20 to June 24, 1977
(Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1977), 342.
22 “Clinton, Massachusetts Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session at the Clinton
Town Meeting, March 16, 1977,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United
States: Jimmy Carter 1977, Book I—January 20 to June 24, 1977 (Washington, DC:
United States Government Printing Office, 1977), 387.
23 NSC Meeting Minutes with Attachments—NSA Files, Staff Material: Middle East,
RAC Project Number NLC-25–103–7–2–1, Jimmy Carter Library.
24 Memorandum for the President from Zbigniew Brzezinski, Re: Weekly National Secu-
rity Report #11, April 29, 1977 - Donated Historical Material, Brzezinski, Zbigniew,
“Subject File, [Trips]—Four Power Meetings: [9/77–1/80] Through Weekly Reports
(to the President), 61–71: [6/78–9/78],” Box 41, Jimmy Carter Library.
Carter and the Illegality of Settlements 79
25 Begin is quoted in Memorandum from William B. Quandt for Zbigniew Brzezinski,
Re: Begin on 242, February 23, 1978—NSA Files, Brzezinski Material: Country File,
“Israel: 7/77 Through Israel: 7/12/78,” Box 35, Jimmy Carter Library.
26 Yitzhak Rabin, The Rabin Memoirs (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1979), 317.
27 “Leadership Profile: Menachem Begin,” President Carter and the Role of Intelligence
in the Camp David Accords, July 7, 1977, accessed January 26, 2015, http://www.foia.
cia.gov/sites/default/files/document_conversions/1821105/1977-07-07.pdf.
28 Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski for President Carter, Re: Begin and Dayan
Speeches to the Knesset, June 20, 1977—NSA Files, Brzezinski Material: Country
File, “Iran: (Verification), 4/79 Through Israel: 4–6/77,” Box 34, Jimmy Carter Library.
29 Quandt, Camp David, 83.
30 Carter, Keeping Faith, 290–91.
31 “Israel’s Territorial Concessions July 13, 1977,” Israel State Archives A 4313/1—
Menachem Begin and the Israel-Egypt Peace Process: Between Ideology and Political
Realism, Begin Center, accessed May 17, 2021, https://www.begincenter.org.il/mena
chem-begin-israel-egypt-peace-process-ideology-political-realism/#1554098262623-
5a4ca583-c66c.
32 Minutes of the Cabinet Meeting, July 25, 1977—Plains File, Subject File, “Cabinet
Minutes, 1–5/77 Through Cabinet Minutes, 1980,” Box 18, Jimmy Carter Library.
33 See Eric Silver, Begin: A Biography (New York: Random House, 1984), 168.
34 “The President’s News Conference of July 28, 1977,” in Public Papers of the Presi-
dents of the United States: Jimmy Carter 1977, Book II—June 25 to December 31,
1977 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1978), 1367.
35 Memorandum for the President from Zbigniew Brzezinski, Re: Weekly National Secu-
rity Report #22, July 22, 1977 - Donated Historical Material, Brzezinski, Zbigniew,
“Subject File, [Trips]—Four Power Meetings: [9/77–1/80] Through Weekly Reports
(to the President), 61–71: [6/78–9/78],” Box 41, Jimmy Carter Library. Carter’s
thoughts are hand-written in the margin of the document.
36 Meeting of Foreign Minister Dayan with President Carter, September 19, 1977 -
Donated Historical Material, Brzezinski, Zbigniew, “Geographic File, Middle East—
[10/78–7/79] Through Middle East—Negotiations: [7/78–9/78],” Box 13, Jimmy
Carter Library.
37 Ibid.
38 Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski for President Carter, Re: Dayan Press Con-
ference, September 21, 1977 - National Security Affairs, Brzezinski Material: Brzez-
inski Office File, Country Chron, “Iran: 1–2/80 Through Israel: 8–12/77,” Box 21,
Jimmy Carter Library.
39 Israeli Settlements in Occupied Territories, Central Intelligence Agency, Septem-
ber 1977—NSA Files, Brzezinski Material: Trip File, “Vice President, Israel, 6/30/78–
7/3/78 Through Vice President, Rome, 9/2–4/78,” Box 36, Jimmy Carter Library.
40 General Assembly Resolution 32/5, The United Nations, A/RES/32/5 (October 28,
1977), accessed May 17, 2021, https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/642335?ln=en.
41 Memorandum from Hamilton Jordan to President Carter, Re: UN Resolution on Illegal
Settlements, October 26, 1977 - Chief of Staff Jordan’s Files, “Iran, 4/80 Through
Hewell, Barbara, 1979 (Appointment),” Box 35, Jimmy Carter Library.
42 General Assembly Resolution 32/5, The United Nations, A/RES/32/5 (October 28,
1977), accessed May 17, 2021, https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/642335?ln=en.
43 General Assembly Resolution 32/20, The United Nations, A/RES/32/20 (November 25,
1977), accessed May 18, 2021, https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/643281?ln=en.
44 See General Assembly Resolution 32/40, The United Nations, A/RES/32/40
(December 2, 1977), accessed May 18, 2021, https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/
643292?ln=en; and General Assembly Resolution 32/91, The United Nations,
80 Carter and the Illegality of Settlements
A/RES/32/91 (December 13, 1977), accessed May 18, 2021, https://digitallibrary.
un.org/record/643361?ln=en.
45 “Carter-Begin Meeting, December 16, 1977,” Israel State Archives MFA 6862/11—
Menachem Begin and the Israel-Egypt Peace Process: Between Ideology and Political
Realism, accessed May 18, 2021, https://www.begincenter.org.il/menachem-begin-
israel-egypt-peace-process-ideology-political-realism/#1554098262623-5a4ca583-
c66c.
46 Memorandum from William B. Quandt for Zbigniew Brzezinski, Re: West Bank Por-
tion of Memcon on President’s Meeting with Begin, December 17, 1977 - Donated His-
torical Material, Brzezinski, Zbigniew, “Geographic File, Middle East—[10/78–7/79]
Through Middle East—Negotiations: [7/78–9/78],” Box 13, Jimmy Carter Library.
47 See Meeting of Foreign Minister Dayan with President Carter, September 19, 1977
- Donated Historical Material, Brzezinski, Zbigniew, “Geographic File, Middle East—
[10/78–7/79] Through Middle East—Negotiations: [7/78–9/78],” Box 13, Jimmy
Carter Library.
48 Memorandum from William B. Quandt, January 9, 1978 - Donated Historical Material,
Brzezinski, Zbigniew, “President’s Correspondence with Foreign Leaders File, India
Through Israel,” Box 9, Jimmy Carter Library.
49 Message to American Embassy, Tel Aviv, January 18, 1978—Donated Historical
Material, Brzezinski, Zbigniew, “President’s Correspondence with Foreign Leaders
File, India Through Israel,” Box 9, Jimmy Carter Library.
50 Carter, Keeping Faith, 292–93.
51 Memorandum for the President from Zbigniew Brzezinski, Re: Weekly National
Security Report #48, February 24, 1978 - Donated Historical Material, Brzezinski,
Zbigniew, “Subject File, [Trips]—Four Power Meetings: [9/77–1/80] Through Weekly
Reports (to the President), 61–71: [6/78–9/78],” Box 41, Jimmy Carter Library. Cart-
er’s instruction is handwritten on the document.
52 See Situation Listing, March 2, 1978—NSA Files, Brzezinski Material: Cables File,
RAC Project Number NLC-16–110–6–38–5, Jimmy Carter Library; and Memoran-
dum from William B. Quandt for Zbigniew Brzezinski, Re: Analysis of Negotiating
Outcomes, March 20, 1978—NSA Files, Brzezinski Material: Country File, RAC Pro-
ject Number NLC-6–50–5–20–3, Jimmy Carter Library.
53 Memorandum from Cyrus Vance for President Carter, Re: The Begin Visit and Beyond,
March 9, 1978—NSA Files, Brzezinski Material: Country File, “Israel: 7/77 Through
Israel: 7/12/78,” Box 35, Jimmy Carter Library.
54 See Memorandum from William B. Quandt for Zbigniew Brzezinski, Re: Analysis of
Negotiating Outcomes, March 20, 1978—NSA Files, Brzezinski Material: Country
File, RAC Project Number NLC-6–50–5–20–3, Jimmy Carter Library.
55 Memorandum for the President from Zbigniew Brzezinski, Re: Weekly National Secu-
rity Report #55, April 21, 1978 - Donated Historical Material, Brzezinski, Zbigniew,
“Subject File, [Trips]—Four Power Meetings: [9/77–1/80] Through Weekly Reports
(to the President), 61–71: [6/78–9/78],” Box 41, Jimmy Carter Library.
56 Jimmy Carter Library, Vertical File: Camp David Accords Through Carlucci, Frank C;
box 8a, Camp David study papers—Menachem Begin and the Israel-Egypt Peace Pro-
cess: Between Ideology and Political Realism, accessed May 20, 2021, https://www.
begincenter.org.il/menachem-begin-israel-egypt-peace-process-ideology-political-
realism/#1554098262623-5a4ca583-c66c.
57 Ibid.
58 See Jimmy Carter Library; Donated Historical Material; Zbigniew Brzezin-
ski Collection; Geographic File; Middle East [10/78–7/79] Through Middle
East—negotiations [7/78–9/78]; box 13, folder Middle East negotiations 7.29.78–
9.6.78—Menachem Begin and the Israel-Egypt Peace Process: Between Ideol-
ogy and Political Realism, accessed May 20, 2021, https://www.begincenter.org.il/
Carter and the Illegality of Settlements 81
menachem-begin-israel-egypt-peace-process-ideology-political-realism/#155
4098262623-5a4ca583-c66c; and Notes made at Camp David before Begin and
Sadat arrived—Plains File, Subject File, “[Judicial Appointments], 1/81 Through
NSC Weekly Reports, 7–12/77,” Box 28, Jimmy Carter Library.
59 See Preparations for Meeting with Begin, 9–5–78 - Plains File, Subject File, “[Judicial
Appointments], 1/81 Through NSC Weekly Reports, 7–12/77,” Box 28, Jimmy Carter
Library; Real Progress on Several Issues, 9/8/78 - Plains File, Subject File, “[Judicial
Appointments], 1/81 Through NSC Weekly Reports, 7–12/77,” Box 28, Jimmy Carter
Library; and Necessary Elements of Agreement, 9/9 - Plains File, Subject File, “[Judi-
cial Appointments], 1/81 Through NSC Weekly Reports, 7–12/77,” Box 28, Jimmy
Carter Library.
60 Settlements in West Bank and Gaza—Plains File, Subject File, “[Judicial Appoint-
ments], 1/81 Through NSC Weekly Reports, 7–12/77,” Box 28, Jimmy Carter Library.
61 “Oral message, September 27, 1978,” Begin Center Archives, PM-0072/Israel State
Archives MFA 6913/3—Menachem Begin and the Israel-Egypt Peace Process:
Between Ideology and Political Realism, accessed May 20, 2021, https://www.
begincenter.org.il/menachem-begin-israel-egypt-peace-process-ideology-political-
realism/#1554098262623-5a4ca583-c66c.
62 “Barack’s Notes from Camp David,” Israel State Archives: MFA/6913/2—Menachem
Begin and the Israel-Egypt Peace Process: Between Ideology and Political Realism,
accessed May 20, 2021, https://www.begincenter.org.il/menachem-begin-israel-egypt-
peace-process-ideology-political-realism/#1554098262623-5a4ca583-c66c.
63 Journal Notes, March 8–13, 1979—Plains File, RAC Project Number NLC-128–9–9–
1–0, Jimmy Carter Library.
64 Ibid.
65 Remarks of the President in a Meeting with Congressional Leaders on the Mideast
Situation, March 14, 1979 - Staff Offices, Press, Granum, “Media Liaison Mail-Out
Items, 1/79–5/30/79 Through Milliken, Bill—Incident, 9/78,” Box 87, Jimmy Carter
Library.
66 Memorandum for the President from Zbigniew Brzezinski, Re: Weekly National Secu-
rity Report #91, March 23, 1979 - Donated Historical Material, Brzezinski, Zbigniew,
“Subject File, [Trips]—Four Power Meetings: [9/77–1/80] Through Weekly Reports
(to the President), 61–71: [6/78–9/78],” Box 41, Jimmy Carter Library.
67 Memorandum from Zbigniew Brzezinski for President Carter, Re: Daily Report,
April 12, 1979 - NSA Files, Brzezinski Material: President’s Daily CIA Brief File,
RAC Project Number NLC-2–18–6–4–0, Jimmy Carter Library.
68 Memorandum from Secretary Vance for President Carter, Re: The West Bank/Gaza
Negotiations—Checklist for Preparations and Perspectives, May 2, 1979—Donated
Historical Material, Mondale, Walter F., “Talking Points for Foreign Policy Breakfast,
1977 Through Talking Points for Foreign Policy . . ., [7/79–12/79],” Box 2, Jimmy
Carter Library.
69 President Review Committee Meeting, Re: West Bank/Gaza Negotiations, May 17,
1979—NSC Institutional Files, 1977–1981, RAC Project Number NLC-132–75–4–1–
7, Jimmy Carter Library.
70 Letter from Ambassador Evron to Zbigniew Brzezinski, Re: Statement Issued by
Prime Minister Begin, June 11, 1979—NSA Files, Brzezinski Material: Country File,
“Israel: 1–4/79 Through Israel: 4/25–30/80,” Box 36, Jimmy Carter Library.
71 Security Council Resolution 465 (March 1, 1980), The United Nations, S/RES/465
(1980), accessed May 24, 2021, https://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/5AA254A1C
8F8B1CB852560E50075D7D5.
72 Memorandum, Re: Position on Jerusalem, 3/6/80 - Special Advisor to the President,
Al Moses’ Files—“Invitations, 5/12/80–9/12/80 Through Israel 30th Anniversary Cel-
ebration, 5/18/78 [O/A 10,432],” Box 8, Jimmy Carter Library.
82 Carter and the Illegality of Settlements
73 Seth Tillman, The United States in the Middle East: Interests and Obstacles (Bloom-
ington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1982), 167.
74 Middle East Negotiations Policy Group, April 1980—Donated Historical Material,
Mondale, Walter F., RAC Project Number NLC-133–1–2–18–1, Jimmy Carter Library.
75 Security Council Resolution 478 (August 20, 1980), The United Nations, S/RES/478
(1980), accessed May 24, 2021, https://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/DDE590C6F
F232007852560DF0065FDDB.
76 Statement by Secretary of State Edmund Muskie at the United Nations Security Coun-
cil on the Question of Jerusalem, August 20, 1980 - Special Advisor to the President,
Al Moses’ Files—“Administration’s Record, 1/1/79–10/14/80 Through Arab Boycott,
9/14/78–3/1/80 [O/A 10,432],” Box 1, Jimmy Carter Library.
77 See Press Guidance, U.S. Position on the Status of the Golan—NSA Files, Brzezinski
Material: Country File, “Israel: 9/80 Through Italy: 1–4/78,” Box 38, Jimmy Carter
Library.
78 Carter, White House Diary, 508.
79 Richard Burt, “Carter Is Said to Put New U.S. Aid for Israel and Egypt at $4 Billion,”
The New York Times, March 15, 1979, Section A, Page 1.
80 “U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel: Total Aid (1949-Present),” Jewish Virtual Library,
accessed May 24, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/total-u-s-foreign-aid-to-
israel-1949-present.
81 “113 Basic Law—Jerusalem—Knesset Resolution—30 July 1980,” Israel’s For-
eign Relations Vol. 6: 1979–1980, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (July 30, 1980),
accessed May 24, 2021, https://mfa.gov.il/mfa/foreignpolicy/mfadocuments/year
book4/pages/113%20basic%20law-%20jerusalem-%20knesset%20resolution-%20
30%20j.aspx#:~:text=They%20called%20for%20the%20end,of%20the%20West%20
Bank%20and.
5 Reagan and Bush 41
Not Illegal but a “Real Problem”
Well, it seems to me under 242, I don’t see how they can be considered illegal.
—Ronald Reagan1
If any settlements are used for Soviet Jews, it will put us in an extremely
difficult position and limit sharply our ability to facilitate their resettlement.
—George H.W. Bush2
When Ronald Reagan became the fortieth president of the United States, he
inherited numerous issues in the Middle East, including three armed conflicts:
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan; the Iran-Iraq war; and the civil conflict in
Lebanon, which was aggravated by cross-border raids by Palestinian guerrillas
and Israeli troops. These conflicts were compounded by terrorism and hostile
relations with Iran and Syria. Additionally, the Arab-Israeli peace process was
stalemated; with Palestinian autonomy negotiations permanently stalled, and the
United States adhering to its self-imposed ban on negotiations with the P.L.O.,
American credibility in the region was significantly reduced.
Reagan’s initial Middle East policy aimed for “strategic consensus,” promoted
by Secretary of State Alexander Haig; it involved American cooperation with
Israel and moderate Arab states in opposition to Soviet expansion and influence
in the region.3 The “strategic consensus” was based on two assumptions: first, that
cooperation and mutual understanding between the United States and Israel and
moderate Arab states was a given; and second, that moderate Arab states shared
the American view that the Soviet Union was the primary threat in the region.
However, these assumptions disregarded the deep suspicions and animosities
between Israel and the Arab states.
Additionally, Reagan came to office a strong admirer of Israel, and his admin-
istration legitimized and strengthened many of the Israeli positions. Reagan and
his advisors did not even pretend to offer an even-handed approach to the Arab-
Israeli conflict. Their Cold War politics, in particular, emphasized the importance
of Israel as a bulwark against radicalism and Soviet influence in the Middle East.
Moreover, the administration’s focus on terrorism meant that they were willing to
delegitimize and bypass the P.L.O. in the peace process, increasing Israel’s hold
DOI: 10.4324/9781003287131-5
84 Reagan and Bush 41
on the West Bank and Gaza Strip, in particular. With regard to settlements, the
administration reversed Carter’s publicly declared policy when Reagan repeatedly
described settlements as “not illegal.” Finally, the administration took a strategic
approach to the region, de-emphasizing the human aspects of the conflict. Thus,
by 1988, the peace process was transformed by the growth in Israeli settlements,
making peace between Israel and its neighbors less likely and more challenging.
As a result, America’s failure to curb Israeli territorial expansion and settlement
in the 1980s had a profound impact on future American policy.
Reagan’s vice president, George H.W. Bush (Bush 41), won the 1988 presiden-
tial election. The Bush administration avoided pronouncements on the legality of
settlements and strongly criticized the settlements because they were an obstacle
to peace. While the Bush administration sparred with Israel’s Shamir government
over settlements, the Rabin government found a kinder and gentler president. The
administration went from arguing that Israel should “lay aside . . . the unrealistic
vision of a Greater Israel”4 and delaying Israeli loan guarantees to overlooking
the expansion and construction of settlements in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and
the Golan Heights. The administration neither confirmed nor denied Reagan’s
pronouncement that the settlements were “not illegal,” but like previous adminis-
trations, Bush 41 capitulated to the Israeli position.
Israel is the only stable democracy we can rely on in a spot where Arma-
geddon could come. The greatest responsibility the United States has is to
preserve peace—and we need an ally in that area. We must prevent the Soviet
Union from penetrating the Mideast. The Nixon Administration successfully
moved them out; if Israel were not there, the U.S. would have to be there.10
Reagan also viewed Israel in personal terms. The Holocaust had left a signifi-
cant impression on him. In a September 1980 address before B’nai B’rith, Rea-
gan explained that America’s commitment to Israel was a “moral imperative” as
well as a strategic interest. Citing Soviet advances in the Middle East, he stressed
the importance of America’s “friendship with Israel” and the appalling “way the
Carter Administration has mistreated our friends.” He ended the address by draw-
ing on the Old Testament account of Job’s holding steady to his principles, sug-
gesting the United States and Israel shared important values.11
His personal connection to Israel was not surprising. Reagan tended to view
policy making as an extension of his personal relationships. The fact that he had
many Jewish friends inclined him toward viewing American policy toward Israel
as impacting those friendships. Wolf Blitzer described Reagan as extremely pro-
Israeli; “a lifetime of experience led him to see Jews as part of the ‘us’ group in his
us-against-them mind set.”12 Reagan disliked personal confrontation and Samuel
86 Reagan and Bush 41
Lewis, ambassador to Israel, suggested that Reagan went to great pains to avoid
conflict. When he was angry, particularly with Israel, he attempted to soften his
language with an apologetic demeanor.13
Finally, influential conservative thinkers influenced Reagan’s views of Israel.
Defining terrorism as a threat jeopardizing both American and Israeli interests,
Richard Pipes, who served in Reagan’s National Security Council from 1981
to 1982, equated Israeli and American interests suggesting that both countries
were fighting a global conspiracy emanating from the Soviet Union.14 Likewise,
Jeanne Kirkpatrick, who served as Reagan’s ambassador to the United Nations
from 1981 to 1985, saw Israel as a state that was willing to use its military might
to deal with the terrorist threat. Focusing on Israel’s successful rescue operation
of hijacked hostages from Entebbe, Uganda in 1976, Kirkpatrick argued, “a cul-
ture of appeasement . . . is a profoundly mistaken culture.”15 Most significant,
Reagan’s Manichean outlook played into these ideas and made it easier to define
the Middle East and American policy toward the region. He saw the region, even
after eight years in office, as one rooted in hatreds “reaching back to the dawn of
history,” and Arabs as possessing a “pathological hatred” of Israel; in Reagan’s
view, the region was savage and uncivilized.16 As a result, he tended to defer to
Israeli views about the region and, more specifically, the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Consequently, Israeli settlement expansion continued throughout the 1980s.
Israel and America may be thousands of miles apart, but we are philosophical
neighbors sharing a strong commitment to democracy and the rule of law. . . .
The challenges we face are great with the forces of aggression, lawlessness,
and tyranny intent on exploiting weakness. . . . Working with all our friends
in the Middle East, we seek to reinforce the security of the entire region. As
we consult about these problems, rest assured that the security of Israel is a
principal objective of this administration and that we regard Israel as an ally
in our search for regional stability.19
This derived from the administration’s belief that Israel shared American values
and was a strategic asset to the United States in its conflict with the Soviet Union.
The Reagan administration ensured that Israel would maintain military superi-
ority over its neighbors. In another letter to Prime Minister Begin, Reagan wrote,
“You can rely on the full cooperation and always friendly understanding of United
States in a common search for the peace and stability that will assure Israel’s
security and its well-being through the ages.”21 Israel, thus, received preferential
treatment in economic and military aid to the region. During the Reagan admin-
istration, assistance to Israel reached high levels. Between 1981 and 1984, the
United States provided Israel more than $2 billion each year; from 1985 on it
increased to over $3 billion each year.22
Reagan’s unwavering support for Israel highlighted a clear difference with the
Carter administration. In an interview with reporters, he explained:
As to the West Bank, I believe the settlements there—I disagreed when the
previous Administration referred to them as illegal, they’re not illegal. Not
under the U.N. resolution that leaves the West Bank open to all people—Arab
and Israeli alike, Christian alike. I do think perhaps now with this rush to do it
and this moving in there the way they are is ill-advised because if we’re going
to continue with the spirit of Camp David to try and arrive at a peace, maybe
this, at this time, is unnecessarily provocative.23
A memo for the National Security Council provided a vigorous defense of Rea-
gan’s position.
The settlements are legal, but the issue is properly a political question. . . . The
USG has recognized no country’s sovereignty over the West Bank. . . . The
issue of sovereignty is open and will not be closed until the actual parties to
the conflict formally consent to a peace agreement. In the meantime, there is no
law that bars Jews from settling on the West Bank. No one should be excluded
from an area simply on account of his nationality or religion (Original emphasis).24
For the remainder of his two terms in office, Reagan and his administration would
continue to defend or ignore Israeli settlement expansion. The administration
never backed away from Reagan’s declaration that the settlements were “not ille-
gal” nor did they ever explicitly declare them legal. Instead, they emphasized
settlements as ill-advised, “unhelpful” obstacles to peace.25
Reagan’s Plan
On September 1, 1982, Reagan put forth his peace initiative aimed at reignit-
ing the peace process. Vaguely worded, the peace plan was designed to attract
broad support and encourage Jordanian participation. Reagan’s stated objective
was to “reconcile Israel’s legitimate security concerns with the legitimate rights
of the Palestinians.” First, the plan argued that peace could neither be based on
an independent Palestinian state nor on Israeli sovereignty over the occupied ter-
ritories. Second, any resolution for the Palestinians must be sought in association
with Jordan, which was designated as the representative of the Palestinian peo-
ple. Third, the plan called for Israeli withdrawal within the context of Resolution
242; most significantly, while withdrawal applied to all fronts, final borders would
be determined by the “extent of true peace and normalization and the security
arrangements offered in return.” Finally, the plan supported the indivisibility of
Jerusalem.32
By stressing Israeli security, Reagan had acquiesced to the long-standing Israeli
argument regarding the occupied territories. Furthermore, Reagan never acknowl-
edged that Palestinian rights were national, thus implying that Palestinians as a
people might have rights but one of those rights was not statehood. Again, this
conformed with the Israeli position. Perhaps most significant, Israel consistently
defined its security in terms of land. Thus, Reagan’s plan implicitly accepted
Israel’s insistence on security including control of the occupied areas, allowing
Israel to dictate the map of the region. Under the Reagan Plan, Israel was only
required to make some withdrawals from the occupied territories. However, Rea-
gan emphasized the importance of Israeli control, not sovereignty.
The Israeli government immediately rejected the plan in a unanimous vote by
the Cabinet, arguing that the American proposal would cause “serious danger”
to Israel.33 Adding insult to injury, the Israeli Cabinet also announced a vigorous
program on Jewish settlement in the occupied territories. The American response
was weak, suggesting that the new policy was “most unwelcome.” In addition,
the administration made clear that it would “not alter its stand on settlements.”34
However, by not specifying that stand, the Israeli government could presume that
the United States stood by Reagan’s declaration that settlements in the occupied
territories were legal.
90 Reagan and Bush 41
Almost two weeks later, Secretary of State Shultz assured Jewish Americans
that the United States would not impose peace on Israel. Shultz emphasized the
Israeli argument on borders and withdrawal.
If Israel’s adversaries want peace and justice they must recognize, clearly and
explicitly, the right of the state of Israel to exist. . . . Our vision of the future
on the West Bank is one guided by a vision of a secure Israel living within
defensible borders and by our abiding belief that it is not in Israel’s long term
interests to try to rule over the more than one million Palestinians living in
the West Bank and Gaza. . . . [However,] peace cannot be achieved by the
creation of an independent Palestinian state on the West Bank and Gaza. . . .
The extent of Israeli withdrawals from the West Bank and Gaza [should be]
determined by the quality of the peace offered in return.35
Shultz not only accepted the Israeli prescription for “defensible borders” and lim-
ited withdrawals, but also acknowledged Israel’s demographic challenge; if Israel
were to annex the West Bank and Gaza, it would threaten Israel’s identification
as Jewish state. Moreover, regarding settlements, Shultz reiterated the argument
that Jews have a right to live and settle in the West Bank and Gaza, but that “set-
tlement activity prior to the conclusion of negotiations is detrimental to the peace
process.”36 Thus, the administration continued its previous argument that settle-
ment was legal but problematic for peace.
The Reagan Plan ultimately supported the continuation of Israel’s settlement
policy. While the plan called for no new settlements during negotiations, it sup-
ported the existence of current settlements, and argued that the status of the settle-
ments should be determined through negotiations. Furthermore, the administration
continued to argue that “legality was not the issue—continued new settlements
were ‘unhelpful to the peace process.’ ”37 Finally, by failing to rescind Reagan’s
earlier pronouncement that settlements were not illegal, the administration lent
further credence to Israeli policies. Under pressure from Israel, the administration
made clear that the United States would not “deny Jews the opportunity to live
in the West Bank and Gaza.”38 And in a personal letter to Prime Minister Begin,
Reagan assured him that his plan did “not detract from my deep conviction that
individual Jews have the continuing right to live peacefully in the West Bank and
Gaza.”39 In essence, the Reagan Plan was dead on arrival. Whatever the Reagan
administration might have said about Middle East peace and Palestinian rights,
Reagan was unwilling to apply adequate pressure and risk the American relation-
ship with Israel.
Israeli opposition was not the only issue that doomed the peace plan. Within
a month of the announcement of the plan, the situation in Lebanon began to
unravel. In the mistaken belief that all was calm, a multinational peace force had
been withdrawn, Lebanon’s president-elect was assassinated, Israeli forces moved
back into Beirut, and Lebanese Christian militias massacred Palestinian refugees
in Sabra and Shatila. This led the United States to introduce a Marine contingent
as part of a new multinational force. As American policymakers turned their focus
Reagan and Bush 41 91
to Lebanon, they increasingly deferred to Israeli policies. Focusing on the situa-
tion in Lebanon allowed Israel to delay a solution to the West Bank and Gaza, and
consolidate their control over the occupied territories.40
The administration’s plan was followed by an Arab initiative adopted at Fez,
Morocco. The Fez Plan called for Israeli withdrawal from all Arab territories
occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, the dismantlement of all Israeli set-
tlements, and the creation of an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its
capital. Despite an Arab concession advocating a United Nations Security Council
guarantee of the right of all states in the region to live in peace, the United States
rejected the plan. In fact, Secretary of State Shultz later described the plan as com-
plicating the peace process because of its endorsement of Palestinian statehood.41
By 1983, the administration had put aside its interest in Arab-Israeli peace, focus-
ing on a resolution to the situation in Lebanon.
is directed against us, the democracies, against our most basic values and
often our fundamental strategic interests. . . . How tragic it would be if demo-
cratic societies so lost confidence in their own moral legitimacy that they lost
sight of the obvious: that violence directed against democracy or the hopes
for democracy lacks fundamental justification.47
The belief in shared values provided an important cover against criticism of Israel.
Even when administration officials criticized Israeli occupation of the West Bank
and Gaza, they tended to argue about the occupation’s impact on Israel rather than
on the Palestinians. As noted in Shultz’s earlier ideas, if Israel annexed the West
Bank and Gaza, either it would cease to be a democracy or it would cease being
Jewish. Throughout the 1980s, the Reagan administration emphasized the Israeli
position and, as a result, ignored Israeli settlement expansion.
In 1981, there were 16,200 Israeli settlers in the West Bank. By 1988, that had
more than quadrupled to 66,500 settlers.48 President Reagan’s pronouncement that
settlements were “not illegal,” coupled with the rejection of the Reagan peace
initiative and the war in Lebanon, led the administration to ignore Israeli activities
in the West Bank and Gaza. From the administration’s standpoint, the democratic
values and ideals shared with Israel could not be sacrificed. Israel’s settlement
policies could be overlooked as long as Israel remained a strategic asset in the
region. Despite challenges to the relationship with Israel, the Bush 41 administra-
tion would continue the American policy of accommodation.
He was greatly upset by the fact that soon after the visit of [Israeli Foreign
Minister] Arens. . ., Israel went ahead and started up new settlements. If they
went ahead with the settlements now, the United States could well have no
alternative but to support a critical resolution in the [United Nations]. This
was an issue of great concern to us.
In response, Prime Minister Shamir said that “settlements ought not to be such a
problem.”53 This meeting reflected Bush’s pragmatic approach to the peace pro-
cess and emphasized his attempts at even-handedness. However, this meeting
would also contribute to significant disagreements between the United States and
Israel, illustrating the costs of Bush’s reliance on personal diplomacy.
According to Bobbie Kilberg, deputy assistant to the president for Public
Liaison:
[T]he President did not get along with . . . Shamir whatsoever. . . . And. . . ,
again you go back to personal relationships. . . . He based his ability to work
on many foreign-policy issues with how he related to the players, and he just
Reagan and Bush 41 95
did not get along with Shamir. He did not trust him. He didn’t believe him.
Early on in the Presidency, Shamir came in and one of the first things they
discussed was Jewish settlements, and Shamir said to the President, “That
shall not be of concern.” The President took that . . . to mean that the United
States didn’t have to worry about Jewish settlements because Shamir would
take control of that situation. Shamir didn’t mean that at all. According to
Shamir, it meant “it’s no business of the United States. It’s not of your con-
cern, it’s our concern. Leave us alone in that.”54
Dennis Ross, director of the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff, and Rich-
ard Haass, National Security Council senior director for Near East and South
Asian Affairs, share similar understandings of the meeting. According to Ross:
Bush said to Shamir, “You know there is a real problem with settlements.
I’ve got a real problem with settlements. I think they’re a real problem.”
And Shamir literally said, “Well, they won’t be a problem.” Now Bush took
that to mean, Great, you’re not going to be building them. And Shamir took
it to mean, Well, I don’t think they should be a problem, therefore they won’t
be a problem. . . . Shortly after the meeting [Bush] was shown intel . . . that
showed the Israelis were starting new settlements. . . . And therefore Bush
thought, This guy lied to me. Now Bush being the kind of guy he was, with a
code, with a sense of propriety, the idea this guy would lie to him really was
something he just never got over.55
What Shamir was saying was it shouldn’t be a problem; you Americans are
exaggerating the significance. Bush took it to mean, oh, I’ve got this pledge
that he’s not going to do anything to cause me a problem. So when Shamir
then . . . continued to do things with settlements, and start new settlements—
literally every time Jim Baker would show up there he’d be greeted by a new
wave of settlements—Bush took it as an act of bad faith; this guy has lied to
me, this guy has crossed me. . . . [O]nce these things get on the wrong track
it’s hard to get them on the right track.56
[N]ow is the time to lay aside, once and for all, the unrealistic vision of
a Greater Israel. Israeli interests in the West Bank and Gaza, security and
96 Reagan and Bush 41
otherwise, can be accommodated in a settlement based on Resolution 242.
Forswear annexation; stop settlement activity; allow schools to reopen; reach
out to the Palestinians as neighbors who deserve political rights.57
You and I had a frank discussion alone on this. I tried to be clear that U.S.
policy is to discourage settlements. . . . Settlements are unacceptable to
us. . . . [T]his new settlement that you have announced puts me in a difficult
and embarrassed position.
However, Bush failed to apply any real pressure, focused on the personal affront
of the announcement, and suggested that the timing of the announcement rather
than the settlement itself was the problem.
What I don’t understand is why just before coming here you would confront
me with this embarrassment. . . . [W]hy does it have to happen now? This . . .
puts me in an embarrassing position with the press and the American people.
I can’t say to them that we in any way acquiesce. . . . [T]he world will see it
as your . . . creating a fait accompli. It leaves a bad impression.
this is hardly a great matter. We are doing what we need to do without making
any special effort. We have received no complaints from the Arab side. It is
not an important matter. Nor is it an obstacle to the peace process.58
In addition, when the Israeli delegation met with President Bush and his advi-
sors, Bush again focused on the personal and political fallout associated with
the announcement of new settlements. Again, he failed to apply any direct pres-
sure aimed at getting Israel to alter its course. Bush emphasized that “the recent
announcement by the Government of Israel . . . causes me problems and puts me
in an embarrassing position personally.” He continued:
As President, I see a strong relationship with Israel as good for the United
States. . . . I was embarrassed by the timing of your announcement. If any
settlements are used for Soviet Jews, it will put us in an extremely difficult
position and limit sharply our ability to facilitate their resettlement. . . . [O]
thers . . . see settlements as a de facto situation on the ground that makes it
harder for them to work with us to facilitate a peace process. . . . Your policy
on settlements is causing us problems.
Reagan and Bush 41 97
Bush also stressed the impact on Israeli support in the United States, arguing,
“What you are doing tends to undermine the blanket support you once enjoyed
here.”59
Soviet Exodus
The administration’s concerns were heightened by the end of the Cold War and
the exodus of Soviet Jews to Israel. Bush was “determined . . . to do everything
possible within our means to help the outflow and absorption into Israel.”60 The
United States proposed $400 million in Housing Investment guarantees to Israel
for the absorption of these immigrants, but the administration did not want Soviet
Jews to be settled in the occupied territories.61 In a telephone conversation with
Shamir, Bush argued:
And, on March 1, 1990 before the House Subcommittee on Foreign Aid Appro-
priations, Secretary of State Baker said:
I think . . . within the administration, there is probably support for the idea that
if there was some assurance—if the government of Israel could . . . provide
some assurances that it would not be engaging in any new or additional set-
tlement activity . . . that is, settlement activity in the territories—it’s entirely
possible that the administration might then be able to support legislation such
as this. . . . But, we would want those assurances.63
Baker was now applying direct pressure on the Israeli government heightening the
already existing discord between the United States and Israel.
The Israelis countered, making matters worse when Yosef Achimeir, Shamir’s
Cabinet secretary, admitted that Shamir, “an open believer in. . . ‘greater Israel’ . . .
would not be unhappy if Soviet immigrants [chose] to live in the occupied ter-
ritories.”64 Shamir added that East Jerusalem was not occupied territory since all
of Jerusalem was Israeli, and stated that East Jerusalem would include “as many
Soviet Jewish immigrants as possible.”65 In response, Bush raised questions about
Israeli claims to East Jerusalem arguing, “We do not believe there should be new
settlements in the West Bank or in East Jerusalem.”66 This broke with past admin-
istrations, which generally quietly accepted settlement building activity in East
Jerusalem. However, Bush never disavowed Reagan’s statement that settlements
were “not illegal,” nor did he suggest that already existing settlements should
98 Reagan and Bush 41
be removed. Furthermore, the administration quickly reversed course, suggesting
that Bush never meant to make an issue of the status of Jerusalem.67
Despite both Bush and Baker’s words, the House and Senate quickly approved
the loan guarantees, setting up a confrontation between the administration and the
Israeli government since the administration refused to act until it received assur-
ances from Israel. Congress pressured the administration. In a letter to President
Bush, signed by eight senators, Senator Rudy Boschwitz argued:
The administration now faced criticism from Israel and at home, but continued its
refusal to act on the loan guarantees.
In response, on May 3, 1990, Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater stated:
You particularly stressed the fact that your government will not be in a posi-
tion in which it is asked to give up the principle of settlement. . . . Being
aware of your problems and despite our strong objection to settlement activ-
ity, I have made an effort to prevent a situation that would challenge your
government’s basic principle.
Baker had seemingly acquiesced. Furthermore, Levy made clear that the only
agreement the Israeli government made was that the loan guarantees would be
used only in areas under Israeli rule prior to June 1967.74 Yet the administration
still refused to release the funds.
I am going to ask Congress to defer, just for 120 days, consideration of this
absorption aid package. . . . [I]t is in the best interest of the peace process and
of peace itself that consideration of this absorption aid question for Israel be
deferred. . . . Look, we all know the passions on both sides, and this is no time
to inflame the passions on both sides.78
We see construction all over Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza Strip, in fact,
throughout all of Eretz Yisra’el, and this construction will continue. . . . We
will build, and I hope very much that we will get the guarantees, too. In
any event what I am certain about is that we will continue absorbing immi-
grants. . . . Autonomy will not harm the Jewish settlement, or the Jewish
construction, or the Jewish security. Autonomy is one of the ways to settle
the conflict.84
Over the next year, the administration pursued a diplomatic campaign to weaken
Shamir’s position in the upcoming summer 1992 Israeli elections.
Reagan and Bush 41 101
In February, the U.S. General Accounting Office reported that Israeli assur-
ances to restrict new housing within Israel with regard to the 1991 $400 mil-
lion loan guarantee were meaningless.85 In April, the State Department Office of
Inspector General issued a report identifying a “major recipient of U.S. weapons
and technology” as exhibiting a “systematic and growing pattern of unauthor-
ized transfers” of U.S.-supplied technology. Government officials identified the
violator as Israel and recommended disciplinary action.86 One month later, the
State Department issued a report on Israeli settlements demonstrating that they
had increased by 25% over the past year, outpacing Israeli efforts to find residents
for the new housing units. The report noted that nearly 245,000 settlers lived in
about 250 settlements in the occupied territories, including East Jerusalem, con-
stituting 13% of the population in the territories.87 In addition, on May 12, State
Department Spokesperson Margaret Tutwiler reiterated American support of the
Palestinian right of return, causing Shamir to respond, “The Palestinians’ right of
return is hot air and empty words and will never be realized”; he added that the
right of return was “reserved for the Jewish nation only.”88 Finally, Bush ignored
a sense of the Senate resolution sponsored by 30 senators and approved by a 99–1
vote that “the United States government should support loan guarantees to Israel
for refugee absorption.”89 On June 23, Bush appeared to have won the argument,
when Shamir’s Likud government was defeated and replaced by Yitzhak Rabin’s
Labor government. The Bush administration openly hailed Shamir’s defeat.90
I cannot speculate on any specific aspect of the talks between the President
and Prime Minister Rabin. I will say that we have noted that the new Israeli
government has shifted fundamentally Israel’s national priorities, and taken
steps that should lead to a severe and substantial reduction in settlement
activity.91
In August, President Bush invited the new Israeli prime minister to his summer
retreat in Kennebunkport, Maine where Bush announced his approval of Isra-
el’s request for $10 billion in loan guarantees.92 However, Israeli policy had not
changed. During his inaugural address, Prime Minister Rabin stated, “We see the
need to stress that the Government will continue to enhance and strengthen Jewish
settlement along the lines of confrontation, due to their importance for security,
and in Greater Jerusalem.”93 Rabin only agreed to halt “political” settlements, but
he made clear that Israel would continue “security” settlements and left no doubt
that settlement activity would carry on in East Jerusalem.94
102 Reagan and Bush 41
On September 11, President Bush formally asked Congress to approve up to
$10 billion in Israeli loan guarantees. On October 1, Congress approved the loan
guarantees despite polls indicating that 80% of Americans opposed the funds.
Additionally, Congress reserved to itself the right to override any presidential
suspension of the guarantees should Israel violate its assurances. This was a
major victory for Israel.95 No other country had ever received such provisions.
The Bush administration had publicly capitulated on its policy, and Israel con-
tinued its settlement activity. In fact, as the administration came to a close, Bush
overlooked the completion of housing units in the West Bank and all new con-
struction in East Jerusalem, as well as the establishment of settlements in the
Golan Heights.
Despite the Bush administration’s initially tough stand on Israeli settlements,
they ultimately acquiesced and Israeli settlement activity continued. Personal
relations were a deciding factor in Bush’s policy. Bush’s personal animosity to
and mistrust of Shamir helped the administration stand firm on its policy. Like-
wise, Bush’s personal affinity and trust for Rabin made a deal on loan guarantees
easier. Bush
didn’t make a secret of the fact that he very much wanted . . . Rabin to win.
He very much hoped Rabin would win the next election . . . because he loved
Rabin and could really get along with him.96
Moreover, “Baker . . . made a decision . . . that [the United States] would not do
the deal on loan guarantees because to do that would work against . . . Rabin.”97
Bush’s efforts opposing Shamir had not changed Israeli policy, and in the end,
Bush himself accepted the reality of the situation.
Notes
1 Transcript of Telephone Press Conference with Jewish Press Association. June 13,
1980. Ronald Reagan 1980 Presidential Campaign Papers, 1964–1980. Meese Files.
Speeches/Statements. Press Conferences/Interviews. Box 154. Ronald Reagan Library.
2 Memorandum of Conversation, Re: Meeting with Prime Minister Shamir of Israel,
November 15, 1989 - George H.W. Bush Presidential Records, National Security
Council, Haas, Richard N., Files, Presidential Meeting Files, Presidential Visit with
[Israeli Defense] Minister [Yitzhak] Rabin—November 15, 1989, OA/ID: CF01405–
001, George H.W. Bush Library.
3 Alexander M. Haig, Jr., Caveat: Realism, Reagan, and Foreign Policy (New York:
Macmillan, 1984), 169–70. Also see statements by Haig in Cable. Statements by Prime
Minister Begin and Secretary of State Alexander Haig After Their First Meeting.
April 5, 1981. Israel (03/12/1981–04/05/1981). Executive Secretariat, NSC. Country
File. Box 37. Ronald Reagan Library.
4 Secretary Baker, “Principles and Pragmatism: American Policy Toward the Arab-
Israeli Conflict,” May 22, 1989 - George H.W. Bush Presidential Records, National
Security Council, European and Soviet Directorate, Subject Files: Opening Session of
the MEPC, Madrid [Spain]—October 29–30, 1991 [2], OA/ID: CF01010–004, George
H.W. Bush Library.
Reagan and Bush 41 103
5 Carter Vulnerability—Foreign Policy. Ronald Reagan 1980 Presidential Campaign
Papers, 1964–1980. Meese Files. Briefing Books. International Briefing Book. Ed
Meese Personal Copy. Box 156. Ronald Reagan Library.
6 Ronald Reagan, “Remarks at the Annual Convention of the National Association of
Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida, March 8, 1983,” in Public Papers of the Presidents
of the United States: Ronald Reagan, Book I—January 1 to July 1, 1983 (Washington,
DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1984), 364.
7 Reagan quoted in James M. Scott, Deciding to Intervene: The Reagan Doctrine and
American Foreign Policy (Durham: Duke University Press, 1996), 17.
8 Middle East. Policy Statement. January 31, 1980. Ronald Reagan 1980 Presidential
Campaign Papers, 1964–1980. RPD Files. Field Ops—Issues. Middle East. Box 371.
Ronald Reagan Library.
9 Transcript of Telephone Press Conference with Jewish Press Association. June 13,
1980. Ronald Reagan 1980 Presidential Campaign Papers, 1964–1980. Meese Files.
Speeches/Statements. Press Conferences/Interviews. Box 154. Ronald Reagan Library.
10 Reagan quoted in William Safire, “Essay: Reagan on Israel,” The New York Times,
March 24, 1980, accessed February 20, 2015, http://query.nytimes.com/mem/
archive-free/pdf?res=9A0DE7D91238E432A25757C2A9659C94619FD6CF.
11 The Road to Peace in the Middle East. Ronald Reagan 1980 Presidential Campaign
Papers, 1964–1980. Meese Files. Speeches/Statements. Middle East. Box 154. Ronald
Reagan Library.
12 Wolf Blitzer, Between Washington and Jerusalem: A Reporter’s Notebook (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1985), 238–39, 244.
13 Samuel W. Lewis, “The United States and Israel: Constancy and Change,” in The
Middle East: Ten Years after Camp David, ed. William B. Quandt (Washington, DC:
Brookings Institution Press, 1988), 227.
14 Richard Pipes, “The Roots of Involvement,” in International Terrorism: Challenge
and Response, ed. Benjamin Netanyahu (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers,
1981), 58–63.
15 Kirkpatrick quoted in Melani McAlister, Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and US
Interests in the Middle East, 1945–2000 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press,
2001), 187.
16 Ronald Reagan, An American Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990), 407, 463.
17 Haig, Caveat, 326.
18 Ibid., 332.
19 “Remarks at the Welcoming Ceremony for Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel,
September 9, 1981,” in The Public Papers of Presidents of the United States: Ronald
Reagan 1981 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1982), 767.
20 Cable. Presidential Message for Prime Minister Begin. Prime Minister Begin. Cables.
Executive Secretariat, NSC. Head of State File. Box 16. Ronald Reagan Library.
21 Letter to Begin from Ronald Reagan. April 3, 1981. Israel. Prime Minister Begin.
Executive Secretariat, NSC. Head of State File. Box 16. Ronald Reagan Library.
22 See “U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel: Total Aid (1949-present),” Jewish Virtual Library,
accessed February 6, 2015, http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/US-Israel/
U.S._Assistance_to_Israel1.html.
23 The New York Times, “Excerpts from Interview with President Reagan Conducted by
Five Reporters,” February 3, 1981, Section A, 14.
24 Memorandum for Richard V. Allen from Douglas J. Feith. Subject: Notes on L egality
of Israel’s West Bank Settlements. June 16, 1981. Israel/Iraq—Book II. Executive
Secretariat, NSC. Country File. Box 37. Ronald Reagan Library.
25 See, for example, European Peace Plan. June 1980. Middle East Briefing Papers. Geof-
frey Kemp Files. RAC Box 5. Ronald Reagan Library.
104 Reagan and Bush 41
26 Memorandum for Richard V. Allen from Douglas J. Feith. Subject: Notes on UNSC
242 and UNSC 338. June 16, 1981. Israel/Iraq—Book II. Executive Secretariat, NSC.
Country File. Box 37. Ronald Reagan Library.
27 “Fahd Plan of 1981—Non-UN Document,” United Nations: The Question of Palestine,
accessed May 27, 2021, https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-209344/.
28 Analysis of Saudi Prince Fahd’s Peace Plan. August 1981. Middle East Briefing
Papers. Geoffrey Kemp Files. RAC Box 5. Ronald Reagan Library.
29 Cable. Settlements—No End in Sight. Israel—Settlements, 1982. Geoffrey Kemp
Files. Box 3. Ronald Reagan Library.
30 Memorandum of Conversation. Subject: Summary of the President’s Meeting with
Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel. Begin Meeting with the President, June 21,
1982. Near East and South Asia Affairs Directorate, NSC. Records. Box 91987. Ron-
ald Reagan Library.
31 Memorandum of Conversation. Subject: Summary of the President’s Working Lunch-
eon with Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel. Begin Meeting with the Presi-
dent, June 21, 1982. Near East and South Asia Affairs Directorate, NSC. Records.
Box 91987. Ronald Reagan Library.
32 “Address to the Nation on United States Policy for Peace in the Middle East,” United
Nations: The Question of Palestine, September 1, 1982, accessed June 7, 2021, https://
www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-207767/.
33 David K. Shipler, “Israel Rejects Reagan Plan for Palestinians’ Self-Rule; Terms it ‘a
Serious Danger’; The Israeli Communique,” The New York Times, September 3, 1982,
accessed June 8, 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/1982/09/03/world/israel-rejects-
reagan-plan-for-palestinians-self-rule-terms-it-serious-danger.html.
34 Announcement of New Israeli Settlements. September 5, 1982. Israel. Geoffrey Kemp
Files. Box 3. Ronald Reagan Library.
35 “Shultz: U.S. Not Seeking to Impose Solution of Mideast Crisis,” Jewish Telegraphic
Agency, September 14, 1982, accessed June 8, 2021, https://www.jta.org/1982/09/14/
archive/shultz-u-s-not-seeking-to-impose-solution-of-mideast-crisis.
36 Ibid.
37 Cable. Historical Precedents for United States Positions Conveyed to Israel: Memo
from Fairbanks to the Secretary. Arab-Israel Peace Process. Cables, September 1982.
Box 1. Ronald Reagan Library.
38 Cable. Letter for President Nimeiri from the Secretary. Arab-Israel Peace Process.
Cables, September 1982. Box 1. Ronald Reagan Library.
39 Various Letters to Leaders in the Region. Arab-Israel Peace Process. Memos, Septem-
ber 1982. Box 1. Ronald Reagan Library.
40 See William B. Quandt, “Reagan’s Lebanon Policy: Trial and Error,” Middle East
Journal (Spring 1984): 241–42.
41 George P. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York:
Scribner, 1993), 100.
42 National Security Decision Directive Number 111. Next Steps Toward Progress in
Lebanon and the Middle East. October 28, 1983. Ronald Reagan Library, accessed
June 9, 2021, https://www.reaganlibrary.gov/public/archives/reference/scanned-nsdds/
nsdd111.pdf.
43 “U.S.-Israel Relations: Formal Agreements (1950-Present),” Jewish Virtual Library,
accessed June 9, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/formal-agreements-
between-us-and-israel.
44 See “List of Vetoed United Nations Security Council Resolutions,” Wikipedia,
The Free Encyclopedia, accessed June 11, 2021, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
List_of_vetoed_United_Nations_Security_Council_resolutions.
45 See Draft Resolution S/15895, The United Nations Security Council (August 1, 1983),
accessed June 11, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/15895; Draft Resolution S/17769/
Rev.1, The United Nations Security Council (January 30, 1986), accessed June 11,
Reagan and Bush 41 105
2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/17769/Rev.1; Draft Resolution S/19780, The United
Nations Security Council (April 14, 1988), accessed June 11, 2021, https://undocs.org/
en/S/19780.
46 United Nations Security Council, Provisional Verbatim Record of the Two Thou-
sand Seven Hundred and Ninetieth Meeting, S/PV.2790 (February 1, 1988), accessed
June 11, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/PV.2790.
47 George P. Shultz, “The Challenge to the Democracies,” in Terrorism: How the West
Can Win, ed. Benjamin Netanyahu (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1986),
18–19.
48 Data provided by “Settlements Watch,” PeaceNow.org, accessed June 11, 2021, https://
peacenow.org.il/en/settlements-watch/settlements-data/population.
49 US Position on ME Debate in GA. Nixon Presidential Materials Staff. National Secu-
rity Council (NSC) Files. Harold H. Saunders Files. Middle East Negotiations Files.
Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, Yorba Linda, California.
50 U.S. Reiterates Position on Jerusalem, October 25, 1971—George H.W. Bush Pres-
idential Records, National Security Council, Welch, C. David, Files, Subject Files,
Jerusalem and the Occupied Territories—Statements [1], CF01096–029, George H.W.
Bush Library.
51 Security Council Resolution 298 (1971) of 25 September 1971, The United Nations, S/
RES/298 (1971) (September 25, 1971), accessed June 15, 2021, https://unispal.un.org/
DPA/DPR/unispal.nsf/0/441329A958089EAA852560C4004EE74D.
52 John Quigley, Palestine and Israel: A Challenge to Justice (Durham, NC: Duke Uni-
versity Press, 1990), 176.
53 Memorandum of Conversation, One-on-One Meeting with Prime Minister Shamir of
Israel, April 6, 1989—George H.W. Bush Presidential Records, accessed August 29,
2019, https://bush41library.tamu.edu/files/memcons-telcons/1989-04-06—Shamir.pdf.
54 Bobbie Greene Kilberg Interview, November 20, 2009, George H.W. Bush Oral
History Project, Miller Center, University of Virginia, accessed October 3, 2021,
https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-oral-histories/bobbie-greene-
kilberg-oral-history.
55 Dennis B. Ross Interview, August 2, 2001, George H.W. Bush Oral History Project,
Miller Center, University of Virginia, accessed October 3, 2021, https://millercenter.
org/the-presidency/presidential-oral-histories/dennis-b-ross-oral-history.
56 Richard Haass Interview, May 27, 2004, George H.W. Bush Oral History Project,
Miller Center, University of Virginia, accessed October 3, 2021, https://millercenter.
org/the-presidency/presidential-oral-histories/richard-haass-oral-history.
57 Secretary Baker, “Principles and Pragmatism: American Policy Toward the Arab-
Israeli Conflict,” May 22, 1989—George H.W. Bush Presidential Records, National
Security Council, European and Soviet Directorate, Subject Files: Opening Session of
the MEPC, Madrid [Spain]—October 29–30, 1991 [2], OA/ID: CF01010–004, George
H.W. Bush Library.
58 Memorandum from Richard N. Haass for G. Philip Hughes, Re: Memorandum of Con-
versation of the President’s One-on-One meeting with Prime Minister Shamir, Novem-
ber 15, 1989, November 16, 1989—George H.W. Bush Presidential Records, National
Security Council, Haas, Richard N., Files, Presidential Meeting Files, Presidential
Visit with [Israeli Defense] Minister [Yitzhak] Rabin—November 15, 1989, OA/ID:
CF01405–001, George H.W. Bush Library.
59 Memorandum of Conversation, Re: Meeting with Prime Minister Shamir of Israel,
November 15, 1989—George H.W. Bush Presidential Records, National Security
Council, Haas, Richard N., Files, Presidential Meeting Files, Presidential Visit with
[Israeli Defense] Minister [Yitzhak] Rabin—November 15, 1989, OA/ID: CF01405–
001, George H.W. Bush Library.
60 Points to be made in Plenary Meeting with Prime Minister Shamir—George H.W. Bush
Presidential Records, National Security Council, Haas, Richard N., Files, Presidential
106 Reagan and Bush 41
Meeting Files, Presidential Visit with [Israeli Defense] Minister [Yitzhak] Rabin—
November 15, 1989, OA/ID: CF01405–001, George H.W. Bush Library.
61 See Soviet-Jewish Emigration and U.S. Policy, 2–2–90 - George H.W. Bush Presi-
dential Records, National Security Council, Dyke, Nancy Bearg, Files/Subject Files,
Israel, OA/ID: CF01473–001, George H.W. Bush Library.
62 Memorandum of Telephone Conversation, Telephone Conversation with Prime
Minister Shamir of Israel, February 22, 1990—George H.W. Bush Presidential
Records, accessed August 29, 2019, https://bush41library.tamu.edu/files/memcons-
telcons/1990-02-22—Shamir.pdf.
63 “Secretary of State James Baker, Remarks on U.S. Aid to Israel, Washington D.C., 1
March 1990,” in Jackson Diehl, “Documents and Source Material,” Journal of Pales-
tine Studies 19, no. 4 (Summer 1990): 175.
64 Joel Brinkley, “How Shamir at Home Caused Storm Abroad,” The New York Times,
February 5, 1990, Section A, 12.
65 Jackson Diehl, “Shamir Defies Bush on Jerusalem,” The Washington Post, March 6, 1990,
accessed June 18, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1990/03/06/
shamir-defies-bush-on-jerusalem/9cea2731-ecf5-4e9b-9f6f-4fd739830a2c/.
66 “The President’s News Conference Following Discussions with Prime Minister Toshiki
Kaifu of Japan in Palm Springs, California March 3, 1990,” in Public Papers of the
Presidents of the United States: George H.W. Bush, Book I—January 1 to June 30,
1990 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1991), 313.
67 Thomas L. Friedman, “Bush Questions Israeli Claims to East Jerusalem, Creating
Uproar,” The New York Times, March 9, 1990, Section A, 8.
68 Memorandum from Brent Scowcroft for President Bush, Re: Response to Sena-
tor Boschwitz et al on Jerusalem, March 1990 - George H.W. Bush Presidential
Records, National Security Council, Welch, C. David, Files, Subject Files, Jeru-
salem and the Occupied Territories—Statements [1], CF01096–029, George H.W.
Bush Library.
69 Statement by the Press Secretary, with notes, May 3, 1990 - George H.W. Bush
Presidential Records, Public Liaison, White House Office of Jeavons, Kathy, Files,
May 3rd—Teddy Kollek Meeting Re: Jerusalem (POTUS) Statement Afterwards,
06272–054, George H.W. Bush Library.
70 “Foreign Minister David Levy, Letter to U.S. Secretary of State Baker on Assurances
Concerning the Settlement of Soviet Jews, Washington, D.C., 2 October 1990,” in
Jackson Diehl, “Documents and Source Material,” Journal of Palestine Studies 20, no.
2 (Winter 1991): 190.
71 Reuters, “Baker Agrees to Housing Aid for the Israelis,” The New York Times, Octo-
ber 3, 1990, Section A, 15.
72 John M. Goshko, “Baker Suggests Greater Restraint by Israel,” The Washington
Post, October 9, 1990, accessed June 18, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/
archive/politics/1990/10/09/baker-suggests-greater-restraint-by-israel/241f294f
-c907-414f-bdba-053275f88636/.
73 Resolution 672 (1990), The United Nations Security Council, S/RES/672 (Octo-
ber 12, 1990), accessed June 18, 2021, https://unispal.un.org/DPA/DPR/unispal.nsf/0/
A77D1562D5F685AA852560DD0063A757.
74 “Foreign Minister David Levy, Letter to U.S. Secretary of State Baker Clarifying the
Israeli Assurances, Jerusalem, 18 October 1990,” in Jackson Diehl, “Documents and
Source Material,” Journal of Palestine Studies 20, no. 2 (Winter 1991): 191–92.
75 See Memorandum from C. David Welch for Brent Scowcroft, Re: “Obey Report” on
Israeli Government Support for Settlement Activity, March 20, 1991- George H.W.
Bush Presidential Records, National Security Council, Hull, Edmund J., Files, Sub-
ject Files, Israel—Loan Guarantees [4], OA/ID: CF01395–008, George H.W. Bush
Library.
Reagan and Bush 41 107
76 See Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied
Territories, Volume 1/Number 4 (July 1991), accessed June 19, 2021, https://fmep.org/
wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/1.4.pdf.
77 Jackson Diehl, “Israel Plans to Expand Settlements,” The Washington Post, Sep-
tember 8, 1991, accessed June 19, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/
politics/1991/09/08/israel-plans-to-expand-settlements/a23f88eb-2dec-4d1e-88ca-
ed69408da64f/.
78 “Exchange with Reporters Prior to a Meeting with Secretary of State Baker, Septem-
ber 6, 1991,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George Bush,
Book II—July 1 to December 31, 1991 (Washington, DC: United States Government
Printing Office, 1992), 1121–22, accessed October 3, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/
content/pkg/PPP-1991-book2/pdf/PPP-1991-book2.pdf.
79 Letter from President Bush to Senator Dole, September 10, 1991—George H.W. Bush
Presidential Records, National Security Council, Lampley, Virginia, Files, Subject
Files, Israel [1 and 2], OA/ID: CF01110–005 (006), George H.W. Bush Library.
80 Adam Clymer, “Pro-Israel Lobby Readies for Fight,” The New York Times, Septem-
ber 15, 1991, Section A, 9.
81 “The President’s News Conference, September 12, 1991,” in Public Papers of the
Presidents of the United States: George Bush, Book II—July 1 to December 31, 1991
(Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1992), 1140, 1142,
accessed October 3, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-1991-book2/
pdf/PPP-1991-book2.pdf.
82 Clyde Haberman, “Shamir Unmoved by Bush’s Threat,” The New York Times, Septem-
ber 14, 1991, Section 1, 5.
83 Thomas L. Friedman, “The World; Bush Makes Aid to Israel Subject to Conditions,”
The New York Times, October 6, 1991, Section 4, 3.
84 Israel—Shamir: No Power in the World Can Prevent Construction, January 21, 1992 -
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records, National Security Council, Hull, Edmund J.,
Files, Subject Files, Israel—Settlements, OA/ID: CF01395–014, George H.W. Bush
Library.
85 U.S. General Accounting Office, Israel: U.S. Loan Guarantees for Immigrant Absorp-
tion, GAO/NS1AD-92–119 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office,
1992).
86 “State Department Office of Inspector General, ‘Report of Audit: Department of State,
Defense Trade Controls,’ Washington, D.C., 1 April 1992 (excerpts),” in Jackson
Diehl, “Documents and Source Material,” Journal of Palestine Studies 21, no. 4 (Sum-
mer 1992): 167–71.
87 “State Department Office Legislative Affairs, ‘Israeli Settlements in the Occupied
Territories’, Washington, D.C., 1 May 1992,” in Jackson Diehl, “Documents and
Source Material,” Journal of Palestine Studies 21, no. 4 (Summer 1992): 171–73.
88 “State Department Spokesperson Margaret Tutwiler, Comments on UN Resolution
194, Washington, D.C., 12, 13, and 18 May 1992,” in Jackson Diehl, “Documents and
Source Material,” Journal of Palestine Studies 21, no. 4 (Summer 1992): 173.
89 “United States Senate, Resolution 277 on Israeli Loan Guarantees, Washington, D.C.,
1 April 1992,” in Jackson Diehl, “Documents and Source Material,” Journal of Pales-
tine Studies 21, no. 4 (Summer 1992): 171.
90 Clyde Haberman, “Israel’s Labor Party Wins Clear Victory in Election; Ready to Form
a Coalition,” The New York Times, June 24, 1992, Section A, 1.
91 Mideast/Israel Question-and-Answer—George H.W. Bush Presidential Records,
National Security Council, Hull, Edmund J., Files, Subject Files, Israel 1992, OA/ID:
CF01771–007, George H.W. Bush Library.
92 “The President’s News Conference with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel in
Kennebunkport, August 11, 1992,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United
108 Reagan and Bush 41
States: George Bush, Book II—August 1, 1992 to January 20, 1993 (Washington, DC:
United States Government Printing Office, 1993), 1331–37, accessed October 3, 2021,
https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-1992-book2/pdf/PPP-1992-book2-doc-
pg1331-3.pdf.
93 “Address to the Knesset by Prime Minister Rabin Presenting His Government—13
July 1992,” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Israel’s Foreign Relations Vol 13–14:
1992–1994, accessed June 19, 2021, https://mfa.gov.il/mfa/foreignpolicy/mfadocu
ments/yearbook9/pages/1%20%20address%20to%20the%20knesset%20by%20
prime%20minister%20rabin.aspx.
94 “The President’s News Conference with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel in
Kennebunkport, August 11, 1992,” 1331–37.
95 Gene Bird, “How Israel Got the Loan Guarantees Opposed by 80 Percent of Ameri-
cans,” Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, November 24, 1992, accessed
June 19, 2021, https://www.wrmea.org/1992-november/how-israel-got-the-loan-guar-
antees-opposed-by-80-percent-of-americans.html.
96 Bobbie Greene Kilberg Interview, November 20, 2009, George H.W. Bush Oral
History Project, Miller Center, University of Virginia, accessed October 3, 2021,
https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-oral-histories/bobbie-greene-
kilberg-oral-history.
97 Dennis B. Ross Interview, August 2, 2001, George H.W. Bush Oral History Project,
Miller Center, University of Virginia, accessed October 3, 2021, https://millercenter.
org/the-presidency/presidential-oral-histories/dennis-b-ross-oral-history.
6 Bill Clinton
“Complicating Factors”
I think [Israeli building in the West Bank and Israeli settlements are] a com-
plicating factor.
—Robert H. Pelletreau, Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern
Affairs1
In the 1992 presidential election, Arkansas governor Bill Clinton defeated George
H.W. Bush, making Bush 41 a one-term president. Following the Bush administra-
tion’s success in orchestrating the Madrid Peace Conference after the defeat of Iraq,
Bush only played a minor role in the peace process. As a result, when Clinton took
office, the peace process was at a standstill. Despite its stance on Israeli settlement
expansion, the Bush administration backed away from seriously pressuring Israel
to pursue peace. Shortly before leaving office in January 1993, the Bush adminis-
tration delivered the first $2 billion in loan guarantees, granting Israel easier terms
than those outlined by Congress.2 Shortly after he became president, Clinton made
clear that he would oppose any attempt to reduce American assistance to Israel.3
When Clinton came to office, it quickly became clear that he would be a staunch
advocate for and friend of Israel. Despite Clinton’s support for Middle East peace
negotiations, the Clinton administration implicitly endorsed the use of U.S. loan guar-
antees for Israeli settlements. President Clinton proved to be one of the most pro-Israel
presidents, and by the end of his eight years in office, Israeli settlements had vastly
expanded. Always cognizant of the political price Bush had paid with the appearance
of pressuring Israel, Clinton was hesitant to confront Israel and was more sympathetic
to Israeli security needs. His political instincts told him never to get ahead of Israel.
DOI: 10.4324/9781003287131-6
110 Bill Clinton
the beginning of an obsession to see all the children of Abraham reconciled
on the holy ground in which our three faiths came to life.4
Vaught had a profound influence on Clinton. Visiting him in the Arkansas Gov-
ernor’s Mansion, Vaught told Clinton, “Bill, I think you’re going to be President
someday. I think you’ll do a good job, but there’s one thing above all you must
remember: God will never forgive you if you don’t stand by Israel.”5
During his 1992 campaign for the presidency, Clinton adopted a position sup-
porting the Madrid peace talks but criticized Bush and Baker for pressuring Israel.
Clinton accused the Bush administration of eroding “the taboo against overt anti-
Semitism,” and suggested that he would not refuse to grant loan guarantees for
housing Israeli immigrants.6 In addition, the Clinton campaign argued, Bush’s
1992 support for Israel was an “election year conversion. . . . Since his election,
George Bush has been bullying Israel and offending the American Jewish com-
munity.”7 Finally, Clinton pledged a policy of “all-out, unconditional support for
Israel,” and in a speech to the Jewish Leadership Council, Clinton argued that he
would give Israel the $10 billion in loan guarantees, with or without restrictions
on settlements.8
Beyond this, the Clinton administration did not have strong views on the
Middle East. Initially, Clinton and his first Secretary of State, Warren Chris-
topher, were reluctant to get bogged down in Middle East conflicts, especially
the Arab-Israeli conflict. In addition, Christopher had been Deputy Secretary
of State in the Carter administration; this raised fears that he would be quick
to criticize Israel and inclined to favor the Palestinians.9 Christopher did not
want to provoke those fears by pressuring Israel or actively pursuing peace
negotiations.
Anthony Lake, Clinton’s National Security Advisor, also downplayed the
Middle East. With the end of the Cold War, Lake offered a foreign policy vision
focusing on democracy and capitalism. Lake told an audience at Johns Hopkins
University School of Advanced International Studies, “The successor of a doctrine
of containment must be a strategy of enlargement—enlargement of the world’s
free community of market democracies.” Lake argued, America’s central strategy
“must be to strengthen the core of major market democracies, the bonds among
them and their sense of common interest.”10 The administration’s focus, therefore,
was the expansion of democracy and markets, especially in the newly emerging
democracies throughout Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union.
The Middle East received little mention in Lake’s address, with the exception of
containing rogue states like Iraq.
Moreover, Martin Indyk, the National Security Council staff expert on the Mid-
dle East, and Robert Satloff, executive director of the Washington Institute for
Near East Policy, promoted a “Syria-first” strategy. Indyk and Satloff argued Mid-
dle East peace negotiations presented the Clinton administration with “an oppor-
tunity to end the Arab-Israeli conflict, to secure peace and Arab recognition for
the Jewish state and to settle Arab and Palestinian grievances.” At the same time,
Bill Clinton 111
they warned that radical and extremist forces posed challenges for this agenda.
They concluded:
The negotiating process is alive, if not so well. It has brought the Syrian and
Jordanian tracks to the point of “problem solving,” which renders them ripe
for breakthroughs. On the Palestinian track, however, progress will be much
more difficult, requiring a sustained effort to overcome the gaps in concept
and weakness of the Palestinian delegation. . . . In the first instance then, the
Clinton administration should resume the role of “honest broker” and
get the talks back on track as quickly as possible (Original emphasis).11
Christopher responded:
Christopher had seemingly accepted not only the idea that the United States would
not condemn Israel for its actions in the occupied territories, but also the view that
the territories were not occupied, but “disputed.”
And, in February 1993, Christopher effectively endorsed Israel’s right to deport
Palestinians and made a veiled threat to veto any United Nations Security Council
action that might condemn Israel for deportations. Hailing an Israeli decision to
take back 100 of over 400 Palestinians deported in December 1992 as a “break-
through,” Christopher argued:
The United States believes that this process . . . is consistent with UN Reso-
lution 799. . . . As a consequence . . . we believe that further action by the
Security Council is unnecessary and could even undercut the process.16
One month later, on March 9, 1993, Assistant Secretary of State for Near
Eastern and South Asian Affairs Edward Djerejian endorsed the expansion of
Israeli settlements in the occupied territories. During testimony before the House
Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East where the loan
guarantees approved during the Bush administration were discussed, Chairman
Lee Hamilton asked, “[D]o we permit the expansion of existing settlements?”
Djerejian responded, “There is some allowance for—I wouldn’t use the word
‘expansion’ but certainly some activity—construction activities in existing set-
tlements . . . basically in terms of natural growth and basic, immediate needs in
those settlements.”17
In its first year in office, the Clinton administration was publicly endorsing
Israel’s policies in the occupied territories. More than acquiescence, Clinton sig-
naled clear support for Israeli policies. By not refuting or retracting Djerejian’s
testimony, the administration removed Israeli settlements as an official source of
friction between the United States and Israel. Six days later, on March 15, follow-
ing a meeting with Prime Minister Rabin, Clinton reassured Rabin that he would
oppose any attempt to reduce assistance to Israel. In addition, Clinton accepted
the Israeli concept of “peace with security,” arguing, “The Israeli people cannot
be expected to make peace unless they feel secure, and they cannot be expected to
feel secure unless they come to know real peace.” To that end, Clinton announced
that the United States would reinforce its commitment to Israel’s “qualitative mili-
tary edge.”18
The United States endorsed the Israeli position in negotiations, as well. In a
draft Israeli-Palestinian declaration of principles, the administration failed to
describe the territories as “occupied.” In fact, the document failed to mention
the occupation, withdrawal, or an exchange of land for peace; the document sug-
gested that any agreement between the Israelis and Palestinians would “constitute
Bill Clinton 113
the implementation of Resolutions 242 and 338 in all their aspects” whether or not
there was an exchange of land for peace, or withdrawal. The document referred to
the “territories” as “a single territorial unit,” and emphasized, “negotiations on the
land issue” to determine “permanent status.” The document did emphasize giving
“Palestinians real control over decisions that affect their lives,” but did not specify
what this means; specifically, the document only calls for the transfer of “civil-
ian administration” in the territories. Finally, the document recognized “Israel’s
responsibility for its nationals and for overall security of the territories,” stressing
that there must be “arrangements and mechanisms” to “enhance mutual security
and address the needs of both sides.”19 The document appeared to accept both the
Israeli position on the territories as not being “occupied,” but “disputed,” and the
significance of the territories to Israeli security.
A month later, in July 1993, the State Department sent its annual report to
Congress on Israeli settlement policies. It described settlements as “obstacles to
peace,” but suggested a “new Israeli policy” on settlements had emerged and that
this policy was advantageous to the peace process. However, the report also noted
that there was no commitment to change Israeli settlement policy in East Jerusa-
lem, where Israel declared it would continue to expand.20 Most significantly, the
report accepted the rhetoric of the Rabin government, which suggested the policy
had changed; in reality, however, Israel continued its settlement expansion and
only rhetorically altered its policy.
[L]et us today pay tribute to the leaders who had the courage to lead their peo-
ple toward peace, away from the scars of battle, the wounds, and the losses of
the past toward a brighter tomorrow. . . . What these leaders have done now
must be done by others. Their achievement must be a catalyst for progress
in all aspects of the peace process and those of us who support them must be
there to help in all aspects. For the peace must render the people who make it
114 Bill Clinton
more secure. A peace of the brave is within our reach. Throughout the Middle
East, there is a great yearning for the quiet miracle of a normal life.21
Following the signing of the Oslo Accord, the Clinton administration remained
determined not to pressure Israel and supported long-time American policy con-
tinuing to oppose the creation of an independent Palestinian state.
The Oslo Accord’s Declaration of Principles failed to resolve the core issues
of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, including the future status of Jerusalem and
Israeli settlements. The Accord did not call for a Palestinian state, satisfying both
Israeli and American leaders. It also did not call for a freeze on the expansion
of Israeli settlements in the occupied territories. Instead of dealing with these
difficult issues, the Accord provided a transitional period in which Israel would
make additional concessions contingent on security. Essentially, Israel would test
the responsibility and accountability of the Palestinian police. Meanwhile, the
Clinton administration had only played a minor role in the negotiations that cre-
ated Oslo. Thus, the administration coaxed the parties, but relied mainly on Israeli
leaders to guide the negotiations forward. Israeli prime minister Rabin was in
no rush to engage in further withdrawals from the West Bank. As a result, Rabin
focused on negotiations with Jordan and Syria, and the United States followed.
The Israelis withdrew from Jericho and much of Gaza in mid-1994, bringing
Arafat and other P.L.O. leaders into Gaza. Arafat and the P.L.O. entered Palestin-
ian politics, gaining an opportunity to achieve direct political power and control.
According to Dennis Ross, “The Israeli government had made a choice to try to
settle the conflict with the Palestinians, and to recognize that peace with the Pales-
tinians would offer the best guarantee of security.”22 However, the Israelis did not
pull back from Israeli settlements in Gaza sending a clear message that the Israeli
settlement policies would not change. Rather, the Israeli government focused on a
gradual process of building trust; once trust had been built, Israel would theoreti-
cally make further concessions.
Nevertheless, the Oslo Accords and the Oslo process that emerged from them
soon broke down. One reason for their failure was that they had been negotiated
by the exiled P.L.O. leadership, rather than by Palestinians actually living in the
occupied territories. Former president Carter accused Arafat of using the Accords
to “administer Palestinian affairs in the West Bank and Gaza,” assuring him a
powerful role in the occupied territories.23 The agreement benefitted Israeli lead-
ers, too, ensuring that existing Israeli settlements in the occupied territories would
be unaffected, and Israeli authorities could shift responsibility for stability and
control in the West Bank and Gaza to Arafat.
Within Israel, and the West Bank and Gaza, however, resistance to the Accords
soon emerged. In the West Bank and, especially, Gaza, Hamas, the Islamic Resist-
ance Movement gained strength as a major political opponent of Arafat and the
more secular Fatah, the political arm of the P.L.O. Hamas was involved in ter-
rorist attacks and had killed Israeli soldiers prior to the signing of the Accords in
September 1993. This fed fears in Israel, stoked by the conservative Likud party,
that concessions to Palestinians only endangered Israeli security and emboldened
Bill Clinton 115
terrorists. Most significantly, perhaps, the Oslo Accords were intentionally ambig-
uous, providing Israel with leeway regarding its commitments to Jericho and
Gaza, as well its policy on Israeli settlements.
The Oslo Accords also raised questions about the Clinton administration’s
role in the peace process. After all, the Israelis and Palestinians had reached
agreement through back channels that lacked American participation. The good
offices of Norway had brokered the deal. In fact, President Clinton and the United
States were criticized for stealing the stage from the Norwegian negotiators.24
Throughout 1993 and 1994, the Clinton administration stepped back, letting
Israel take the lead, thereby ceding to Israeli positions and policies in negotia-
tions. With little American involvement, Israel signed a peace treaty with Jordan
in October 1994. King Hussein had agreed to drop claims to Jerusalem and the
West Bank, and met in secret negotiations with Rabin prior to Clinton assuming
office.25 As Aaron David Miller later argued, however, an important lesson “to
emerge from the Oslo years is that ignoring bad behavior on either side dooms
any chance of serious and successful negotiations.”26 Throughout the remainder
of his first term, Clinton focused on keeping the peace process going simply as
an end in itself, often ignoring the facts on the ground. The administration had
come to believe that a comprehensive peace would be more likely if the parties
were simply engaged.27
In addition, the United States became too focused on its dialogue with Israel at
the expense of the Palestinians. This raised significant questions about Clinton’s
even-handedness in the peace process. Robert Malley argued, “Failure to give
Arab states a genuine role in the process relieved them of any responsibility for
its success.”28 Miller criticized the administration’s position more harshly, arguing
that no “senior-level official involved with the negotiations was willing or able
to present, let alone fight for, the Arab or Palestinian perspective.”29 And, Daniel
Kurtzer, who left the State Department’s Near Eastern Affairs Bureau in 1994
arguing that he was shut out of policy making, criticized the Clinton administra-
tion’s emphasis on terrorism and terrorist acts without acknowledging the fact
“that radical Islam was replacing secular nationalism as the most powerful politi-
cal ideology in the region.” Kurtzer further suggested the administration failed “to
understand the depth and the danger of the threat and [was] hesitant and tepid” in
responding to the challenge.30
In the peace process, the administration failed to understand that its inclinations
to perceive Arafat as a powerful negotiator actually undermined the process in the
eyes of other Palestinians and Palestinian leaders. As Arafat increasingly became
unwilling or unable to control political violence, the United States moved even
closer to its credible allies in the Israeli leadership. To make matters worse, in
May 1994, Arafat declared:
“The jihad will continue. . . . Jerusalem is not only of the Palestinian people
but of the entire Islamic nation. . . . You must come to fight, to begin the jihad
to liberate Jerusalem, your first shrine. . . . I regard [the Oslo Accords] as no
more than the agreement signed between our prophet Muhammad and the
116 Bill Clinton
Quraysh in Mecca,” a commitment that was repudiated once Muslims gained
the advantage.31
As a result, the United States turned its attention to Syria, where the adminis-
tration believed it could produce results. Between 1993 and 1996, Secretary of
State Christopher unsuccessfully negotiated with Syria and Israel. Syrian Presi-
dent Hafez al-Asad demanded Israeli withdrawal from the Golan Heights, includ-
ing all Israeli settlements, as a condition of any agreement. Just ten days before a
January 1994 meeting between President Clinton and Asad in Geneva, the Israeli
government authorized 500 housing units in the Golan Heights.32 When asked
about Israeli settlements, Clinton fell back on the ambiguous American position
that settlements would be an issue to be “resolved in connection with the peace
process.”33 And, in March 1994, Robert H. Pelletreau, Assistant Secretary of State
for Near Eastern Affairs, appeared before the Europe and Middle East Subcom-
mittee of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. Responding to questions from
Congressman Lee Hamilton regarding Israeli settlement policy and the American
response, Pelletreau explained:
[N]ot a single week has gone by that I did not think of Yitzhak Rabin and
miss him terribly. . . . Nor has a single week gone by in which I have not reaf-
firmed my conviction that had he not lost his life . . . within three years we
would have had a comprehensive agreement for peace in the Middle East.38
Israeli foreign minister Shimon Peres succeeded Rabin. After Rabin’s funeral,
Peres told Clinton that he would keep Rabin’s promises. While Peres was commit-
ted to the peace process, he was unaware that Rabin had committed to withdrawal
in the Golan Heights.39 Peres worked with the United States to pursue the possibil-
ity of a peace agreement with Syria, and continued discussions with Palestinian
leaders regarding the implementation of the Oslo Accords. Peres would not have
much time to pursue these negotiations, however. In February and March 1996,
a wave of Palestinian bombings reinforced Israeli concerns about security. Those
concerns contributed to a change in government in May 1996, when Likud nar-
rowly beat Labor and Benjamin Netanyahu became Israel’s prime minister.
Clinton had forged a close personal relationship with Rabin and had hoped that
Rabin’s successor, Peres, would continue the work started by his predecessor.
Now, Clinton was faced with an Israeli government that was suspicious of the
Palestinians, wanted to expand rather than cede territory, and harshly criticized
the Oslo process. Furthermore, Dennis Ross noted that Netanyahu was “overcome
by hubris,” and determined to lead America in the peace process.40
Netanyahu had campaigned on bringing security to Israel, arguing that Oslo
had endangered Israel, Arafat was a terrorist, and Israel would not make territo-
rial concessions. Moreover, he viewed Israel as possessing a right to rule and
settle over Greater Israel from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea. While
Netanyahu was willing to accept Palestinian control over some cities in the West
Bank and Gaza Strip, he was adamant about securing and maintaining Israeli set-
tlements. Prior to the election, Netanyahu had argued, “A government under my
leadership sees advantage in Jewish construction beyond the Green Line.” And in
May, he told the chairman of the Golan regional council, “It is our responsibility
to continue and to develop the settlement enterprise in the Golan at every oppor-
tunity.” In his inauguration speech, Netanyahu explained:
Ariel Sharon, Israeli Minister of Energy and Water Resources for the new govern-
ment, added:
We’re aware of the comments made [by Likud] during the campaign. In the
past, settlement activity has created a great deal of tension and it has been a
complicating factor in the Middle East, and in relations between Israel and
the Palestinians and others. We certainly believe that to be true. I think it is
also true that Israel and the Palestinians have decided to resolve this question,
if they can, in the context of the final status talks. . . . So it’s up to them now
to resolve that problem, but it has been a matter of tension and complica-
tion in the past, certainly. . . . [I]t has been complicating and it has produced
tension—“it,” being the matter of settlements.43
In July, Netanyahu met with Clinton at the White House. Following their meet-
ings, Clinton was asked about the settlement policy of the new Israeli govern-
ment. Clinton’s response was ambiguous, suggesting that the United States would
not prevent Israel’s settlement policies.
Well, first of all, keep in mind the settlements as an issue in the abstract, or
the larger issues of settlements, are, by prior agreement of the parties, to be
resolved by agreements. . . . [W]e know as a practical matter that the settle-
ments issue can become a contentious one, can become a problem. . . . So
Bill Clinton 119
it’s something that we have said repeatedly has to be handled with great care.
Now, I think just saying those two things is about all that needs to be said.
This is something that the more you talk about it, you could do more harm
than good in the ultimate peace process.44
After meeting with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak later that month, and once
again being asked about Israeli settlement policies, Clinton acknowledged settle-
ment expansion and implied American acquiescence.
Our positions are just what they were. . . . The settlement issue under the Oslo
accords is a matter for determination between the parties as we move to the
end of the negotiations. . . . [I]n the previous [Israeli] administrations, Prime
Minister Rabin and Prime Minister Peres, the existing settlements expanded
more or less with population growth in the State of Israel. And that was not
considered to be a serious violation of the understandings that were existing
at that time.45
Settlements were no longer clear “obstacles to peace”; they were now an issue to
be negotiated.
I wasn’t happy. [Netanyahu and I] had a conversation, and I felt that going
forward with those kinds of buildings was not helpful. It is not in any way not
part of what they can do, but they shouldn’t do it. . . . It’s legal. But I think
that, in this kind of an atmosphere, it’s very important not to take actions that
are viewed by the other side as creating more difficulties.57
The fact of the matter is that there is nothing in the interim agreement, as
such, and under Oslo, that prohibits settlement activity. We think it is unhelp-
ful and counterproductive. But . . . the statement was technically correct.
Well, what is going to happen is . . . the definition and content of a time-out
regarding unilateral steps so that each side can ensure the right environment
for the duration of the . . . negotiations. I would take that to mean that there
is an agreement on a time-out. But the length and content of it—although the
length is pretty clear . . . that is basically an issue of the content.
Clinton continued to hope that he could break the impasse, but on July 25, he
announced that the Israelis and Palestinians had failed to reach an agreement. In
addition, he made it clear that the Israeli and American positions were aligned,
and Arafat was the villain:
Clinton provided further support for Barak in an interview with Israeli televi-
sion reporters on July 28. During the interview, Clinton claimed he “always
wanted to move our Embassy to west Jerusalem”83 and warned Arafat that there
“should not be a unilateral declaration” on Palestinian statehood or the “entire
[American] relationship will be reviewed.”84 Clinton never mentioned the chal-
lenge that settlements presented. He placed the burden of peace squarely on
Arafat’s shoulders: “I would hope that Chairman Arafat and the other leaders
in the Arab world will work to prepare their public for the proposition that
there can be no agreement without courage and conscience but also honorable
compromise.”85
While Clinton failed to broker an agreement, the administration orchestrated
the perception of success, particularly with the American and Israeli publics.
However, the appearance of success was shattered in the fall. On September 28,
2000, Israeli opposition leader Ariel Sharon visited the Temple Mount/Haram al-
Sharif with hundreds of Israeli police. Palestinians viewed the action as a deliber-
ate provocation, and reacted by throwing stones at Jews praying at the Western
Wall. Israeli police responded with force, killing and wounding several Palestin-
ians. Sharon’s action and the Palestinian reaction was the beginning of several
months of violence; the second, or Al-Aqsa, intifada had begun. Throughout the
crisis, American policymakers worked to get a truce.
Despite the violence and difficulty with getting a truce, Clinton pressed on
with peace in the hopes of establishing his legacy as a peacemaker. In a meeting
on December 23 at the White House between American, Israeli, and Palestinian
representatives, Clinton proposed a compromise solution for Israeli-Palestinian
peace. Clinton proposed a Palestinian state comprising approximately 95% of the
West Bank and Gaza Strip; Israel would annex the remaining land, which included
major settlement blocs and nearly 80% of the Israeli settlers and swap land for the
Bill Clinton 127
territory it was annexing, thus protecting settlers and settlements. Additionally,
Israel would gain sovereignty over the Western Wall and the Palestinians would
gain sovereignty over the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif. The Palestinians would
also waive the unlimited “right of return” to Israel and Israel would agree to assist
the Palestinian people suffering from the 1948 war.86
Barak, who was facing an upcoming Israeli election, conditionally accepted the
proposal as a basis for negotiations if Arafat were to accept it. Arafat, however,
raised significant objections. First, Arafat argued that a Palestinian state would
lack viability with the divisions and connections proposed by the plan. Second,
the plan would divide “Palestinian Jerusalem” from the rest of Palestine. Third,
Palestinians would not “surrender the right of return.” Most significantly, Arafat
argued:
[T]he Palestinian side rejects the use of “settlement blocs” as a guiding prin-
ciple as recommended by the United States’ proposal. The use of this cri-
terion subordinates Palestinian interests in the contiguity of their state and
control over their natural resources to Israeli interests regarding the contigu-
ity of settlements, recognized as illegal by the international community. . . .
Ultimately, it is impossible to agree to a proposal that punishes Palestinians
while rewarding Israel’s illegal settlement policies. . . . Under such a pro-
posal, a number of Palestinian villages will be annexed to Israel.87
While Albright made clear the settlements were “unhelpful,” she admonished the
Council for “acting in a way that is detrimental to the process.”91
128 Bill Clinton
In addition, when Prime Minister Rabin argued, “The Government is firm in its
resolve that Jerusalem will not be open to negotiation. The coming years will also
be marked by the extension of construction in Greater Jerusalem,”92 the Clinton
administration raised no objections. The Clinton administration’s rationale was
that the Declaration of Principles signed in 1993 provided that the status of Jeru-
salem and settlements were to be determined through negotiations. After eight
years in office, the Clinton administration moved American policy even deeper
into the Israeli camp. Clinton had proven to be a staunch advocate for Israel and
failed to apply significant pressure for Israel to change course. The Clinton admin-
istration’s chance at peace had ended. Near the end of his presidency, Clinton
addressed the Israel Policy Forum. He provided lessons for the peace process
going forward and continued to show his admiration for the Israelis: “Prime Min-
ister Barak . . . has demonstrated real courage and vision in moving toward peace
in difficult circumstances while trying to find a way to continue to protect Israel’s
security and vital interests.”93 Both Barak and Clinton would no longer have the
opportunity to be peacemakers; with the elections of Ariel Sharon in Israel and
George W. Bush in the United States, the hawks would bear the mantle of peace.
Notes
1 “U.S. Official Revises Government View of Settlements,” Foundation for Middle East
Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 4, no. 3 (May 1994): 7,
accessed July 1, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/4.3.pdf.
2 See Eugene Bird, “First $2 Billion U.S. Loan Guarantees to Israel Signed Ever So
Quietly,” Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, February 1993, accessed June 21,
2021, https://www.wrmea.org/1993-february/first-$2-billion-u.s.-loan-guarantee-to-
israel-signed-ever-so-quietly.html.
3 See “The President’s News Conference with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel,
March 15, 1993,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Bill Clinton,
Book I—January 20 to July 31, 1993 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1994), 303–8, accessed October 3, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/app/col-
lection/ppp/president-42_Clinton,%20William%20J./1993/01%21A%21January%20
20%20to%20July%2031%2C%201993; Elaine Sciolino, “Clinton Promises Rabin He
Won’t Cut Aid to Israel,” The New York Times, March 16, 1993, Section A, 8.
4 Bill Clinton, My Life (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004), 294.
5 Ibid., 353.
6 “The 1992 Campaign; Clinton Criticizes President over Relations with Israel,” The
New York Times, April 1, 1992, Section A, 21.
7 Thomas L. Friedman, “The 1992 Campaign: The Republicans; Bush Tells Jews That
Rival Would Have Harmed Israel,” The New York Times, September 9, 1992, Section
A, 14.
8 Rowl Evans and Robert Novak, “Clinton’s Israel Stretch,” The Washington Post,
July 15, 1992, accessed June 21, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/
opinions/1992/07/15/clintons-israel-stretch/e27621b2-3df5-459e-8fdd-d93d21
90365d/.
9 See Thomas L. Friedman, “Clinton Nominees Disturb Some Jews,” The New York
Times, January 5, 1993, Section A, 11.
10 Remarks of Anthony Lake, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs,
“From Containment to Enlargement,” Johns Hopkins University, School of Advanced
Bill Clinton 129
International Studies, Washington, DC (September 21, 1993), accessed June 22, 2021,
https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/lakedoc.html.
11 Martin Indyk and Robert Satloff, “Transition paper: Bush to Clinton—Issues Paper:
Middle East Peace Talks,” United States Institute of Peace, accessed June 22, 2021,
https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/Peace%20Puzzle/3_Transition%20Paper%20
Bush%20to%20Clinton.pdf.
12 Martin Indyk, Innocent Abroad: An Intimate Account of American Peace Diplomacy in
the Middle East (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2014), 16–18.
13 See Dennis Ross, The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East
Peace (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2005), 102–3.
14 See, for example, Bill Clinton, “Yitzhak Rabin and the Case for Courage,” The Atlan-
tic, November 4, 2020, accessed June 22, 2021, https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/
archive/2020/11/yitzhak-rabin-and-case-courage/616965/.
15 “Christopher Testifies on Territories,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report
on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 3, no. 2 (March 1993): 6, accessed
June 22, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/3.2.pdf.
16 “Secretary of State Warren Christopher, Remarks on the ‘Resolution’ of the Deporta-
tion Issue, New York, 1 February 1993,” in Jackson Diehl, “Documents and Source
Material,” Journal of Palestine Studies 22, no. 3 (Spring 1993): 159.
17 “Assistant Secretary of State Edward Djerejian, Remarks on the Status of the Loan
Guarantees, Washington, D.C., 9 March 1993,” in Jackson Diehl, “Documents and
Source Material,” Journal of Palestine Studies 22, no. 4 (Summer 1993): 158.
18 “The President’s News Conference with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel,
March 15, 1993,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Bill Clin-
ton, Book I—January 20 to July 31, 1993 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Print-
ing Office, 1994): 304–5, accessed October 3, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/app/col
lection/ppp/president-42_Clinton,%20William%20J./1993/01%21A%21January%20
20%20to%20July%2031%2C%201993.
19 “Text of United States Draft Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles, Washington,
D.C., 30 June 1993,” in United Nations, Approaches Towards the Settlement of the
Arab-Israeli Conflict and the Question of Palestine (June–December 1993), no. 25,
accessed June 23, 2021, https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-195501/.
20 See Geoffrey Aronson, “Administration Report Plays Down Current Settlement in
Territories,” Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories, Foundation for
Middle East Peace 3, no. 4 (July 1993), accessed June 22, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/
wp-content/uploads/2015/01/3.4.pdf.
21 “Ceremony for Signing of the Declaration of Principles, Washington, DC, 13 Sep-
tember 1993,” in United Nations, Approaches Towards the Settlement of the Arab-
Israeli Conflict and the Question of Palestine (June–December 1993), no. 25, accessed
June 23, 2021, https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-195501/.
22 Ross, The Missing Peace, 116.
23 Jimmy Carter, Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid (London: Pocket Books, 2008), 135.
24 Ibid., 134.
25 See William B. Quandt, Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli
Conflict Since 1967, 3rd ed. (Washington, DC and Berkeley, CA: Brookings Institution
Press and University of California Press, 2005), 333–34.
26 Aaron David Miller, The Much Too Promised Land: America’s Elusive Search for
Arab-Israeli Peace (New York: Bantam Books, 2008), 374–75.
27 See, for example, Ross, The Missing Peace, 769–72.
28 Robert Malley, “Israel and the Arafat Question,” The New York Review of Books, Octo-
ber 7, 2004, accessed June 30, 2021, https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2004/10/07/
israel-and-the-arafat-question/.
29 Miller, The Much Too Promised Land, 243–44.
130 Bill Clinton
30 Daniel C. Kurtzer, “Shortsighted Statecraft: Washington’s Muddled Middle East Pol-
icy,” Foreign Affairs 87, no. 4 (July/August 2008): 123.
31 Yosef Bodansky, The High Price of Peace (New York: Random House/Forum, 2002),
109.
32 “Settlement Construction Continues in Golan Heights,” Foundation for Middle East
Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 4, no. 2 (March 1994):
7, accessed July 1, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/4.2.pdf.
33 “The President’s News Conference with President Hafiz al-Asad of Syria in Geneva,
January 16, 1994,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Bill Clin-
ton, Book I—January 1 to July 31, 1994 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1995), 83, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/
PPP-1994-book1/pdf/PPP-1994-book1-doc-pg81-2.pdf.
34 “U.S. Official Revises Government View of Settlements,” Foundation for Middle East
Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 4, no. 3 (May 1994): 7,
accessed July 1, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/4.3.pdf.
35 Warren Christopher, Chances of a Lifetime (New York: Scribner’s, 2001), 208.
36 Ross, The Missing Peace, 211.
37 Clinton, My Life, 679.
38 The Associated Press, “Bill Clinton in Israel: There Would Be Peace if Rabin Were
Still Alive,” Haaretz, November 14, 2009, accessed July 1, 2021, https://www.haaretz.
com/1.5205042.
39 See Charles Enderlin, Shattered Dreams: The Failure of the Peace Process in the Mid-
dle East, 1995–2002 (New York: Other Press, 2003), 11.
40 Ross, The Missing Peace, 260.
41 Netanyahu quoted in “Netanyahu—In His Own Words,” Foundation for Middle East
Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 6, no. 4 (July 1996): 8,
accessed July 1, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/6.4.pdf.
42 “Sharon Outlines Settlement Plans,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on
Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 6, no. 4 (July 1996): 3, accessed July 1,
2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/6.4.pdf.
43 “U.S. Policy Statements on Settlements,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report
on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 6, no. 4 (July 1996): 4, accessed
July 1, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/6.4.pdf.
44 “The President’s News Conference with Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu of Israel,
July 9, 1996,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Bill Clinton,
Book II—July 1 to December 31, 1996 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1997), 1093, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/
PPP-1996-book2/pdf/PPP-1996-book2-doc-pg1088.pdf.
45 “The President’s News Conference with President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, July 30,
1996,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Bill Clinton, Book
II—July 1 to December 31, 1996 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office,
1997), 1226.
46 “New Jerusalem-Etzion Bloc Road Opens,” Foundation for Middle East Peace,
Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 6, no. 6 (November 1996): 1,
accessed July 2, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/6.6.pdf.
47 “Settlement Chronology,” in ibid, 3.
48 See Ross, The Missing Peace, 301–5.
49 See Hershel Shanks, “Netanyahu’s Tunnel Vision,” The Washington Post, Septem-
ber 27, 1996, accessed July 2, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/opin-
ions/1996/09/27/netanyahus-tunnel-vision/edc0543e-b35c-4f2e-8b82-a2fc0259fd78/;
Rebecca Trounson, “Tunnel Opening in Jerusalem Sparks Protests,” The Los Angeles
Times, September 25, 1996, accessed July 2, 2021, https://www.latimes.com/archives/
la-xpm-1996-09-25-mn-47381-story.html.
Bill Clinton 131
50 See “Settlements and Roads—Focus of September Violence,” Foundation for Mid-
dle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 6, no. 6
(November 1996), 4–5, accessed July 2, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/
uploads/2015/01/6.6.pdf.
51 “Clinton Administration Offsets 80% of 1996 Settlement Penalty,” in ibid, 8.
52 “Letter from Secretary of State Warren Christopher to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu, January 16, 1997,” United States Institute of Peace: Peace Agreements
Digital Collection, accessed July 2, 2021, https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/file/
resources/collections/peace_agreements/christopher_netanyahu.pdf.
53 “U.S. Secretary of State Delivers Remarks on the Middle East Peace Process at the
National Press Club,” All Politics CNN Time, 1997, accessed July 3, 2021, http://www.
cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/1997/08/06/fdch/albright/.
54 “Remarks on the Terrorist Attack in Jerusalem and an Exchange with Reporters
in Martha’s Vineyard, September 4, 1997,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of
the United States: Bill Clinton, Book II—July 1 to December 31, 1997 (Washing-
ton, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1998), 1129, accessed October 4, 2021,
https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-1997-book2/pdf/PPP-1997-book2-
doc-pg1129.pdf.
55 “Joint Press Conference by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and U.S. Sec-
retary of State Madeleine Albright, Jerusalem, September 10, 1997,” Israel Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, accessed July 4, 2021, https://mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFA-Archive/1997/
Pages/Joint%20Press%20Conference%20Netanyahu-Albright%20-%20Sept%201.
aspx.
56 “U.S. Policy Statements on Settlements,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report
on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 7, no. 6 (November–December 1997):
8, accessed July 4, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/7.6.pdf.
57 “Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright Interview by Matt Lauer, the Today Show—
NBC TV,” U.S. Department of State Archive, October 1, 1997, accessed July 4, 2021,
https://1997-2001.state.gov/statements/971001.html.
58 “U.S. Policy Statements on Settlements,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report
on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 7, no. 6 (November–December 1997):
8, accessed July 4, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/7.6.pdf.
59 Ibid.
60 “Extraordinary Increase in Settlement Construction as Diplomacy Falters,” Founda-
tion for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territo-
ries 8, no. 2 (March–April 1998): 1, 7, accessed July 4, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/
wp-content/uploads/2015/01/8.2.pdf.
61 See Ross, The Missing Peace, 369–70.
62 David Gardner and Andrew Gowers, “FT Interviews Madeleine Albright,” Financial
Times, May 7, 1998, 18.
63 Barton Gellman, “U.S. Signals Retreat from Pressure on Israel,” The Washing-
ton Post, July 23, 1998, accessed July 5, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/
archive/politics/1998/07/23/us-signals-retreat-from-pressure-on-israel/6a80a03e-
2b9c-4bfb-8fa6-5918c6fdbd80/.
64 Serge Schmemann and Steven Erlanger, “Mideast Marathon: How 9 Days of Talks
Ended in ‘the Long Night’,” The New York Times, October 25, 1998, Section 1, 1.
65 “The Wye River Memorandum, 23 Oct 1998,” The Mideast Peace Process, Israel Min-
istry of Foreign Affairs, accessed July 5, 2021, https://mfa.gov.il/mfa/foreignpolicy/
peace/guide/pages/the%20wye%20river%20memorandum2.aspx.
66 See “Settlement Timeline,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli Set-
tlement in the Occupied Territories 9, no. 2 (March–April 1999): 4–5, accessed July 5,
2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/9.2.pdf; “Israeli Settler Popu-
lation Continues to Expand,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli
132 Bill Clinton
Settlement in the Occupied Territories 9, no. 3 (May–June 1999): 3, accessed July 5,
2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/9.3.pdf.
67 “Clinton Letter to Arafat Criticizes Settlements,” Foundation for Middle East Peace,
Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 9, no. 4 (July–August 1999):
3, accessed July 6, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/9.4.pdf.
68 Ibid.
69 “Rubin: Settlement Expansion Inconsistent with Israeli Promises,” Foundation for
Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 9, no. 4
(July–August 1999): 8.
70 See Madeleine Albright, Madam Secretary: A Memoir (New York: Miramax Books,
2003), 474.
71 See Clinton, My Life, 911.
72 Clayton E. Swisher, The Truth About Camp David: The Untold Story about the Col-
lapse of the Middle East Peace Process (New York: Nation Books, 2004), 51.
73 See “Barak’s Record of Settlement Expansion,” Foundation for Middle East Peace,
Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 10, no. 2 (March–April 2000):
8, accessed July 8, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/10.2.pdf.
74 Miller, The Much Too Promised Land, 287.
75 See Ross, The Missing Peace, 654–55; “Principles of Camp David’s ‘American Plan’,”
Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Ter-
ritories 10, no. 5 (September–October 2000): 2, accessed July 8, 2021, https://fmep.
org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/10.5.pdf.
76 Albright, Madam Secretary, 484.
77 See Ross, The Missing Peace, 640.
78 Clinton, My Life, 911–13.
79 Albright, Madam Secretary, 485.
80 Ross, The Missing Peace, 676.
81 Ibid., 676–77.
82 “Remarks on the Middle East Peace Summit and an Exchange with Reporters, July 25,
2000,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Bill Clinton, Book
II—June 27 to October 11, 2000 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office,
2001), 1454–56, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/
PPP-2000-book2/pdf/PPP-2000-book2-doc-pg1453-2.pdf.
83 “Interview with Israeli Television Reporters, July 28, 2000,” in Public Papers of the
Presidents of the United States: Bill Clinton, Book II—June 27 to October 11, 2000
(Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2001), 1497, accessed October 4,
2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2000-book2/pdf/PPP-2000-book2-
doc-pg1497.pdf.
84 Ibid., 1500.
85 Ibid., 1497.
86 “Clinton Proposal on Israeli-Palestinian Peace,” United States Institute of Peace
(December 23, 2000), accessed July 9, 2021, https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/
Peace%20Puzzle/10_Clinton%20Parameters.pdf.
87 “Palestinian Response to Clinton Proposal,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report
on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 11, no. 1 (January–February 2001): 7,
accessed July 9, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/11.1.pdf.
88 See “Barak’s Settlement Legacy,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli
Settlement in the Occupied Territories 11, no. 2 (March–April 2001): 8, accessed
July 9, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/11.2.pdf.
89 Security Council Draft Resolution, The United Nations, S/1995/394 (May 17, 1995),
accessed July 9, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/1995/394.
90 United Nations Security Council 3528th Meeting, S/PV.3538 (May 17, 1995), 6,
accessed July 9, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/PV.3538.
Bill Clinton 133
91 Ibid., 7.
92 “PM Rabin Opening Knesset Summer Session 1995,” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(June 15, 1995), accessed July 9, 2021, https://mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFA-Archive/1995/
Pages/PM%20Rabin%20Opening%20Knesset%20Summer%20Session%201995.
aspx.
93 “Remarks at an Israel Policy Forum Dinner in New York City, January 7, 2001,”
in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Bill Clinton, Book III—
October 12, 2000 to January 20, 2001 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 2001), 2842, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/
PPP-2000-book3/pdf/PPP-2000-book3-doc-pg2838.pdf.
7 George W. Bush
From “Anything But Clinton”
to More of the Same
George W. Bush (Bush 43) came to office inheriting the Al-Aqsa intifada and a
failed peace process. Additionally, Syrian President Hafez Al-Asad’s death cou-
pled with the Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon created uncertainty and instabil-
ity throughout the region. Soon after Bush’s inauguration, Israeli prime minister
Ehud Barak lost his election to Ariel Sharon. Sharon, known as the “Butcher of
Beirut” for failing to prevent the massacre of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon,
had provoked the intifada by visiting the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif in Sep-
tember 2000. With such instability, it wasn’t surprising that Bush initially took a
very cautious approach to the peace process. The Mitchell Commission, which
had been convened in October 2000 to investigate the outbreak of violence in
September, had concluded that Israel must evacuate some of its settlements and
freeze settlement construction.2 But the Bush administration chose to ignore the
Commission’s report and its suggestions. Instead, Bush adopted the ABC (Any-
thing But Clinton) approach to the peace process.
Ironically, Bush 43’s ABC approach led directly from Clinton’s experiences
with the peace process. Bush perceived the peace process as a “losing issue.” This
was not surprising since “Clinton’s handoff to . . . Bush . . . left a lot to be desired.
Negotiations had broken down and the Palestinian territories were in flames.
For good measure, Clinton warned his successor against dealing with Arafat.”3
A quick assessment of the Clinton administration’s peace initiatives would have
been enough to give any administration pause. Bush did not want to invest signifi-
cant political capital and personal energy into risky negotiations that might fail.
Despite his initial caution, however, Bush 43 was the first president to pub-
licly declare his formal support for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. But, like his predecessors, Bush adhered to a policy that assumed that
the peace process and the expansion of Israeli settlements were not incompatible.
DOI: 10.4324/9781003287131-7
George W. Bush 135
Moreover, Bush wanted to “change the way people think” about the conflict and
use Palestine as a “laboratory” for freedom and democracy.4 This meant that for
peace and stability to come to the Middle East, the Palestinians would have to
change. Ultimately, the Palestinians would have to cease all acts of terrorism and
organize democracy. This placed the burden of peace squarely on the Palestin-
ians, and meant that, from the beginning, Bush would be a great friend to the
Israelis.
I had a drinking problem. . . . There is only one reason that I am in the Oval
Office and not in a bar. I found faith. I found God. I am here because of the
power of prayer.6
When I left here, I didn’t have much in the way of a life plan. I knew some
people who thought they did, but it turned out that we were all in for ups and
downs, most of them unexpected. Life takes its own turns, makes its own
demands, writes its own story, and along the way, we start to realize we are
not the author.7
He believed that he was “in God’s hands.” Moreover, as I have argued elsewhere,8
he viewed the world through a Manichaean lens. There was a “monumental strug-
gle between good and evil. But good will prevail.”9 Bush thought
how small Israel is. . . . It’s a small country and it was important for our
Israeli host [Ariel Sharon] to remind our delegation of how really small it
136 George W. Bush
was . . . how small the population was between . . . enemy lines and popula-
tion centers.
Bush also learned “how important the Golan Heights are to the security” of Israel.
Most significantly, he emphasized the importance he attached to Israel’s democ-
racy suggesting that “Israel is the only . . . country that practices democracy in
the Middle East.”11 Bush’s visit not only created a first-hand connection to Israel
the place but also established a human connection and a warm relationship with
Ariel Sharon. This proved important following Sharon’s February 2001 election
as Israel’s prime minister.
During the 2000 presidential campaign, Bush addressed the AIPAC Confer-
ence. His address reflected his strong connections to Israel, stressing shared val-
ues and the “special friendship” between Israel and the United States. Declaring
that Americans and Israelis are “brothers and sisters in the family of democracy”
and “natural allies,” Bush revealed his belief that the “10 Commandments . . .
are the core principles of democracy, the charter of human dignity and equality.”
Emphasizing his concern for Palestinian violence, Bush also explained that he
would support the peace process, but not at Israel’s expense; moreover, he hailed
“the sacrifices Israel is making” for peace.12 The speech made clear that Bush
would be a champion of Israel in the peace process.
As president, Bush demonstrated his administration’s commitment to Israel,
especially after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. In the lead up to the
2004 presidential election, the administration produced a pamphlet titled “Presi-
dent George W. Bush: A Friend of the American Jewish Community.” Most sig-
nificantly, the pamphlet demonstrated the Bush administration’s commitment to
“dealing decisively with terrorism.”13 This placed the administration squarely on
the side of Israel in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Four years earlier, on May 3,
2001, Bush told the American Jewish Committee that he would be “steadfast in
supporting Israel against terrorism and violence, and in seeking the peace for
which all Israelis pray.”14 Bush’s beliefs, commitments, and values would have
a profound impact on American relations with Israel and the Israeli settlement
project.
Our nation stands alone right now in the world in terms of power. . . .
[W]e’ve got to be humble and yet project strength in a way that promotes free-
dom. . . . [I]f we’re humble. . . , they’ll respect us. . . . I think the United States
must be humble and must be proud and confident of our values, but humble in
how we treat nations that are figuring out how to charter their own course.15
George W. Bush 137
And, on the Middle East, Bush criticized Palestinian violence in the Al-Aqsa inti-
fada, emphasized American credibility and support for Israel, and suggested that
he would take a hands-off approach to the peace process.
I call on Chairman Arafat to have his people pull back to make the peace.
I want everybody to know, should I be the president, Israel’s going to be our
friend. I’m going to stand by Israel. . . . [I]t’s important to have credibility
and credibility is formed by being strong with your friends and resolute in
your determination. . . . I think that when it comes to timetables, it can’t be
a United States timetable as to how . . . discussions take place. It’s got to be
a timetable that all parties can agree to. . . . This current administration has
worked hard to keep the parties at the table. I will try to do the same thing.
But it won’t be on my timetable. It’ll be on the timetable that people are com-
fortable with in the Middle East.16
Bush’s suggestion of a hands-off approach was coupled with his strong belief in
democracy as a solution for the world’s problems.
In Bush’s first month in office, Ariel Sharon became Israel’s prime minister. In a
March meeting, before the terrorist attacks on September 11 and Bush’s launching
a war on terror, Bush and Sharon cemented their friendship and the American-
Israeli alliance. Bush made a sharp contrast with his father’s presidency, telling
Sharon that he would “use force to protect Israel.”17 His strong support for Sharon
was contrasted by the pressure he placed on Arafat to be a peacemaker. While he
noted that Israel “should exercise restraint in its military response,” he called on
Palestinian leaders to denounce extremism.
I’m . . . deeply concerned about the escalating violence in the Middle East. . . .
The Palestinian Authority should speak out publicly and forcibly . . . to con-
demn violence and terrorism. It should arrest those who perpetrated the ter-
rorist acts. It should resume security cooperation with Israel. . . . I’ve asked
Secretary [of State Colin] Powell to call Chairman Arafat today and contact
other leaders to urge them to stand against violence.18
Additionally, the United States vetoed a United Nations draft resolution regarding
the violence caused by the Al-Aqsa intifada,19 arguing:
The United States opposed this draft resolution because it is unbalanced and
unworkable and hence unwise. It is more responsive to political theatre than
political reality. In this draft resolution, some pretended that the Council
could impose a solution, including a protection mechanism for civilians, in
the absence of an agreement between the parties. . . . Regrettably, the Pales-
tinian Authority has never fulfilled its commitment, made at Sharm el-Sheikh,
to speak out unequivocally, in Arabic, against violence.20
138 George W. Bush
President Bush and his administration consistently lashed out against Palestin-
ian violence and the Palestinian leadership prior to the terrorist attacks on Sep-
tember 11. In August, following terrorist attacks in Israel, Bush angrily denounced
Arafat and the Palestinians, while noting the “moderate restraint” of the Israelis.
Europe and moderate Arab nations must join with us to continue to send a
consistent message that there will be no peace unless we break this cycle of
violence. . . . I think he can do a lot more to be convincing the people on the
street to stop these acts of terrorism and the acts of violence. I said in the Oval
Office it is very important for Mr. Arafat to show a 100 percent effort, to do
everything he can to convince the different parties on the West Bank and in
Gaza to stop the violence.21
On the following day, Bush repeated his demands on the Palestinian leadership.
Again, he used tougher rhetoric for Arafat, while urging restraint from the Israelis.
My only point is—and I’m going to continue to make the point and so is
my administration—that the cycle of violence has got to end in order for the
peace process, or any peace process, to begin. And therefore, Mr. Arafat must
clamp down on the suicide bombers and on the violence. And the Israelis
must show restraint.22
One week later, Bush firmly supported Israel, and, once again, denounced the
Palestinian leadership. When asked whether an American representative would
attend the United Nations Conference on Racism in South Africa, Bush responded:
We have made it very clear, through Colin Powell’s office, that we will have
no representative there, so long as they pick on Israel, so long as they con-
tinue to say Zionism is racism. If they use the forum as a way to isolate our
friend and strong ally, we will not participate. . . . But the fundamental ques-
tion is whether or not Israel will be treated with respect at the conference.
And if not, then we will assess prior to the beginning. . . . [W]e will not
participate in a conference that tries to isolate Israel and denigrates Israel.23
In order for there to be any peace talks in the Middle East, the first thing that
must happen is that both parties must resolve to stop violence. The Israelis
have made it very clear that they will not negotiate under terrorist threat.
And if Mr. Arafat is interested in having a dialog that could conceivably
lead to the Mitchell process, then I strongly urge him to urge the terrorists,
the Palestinian terrorists, to stop the suicide bombings, to stop the incur-
sions, to stop the threats. . . . . The Israelis will not negotiate under terrorist
threat, simple as that. And if the Palestinians are interested in a dialog, then
I strongly urge Mr. Arafat to put 100-percent effort into solving the terrorist
George W. Bush 139
activity, into stopping the terrorist activity. And I believe he can do a better
job of doing that.24
Throughout the summer, the Bush administration put little pressure on Israel, not-
ing American solidarity with its friend and ally. Following the September 11 ter-
rorist attacks in the United States, the relationship with and support for Israel grew
even stronger.
A War on Terror
On September 11, 2001, four coordinated terrorist attacks on the United States
were carried out by Al-Qaeda, an Islamist extremist group. Two hijacked planes
deliberately crashed into the North and South Towers of the World Trade Center
and a third plane attacked the Pentagon. A fourth hijacked plane, Flight 93,
crashed into an empty field in Pennsylvania following an attempt by the pas-
sengers to retake the plane. In brief remarks immediately after the attacks, Bush
declared, “Terrorism against our Nation will not stand.”25 Later that day, Bush
added, “Freedom, itself, was attacked . . . by a faceless coward, and freedom will
be defended. . . . Make no mistake: The United States will hunt down and punish
those responsible for these cowardly acts.”26 That evening Bush addressed the
nation from the Oval Office.
A great people has been moved to defend a great nation. Terrorist attacks
can shake the foundations of our biggest buildings, but they cannot touch the
foundation of America. These acts shattered steel, but they cannot dent the
steel of American resolve. America was targeted for attack because we’re the
brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world. And no one will
keep that light from shining. Today our Nation saw evil, the very worst of
human nature. . . . America has stood down enemies before, and we will do
so this time. None of us will ever forget this day. Yet, we go forward to defend
freedom and all that is good and just in our world.27
The next day, following a meeting of the National Security Council, Bush called
the attacks “acts of war,” signaling his intention to “use all our resources to
conquer this enemy.”28 Bush declared a War on Terror (WOT); it would be a
“crusade” to “rid the world of evildoers.”29 The WOT would have far-reaching
consequences, including moving Bush closer to Israel and further isolating the
Palestinian leadership as the administration increasingly identified them with
terrorism.
Following the terrorist attacks on the United States, the Bush administration
shifted further to the right. Within the administration, there existed a sharp divi-
sion between neoconservatives, like Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of
Defense Donald Rumsfeld, and moderates, like Secretary of State Colin Powell.
The September 11 attacks brought this division front and center. Moderates like
Powell argued that the roots of Islamic rage were in “humiliation and grievances”
140 George W. Bush
like the suffering experienced by Palestinians living under Israeli occupation. As a
result, diplomacy aimed at ending that suffering, and a focus on the peace process
would result in enhancing the values of freedom and democracy.30 The neocon-
servatives believed that Islam was antithetical to democracy, and the terrorists’
despised freedom and the values shared by the United States and Israel. Moreo-
ver, corrupt authoritarian regimes throughout the Middle East were stoking the
flames of Muslim rage against the United States and Israel. As a result, authoritar-
ian states must either be defeated or reformed. In Iraq, the administration would
embark on a war of liberation. However, countries like Egypt and quasi-states
like Palestine needed to be democratized and reformed. As Vice President Cheney
explained to the Commonwealth Club in August 2002:
Bush’s beliefs about democracy and freedom, and his bias toward Israel predis-
posed him toward the neoconservative position. However, he initially listened to
Powell.
In an attempt to urge calm and revive the peace process, Bush suggested, “The
idea of a Palestinian state has always been a part of a vision, so long as the right to
Israel to exist is respected.”32 Within days, Sharon responded warning the United
States not to “appease the Arabs at [Israeli] expense. . . . We cannot accept this.”
Invoking the Munich Pact between British prime minister Neville Chamberlain
and Adolf Hitler, Sharon argued, “Don’t repeat the terrible mistakes of 1938,
when the enlightened democracies in Europe decided to sacrifice Czechoslovakia
for a comfortable, temporary solution. . . . Israel . . . will not be Czechoslovakia.”
Additionally, Sharon blamed the Palestinians for the violence, stating, “All of our
efforts to reach a cease-fire were sabotaged by the Palestinians, and the fire never
stopped, not even for one single day.”33 Powell responded by repeating Bush’s
remarks:
There has always been a vision in our thinking . . . that there would be a Pal-
estinian state that would exist at the same time that the security of the state of
Israel was also recognized, guaranteed and accepted.34
George W. Bush 141
In November 2001, Bush doubled-down with his address to the United Nations
General Assembly. At the same time, he continued to emphasize the struggle
against terrorism.
Despite his rhetorical support for a Palestinian state, Bush placed the burden of
peace on the Palestinian leadership.
Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza has been the defining reality of
Palestinians’ lives there for over three decades, longer than most of the Pales-
tinians living there have been alive. . . . The occupation hurts Palestinians, but
it also affects Israelis. The sad truth is that it is the young people who serve
on the front lines of conflict who are at risk. Embittered young Palestinians
throw stones, and young Israeli soldiers on the other side learn only that Pal-
estinians are to be feared, seen as enemies. . . . Israeli settlement activity has
severely undermined Palestinian trust and hope. It preempts and prejudges
the outcome of negotiations and, in doing so, cripples chances for real peace
and security. The United States has long opposed settlement activity. . . .
[S]ettlement activity must stop. For the sake of Palestinians and Israelis alike,
the occupation must end. And it can only end with negotiations. Israelis and
Palestinians must create a relationship based on mutual tolerance and respect
so negotiations can go forward.36
Bush’s intentional use of “Palestine” and his calls for Palestinian statehood
were coupled with Powell’s denunciation of Israeli occupation one week later.
Bush’s and Powell’s remarks were criticized by neoconservatives at home and
the Israeli leadership. While Powell tried to revive the peace process, his crit-
ics emphasized the links between Palestinian terrorism and Al-Qaeda’s terrorist
attacks against the United States. David Wurmser, a member of the Department of
Defense Policy Counterterrorism Evaluation Group, argued:
[W]ith the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the loss of funding from
the K.G.B., many of the most militant groups in the Middle East had begun to
band together: the Palestine Liberation Organization; the Saudi Wahhabi fun-
damentalists, who had spawned al-Qaeda and bin Laden; Hezbollah; Saddam
Hussein’s Iraq; and the radicals in Iran.37
The question before us today is whether the draft resolution under consid-
eration here in the Security Council can make a meaningful contribution to
improving the situation in the Middle East. Unfortunately, the draft resolu-
tion before us fails to address the dynamic at work in the region. Instead, its
purpose is to isolate politically one of the parties to the conflict through an
attempt to throw the weight of the Council behind the other party. One of
the fundamental flaws of this draft resolution is that it never mentions the
recent acts of terrorism against Israelis or those responsible for them. . . .
It is President Arafat’s responsibility, as leader of the Palestinian Authority,
to take a strategic stand now against terrorism. There can be no coexistence
with terrorist organizations or acquiescence in their activities. The Palestin-
ian Authority, using all necessary means and with absolutely no further delay,
must arrest those responsible for planning and carrying out terrorist attacks
and destroy the formal and informal structures that perpetuate terrorism.41
Bush’s movement away from Powell’s position and toward the neoconserv-
ative position encouraged Israel to marginalize Arafat and the Palestinians. In
response, Arafat demanded an end to Palestinian militant “terrorist activities,”
including suicide bombings.42 However, in January 2002, Arafat’s position was
weakened when the Israeli military intercepted and seized the Karine A, a Pal-
estinian freighter carrying 50 tons of weapons, including short-range rockets,
antitank missiles, and explosives. Arafat denied any knowledge of the weapons
shipment, but the Bush administration held him responsible. In a hearing before
the House of Representatives Committee on International Relations, Secretary
Powell argued:
I made it clear to Chairman Arafat directly and to his associates that until the
violence is ended, or comes as close to ending as is reasonable, and until the
incitement ends, until there is an explanation for this ship and then an under-
standing that these kinds of activities cannot take place any longer, it is going
to be difficult to move forward. Once that is dealt with, the violence is down,
arrests are made, explanations for the ship, then the United States is ready
to engage. . . . Chairman Arafat must act decisively to confront the sources
of terror and choose once and for all the option of peace over violence. He
cannot have it both ways. He cannot engage with us and others in pursuit of
George W. Bush 143
peace and at the same time permit or tolerate continued violence and terror.
In that regard, I have made clear to Chairman Arafat that the smuggling of
arms to the Palestinian Authority by Iran and Hizballah aboard the Karine
A is absolutely unacceptable. Chairman Arafat must ensure that no further
activities of this kind ever take place and he must take swift action against
all Palestinian officials who were involved. Chairman Arafat knows what he
must do. Actions are required, not just words.43
The Karine A affair, coupled with the violence of the Al-Aqsa intifada and Bush’s
suspicions of Arafat, led the United States to conclude that Arafat and the Pales-
tinians were the problem in the peace process.
My hope is that all nations will heed our call and eliminate the terrorist para-
sites who threaten their countries and our own. . . . But some governments
will be timid in the face of terror. And make no mistake about it: If they do
not act, America will. . . . States like [North Korea, Iran, and Iraq,] and their
terrorist allies constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the
world.44
In a single instant, we realized that this will be a decisive decade in the his-
tory of liberty, that we’ve been called to a unique role in human events.
Rarely has the world faced a choice more clear or consequential. . . . We have
known freedom’s price. We have shown freedom’s power. And in this great
conflict . . . we will see freedom’s victory.45
Arafat responded to Bush’s State of the Union in a New York Times op-ed. He
began by condemning terrorist attacks and stating his desire for a two-state solu-
tion to the conflict. Arafat also attacked Israel and Ariel Sharon, arguing:
Israel has yet to understand that it cannot have peace while denying justice.
As long as the occupation of Palestinian lands continues, as long as Palestini-
ans are denied freedom, then the path to. . . [peace] will be littered with obsta-
cles. The Palestinian people have been denied their freedom for far too long
144 George W. Bush
and are the only people in the world still living under foreign occupation.
How is it possible that the entire world can tolerate this oppression, discrimi-
nation and humiliation? The 1993 Oslo Accord . . . promised the Palestin-
ians freedom by May 1999. Instead, since 1993, the Palestinian people have
endured a doubling of Israeli settlers, expansion of illegal Israeli settlements
on Palestinian land and increased restrictions on freedom of movement. How
do I convince my people that Israel is serious about peace while over the past
decade Israel intensified the colonization of Palestinian land from which it
was ostensibly negotiating a withdrawal?46
Arafat has heard from us. I can’t be any more clear in my position, and that
is that he must do everything in his power to fight terror. Obviously, we were
at first surprised and then extremely disappointed when the Karine A showed
up loaded with weapons, weapons that could have only been intended for one
thing, which was to terrorize. . . . Arafat has heard my message. I can’t be any
more clear about it, that he must do everything in his power to reduce terrorist
attacks on Israel. And that—at one point in time he was indicating to us that
he was going to do so, and then all of a sudden a ship loaded with explosives
shows up that most of the world believes he was involved with.48
Everyone must choose; you’re either with the civilized world, or you’re
with the terrorists. All in the Middle East also must choose and must move
George W. Bush 145
decisively in word and deed against terrorist acts. The Chairman of the Pal-
estinian Authority has not consistently opposed or confronted terrorists. . . .
Chairman Arafat renounced terror as an instrument of his cause, and he
agreed to control it. He’s not done so. The situation in which he finds himself
today is largely of his own making. He’s missed his opportunities and thereby
betrayed the hopes of the people he’s supposed to lead. Given his failure, the
Israeli Government feels it must strike at terrorist networks that are killing
its citizens. . . . I call on the Palestinian people, the Palestinian Authority, and
our friends in the Arab world to join us in delivering a clear message to terror-
ists: Blowing yourself up does not help the Palestinian cause. To the contrary,
suicide bombing missions could well blow up the best and only hope for a
Palestinian state.51
President Bush wants you to know that he stands in solidarity with you. . . .
Terrorism must end. Hatred of Israel must end. The murder of innocents must
end. . . . The single greatest threat to peace and freedom in our time is ter-
rorism. And the advance of peace requires the end of terror. . . . The people
of Palestine and their leaders must . . . recognize . . . that suicide bombers
are the single greatest obstacle to ending their suffering and to realizing the
Palestinian state. . . . Stopping terror is the most important thing you can do to
serve the Palestinian cause. . . . [T]he future does not belong to the terrorists.
It belongs to those who dream the oldest and noblest dream . . . the dream of
peace among nations.52
Taking a cue from the American WOT, Israeli deputy prime minister Natan
Sharansky argued that Israel faced a battle against “savage Palestinian terror.”
Sharansky suggested that compromising with Palestinian terror only bred more
terrorism, and he declared, “Make no mistake about it. Arafat is at the root of
the terror . . . the center of the axis of terror.”53 And former Israeli prime minister
Netanyahu argued:
No greater friend of Israel has ever been in the White House. . . . Israel and
the United States are today fighting the same battle, waging the same war,
confronting the same evil. Like the United States, Israel did not seek this war.
It was forced on us by a savage enemy that glorifies in a culture of death. . . .
An enemy that sends children to die and that kills other children is an enemy
that cannot be placated. An enemy that openly preaches the destruction of our
146 George W. Bush
state is not a partner for peace. With such evil, there can be no negotiations
and no concessions.
Netanyahu then equated Arafat with totalitarian leaders, including Lenin, Stalin,
Hitler, and Osama bin Laden.54
made some settlements in various parts of the so-called occupied area, which
was the result of a war, which they won. They have offered up . . . various
portions of that so-called occupied territory, the West Bank, and at no point
has it been agreed upon by the other side. I suspect . . . that there will be some
sort of an entity that will be established. Maybe it will take some Palestinian
expatriates coming back into the region and providing the kind of responsible
government that would give confidence that you could make an arrangement
with them that would stick. . . . The settlement issues—it’s hard to know
whether they’re settlements in portions of the real estate that will end up with
the entity that you make an arrangement with or Israel. So it seems to me
focusing on settlements at the present time misses the point. The real point is
to get an effective interlocutor. The real point is to get a condition so that you
can have a peace agreement.56
Throughout the fall, the United States continued its policy of ambiguity and
acquiescence on Israel’s settlement expansion. At a press briefing, State Depart-
ment Spokesperson Richard Boucher told a reporter:
Most notably, the Bush administration continued to stand behind Israel’s set-
tlement expansion and growth in Jerusalem. On December 3, 2002, the United
Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution, “Jerusalem.” The resolution
stated, “any actions taken by Israel to impose its laws, jurisdiction and adminis-
tration on the Holy City of Jerusalem are illegal and therefore null and void and
have no validity whatsoever.”58 The Bush administration was one of five countries
that voted against the resolution; this marked a change in the administration’s
position, as the administration had abstained from similar resolutions in the past.
As previous administrations had done, the Bush administration emphasized nego-
tiations between Israelis and Palestinians as the basis for resolving issues in Jeru-
salem.59 By doing so, however, like previous administrations, they acquiesced to
Israeli control and expansion of the city. Ultimately, it meant ignoring settlement
construction.
In the same month, the United States also vetoed a United Nations Security
Council draft resolution dealing with the Al-Aqsa intifada. The draft resolution
demanded
Israel, the occupying Power, comply fully with its obligations under the
Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in
Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and refrain from the excessive and dispro-
portionate use of force in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.60
The administration’s veto of the resolution came on the same day that President
Bush was meeting with the Quartet—the United States, the European Union, Rus-
sia, and the United Nations—to discuss the group’s proposed Roadmap for peace.
Bush outlined the principles of the plan on June 24, when he called for a two-state
solution.61 The Roadmap proposed mutual recognition, international support for
the Palestinian economy, and negotiations over the final status of borders, refu-
gees, Jerusalem, and settlements. Following his discussion with the Quartet, Bush
continued to pressure on the Palestinians, arguing:
All of us must work hard to fight against terror so that a few cannot deny the
dreams of the many; that we must encourage the development of Palestinian
institutions which are transparent, which promote freedom and democracy;
that we must work together to ease the humanitarian situation. . . . The people
in the neighborhood must assume their responsibilities.62
Bush’s remarks emphasized not only the expectation that the Palestinian leader-
ship must put a stop to terrorism, but also his belief that democracy and freedom
were a necessary component of peace in the region.
148 George W. Bush
A Vision for the Middle East
In November 2003, Bush laid out his vision for the Middle East. The speech
came eight months after the American invasion of Iraq, which toppled the govern-
ment of Saddam Hussein. Bush emphasized his belief that freedom and democ-
racy were a part of God’s plan. Arguing that “[l]iberty is both the plan of heaven
for humanity and the best hope for progress here on Earth,” Bush explained that
democracy was a central focus of his policy in the Middle East.63 Stressing the
compatibility of Islam and democracy, Bush maintained that “groups of men have
gained influence in the Middle East and beyond through an ideology of theocratic
terror.”64 He suggested that governments in the Middle East needed to confront
their challenges through responsible leadership and reform. Specifically address-
ing the Palestinian people, Bush, once again, placed the burden of peace with their
leadership.
For the Palestinian people, the only path to independence and dignity and
progress is the path to democracy. And the Palestinian leaders who block and
undermine democratic reform and feed hatred and encourage violence are not
leaders at all. They’re the main obstacles to peace and to the success of the
Palestinian people.65
Bush concluded, “the United States has adopted a new policy, a forward strategy
of freedom in the Middle East. . . . The advance of freedom is the calling of our
time. It is the calling of our country.”66
In the summer, Bush had met with Palestinian leaders at Sharm el-Sheikh,
Egypt. According to Palestinian foreign minister Nabil Shaath, Bush told
them:
I am driven with a mission from God. God would tell me, George go and
fight these terrorists in Afghanistan. And I did. And then God would tell me
George, go and end the tyranny in Iraq. And I did. . . . And now again, I feel
God’s words coming to me, Go get the Palestinians their state and get the
Israelis their security, and get peace in the Middle East. And, by God, I’m
gonna do it.67
Thus, Bush’s focus on democracy and the WOT was coupled with his belief in
a divine mission. This only increased the pressure on the Palestinian leadership.
Not only were they responsible for stopping terrorist activity, but they also were
responsible for democratic reform. As if that was not enough, Bush saw these two
things as part of a divine mission.
Meanwhile, the peace process stalled. First, Prime Minister Sharon rejected any
halt to settlement expansion. Additionally, the Bush administration defended the
Israeli government, arguing that the issue of settlements remained “under discus-
sion.” When asked about whether the administration would push the Israelis to
George W. Bush 149
stop settlement projects, State Department Spokesperson Richard Boucher sug-
gested that a settlement freeze “sounds great rhetorically,” and added:
But you all know enough about this subject to know that this issue has been
discussed for many years, that there are very involved aspects to this of fund-
ing, of so-called natural growth, . . . questions of children, questions of cous-
ins, questions of schools, questions of perimeters, questions of land. . . . We
have a position that this matter is still under discussion with the Israelis. . . .
The road map says “freeze on settlement activity.” We’re in discussions with
the Israelis about how exactly that can be implemented. . . . Whether you call
it natural growth, whether you call it, you know, perimeters and children and
subsidies and, you know, building new floors versus building out, there are
discussions, there are subjects that need to be discussed. . . . We need to reach
understandings on how exactly the settlements freeze would be implemented.
The United States supports a freeze on settlements. . . . A freeze means a
freeze. And we want it to be clear what that is, and that’s why you have to
discuss these things to make sure that we have a common understanding that
a freeze is a freeze, and it’s not a freeze that results in continued expansion
or growth.68
Ultimately, Boucher failed to clarify the meaning of a settlement freeze and left it
to discussions where the Israelis would have an opportunity to define its meaning.
The administration also continued its insistence that ending Palestinian terror-
ism was the highest priority in the peace process. Vetoing yet another United
Nations Security Council draft resolution,69 Ambassador Negroponte argued:
The draft resolution put forward today was flawed in that it failed to include
the following three elements: a robust condemnation of acts of terrorism;
an explicit condemnation of Hamas, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad and the
Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade as organizations responsible for acts of terrorism;
and a call for the dismantlement of infrastructure that supports these terror
operations wherever located . . . This draft resolution did not take a clear
stand against the actions of these terrorist groups or call for decisive action
against them. The Palestinian Authority must take action to remove the capa-
bility of extremist groups to conduct terrorist outrages. . . . [W]e will not
support any draft resolution that evades the explicit threat to the Middle East
peace process posed by Hamas and other such terrorist groups. . . . We note
once again that the Government of Israel is already aware of the views of the
Council members on the issue of Mr. Arafat. Moreover, Secretary of State
Powell stated that the United States does not support either the elimination
of Mr. Arafat or his forced exile. While Mr. Arafat is part of the problem, we
believe that this problem is best solved through diplomatic isolation, and we
have made that view clear.70
150 George W. Bush
The United States vetoed another draft resolution in October. This time, the draft
resolution specifically condemned “all acts of violence, terror and destruction.”
However, it focused its attention on the illegality of Israel’s construction of a
separation barrier in the West Bank.71 The barrier divided contiguous Palestinian
areas and reconfigured areas of the West Bank, thereby laying the groundwork for
de facto annexation of most settlements and expanding Israeli control of land in
the occupied territories. The barrier was intended to prevent Palestinians without
permits from entering Israel, and, more specifically, from keeping Palestinian ter-
rorists out of Israel. But, much of the barrier’s route was inside the Green Line
boundary between Israel and the West Bank, and the location of Israeli settle-
ments helped to determine the location of the barrier. In its veto of the draft resolu-
tion, Negroponte stated:
The draft resolution put forward today was unbalanced and did not condemn
terrorism in explicit terms. It failed to address both sides of the larger secu-
rity context of the Middle East, including the devastating suicide attacks that
Israelis have had to endure over the past three years. A Security Council reso-
lution focused on the fence does not further the goals of peace and security in
the region. . . . All parties have responsibilities in bringing peace to the Mid-
dle East, to prevent outrages such as the Haifa attack and to deny perpetrators
safe haven in their territory. Ending terrorism must be the highest priority. . . .
The destructive impact of terrorist bombings and the failure to dismantle the
organizations and infrastructure that encourage those acts have slowed pro-
gress on the road map, but we will not be deterred.72
[S]ettlements which will be relocated are those which will not be included
in the territory of the State of Israel in the framework of any possible future
permanent agreement. At the same time, in the framework of the Disengage-
ment Plan, Israel will strengthen its control over those same areas in the Land
of Israel which will constitute an inseparable part of the State of Israel in any
future agreement.75
[T]he State of Israel has accepted the Roadmap. . . . The Palestinian Author-
ity under its current leadership has taken no action to meet its responsibilities
under the Roadmap. . . . [T]here exists no Palestinian partner with whom to
advance peacefully toward a settlement.77
In light of new realities on the ground, including already existing major Israeli
populations centers, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status
negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949.78
Again, the United States focused on the WOT and placed the burden of peace
on the Palestinians. Danforth concluded that the resolution “only encourages the
terrorists.”82
We will NOT yield to terror, we will NOT surrender to terror and we WILL
WIN the war on terror and restore peace to our societies. The Palestinian
Authority is ruled by Hamas—an organization committed to vehement anti-
Semitism, the glorification of terror and the total destruction of Israel. As
long as these are their guiding principles, they can never be a partner.
While condemning terrorism and Hamas, Olmert also provided possibilities for
peace.
Israel must still meet the momentous challenge of guaranteeing the future
of Israel as a democratic state with a Jewish majority, within permanent and
defensible borders and a united Jerusalem as its capital—that is open and
accessible for the worship of all religions. This was the dream to which Ariel
154 George W. Bush
Sharon was loyally committed. This was the mission he began to fulfill. . . . I
extend my hand in peace to Mahmoud Abbas, elected President of the Pales-
tinian Authority. On behalf of the State of Israel, we are willing to negotiate
with a Palestinian Authority. This authority must renounce terrorism, disman-
tle the terrorist infrastructure, accept previous agreements and commitments,
and recognize the right of Israel to exist.89
Olmert’s government made clear that it would “strive to shape the permanent
borders of the State of Israel as a Jewish state, with a Jewish majority, and as
a democratic state,” but also acknowledged that it would consider “the reduc-
tion of Israeli settlement in Judea and Samaria.”90 However, this never material-
ized. Instead, the territorial fragmentation of the West Bank continued, with an
increased number of checkpoints, continued construction of the separation barrier,
and the expansion of settlements.
In June 2006, using tunnels from Gaza into Israel, Hamas attacked Israeli
soldiers. And, in July, hopes for peace were diminished further when Hezbollah
launched an attack from Lebanon into northern Israel. The Bush administration
responded swiftly, arguing that Hezbollah provoked Israel. Bush argued, “Hez-
bollah had instigated the conflict, and Israel had a right to defend itself.” He
hoped that Israel would “deliver a major blow against Hezbollah and their spon-
sors in Iran and Syria.”91 The administration pushed to disarm Hezbollah and all
Lebanese militias.92 As a result, Bush initially opposed a ceasefire, encourag-
ing Olmert to respond militarily.93 However, after Israel accidentally bombed a
building, killing children, the administration pressed for a ceasefire. Secretary
Rice told Olmert, “Get it over with. After today, you have no ground to stand on.
And, I’m not going to let the United States go down with you.”94 Bush agreed,
arguing:
I wanted to buy time for Israel to weaken Hezbollah’s forces. I also wanted to
send a message to Iran and Syria: They would not be allowed to use terrorist
organizations as proxy armies to attack democracies with impunity. Unfortu-
nately, Israel made matters worse.95
With a ceasefire, Secretary Rice worked to reenergize the peace process. While
Rice put emphasis on diplomacy, others in the administration, particularly Vice
President Cheney, viewed peace as contradictory to the WOT.96 Bush supported
Rice, but he would only go so far. In July, and again in November, the United
States vetoed United Nations Security Council draft resolutions pertaining to the
conflict.97 Following the November veto, United States Ambassador to the United
Nations John Bolton argued:
Well, sometimes we don’t talk about things in public, but . . . the Israeli Gov-
ernment is quite aware . . . of American policy and of our expectations . . . that
the obligations under the roadmap are going to be carried out.101
The Annapolis Conference aimed to address settlements, along with other core
issues, including, Jerusalem, refugees, and borders. However, the conference
failed to produce anything substantive. The result of Bush’s meetings with Israeli
and Palestinian leaders was a joint understanding stating:
In furtherance of the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by
side in peace and security we agree to immediately launch good-faith bilat-
eral negotiations in order to conclude a peace treaty, resolving all outstanding
issues, including all core issues without exception, as specified in previous
agreements. We agree to engage in vigorous, ongoing and continuous nego-
tiations, and shall make every effort to conclude an agreement before the end
of 2008.102
156 George W. Bush
Despite the joint understanding, negotiations never materialized. Hamas and
Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei of Iran called for a boycott of the conference and
its outcomes. Hamas held demonstrations against the conference in the Gaza
Strip, while demonstrators in the West Bank were beaten under the orders of the
Palestinian leadership. Jewish activists also opposed the conference, fearing con-
cessions leading to the loss of Jerusalem and the West Bank. Bush’s desire to
facilitate the meeting, his failure to bring pressure to bear on Israel, along with
the long-standing American view that the parties must negotiate ongoing issues,
failed to move the peace process forward.
Additionally, the United States quickly returned to its acquiescent support and
ambiguous concern about Israeli settlements. When asked about settlements and
a settlement freeze at the end of November 2007, Assistant Secretary of State for
Public Affairs Sean McCormick replied:
[T]his whole issue of settlements gets a lot easier once there is an understand-
ing between Israel and the Palestinians as to what the territory of a new state
is going to look like. . . . [T]he road map is pretty flat. It talks about end-
ing expansion of . . . settlements. . . . [R]oad map obligations are road map
obligations.104
know that there is a moratorium on new settlements and the new expropria-
tion of land in the Territories. And they also know, and we have made it clear
George W. Bush 157
that Jerusalem . . . is not in the same status. And they know that the popula-
tion centers are not in the same status. . . . We are not going to build any new
settlements or expropriate land in the Territories. . . . [E]veryone knows that
certain things in Jerusalem are not in the same tactical level as they are in
other parts of the Territories which are outside the city of Jerusalem. . . . So
there was nothing that happened that was not known in advance to all our
partners in this process. We made clear our positions; we made clear exactly
what we can do, what we can’t do, what we want to do and what we will not
be able to do. And I think that they all know it and they, at least even when
sometimes they disagree with us, they at least respect our sincerity and open-
ness about these issues.105
In other words, there would be no new settlements in the West Bank, but the
existing settlements, particularly those in and around Jerusalem, would remain.
Moreover, the Israeli government would continue to promote settlement through-
out Jerusalem itself.
Meanwhile, the Bush administration continued to treat Israeli settlements as
simply another issue for negotiation. In May 2008, President Bush went to the
region to encourage implementation of the Roadmap. While the United States still
hoped to get an agreement before the end of Bush’s term in office, Bush did little
more than promote the Annapolis process. Moreover, what little pressure the Bush
administration was willing to apply to Israel regarding Israeli settlements and
occupation were ignored; continued acquiescence and ambiguous statements with
no consequences were the norm. Additionally, Bush continued to place the burden
of peace on the Palestinian leadership. Following a meeting with Prime Minis-
ter Olmert, Bush explained, “Hamas’s objective—stated objective is the destruc-
tion of the State of Israel. And therefore, the United States will stand strongly
with Israel, as well as stand strongly with the Palestinians who don’t share that
vision.”106 Later, in an address to the Israeli Knesset, Bush emphasized the shared
values between the United States and Israel, and, again, connected peace in the
Middle East to the WOT.
There were also no illusions about where Bush stood; he had chosen the WOT
over peace, and did little to break the diplomatic stalemate in the peace process.
In June, Secretary Rice went to the region for discussions with Palestinian and
Israeli leaders in an attempt to foster negotiations over the Roadmap, but brought
more of the same. During a press conference, Rice was asked about settlements
and settlement construction. Rice made clear that the United States would do little
more than “press the case,” arguing:
I think [settlements are] a problem that . . . I’m going to address with the
Israelis. And . . . it gives us every reason that we really ought to be determin-
ing the boundaries of the state, because what’s in Israel will be in Israel at that
point, and what’s in Palestine will be in Palestine.109
Notes
1 “Pentagon Town Hall Meeting,” C-SPAN (August 6, 2002), accessed July 25, 2021,
https://www.c-span.org/video/?171781-1/pentagon-town-hall-meeting&playEvent#!.
2 “Palestinian Al-Aqsa Intifada: The Mitchell Report (May 4, 2001),” Jewish Virtual
Library, accessed July 12, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/the-mitchell-
report-may-2001.
3 Martin Indyk, Innocent Abroad: An Intimate Account of American Peace Diplomacy in
the Middle East (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2014), 401.
4 Karen Hughes, Ten Minutes from Normal (New York: Penguin, 2004), 279–82.
5 Stephen Buttry, “Des Moines Register: Candidates focus on Christian Beliefs,” CNN.
com, December 15, 1999, accessed July 14, 2021, http://archives.cnn.com/1999/ALL
POLITICS/stories/12/15/religion.register/
6 Stephen Mansfield, The Faith of George W. Bush (New York: Tarcher/Penguin,
2004), 73.
7 “Commencement Address at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, May 21,
2001,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book
I—January 20 to June 30, 2001 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register
National Archives and Records Administration, 2002), 557, accessed October 4, 2021,
https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2001-book1/pdf/PPP-2001-book1-doc-
pg556-2.pdf.
8 Michael F. Cairo, The Gulf: The Bush Presidencies and the Middle East (Lexington,
KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
9 Bob Woodward, Bush at War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002), 45.
10 Ibid., 131.
11 “Governor George W. Bush on His Trip to Israel,” Jewish Virtual Library, accessed
July 14, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/governor-george-w-bush-on-
his-trip-to-israel.
12 “Speech by Governor George W. Bush (R-TX) to American Israel Public Affairs Com-
mittee Conference at the Washington Hilton Hotel, Washington, D.C., May 22, 2000,”
Jewish Virtual Library, accessed July 14, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.
org/2000-u-s-presidential-campaign-george-bush.
160 George W. Bush
13 “President George W. Bush: A Friend of the American Jewish Community,” Jewish
Virtual Library, accessed July 14, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/
US-Israel/Bush.pdf.
14 “Remarks to the American Jewish Committee, May 3, 2001,” in Public Papers of
the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book I January 20 to June 30,
2001 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records
Administration, 2002), 487, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/con
tent/pkg/PPP-2001-book1/pdf/PPP-2001-book1-doc-pg486.pdf.
15 “The 2000 Campaign; 2nd Presidential Debate Between Gov. Bush and Vice President
Gore,” The New York Times, October 12, 2000, Section A, 22.
16 Ibid.
17 Sheryl Gay Stolberg, “Bush and Israel: Unlike his father—Americas—International
Herald Tribune,” The New York Times, August 2, 2006, accessed July 15, 2021, https://
www.nytimes.com/2006/08/02/world/americas/02iht-bush.2363483.html.
18 “The President’s News Conference, March 29, 2001,” in Public Papers of the Pres-
idents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book I January 20 to June 30, 2001
(Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records
Administration, 2002), 327, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/con
tent/pkg/PPP-2001-book1/pdf/PPP-2001-book1-doc-pg327.pdf.
19 Draft Resolution, United Nations Security Council, The United Nations, S/2001/270
(March 26, 2001), accessed July 16, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/2001/270.
20 Minutes, United Nations Security Council, The United Nations, S/PV.4305 (March 27,
2001), accessed July 16, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/PV.4305.
21 “Exchange with Reporters in Meridian, Texas, August 13, 2001,” in Public Papers of
the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book II July 1 to December 31,
2001 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records
Administration, 2002), 958, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/con
tent/pkg/PPP-2001-book2/pdf/PPP-2001-book2-doc-pg957.pdf.
22 “Exchange with Reporters in Rocky Mountain National Park, August 14, 2001,” in
Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book II July
1 to December 31, 2001 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register National
Archives and Records Administration, 2002), 965, accessed October 4, 2021,
https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2001-book2/pdf/PPP-2001-book2-doc-
pg965.pdf.
23 “The President’s News Conference in Crawford, August 24, 2001,” in Public Papers of
the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book II July 1 to December 31,
2001 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records
Administration, 2002), 1019, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/con-
tent/pkg/PPP-2001-book2/pdf/PPP-2001-book2-doc-pg1018.pdf.
24 Ibid., 1020.
25 “Remarks in Sarasota, Florida, on the Terrorist Attack on New York City’s World Trade
Center, September 11, 2001,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States:
George W. Bush, Book II July 1 to December 31, 2001 (Washington, DC: Office of
the Federal Register National Archives and Records Administration, 2002), 1098,
accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2001-book2/
pdf/PPP-2001-book2-doc-pg1098.pdf.
26 “Remarks at Barksdale Air Force Base, Louisiana, on the Terrorist Attacks, Septem-
ber 11, 2001,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush,
Book II July 1 to December 31, 2001 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Regis-
ter National Archives and Records Administration, 2002), 1098, accessed October 4,
2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2001-book2/pdf/PPP-2001-book2-
doc-pg1098-2.pdf.
George W. Bush 161
27 “Address to the Nation on the Terrorist Attacks, September 11, 2001,” in Public Papers
of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book II July 1 to December 31,
2001 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records
Administration, 2002), 1099–100, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.
gov/content/pkg/PPP-2001-book2/pdf/PPP-2001-book2-doc-pg1099.pdf.
28 “Remarks Following a Meeting with the National Security Team, September 12, 2001,”
in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book II
July 1 to December 31, 2001 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register National
Archives and Records Administration, 2002), 1100, accessed October 4, 2021, https://
www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2001-book2/pdf/PPP-2001-book2-doc-pg1100.
pdf.
29 “Remarks on Arrival at the White House and an Exchange with Reporters, Septem-
ber 16, 2001,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W.
Bush, Book II July 1 to December 31, 2001 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal
Register National Archives and Records Administration, 2002), 1116, 1114, accessed
October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2001-book2/pdf/PPP-
2001-book2-doc-pg1114.pdf.
30 See Jim Mann, Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush’s War Cabinet (New York:
Viking, 2004), 266.
31 “CNN Live Event/Special: VP Speaks to Commonwealth Club of California,” CNN.
com/Transcripts, August 7, 2002, accessed July 17, 2021, http://edition.cnn.com/
TRANSCRIPTS/0208/07/se.02.html.
32 “Remarks Following a Meeting with Congressional Leaders and an Exchange with
Reporters, October 2, 2001,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States:
George W. Bush, Book II July 1 to December 31, 2001 (Washington, DC: Office of
the Federal Register National Archives and Records Administration, 2002), 1180,
accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2001-book2/
pdf/PPP-2001-book2-doc-pg1179.pdf.
33 James Bennet, “Sharon Invokes Munich in Warning U.S. on ‘Appeasement’,” The New
York Times, October 5, 2001, Section A, 6.
34 “Sharon Warns U.S. Not to ‘Appease’ Arabs,” CNN.com, October 5, 2001, accessed
July 17, 2021, https://www.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/meast/10/04/sharon.us.arabs/
index.html.
35 “Remarks to the United Nations General Assembly in New York City, November 10,
2001,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book II
July 1 to December 31, 2001 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register National
Archives and Records Administration, 2002), 1378, accessed October 4, 2021, https://
www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2001-book2/pdf/PPP-2001-book2-doc-pg1375-2.
pdf.
36 “September 11, 2001: Attack on America, Secretary Colin L. Powell Remarks at the
McConnell Center for Political Leadership University of Louisville, Kentucky,” The
Avalon Project: Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy, November 19, 2001,
accessed July 19, 2021, https://avalon.law.yale.edu/sept11/powell_brief39.asp.
37 Bryan Burrough, Evgenia Peretz, David Rose, and David Wise, “The Path to
War,” Vanity Fair, May 2004, accessed July 19, 2021, https://www.vanityfair.com/
news/2004/05/path-to-war200405.
38 Elaine Sciolino, “Senators Urge Bush Not to Hamper Israel,” The New York Times,
November 17, 2001, Section A, 10.
39 Judith Miller, “U.S. to Block Assets It Says Help Finance Hamas Killers,” The New
York Times, December 4, 2001, Section A, 9.
40 United Nations Security Council, The United Nations, S/2001/1199 (December 14,
2001), accessed July 20, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/2001/1199.
162 George W. Bush
41 Minutes, United Nations Security Council, 4438th meeting, S/PV.4438 (December 14,
2001), accessed July 20, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/PV.4438.
42 Associated Press, “Arafat: End Suicide Bombings,” Wired.com, December 16,
2001, accessed July 21, 2021, https://www.wired.com/2001/12/arafat-end-suicide-
bombings/.
43 “The President’s International Affairs Budget Request for FY 2003,” Hearing before the
Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives (February 6, 2002),
accessed July 21, 2021, http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/intlrel/hfa77532.000/
hfa77532_0f.htm.
44 “Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union, Janu-
ary 29, 2002,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush,
Book I—January 1 to June 30, 2002 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register
National Archives and Records Administration, 2003), 131, accessed October 4, 2021,
https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2002-book1/pdf/PPP-2002-book1-doc-
pg129-3.pdf.
45 Ibid., 135.
46 Yasir Arafat, “The Palestinian Vision of Peace,” The New York Times, February 3,
2002, Section 4, 15.
47 “Remarks Following Discussions with Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel and an
Exchange with Reporters, February 7, 2002,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of
the United States: George W. Bush, Book I—January 1 to June 30, 2002 (Washington,
DC: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records Administration,
2003), 190, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-
2002-book1/pdf/PPP-2002-book1-doc-pg190.pdf.
48 Ibid., 191.
49 Matt Rees, Massimo Calabresi, and James Carney, “Streets Red with Blood,” Time,
March 18, 2002, accessed July 23, 2021, https://web.archive.org/web/20101022134525/
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1002012,00.html.
50 “Remarks on the Situation in the Middle East, April 4, 2002,” in Public Papers of
the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book I January 1 to June 30,
2002 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records
Administration, 2003), 546–48, accessed October 4, 2021¸https://www.govinfo.gov/
content/pkg/PPP-2002-book1/pdf/PPP-2002-book1-doc-pg546.pdf.
51 Ibid., 546.
52 “National Rally for Israel,” C-SPAN (April 15, 2002), accessed July 25, 2021, https://
www.c-span.org/video/?169610-1/national-rally-israel.
53 Ibid.
54 Ibid.
55 “Washington Briefs,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement
in the Occupied Territories 12, no. 3 (May–June 2002): 6, accessed July 25, 2021,
https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/12.3.pdf.
56 “Pentagon Town Hall Meeting,” C-SPAN (August 6, 2002), accessed July 25, 2021,
https://www.c-span.org/video/?171781-1/pentagon-town-hall-meeting&playEvent#!.
57 “U.S. Avoids Issue of Settlements’ ‘Natural Growth’,” Foundation for Middle East
Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 13, no. 1 (Janu-
ary–February 2003): 8, accessed July 25, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/
uploads/2015/01/13.1.pdf.
58 General Assembly Resolution 57/111, The United Nations, A/RES/57/111 (Febru-
ary 14, 2003), accessed July 25, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/A/RES/57/111.
59 See Minutes, United Nations General Assembly, A/57/PV.66 (December 3, 2002),
accessed July 26, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/A/57/PV.66.
60 United Nations Security Council Draft Resolution S/2002/1385 (December 19, 2002),
accessed July 26, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/2002/1385.
George W. Bush 163
61 “Remarks on the Middle East, June 24, 2002,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the
United States: George W. Bush, Book I January 1 to June 30, 2002 (Washington, DC:
Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records Administration, 2003),
1059–62, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2002-
book1/pdf/PPP-2002-book1-doc-pg1059.pdf.
62 “Remarks Following Discussions with the Quartet Principals and an Exchange with
Reporters, December 20, 2002,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United
States: George W. Bush, Book II—July 1 to December 31, 2002 (Washington, DC:
Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records Administration, 2003),
2207, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2002-
book2/pdf/PPP-2002-book2-doc-pg2207.pdf.
63 “Remarks on the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy,
November 6, 2003,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George
W. Bush, Book II—July 1 to December 31, 2003 (Washington, DC: Office of the Fed-
eral Register National Archives and Records Administration, 2004), 1470, accessed
October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2003-book2/pdf/PPP-
2003-book2-doc-pg1468-2.pdf.
64 Ibid., 1471.
65 Ibid., 1472.
66 Ibid., 1474.
67 Ewen MacAskill, “George Bush: ‘God told Me to End the Tyranny in Iraq’,” The
Guardian, October 7, 2005, accessed July 29, 2021, https://www.theguardian.com/
world/2005/oct/07/iraq.usa.
68 “The State Department Defines a Settlement Freeze,” Foundation for Middle East
Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 13, no. 5 (Septem-
ber–October 2003): 3, accessed July 31, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/
uploads/2015/01/13.5.pdf.
69 United Nations Security Council Draft Resolution S/2003/891 (September 16, 2003),
accessed July 31, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/2003/891.
70 Minutes, United Nations Security Council, S/PV.4828 (September 16, 2003), accessed
July 31, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/PV.4828.
71 United Nations Security Council Draft Resolution S/2003/980 (October 14, 2003),
accessed July 31, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/2003/980.
72 Minutes, United Nations Security Council, S/PV.4842 (October 14, 2003), accessed
July 31, 2021, https://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/04FD9A2A24773D4585256D
C0005281DE.
73 “Sharon’s ‘Settlement Freeze’ Facilitates Unprecedented Construction,” Foundation
for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories, 14, no.
2 (March–April 2004): 8, accessed August 1, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/
uploads/2015/01/14.2.pdf.
74 Quoted in David Landau, “ ‘Maximum Jews, Minimum Palestinians’,” Haaretz,
accessed August 3, 2021, https://www.haaretz.com/1.4759973.
75 “Address by PM Ariel Sharon at the Fourth Herzliya Conference—Dec 18–2003,”
Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (December 18, 2003), accessed August 3, 2021,
https://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/PressRoom/2003/Pages/Address%20by%20PM%20
Ariel%20Sharon%20at%20the%20Fourth%20Herzliya.aspx.
76 Bernard Avishai, “Ariel Sharon’s Dark Greatness,” The New Yorker, January 13,
2014, accessed August 3, 2021, https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/ariel-
sharons-dark-greatness.
77 “Exchange of letters between PM Sharon and President Bush,” Israel Ministry of
Foreign Affairs (April 14, 2004), accessed August 3, 2021, https://www.mfa.gov.il/
mfa/foreignpolicy/peace/mfadocuments/pages/exchange%20of%20letters%20sharon-
bush%2014-apr-2004.aspx.
164 George W. Bush
78 Ibid.
79 “The Bush Administration: For and Against Settlement Expansion,” Foundation
for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 14,
no. 5 (September–October 2004): 7, accessed August 3, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/
wp-content/uploads/2004/09/14.5.pdf.
80 United Nations Security Council Draft Resolution S/2004/783 (October 5, 2004),
accessed August 4, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/2004/783.
81 Minutes, United Nations Security Council, S/PV.5051 (October 5, 2004), accessed
August 4, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/PV.5051.
82 Ibid.
83 See Aluf Benn, “Analysis/The New Reality,” Haaretz, November 12, 2004, accessed
August 4, 2021, https://www.haaretz.com/1.4754746.
84 “The President’s News Conference with Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United
Kingdom, November 12, 2004,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United
States: George W. Bush, Book III—October 1 to December 31, 2004 (Washington,
DC: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records Administration,
2005), 2963–64, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/
PPP-2004-book3/pdf/PPP-2004-book3-doc-pg2963.pdf.
85 “Government Tenders Issued for Settlement Construction, January 1998-April 2005,”
Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Ter-
ritories 15, no. 3 (May–June 2005): 8, accessed August 5, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/
wp-content/uploads/2015/01/15.3.pdf.
86 Elliott Abrams, Tested by Zion: The Bush Administration and the Israeli-Palestinian
Conflict (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 131.
87 Ibid., 169.
88 Ibid., 175.
89 “Address by PM Olmert to a Joint Meeting of the US Congress,” Israel Ministry
of Foreign Affairs (May 24, 2006), accessed August 7, 2021, https://www.mfa.gov.
il/mfa/pressroom/2006/pages/address%20by%20pm%20olmert%20to%20a%20
joint%20meeting%20of%20us%20congress%2024-may-2006.aspx.
90 See Geoffrey Aronson, “Disengagements Uncertain Fate,” Foundation for Mid-
dle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 16, no. 4
(July–August 2006): 1, accessed August 9, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/
uploads/2015/01/16.4.pdf.
91 George W. Bush, Decision Points (New York: Crown Publishers, 2010), 413.
92 Condoleezza Rice, No Higher Honor: A Memoir of My Years in Washington (New
York: Crown Publishers, 2011), 477–78.
93 Abrams, Tested by Zion, 181.
94 Rice, No Higher Honor, 488.
95 Bush, Decision Points, 414.
96 Ibid.
97 See United Nations Security Council Draft Resolution S/2006/508 (July 12, 2006),
accessed August 10, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/2006/508; United Nations Secu-
rity Council Draft Resolution S/2006/878 (November 10, 2006), accessed August 10,
2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/2006/878.
98 Minutes, United Nations Security Council, S/PV.5565 (November 11, 2006), accessed
August 10, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/PV.5565.
99 “Creating Facts—An Update,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli
Settlement in the Occupied Territories 17, no. 2 (March–April 2007): 6, accessed
August 11, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/17.2.pdf.
100 “The Separation Barrier Grows,” in Ibid, 7.
101 “Interview with Aluf Benn of Ha’aretz,” U.S. Department of State Archive (Feb-
ruary 18, 2007), accessed August 11, 2021, https://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/
rm/2007/feb/80658.htm.
George W. Bush 165
102 “Annapolis Peace Conference, Joint Understanding Read by US President George
Bush II,” Center for Israel Education (November 27, 2007), accessed August 11,
2021, https://israeled.org/resources/documents/annapolis-peace-conference-joint-
understanding-read-us-president-george-bush-ii/.
103 “The Settlement Freeze Runaround Continues at State,” Foundation for Middle East
Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories 17, no. 6 (November–
December 2007): 8, accessed August 11, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/
uploads/2007/11/17.6.pdf.
104 Quoted in Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli Settlement in the
Occupied Territories 18, no. 1 (January–February 2008): 2, accessed August 11,
2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/18.1.pdf.
105 Quoted in ibid.
106 “Remarks Following a Meeting with Prime Minister Ehud Olmert of Israel in Jerusa-
lem, May 14, 2008,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George
W. Bush, Book I—January 1 to June 30, 2008 (Washington, DC: Office of the Fed-
eral Register National Archives and Records Administration, 2009), 682, accessed
October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2008-book1/pdf/PPP-
2008-book1-doc-pg680.pdf.
107 “Remarks to Members of the Knesset in Jerusalem, May 15, 2008,” in Public Papers
of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush, Book I—January 1 to June 30,
2008 (Washington, DC: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records
Administration, 2009), 685, accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/
content/pkg/PPP-2008-book1/pdf/PPP-2008-book1-doc-pg683.pdf.
108 “Remarks with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas,” U.S. Department of State
Archive (June 15, 2008), accessed August 14, 2021, https://2001-2009.state.gov/
secretary/rm/2008/06/105917.htm.
109 “Remarks to the Traveling Press,” U.S. Department of State Archive (June 14, 2008),
accessed August 14, 2021, https://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/rm/2008/06/105910.
htm.
110 “Press Availability en route Shannon, Ireland,” U.S. Department of State Archive
(May 5, 2008), accessed August 14, 2021, https://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/
rm/2008/05/104393.htm.
111 See “Breaking News: Peace Now Settlement Watch Report—August 2008,”
Americans for Peace Now (August 25, 2008), accessed August 14, 2021, http://
archive.peacenow.org/entries/archive5261.
8 Barack Obama’s Failed
Expectations
I shared with the Prime Minister the fact that under the roadmap and under
Annapolis that there’s a clear understanding that we have to make progress
on settlements, that settlements have to be stopped in order for us to move
forward.
—President Barack Obama1
Despite high hopes that Barack Obama’s presidency would lead to major changes
in the Middle East, his presidency did not curb Israeli settlement expansion or
construction. While President Obama often condemned settlements, arguing they
were undermining hopes for peace, Israeli construction in the West Bank and
East Jerusalem thrived throughout his eight years in office.2 Obama’s criticism
of Israeli leaders and settlement construction may have actually emboldened the
Israelis. By the end of the Obama administration, settlements were an increasing
reality that would continue to hamper the peace process. Yet there were no con-
sequences for Israel. In fact, in 2016, the United States agreed to provide Israel
with $38 billion in military assistance over a decade, the largest aid package ever
given to another country.3
Like Bush 41, Obama’s relations with Israel were impacted by his personal
relationship with Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. Relations between
Obama and Netanyahu were strained from the start, constraining Obama’s influ-
ence with Netanyahu and Israel. Moreover, Netanyahu had significant disagree-
ments with the Obama administration’s policy toward Iran. The expectations that
Obama would be able to defuse tensions between Israel and the Palestinians quickly
evaporated. The personal tension between Obama and Netanyahu prevented any
real breakthrough from materializing. Like its predecessors, the Obama adminis-
tration came to office with great expectations for Israeli-Palestinian peace, but left
office with Israel more deeply entrenched in the occupied territories.
I don’t oppose all wars. . . . What I am opposed to is a dumb war . . . a rash
war. What I am opposed to is the cynical attempt by . . . armchair, weekend
warriors in [the Bush administration] to shove their own ideological agen-
das down our throats, irrespective of the costs in lives lost and in hardships
borne.
Obama went on to argue that Saddam Hussein and Iraq posed “no imminent and
direct threat to the United States or to his neighbors.”5
Obama’s opposition to the Iraq war served, in part, to propel him to the presi-
dency, and provided a basis for his worldview. In his opposition to the war, Obama
essentially suggested that the United States has too often relied on its military
power to address challenging world problems. Rather, Obama preferred persis-
tent diplomatic engagement. He believed that American foreign policy required
changes. Most significantly, he emphasized the restoration of American cred-
ibility and leadership throughout the world. Obama believed the United States
needed to be less arrogant and listen with compassion more often. Tom Donilon,
Deputy National Security Advisor and later National Security Advisor, explained,
“We came into office at a period of very significant diminution of American influ-
ence, prestige, and power in the world. And our principal strategic goal was the
restoration of that position.”6 Obama’s concern with American arrogance led him
toward multilateral solutions. He later argued:
One of the reasons I am so focused on taking action multilaterally where our
direct interests are not at stake is that multilateralism regulates hubris. . . . We
have history in Iran, we have history in Indonesia and Central America. So
we have to be mindful of our history when we start talking about intervening,
and understand the source of other people’s suspicions.7
This, seemingly, had profound implications for the Middle East. Obama was
especially concerned about the view of the United States in the Arab and Mus-
lim world. He was convinced that the rhetoric of the WOT and abuses like those
that occurred at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq only fed hatred of the United States.
As David Remnick claimed, “If . . . Bush’s foreign policy was largely a reaction
to 9/11, Obama’s was a reaction to the reaction.”8 During his campaign, Obama
promised an early address in a major Muslim country aimed at transforming the
American relationship with the Muslim world. Six months into his presidency,
Obama called for a new beginning at Cairo University in Egypt.
168 Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations
The Cairo speech aimed to “speak the truth” about American relations with the
Middle East and the Muslim world. The address was an effort to bridge the divi-
sions that emerged following the terrorist attacks on 9/11, the subsequent WOT,
and the Bush 43 administration’s invasion of Iraq. Illustrating his desire for a
multilateral approach emphasizing diplomacy and engagement, Obama argued,
“Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype
of a self-interested empire.” Obama identified several tensions in the relationship,
including violent extremism, war, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Specifically
addressing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Obama made a commitment to pur-
sue peace. He acknowledged that American ties with Israel are “unbreakable”
but pledged to pursue the “legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, oppor-
tunity, and a state of their own.” Obama also called on Hamas to “put an end
to violence . . . and recognize Israel’s right to exist.” Most significantly, Obama
announced, “The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued
Israeli settlements. . . . This construction violates previous agreements and under-
mines . . . peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.”9
While the speech closed to a standing ovation, many leaders throughout the
Middle East “reacted with guarded optimism.” However, Jewish settlers in the
West Bank criticized Obama as “out of touch with reality” and Hamas dismissed
the speech as misleading.10 The initial reactions demonstrated just how difficult
Obama’s task would be. The hopes that Obama could break the impasse in the
peace process and curb Israeli settlements never materialized. Instead, Obama
abandoned the region, preferring not to spend his political capital on an unlikely
peace. Like his predecessors, Obama was caught between his desire to protect
Israel and his determination to foster the peace process. In the end, he quietly, and
often reluctantly, chose Israel, abandoning the peace process.
Additionally, Obama supported opening the Gaza border crossings, raising expec-
tations that he would apply pressure to Israel to lift its blockade. However, any
hopes that Obama would pressure Israel quickly evaporated. Instead, the adminis-
tration worked to strengthen the Bush administration’s policy aimed at interdict-
ing weapons to Hamas.
Just prior to leaving office, the Bush administration had signed a Memoran-
dum of Understanding with Israel, committing the United States to addressing the
“problem of the supply of arms and related material and weapons transfers and
shipments to Hamas and other terrorist organizations in Gaza.”15 On March 13,
2009, the Obama administration signed a Program of Action with nine other coun-
tries providing a “new mechanism to seek to block arms shipments to Gaza, which
constitute a threat to regional peace and security.”16 Additionally, the Obama
administration continued to ship weapons to Israel and admitted that it would
not suspend the billions of dollars in military aid promised by the Bush adminis-
tration.17 The Obama administration also did little to alleviate the conditions for
Palestinians in Gaza. Despite its awareness that Israel was blocking the delivery
of humanitarian goods,18 the administration maintained its support for Israel and
failed to take steps toward ending Israel’s blockade of Gaza. Illustrating that the
administration would go to great lengths to avoid direct pressure on Israel, State
Department Acting Spokesperson Robert Gibbs was “not able to tell you from
here whether [pasta],” which was prevented from getting to Gaza by the Israeli
blockade, constituted legitimate humanitarian aid.19
Ironically, at the same time, President Obama was calling on Israel to imple-
ment a settlement freeze. After meeting with Israeli prime minister Netanyahu in
170 Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations
May 2009, Obama declared, “I shared with the Prime Minister the fact that under
the roadmap and under Annapolis that there’s a clear understanding that we have
to make progress on settlements, that settlements have to be stopped in order for
us to move forward.”20 And, on June 2, Obama repeated his call for an end to
settlements:
I do believe that if you follow the roadmap approach that has been laid out,
if Israel abides by its obligations that includes no settlements, if the Palestin-
ians abide by their obligations to deal with the security situation, to eliminate
incitement.21
Two days later, in his Cairo University speech, Obama declared, “It is time
for these settlements to stop.”22 These statements, all within a week, were the
strongest and clearest condemnation of settlements in the Obama administration.
As with previous administrations, the Obama administration would fail to couple
serious action with its strong rhetoric.
President Obama continued to push for a settlement freeze throughout the
summer and into the fall, but was out-maneuvered by Prime Minister Netan-
yahu. The Israelis alleged that the Bush administration had reached an agree-
ment with Israel in 2003 over the definition of a “settlement freeze.” According
to the Israelis, the Bush administration had agreed to additional settlement con-
struction within existing Israeli settlements, as long as no new land was acquired
for settlements. Most significantly, the Israelis argued that they “agreed to the
road map and [moving] ahead with the removal of settlements and soldiers from
Gaza in 2005 on the understanding that settlement growth could continue” else-
where. The Bush administration described the Israeli position as an “overstate-
ment,” but this disagreement only increased the tensions between Obama and
Netanyahu.23
The Israeli government responded by distinguishing between types of settle-
ments and settlement growth. Prior to their meeting, Netanyahu spoke at Bar-Ilan
University, arguing:
Many good people have told us that withdrawal from territories is the key
to peace with the Palestinians. . . . The territorial question will be discussed
as part of the final peace agreement. In the meantime, we have no intention
of building new settlements or of expropriating additional land for existing
settlements. But there is a need to enable the residents to live normal lives,
to allow mothers and fathers to raise their children like families elsewhere.
The settlers are neither the enemies of the people nor the enemies of peace.
Rather, they are an integral part of our people, a principled, pioneering and
Zionist public.24
Netanyahu made clear that he would not allow a freeze in the natural growth of
existing settlements. However, Netanyahu also implied his acceptance of a two-
state solution to the conflict: “In my vision of peace, in this small land of ours, two
Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations 171
peoples live freely, side-by-side, in amity and mutual respect. Each will have its
own flag, its own national anthem, its own government.”25
Three days later, Israeli foreign minister Avigdor Lieberman and Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton met to discuss the peace process. Lieberman argued that
Israel had an understanding with the Bush 43 administration and explained, “[W]
e cannot accept this vision about absolutely completely freezing . . . our settle-
ments. I think that we must keep the natural growth.” Secretary Clinton responded
by calling for a “stop to the settlements” and stating that there was no formal or
informal agreement with the Bush 43 administration regarding “natural growth.”26
The Obama White House ignored the calls for the “natural growth” of settlements,
focusing instead on Netanyahu’s perceived willingness to achieve peace through
the establishment of a Palestinian state.27 Meanwhile, two days later, Obama’s
special envoy, George Mitchell, repeated, “We believe there should be a stop to
settlements.” However, he emphasized, “The important thing about the prime
minister’s speech is that he . . . included in his objective a Palestinian state.”28
From June to September, the administration continued the familiar pattern of
previous administrations conducting negotiations with Israel to define Israel’s
conditions for Palestinian statehood. Pressure from Congress was clearly having
an impact on the administration’s course of action. In a letter to President Obama
in May, 76 senators called for continued support for Israel, emphasizing that the
United States “must take into account the risks [Israel] will face in any peace
agreement.”29 Additionally, a letter from members of the House of Representa-
tives noted that the United States must serve as a “trusted mediator and devoted
friend of Israel.”30 Neither letter called on Israel to alter its policies as a means to
foster peace.
I said we would not build new settlements, not expropriate land for addition
for the existing settlements, and that we were prepared to adopt a policy of
restraint on the existing settlements, but also one that would still enable nor-
mal life for the residents who are living there.
Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations 173
Clinton supported for this position, arguing:
What the prime minister is saying is historically accurate. There has never
been a precondition. It’s always been an issue within the negotiations. What
the prime minister has offered in specifics of a restraint on the policy of settle-
ments, which he has just described—no new starts, for example—is unprec-
edented in the context of the prior two negotiations. It’s also the fact that
for 40 years, presidents of both parties have questioned the legitimacy of
settlements. But I think that where we are right now is to try to get into the
negotiations. The prime minister will be able to present his government’s
proposal about what they are doing regarding settlements, which I think when
fully explained will be seen as being not only unprecedented but in response
to many of the concerns that have been expressed. There are always demands
made in any negotiation that are not going to be fully realized. I mean, nego-
tiation, by its very definition, is a process of trying to meet the other’s needs
while protecting your core interests. And on settlements, there’s never been a
precondition, there’s never been such an offer from any Israeli government.36
Not only had Clinton supported Netanyahu’s position, but she specifically sug-
gested that American policy now supported “restraint” rather than a settlement
freeze. And, like previous administrations, the Obama administration was sending
mixed signals, arguing that restraint was “unprecedented” but settlements were
illegitimate. The administration had only emboldened Netanyahu and Israel.
The timing of that announcement was wrong, but I don’t think that we
should blow the timing of that announcement out of proportion. We should
not have a disproportionate response to Israel. . . . Last year, when there was
public pressure being put on Israel not to expand settlements, there was no
simultaneous public pressure being put on the Palestinians, and we saw that
the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas just sat back, didn’t make any
concessions, didn’t say that he would do anything positive to further peace
talks, and just thought that the United States would wring concessions out
of Israel.42
Engel had suggested that the Palestinians failed to offer concessions while the
Israelis were prepared to negotiate. Republican Senator John McCain, who had
lost the 2008 presidential election to Obama, applied additional pressure, arguing,
“[I]f we want the Israeli Government to act in a way that would be more in keep-
ing with our objectives . . . it does not help them to have public disparagement.”43
Senate Democrat Joe Lieberman concurred, adding:
[T]he American relationship with Israel is one of the strongest, most impor-
tant, most steadfast bilateral alliances we have in the world because it is not
based on temporal matters—that is, matters that come and go and politics
or diplomacy—it is based on shared values, shared strategic interests in the
world, and, unfortunately, now on the fact that we in the United States and the
Israelis are also targets of the Islamist extremists, the terrorists who threaten
the security of so much of the world. . . . I just want to say . . . the per-
mits for this housing are in an area of Jerusalem that is today mostly Jewish.
The Israeli Government has taken the position . . . that anybody ought to
be able to buy property and build and live in any section of Jerusalem they
choose to regardless of their religion or nationality or anything else. That is
Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations 175
a very American concept. . . . It is not a violation of the moratorium on new
settlements.44
Israel has a history of making peace with its neighbors and is prepared to
make peace now. But peace is a twoway street, and the Palestinians’ com-
mitment to that peace is in doubt. Rather than make demands upon Israel
for concession after concession, President Obama should work closely and
privately with Israel, recognizing our two Nations’ long and trusted alliance.45
We should not forget that it was the Palestinian’s leaders who walked away
from the negotiation table at Camp David in 2000. . . . Today, it is Israel
who continues to acknowledge the necessary framework for any peace agree-
ments. . . . President Obama must not place wrongful or unreasonable pres-
sure on Israel or, worse, to put forward a proposal without Israel’s consent.46
I understand and indeed I share the deep frustrations of many of you in this
room and across the region and the world. . . . [N]egotiations between the par-
ties is the only path that will succeed in securing their respective aspirations;
for the Israelis, security and recognition; for the Palestinians, an independent,
viable sovereign state of their own. . . . There is no alternative other than
reaching mutual agreement. . . . Now, it is no secret that the parties have a
long way to go and that they have not yet made the difficult decisions that
peace requires. . . . It is time to grapple with the core issues of the conflict
on borders and security; settlements, water and refugees; and on Jerusalem
itself.
And with that, the Obama administration’s push for a settlement freeze reverted to
standard American policy; the United States would not impose a solution on Israel
and the Palestinians. As a result, settlement construction and expansion would
continue.
With its veto, the Obama administration emulated its predecessors. The admin-
istration’s veto signaled the end of the administration’s concerted efforts in the
peace process. On May 20, 2011, George Mitchell resigned his post as Special
Envoy, highlighting the administration’s failure.57 On the day before Mitchell’s
departure, President Obama spoke at the State Department. The speech mainly
focused on the events of the Arab Spring, but Obama concluded with a discussion
of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. His remarks not only repeated the typical poli-
cies of previous administrations, but they also indicated that his administration
would no longer seek a comprehensive peace settlement.
For over 2 years, my administration has worked with the parties and the
international community to end this conflict, building on decades of work by
previous administrations. Yet expectations have gone unmet. Israeli settle-
ment activity continues. Palestinians have walked away from talks. . . . Now,
ultimately, it is up to the Israelis and Palestinians to take action. No peace
can be imposed upon them. . . . [W]hile the core issues of the conflict must
be negotiated, the basis of those negotiations is clear: a viable Palestine, a
secure Israel. . . . These principles provide a foundation for negotiations. . . .
I’m aware that these steps alone will not resolve the conflict, because two
wrenching and emotional issues will remain: the future of Jerusalem and the
fate of Palestinian refugees.58
Additionally, Obama argued that pre-1967 borders, with “mutually agreed swaps”
should be the basis for agreement.59
178 Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations
Israeli prime minister Netanyahu’s response was immediate. On his way to the
United States, Netanyahu demanded that Obama “reaffirm” the commitments made
by Bush 43 in 2004.60 Specifically, Bush had told Netanyahu that “it is unrealistic
to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations will be a full and complete
return to the armistice lines of 1949.”61 In essence, Bush negated pre-1967 borders
as the basis for a peace agreement. Moreover, Netanyahu had told the Knesset that
“we must maintain the settlement blocs. There is widespread agreement that the
settlement blocs must remain within the State of Israel.”62 The United States and
Israel were, once again, on a collision course. Following his meeting with Obama
at the White House, Netanyahu publicly admonished Obama.
While Obama was angry and believed his office had been insulted,64 he relented.
At the AIPAC conference, Obama declared:
Netanyahu continued the pressure, seizing upon the moment, and on May 24,
before a joint session of Congress, he stated:
This compromise must reflect the dramatic demographic changes that have
occurred since 1967. The vast majority of the 650,000 Israelis who live beyond
the 1967 lines, reside in neighborhoods and suburbs of Jerusalem and Greater
Tel Aviv. . . . Under any realistic peace agreement, these areas, as well as other
places of critical strategic and national importance, will be incorporated into
the final borders of Israel. The status of the settlements will be decided only
in negotiations. . . . The precise delineation of those borders must be negoti-
ated. We will be very generous on the size of a future Palestinian state. But as
President Obama said, the border will be different than the one that existed on
June 4, 1967. Israel will not return to the indefensible lines of 1967.66
It should not come as a shock . . . that the U.S. opposes a move in New York
by the Palestinians to try to establish a state that can only be achieved through
negotiations. . . . [I]f . . . something comes to a vote in the UN Security Coun-
cil, the U.S. will veto.72
Two days earlier, Nuland acknowledged American lobbying to prevent the Pales-
tinian move, stating:
We have been absolutely clear publicly and privately . . . with all of the
states that have traditionally worked actively on this dossier, but also
now with states that could be confronted with a decision in the General
Assembly, and making clear that we think that this is the wrong way to
go and that it could potentially make getting back to the negotiating table
harder.73
One year ago, I stood at this podium, and I called for an independent Pales-
tine. I believed then and I believe now that the Palestinian people deserve a
state of their own. But what I also said is that a genuine peace can only be
realized between the Israelis and the Palestinians themselves. One year later,
despite extensive efforts by America and others, the parties have not bridged
their differences. . . . I know that many are frustrated by the lack of pro-
gress. . . . I am convinced that there is no shortcut to the end of a conflict that
has endured for decades. Peace is hard work. Peace will not come through
statements and resolutions at the United Nations. If it were that easy, it would
have been accomplished by now. Ultimately, it is the Israelis and the Palestin-
ians who must live side by side.74
While Obama chided the Palestinians for their actions, he did not mention
Israeli settlements or occupation. And, prior to a meeting with Prime Minis-
ter Netanyahu on the same day, Obama argued, “[P]eace cannot be imposed
on the parties. It’s going to have to be negotiated. One side’s actions in the
United Nations will achieve neither statehood nor self-determination for the
Palestinians.”75
In contrast to their May meeting, Obama and Netanyahu stood arm-in-arm.
Despite the damage to his credibility, Obama supported Israeli opposition to
Palestinian membership at the United Nations. According to one commenta-
tor, the Obama administration was “going balls-out for Israel.” The administra-
tion had come to believe that “anything that poisons the prospects for peace . . .
by emboldening the Palestinians and making the Israelis feel cornered” was
unacceptable.76 This indicated Obama’s retreat from sustained diplomatic
engagement in the peace process. While the United States continued to qui-
etly argue for a stop to settlement activity and a two-state solution, its public
actions demonstrated just how far the administration would go to protect Israel.
On October 31, 2011, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, UNESCO, voted to admit Palestine as a full member. The admin-
istration responded:
There have been bitter years of disappointment. It is our hope that by being
methodical, careful, patient—but detailed and tenacious—that we can lay out
a path ahead that could conceivably surprise people, but certainly exhaust the
possibilities of peace.82
The Secretary has expressed his concern. . . . We don’t accept the legitimacy
of continued settlement activity. [W]e encourage both sides to act in a way
that will provide for a path to peace. . . . [O]ur focus right now is not on con-
sequences as much as working with both sides to try to move them back to
the table.83
Psaki made clear that there would be no consequences for continued Israeli set-
tlement activities.
Throughout the summer, Secretary of State Kerry pushed hard to get the parties
back to the negotiating table. In July, Israeli and Palestinian negotiators met to
discuss timetables for negotiations, settlements, and possible land swaps. Kerry
182 Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations
suggested that “Israel will retain 85% of the settlement blocs in a future peace
deal.”84 Once again, the United States was accommodating to Israeli interests.
Two weeks later, Psaki told reporters that American policy toward settlement
activity had not changed. Arguing that the United States opposes “any unilateral
actions by either party,” Psaki refused to declare Israeli settlements in East Jeru-
salem illegitimate. Additionally, while Psaki expressed “concerns about ongoing
settlement activity,” she stressed negotiations between the parties on “the ques-
tion of borders.”85 Once again, the Obama administration had moved away from
pressuring the Israelis on settlements and, like its predecessors, acquiesced to the
Israeli position that the legitimacy of settlements would ultimately be determined
through negotiations.
As 2013 came to an end, it was increasingly clear that Kerry’s efforts to broker
peace were unlikely to succeed. Kerry not only faced obstacles from the Israelis
and Palestinians, but also from National Security Advisor Susan Rice. Accord-
ing to Dennis Ross, Rice told the Israelis that Kerry’s approach was “imbal-
anced” against the Palestinians.86 The tension between the State Department and
the White House caused confusion and further deadlock. The American-Israeli
relationship was, once again, facing formidable stress. Tensions were fueled by
Israel’s increased settlement activity and American desire for a nuclear deal with
Iran. According to Israeli finance minister Yair Lapid, there was a “crisis with the
United States.”87 At one point, a senior American official reportedly referred to
Netanyahu as “chicken shit.”88
Nevertheless, Kerry was determined to push negotiations forward. Most impor-
tantly, Kerry sought to cultivate his relationship with Netanyahu in an effort to
get concessions from the Israelis. Israeli and Palestinian negotiators met 25 times
in the last six months of 2013.89 In November, talks were suspended following a
vast increase in settlement construction and expansion. Faced with failure, Kerry
and his team pushed even harder to get a deal. In February 2014, the Americans
offered a proposed framework for agreement. According to the framework, Israel
would get recognition as the “nation-state of the Jewish people.” Most signifi-
cantly, the document stated, “[T]he new secure and recognized international bor-
ders between Israel and Palestine will be negotiated based on the 1967 lines with
mutually-agreed swaps whose size and location will be negotiated.” Netanyahu
agreed to accept the 1967 borders as a basis for negotiations, but he insisted on
avoiding any mention of “territorial contiguity.” The document also included no
right of return for Palestinians. The document’s most controversial issue was the
status of Jerusalem. Abbas was reportedly furious about the weak wording on
Jerusalem, which essentially gave Israel full control.90
The administration amended the document in an attempt to get Palestinian
agreement. The amended document stated:
Once the needs of both sides are met on all the foregoing issues, the two-state
solution will have to be expressed in the Agreement through mutual recogni-
tion and establishment of a state of peace between Palestine, the nation-state
of the Palestinian people, and Israel, the nation-state of the Jewish people.
Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations 183
This is without prejudice to the historical narratives of both sides, and with
full equal rights for all and no discrimination against any of their citizens.91
Abbas did not accept the framework, frustrating the Obama administration’s
negotiations. Like Clinton administration officials, many now believed that the
Palestinians were incapable of delivering a peace agreement. However, the most
damning part of the entire negotiation process was Kerry’s failure to secure any
concessions on Israeli settlements.
According to a senior American official:
The administration had “given up” on the idea of a settlement freeze. With Net-
anyahu’s refusal to pursue a freeze, the United States simply chose to ignore the
issue. The Obama administration had acquiesced to Israeli settlement activity;
most notably, they claimed that “after talks blew up. . . [we learned] that this is
also about expropriating land on a large scale.”93 This is difficult to understand,
since this had clearly been the Israeli policy since 1967. It was equally disturbing
that American officials were “surprised” by Netanyahu’s negotiation tactics. The
tensions in the relationship had been clear from the start of the Obama adminis-
tration, and the difficulty of extracting concessions from Netanyahu was hardly
surprising. What was surprising was the administration’s willingness to accom-
modate and acquiesce to those positions, despite Obama’s initially strong stance
against settlements.
Netanyahu acknowledged the collapse of the talks by declaring that he would
not allow the creation of a Palestinian state. Moreover, he pledged to “continue
to build in Jerusalem, we will add thousands of housing units, and in the face of
all the (international) pressure, we will persist and continue to develop our eternal
capital.”94 President Obama was equally blunt, arguing:
[T]he issue is a very clear, substantive challenge. We believe that two states
is the best path forward for Israel’s security, for Palestinian aspirations, and
for regional stability. . . . And Prime Minister Netanyahu has a different
approach. And so this can’t be reduced to a matter of somehow let’s all hold
hands and sing “Kumbaya.” This is a matter of figuring out, how do we get
through a real knotty policy difference that has great consequences for both
countries and for the region?95
184 Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations
Obama added that he would reevaluate the peace process following elections in
Israel, and hinted that he might consider supporting United Nations action.
Today the Security Council reaffirmed its established consensus that settle-
ments have no legal validity. The United States has been sending the mes-
sage that the settlements must stop privately and publicly for nearly five
decades. . . . Indeed, since 1967, the only President who had not had at least
one Israeli-Palestinian-related resolution adopted during his tenure is Barack
Obama. . . . But in reality this vote was not straightforward for us. . . . For the
simple truth is that for as long as Israel has been a member of this institution,
it has been treated differently from other nations at the United Nations.98
Notes
1 “Remarks Following a Meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel
and an Exchange with Reporters, May 18, 2009,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of
the United States: Barack Obama, Book I—January 20 to June 30, 2009 (Washington,
DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2010), 670, accessed October 4, 2021,
https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2009-book1/pdf/PPP-2009-book1-doc-
pg666.pdf.
2 See Griff Witte, “Israeli Settlements Grew on Obama’s Watch. They May Be Poised
for a Boom on Trump’s,” The Washington Post, January 2, 2017, accessed August 15,
2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/israeli-settlements-grew-
on-obamas-watch-they-may-be-poised-for-a-boom-on-trumps/2017/01/02/24feeae6-
cd23-11e6-85cd-e66532e35a44_story.html.
3 See Matt Spetalnick, “U.S., Israel Sign $38 Billion Military Aid Package,” Reuters,
September 14, 2016, accessed August 16, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/article/
us-usa-israel-statement/u-s-israel-sign-38-billion-military-aid-package-idUSKC-
N11K2CI.
4 “Clinton: Obama ‘Irresponsible’ and ‘Naïve’,” CBS News, July 24, 2007, accessed
August 26, 2021, https://www.cbsnews.com/news/clinton-obama-irresponsible-
and-naive/.
5 “Transcript: Obama’s Speech Against the Iraq War,” NPR, January 20, 2009, accessed
August 26, 2021, https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=99591469.
6 Donilon quoted in James Mann, The Obamians: The Struggle Inside the White House
to Redefine American Power (New York: Viking, 2012), 342.
7 Jeffrey Goldberg, “The Obama Doctrine,” The Atlantic (April 2016), accessed
August 26, 2021, https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/04/the-obama-
doctrine/471525/.
8 David Remnick, “Going the Distance: On and off the road with Barack Obama,” The
New Yorker, January 19, 2014, accessed August 26, 2021, https://www.newyorker.
com/magazine/2014/01/27/going-the-distance-david-remnick.
9 “Remarks by the President at Cairo University, 6–04–09,” The White House, June 4, 2009,
accessed August 30, 2021, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/
remarks-president-cairo-university-6-04-09.
10 “Obama’s Speech Prompts Guarded Optimism,” NPR, June 4, 2009, accessed
August 30, 2021, https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=104927955.
11 See “Report of The Sharm el-Sheikh Fact-Finding Committee,” April 30, 2000,
accessed September 2, 2021, https://web.archive.org/web/20140823071635/http://
unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/6E61D52EAACB860285256D2800734E9A.
12 Dennis Ross, The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace
(New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2005), 55.
13 Barak Ravid and Natasha Mozgovaya, “Obama’s Mideast Adviser Steps Down Amid
Stalled Peace Talks,” Haaretz, November 10, 2011, accessed September 2, 2021,
https://www.haaretz.com/1.5208428.
14 “Remarks at the State Department, January 22, 2009,” in Public Papers of the Presi-
dents of the United States: Book I—January 20 to June 30, 2009 (Washington, DC:
United States Government Printing Office, 2010), 10, accessed October 4, 2021,
https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2009-book1/pdf/PPP-2009-book1-doc-
pg8.pdf.
15 “Israel-US Memorandum of Understanding,” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Janu-
ary 16, 2009), accessed September 2, 2021, https://mfa.gov.il/mfa/foreignpolicy/
186 Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations
peace/mfadocuments/pages/israel-us_memorandum_of_understanding_16-jan-2009.
aspx.
16 “U.S. Welcomes Agreement on Gaza Weapons Smuggling,” U.S. State Department
(March 16, 2009), accessed September 2, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/
ps/2009/03/120436.htm.
17 “Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories: Shipment Reaches Israel, President Obama
Urged to Halt Further Exports,” Amnesty International, April 1, 2009, accessed
September 2, 2021, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/press-release/2009/04/
israeloccupied-palestinian-territories-shipment-reaches-israel-president/.
18 “Some Additional Types of Goods Enter Gaza, Overall Access Remains Strictly Lim-
ited,” WikiLeaks, February 27, 2009, accessed September 2, 2021, https://wikileaks.
org/plusd/cables/09JERUSALEM360_a.html.
19 “Daily Press Briefing—February 25,” U.S. Department of State, February 25, 2009,
accessed September 2, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2009/02/119782.
htm.
20 “Remarks Following a Meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel
and an Exchange with Reporters, May 18, 2009,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of
the United States: Barack Obama, Book I—January 20 to June 30, 2009 (Washington,
DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2010), 670, https://www.govinfo.gov/
content/pkg/PPP-2009-book1/pdf/PPP-2009-book1-doc-pg666.pdf (accessed Octo-
ber 4, 2021).
21 “Interview with Justin Webb of BBC World News, June 1, 2009,” in Public Papers of
the Presidents of the United States: Barack Obama, Book I—January 20 to June 30,
2009 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2010), 743,
accessed October 4, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2009-book1/
pdf/PPP-2009-book1-doc-pg741-2.pdf.
22 “Remarks by the President at Cairo University, 6–04–09,” The White House,
June 4, 2009, accessed August 30, 2021, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-
press-office/remarks-president-cairo-university-6-04-09.
23 See Ethan Bronner, “Israelis Say Bush Agreed to West Bank Growth,” The New
York Times, June 3, 2009, accessed September 7, 2021, https://www.nytimes.
com/2009/06/04/world/middleeast/04israel.html?searchResultPosition=6.
24 “Benjamin Netanyahu Administration: Speech at the Begin-Sadat Center at Bar-Ilan
University (June 14, 2009),” Jewish Virtual Library, June 14, 2009, accessed Septem-
ber 7, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/prime-minister-netanyahu-speech-
at-the-begin-sadat-center-at-bar-ilan-university-june-2009.
25 Ibid.
26 “Remarks with Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman,” U.S. Department of
State (June 17, 2009), accessed September 7, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/
secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2009a/06/125044.htm.
27 See “Statement from Press Secretary Robert Gibbs on Prime Minister Netan-
yahu’s Speech,” The American Presidency Project, June 14, 2009, accessed
September 8, 2021, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/statement-from-
press-secretary-robert-gibbs-prime-minister-netanyahus-speech.
28 “Briefing by Special Envoy for Middle East Peace George Mitchell on His Recent
Travel to the Region and Efforts Toward Achieving a Comprehensive Peace,” U.S.
Department of State (June 16, 2009), accessed September 8, 2021, https:/ /2009-2017.
state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2009/06a/125011.htm.
29 “Congress & the Middle East: Senate Letter Stressing Israeli-Palestinian Peace
Principles (May 20, 2009),” Jewish Virtual Library, accessed September 9, 2021,
https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/senate-letter-stressing-israeli-palestinian-
peace-principles-may-2009.
Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations 187
30 Quoted in M.J. Rosenberg, “The Same Old Bipartisanship: The Hoyer/Cantor Letter to
Obama on Israel,” HuffPost, June 13, 2009, accessed September 9, 2021, https://www.
huffpost.com/entry/the-same-old-bipartisansh_b_202828.
31 “Meeting Minutes: Saeb Erekat and David Hale,” Al Jazeera Investigations: The Pal-
estine Papers, September 16, 2009, accessed September 9, 2021, http://transparency.
aljazeera.net/en/projects/thepalestinepapers/2012182190921964.html.
32 “Meeting Minutes: Saeb Erekat—David Hale,” Jewish Virtual Library, September 17,
2009, accessed September 9, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/arabs/
PalPaper091709.pdf.
33 “Meeting Summary: Dr. Saeb Erekat—Senator George Mitchell,” Jewish Virtual
Library, October 1, 2009, accessed September 9, 2021, https://www.jewishvirtualli
brary.org/jsource/arabs/PalPaper100109.pdf.
34 “Meeting Minutes: Saeb Erekat and George Mitchell,” Al Jazeera Investigations: The
Palestine Papers, October 2, 2009, accessed September 14, 2021, http://transparency.
aljazeera.net/en/projects/thepalestinepapers/20121821919875390.html.
35 “Meeting Minutes, Gen. James Jones—Dr. Saeb Erekat,” Al Jazeera Investigations:
The Palestine Papers, October 21, 2009, accessed September 14, 2021, http://www.
ajtransparency.com/files/4902.pdf.
36 “Clinton-Netanyahu Meeting—Pre-Meeting Joint Press Conference—USDOS Press
Release/Non-UN Document,” United Nations: The Question of Palestine (Octo-
ber 31, 2009), accessed September 14, 2021, https://www.un.org/unispal/document/
auto-insert-206214/.
37 Barak Ravid and Agencies, “Netanyahu Declares 10-Month Settlement Freeze ‘To
Restart Peace Talks’,” Haaretz, November 25, 2009, accessed September 14, 2021,
https://www.haaretz.com/1.5122924. Also, see Ethan Bronner and Mark Landler,
“Israel Offers a Pause in Building New Settlements,” The New York Times, Novem-
ber 25, 2009, accessed September 14, 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/26/
world/middleeast/26israel.html.
38 See Ethan Bronner, “Israel Unveils Plan for New Settlements,” The New York Times,
March 9, 2010, accessed September 14, 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/10/
world/middleeast/10biden.html.
39 “Meeting Minutes, Dr. Saeb Erekat—Amb. David Hale,” Al Jazeera Investigations:
The Palestine Papers, January 15, 2010, accessed September 14, 2021, https://www.
jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/arabs/PalPaper011510.pdf.
40 Joe Klein, “Q&A: Obama on His First Year in Office,” Time, January 21, 2010,
accessed September 14, 2021, http://content.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,
1955072-6,00.html.
41 “Netanyahu Humiliated by Obama; Leaves White House After Fearing Phone Lines
Not Secure,” The Yeshiva World, March 26, 2010, accessed September 15, 2021,
https://www.theyeshivaworld.com/news/israel-news/52517/netanyahu-humiliated-by-
obama-leaves-white-house-after-fearing-phone-lines-not-secure.html.
42 Congressional Record, Vol. 156/No. 37 (March 15, 2010), H1414, accessed Septem-
ber 15, 2021, https://www.congress.gov/111/crec/2010/03/15/CREC-2010-03-15.pdf.
43 Ibid., S1497.
44 Ibid., S1497–98.
45 Congressional Record, Vol. 156/No. 39 (March 17, 2010), H1522, accessed Septem-
ber 15, 2021, https://www.congress.gov/111/crec/2010/03/17/CREC-2010-03-17.pdf.
46 Congressional Record, Vol. 156/No. 57 (April 21, 2010), S 2485–86, accessed Septem-
ber 15, 2021, https://www.congress.gov/111/crec/2010/04/21/CREC-2010-04-21.pdf.
47 “Remarks Following a Meeting with President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian
Authority and an Exchange with Reporters, June 9, 2010,” in Public Papers of the
Presidents of the United States: Barack Obama, Book I—January 20 to June 30, 2010
188 Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations
(Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2011), 798, accessed
October 5, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2010-book1/pdf/PPP-
2010-book1-doc-pg796-2.pdf.
48 “Remarks Following a Meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel
and an Exchange with Reporters, July 6, 2010,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of
the United States: Barack Obama, Book II—June 30 to December 31, 2010 (Washing-
ton, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2011), 1021, accessed October 5,
2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2010-book2/pdf/PPP-2010-book2-
doc-pg1018.pdf.
49 Geoffrey Aronson, “Moving Beyond a Settlement Freeze—The Obama Administra-
tion Looks for a New Course,” Foundation for Middle East Peace, Report on Israeli
Settlement in the Occupied Territories 20, no. 4 (July–August 2010): 1, accessed Sep-
tember 15, 2021, https://fmep.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/20.4.pdf.
50 Nathan J. Brown, “The Peace Process’s Last Hurrah?” Carnegie Endowment for Inter-
national Peace, November 17, 2010, accessed September 16, 2021, https://carnegieen
dowment.org/2010/11/17/peace-process-s-last-hurrah-pub-41966.
51 “U.S. Daily Press Briefing—December 8, 2010,” SCOOP World, December 8, 2010,
accessed September 17, 2021, https://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1012/S00291/u-s-
daily-press-briefing-december-8-2010.htm.
52 “Remarks at the Brookings Institution’s Saban Center for Middle East Policy Sev-
enth Annual Forum,” U.S. Department of State (December 10, 2010), accessed Sep-
tember 18, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2010/12/
152664.htm.
53 Ibid.
54 United Nations Security Council Draft Resolution S/2011/24 (February 18, 2011),
accessed September 18, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/2011/24.
55 “Palestinian Leader Mahmoud Abbas’s Frustration with Obama,” Newsweek, April 24,
2011, accessed September 18, 2021¸ https://www.newsweek.com/palestinian-leader-
mahmoud-abbass-frustration-obama-66509.
56 Minutes, United Nations Security Council, S/PV.6484 (February 18, 2011), accessed
September 18, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/PV.6484.
57 See “Letter from the Middle East Envoy George Mitchell to the President,” The White
House, May 13, 2011, accessed September 18, 2021, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.
gov/the-press-office/2011/05/13/letter-middle-east-envoy-george-mitchell-president.
58 “Remarks at the Department of State, May 19, 2011,” in Public Papers of the Pres-
idents of the United States: Barack Obama, Book I—January 20 to June 30, 2011
(Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2012), 558–59, accessed
October 5, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2011-book1/pdf/PPP-
2011-book1-doc-pg552.pdf.
59 Ibid., 559.
60 Ethan Bronner, “Netanyahu Responds Icily to Obama Remarks,” The New York Times,
May 19, 2011, accessed September 18, 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/05/20/
world/middleeast/20mideast.html.
61 “Exchange of letters between PM Sharon and President Bush,” Israel Ministry of
Foreign Affairs (April 14, 2004), accessed August 3, 2021, https://www.mfa.gov.il/
mfa/foreignpolicy/peace/mfadocuments/pages/exchange%20of%20letters%20sharon-
bush%2014-apr-2004.aspx.
62 “PM Netanyahu’s Address at the Opening of the Knesset Summer Session,” Israel
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (May 16, 2011), accessed September 18, 2021, https://mfa.
gov.il/MFA/PressRoom/2011/Pages/PM_Netanyahu_Knesset_summer_session_16-
May-2011.aspx.
63 “Remarks Following a Meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel,
May 20, 2011,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Barack
Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations 189
Obama, Book I—January 20 to June 30, 2011 (Washington, DC: United States Gov-
ernment Printing Office, 2012), 565, accessed October 5, 2021¸https://www.govinfo.
gov/content/pkg/PPP-2011-book1/pdf/PPP-2011-book1-doc-pg564.pdf.
64 See Peter Beinart, The Crisis of Zionism (New York: Times Books, 2012), 152.
65 “Remarks at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee Policy Conference, May 22,
2011,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Barack Obama, Book
I—January 20 to June 30, 2011 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing
Office, 2012), 573, accessed October 5, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/
PPP-2011-book1/pdf/PPP-2011-book1-doc-pg570.pdf.
66 “Speech by PM Netanyahu to a Joint Meeting of the U.S. Congress,” Israel Ministry of
Foreign Affairs (May 24, 2011), accessed September 18, 2021, https://mfa.gov.il/mfa/
pressroom/2011/pages/speech_pm_netanyahu_us_congress_24-may-2011.aspx.
67 Mahmoud Abbas, “The Long Overdue Palestinian State,” The New York Times,
May 16, 2011, accessed September 20, 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/05/17/
opinion/17abbas.html.
68 Congressional Record, Vol. 157/No. 94 (June 28, 2011), S4163, accessed Septem-
ber 20, 2021, https://www.congress.gov/112/crec/2011/06/28/CREC-2011-06-28.
pdf.
69 Congressional Record, Vol. 157/No. 100 (July 7, 2011), H4732, accessed Septem-
ber 20, 2021, https://www.congress.gov/112/crec/2011/07/07/CREC-2011-07-07.pdf
70 Congressional Record, Vol. 157/No. 99 (July 6, 2011), H4626, accessed September 20,
2021, https://www.congress.gov/112/crec/2011/07/06/CREC-2011-07-06.pdf.
71 See “Background Briefing on Quartet Working Dinner,” U.S. Department of State
(July 11, 2011), accessed September 20, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/
ps/2011/07/168030.htm.
72 “Daily Press Briefing—September 8, 2011,” U.S. Department of State (Septem-
ber 8, 2011), accessed September 20, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/
dpb/2011/09/171954.htm.
73 “Daily Press Briefing—September 6, 2011,” U.S. Department of State (Septem-
ber 6, 2011), accessed September 20, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/
dpb/2011/09/171717.htm.
74 “Remarks to the United Nations General Assembly in New York City, September 21,
2011,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Barack Obama, Book
II—July 1 to December 31, 2011 (Washington, DC: United States Government Print-
ing Office, 2012), 1101, accessed October 5, 2021, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/
pkg/PPP-2011-book2/pdf/PPP-2011-book2-doc-pg1098.pdf.
75 “Remarks Prior to a Meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel
in New York City, September 21, 2011,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the
United States: Barack Obama, Book II—July 1 to December 31, 2011 (Washington,
DC: United States Government Printing Office, 2012), 1104, accessed October 5,
2021¸https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-2011-book2/pdf/PPP-2011-book2-
doc-pg1104.pdf.
76 John Heilemann, “The Tsuris,” New York Magazine, September 16, 2011, accessed
September 21, 2021, https://nymag.com/news/politics/israel-2011-9/.
77 “Daily Press Briefing—October 31, 2011,” U.S. Department of State (Octo-
ber 31, 2011), accessed September 21, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/
dpb/2011/10/176434.htm.
78 Office of the United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process,
“Palestinian State-Building at Stake: Preserving the Two-State Solution” (Septem-
ber 23, 2012), iv, accessed September 21, 2021, https://unsco.unmissions.org/sites/
default/files/unsco_ahlc_report_september_2012.pdf.
79 Ibid., 1.
80 Ibid., 7–8.
190 Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations
81 See Dennis Ross, Doomed to Succeed: The U.S.-Israel Relationship from Truman to
Obama (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2015), 385.
82 “Remarks with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu Before Their Meeting,”
U.S. Department of State (May 23, 2013), accessed September 21, 2021, https://2009-
2017.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2013/05/209826.htm.
83 “Daily Press Briefing—June 13, 2013,” U.S. Department of State (June 13, 2013),
accessed September 21, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2013/06/
210603.htm.
84 Orly Azoulay, “Israel to Retain 85% of Settlement Blocs, Kerry Reportedly Says,”
Ynetnews, August 1, 2013, accessed September 21, 2021, https://www.ynetnews.com/
articles/0,7340,L-4412493,00.html.
85 “Daily Press Briefing—August 15, 2013,” U.S. Department of State (August 15,
2013), accessed September 21, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2013/
08/213149.htm.
86 Ross, Doomed to Succeed, 387.
87 Associated Press in Jerusalem, “Israel Finance Minister: ‘There Is a Crisis with the
United States’,” The Guardian, October 25, 2014, accessed September 22, 2021,
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/oct/25/israeli-defense-minister-crisis-
with-the-united-states.
88 Jeffrey Goldberg, “The Crisis in U.S.-Israel Relations Is Officially Here,” TheAtlantic, Octo-
ber 28, 2014, accessed September 22, 2021¸https://www.theatlantic.com/international/
archive/2014/10/the-crisis-in-us-israel-relations-is-officially-here/382031/.
89 Barak Ravid, “The Secret Fruits of the Peace Talks, a Future Point of Departure?”
Haaretz, July 5, 2014, accessed September 22, 2021, https://www.haaretz.com/.
premium-the-peace-talks-secret-fruits-1.5254436.
90 See Amir Tibon, “Exclusive: Obama’s Detailed Plans for Mideast Peace Revealed—
and How Everything Fell Apart,” Haaretz, June 8, 2017, accessed September 22, 2021,
https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium.MAGAZINE-exclusive-obamas-
plans-for-mideast-peace-revealed-1.5481322.
91 Ibid.
92 Jackson Diehl, “Documents and Source Material: D5. Unnamed U.S. Officials, Inter-
view on the Negotiations, Jerusalem, 2 May 2014 (Excerpts),” Journal of Palestine
Studies 43, no. 4 (Summer 2014): 184.
93 Ibid.
94 “Netanyahu: No Palestinian State on My Watch,” The Times of Israel, March 16,
2015, accessed September 22, 2021, https://www.timesofisrael.com/netanyahu-no-
palestinian-state-under-my-watch/.
95 “The President’s News Conference with President Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai of Afghan-
istan, March 24, 2015,” in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Barack
Obama, Book I—January 1 to June 30, 2015 (Washington, DC: United States Govern-
ment Printing Office, 2016), 351–52, accessed October 5, 2021, https://www.govinfo.
gov/content/pkg/PPP-2015-book1/pdf/PPP-2015-book1-doc-pg353.pdf.
96 “Fact Sheet: Memorandum of Understanding Reached with Israel,” The White House,
September 14, 2016, accessed September 22, 2021, https://obamawhitehouse.
archives.gov/the-press-office/2016/09/14/fact-sheet-memorandum-understanding-
reached-israel.
97 United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334, S/RES/2334 (December 23, 2016),
accessed September 22, 2021, https://undocs.org/S/RES/2334(2016).
98 Meeting Minutes, United Nations Security Council, S.PV.7853 (December 23, 2016),
accessed September 23, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/PV.7853.
99 “Today’s Vote in the UN Security Council,” U.S. Department of State (Decem-
ber 23, 2016), accessed September 23, 2021, https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/
remarks/2016/12/266070.htm.
Barack Obama’s Failed Expectations 191
100 See “Israeli Settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Including East Jeru-
salem, and the Occupied Syrian Golan,” Report of the Secretary-General, accessed
September 23, 2021, https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-180335/.
101 See Greg Myre and Larry Kaplow, “7 Things to Know About Israeli Settlements,”
NPR, December 29, 2016, accessed September 23, 2021, https://www.npr.org/sections/
parallels/2016/12/29/507377617/seven-things-to-know-about-israeli-settlements.
9 Settled
The election of Donald J. Trump as president of the United States took American
policy toward Israeli settlements from bad to worse. The mixed signals, acqui-
esce, and accommodation of Israeli settlement activities by previous administra-
tions turned to outright support in the Trump administration. On February 15,
2017, President Trump held his first official meeting with a foreign leader, Israeli
prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Trump declared, “I’m looking at two-state
and one-state [solutions]. . . . I can live with either one.”2 By doing so, Trump
rejected previous American policy rhetorically insisting on the creation of a Pales-
tinian state. However, Trump essentially said out-loud what decades of American
acquiescence and accommodation of Israeli policies had created; the likelihood of
a Palestinian state diminished significantly the farther the world got from 1967.
At this meeting, Trump also asked Netanyahu to “hold back on settlements for a
little bit.”3 According to The Guardian, “Netanyahu . . . could barely contain his
pleasure.”4 In essence, Trump’s asking Netanyahu to “hold back” momentarily on
settlements would potentially lead to a one-state solution, an Israeli solution, to
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
At best, the Trump administration adopted a lackadaisical approach to Israeli
settlements, arguing “[W]e don’t believe the existence of settlements is an imped-
iment to peace.”5 Much of this can be attributed to Trump’s Middle East peace
team, which included Jared Kushner, Jason Greenblatt, and Ambassador David
Friedman. All three were pro-Israel, and Kushner and Friedman were most defi-
nitely pro-settlement. Kushner was reported to have substantial ties to the Israeli
settler movement.6 As noted in the introduction, Friedman openly advocated for
Israeli settlers and settlements, and in December 2017, he pressed the Department
of State to stop using the term “occupied” to describe Israel’s presence in Judea
and Samaria, the Israeli terms for the West Bank.7 While the State Department
rejected his request and emphasized its continued focus on a comprehensive peace
DOI: 10.4324/9781003287131-9
Settled 193
process, it revealed Friedman’s view that the West Bank was not separate from
Israel. Trump followed suit, declining to back any mention of a Palestinian state
until September 2018; even then, it was hardly a wholehearted endorsement since
he only suggested that a “two-state solution works best.”8
Making matters worse, in December 2017, Trump announced that the United
States would officially recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and move the Amer-
ican Embassy to the city. In a statement, Trump argued:
I’ve judged this course of action to be in the best interests of the United States
of America and the pursuit of peace between Israel and the Palestinians. This
is a long-overdue step to advance the peace process and to work towards a
lasting agreement. . . . [T]oday, we finally acknowledge the obvious: that
Jerusalem is Israel’s capital. This is nothing more, or less, than a recognition
of reality.9
Trump went further, suggesting that this action would not detract from the peace
process, but would actually enhance it. On January 2, 2018, Trump tweeted, “We
have taken Jerusalem, the toughest part of the negotiation, off the table.”10 Decem-
ber also saw the Trump administration issue a veto at the United Nations Security
Council on an Egyptian draft resolution. The resolution stressed, “Jerusalem is a
final status issue to be resolved through negotiations,” and demanded, “all States
comply with Security Council resolutions regarding the Holy City of Jerusalem,
and not to recognize any actions or measures contrary to those resolutions.”11
United States Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley argued:
The fact that this veto has been exercised in [defense] of American sover-
eignty and in [defense] of America’s role in the Middle East peace process is
not a source of embarrassment for us. It should be an embarrassment to the
remainder of the Security Council. . . . What is troubling to some people is not
that the United States has harmed the peace process. We have, in fact, done no
such thing. Rather, what is troubling to some people is that the United States
had the courage and honesty to recognize a fundamental reality. Jerusalem
has been the political, cultural and spiritual homeland of the Jewish people
for thousands of years. They have had no other capital city, but the United
States recognition of the obvious—that Jerusalem is the capital and seat of
the modern Israeli Government—is too much for some.12
Consistent with a pattern, the administration said very little. Instead, the admin-
istration preferred to use private pressure with the Israelis. Its public comments
have aimed to foster Biden’s image as a supporter of Israel. Overall, Biden has
maintained the traditional American policy of reaffirming a commitment to Israel,
regardless of Israeli actions toward Palestinians.
Like its predecessors, the Biden administration has refused to directly criti-
cize or condemn Israeli settlements in the West Bank or Jerusalem. When asked
whether the United States considered Israeli settlements in the occupied territories
Settled 197
to be illegal, State Department Spokesperson Ned Price avoided the question,
arguing, “We . . . continue to encourage all sides to avoid actions . . . that would
put the two-state solution further out of reach.”31 Price reiterated his remarks the
following day, emphasizing, “We believe when it comes to settlement activity that
Israel should refrain from unilateral steps that exacerbate tensions and that under-
cut efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution.”32 And, in November 2021,
U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield repeated these
arguments in her meeting with Israeli defense minister Benny Gantz. Thomas-
Greenfield repeated the standard American argument that Israel should avoid
“unilateral actions that undermine the prospects of a two state-solution such as
settlement activity and home evictions.” She also affirmed the American commit-
ment to Israeli security vowing to replenish Israel’s Iron Dome missile defense
system.33
Where does this leave the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Israeli settlement
activity today? Since the 1967 war, the United States has done little to curb Israeli
settlement activity. Israeli leaders have not given signs that settlement expansion
and construction will stop in Jerusalem or the West Bank, in particular. The United
States has paid lip-service to the idea of a two-state solution. In reality, American
mixed signals regarding, accommodation of, and acquiescence to Israeli policies
have ultimately helped Israel settle the conflict by achieving a one-state solu-
tion. Since 1967, American policymakers have determined that the status quo,
Israeli dominance and control, is preferable to the alternative. Presidents have
tolerated Israeli policies and acquiesced to Israeli settlement activities. As a result,
the United States is no longer a credible leader in the peace process. The Israeli-
Palestinian conflict is essentially “settled,” and future American presidents are
unlikely to change course.
Notes
1 “Statement on Israel by the White House Press Secretary,” U.S. Embassy & Consulates
in Brazil (February 2, 2017), accessed September 23, 2021, https://br.usembassy.gov/
statement-israel-white-house-press-secretary/.
2 Peter Baker and Mark Landler, “Trump, Meeting with Netanyahu, Backs Away
from Palestinian State,” The New York Times, February 15, 2017, accessed Septem-
ber 23, 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/15/world/middleeast/benja
min-netanyahu-israel-trump.html. Also see Anne Gearan and Ruth Eglash, “Trump
Steps Back from U.S. Commitment to Two-State Israeli-Palestinian Solution,” The
Washington Post, February 15, 2017, accessed September 23, 2021, https://www.wash
ingtonpost.com/news/post-politics/wp/2017/02/15/trump-tells-netanyahu-to-hold-
back-on-west-bank-settlements/.
3 Ibid.
4 Peter Beaumont, “Decades of Middle East Diplomacy Thrown Away in One Trump
Sentence,” The Guardian, February 16, 2017, accessed September 23, 2021,
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/feb/15/israel-palestine-donald-trump-
two-state-solution-netanyahu.
5 “Statement on Israel by the White House Press Secretary,” U.S. Embassy & Consulates
in Brazil (February 2, 2017), accessed September 23, 2021, https://br.usembassy.gov/
statement-israel-white-house-press-secretary/.
198 Settled
6 Chris Riotta, “Jared Kushner Failed to Disclose He Led a Foundation Funding Ille-
gal Israeli Settlements Before U.N. Vote,” Newsweek, December 3, 2017, accessed
September 23, 2021, https://www.newsweek.com/jared-kushner-disclosure-form-
west-bank-settlements-israel-white-house-729290.
7 Gary Willig, “Ambassador Friedman: Stop Using the Word ‘Occupation’,” Arutz Sheva
Israel National News, December 26, 2017, accessed September 23, 2021, https://www.
israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/239852.
8 David Brennan, “Trump to Netanyahu: ‘I Like the Two-State Solution . . . I Don’t
Even Have to Speak to Anybody’,” Newsweek, September 26, 2018, accessed Septem-
ber 23, 2021, https://www.newsweek.com/trump-netanyahu-i-two-state-solution-i-
dont-even-have-speak-anybody-1139711.
9 “Statement by President Trump on Jerusalem,” U.S. Embassy & Consulates in
Italy (December 6, 2017), accessed September 24, 2021, https://it.usembassy.gov/
statement-president-trump-jerusalem-december-6-2017/.
10 Donald J. Trump, @realdonaldtrump, Trump Twitter Archive, January 2, 2018,
accessed September 24, 2021, https://www.thetrumparchive.com/?searchbox=%22je
rusalem%22.
11 Draft Resolution, United Nations Security Council, S/2017/1060 (December 18,
2017), accessed September 24, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/2017/1060.
12 Minutes, United Nations Security Council, S/PV.8139 (December 18, 2017), accessed
September 24, 2021, https://undocs.org/en/S/PV.8139.
13 See Jack Khoury and Amir Tibon, “Despite Diplomatic Boycott, Palestinian Intel
Chief Held Rare Meeting with Mike Pompeo in Washington,” Haaretz, May 28,
2018, accessed September 27, 2021, https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/pal
estinians/.premium-palestinian-intel-chief-held-talks-with-mike-pompeo-in-rare-d-c-
meet-1.6130972.
14 Peter Beaumont and Oliver Holmes, “US Confirms End to Funding for UN Pales-
tinian Refugees,” The Guardian, August 31, 2018, accessed September 27, 2021,
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/aug/31/trump-to-cut-all-us-funding-
for-uns-main-palestinian-refugee-programme.
15 Joseph Krauss, “Report: Israeli Settler Population Surged During Trump Era,”
AP News, January 27, 2021, accessed September 27, 2021, https://apnews.com/
article/race-and-ethnicity-israel-coronavirus-pandemic-west-bank-jerusalem-
c43de2ad0da01ef3d9b174691290338d.
16 “Full Text of Pompeo’s Statement on Settlements,” The Times of Israel, November 19,
2019, accessed September 27, 2021, https://www.timesofisrael.com/full-text-of-
pompeos-statement-on-settlements/.
17 Ibid.
18 “U.S. Foreign Aid to the Palestinians,” Congressional Research Service, Decem-
ber 12, 2018, 6, accessed September 28, 2021, https://www.everycrsreport.com/
files/20181212_RS22967_132d6e665d2f68ab630fb730661b42a6b1ec4b78.pdf.
19 Matt Spetalnick and Stephen Farrell, “U.S. Restores Assistance for Palestinians, to
Provide $235 Million in Aid,” Reuters, April 7, 2021, accessed April 10, 2021, https://
www.reuters.com/article/us-palestinians-usa-blinken/u-s-restores-assistance-for-
palestinians-to-provide-235-million-in-aid-idUSKBN2BU2XT.
20 “U.S. Assistance for the Palestinian People,” U.S. Department of State (May 26,
2021), accessed September 29, 2021, https://www.state.gov/u-s-assistance-for-the-
palestinian-people/.
21 “Remarks by President Biden Before the 76th Session of the United Nations Gen-
eral Assembly,” The White House, September 21, 2021, accessed September 28, 2021,
https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/09/21/remarks-
by-president-biden-before-the-76th-session-of-the-united-nations-general-assembly/.
Settled 199
22 “U.S. to Reopen Jerusalem Consulate, Upgrading Palestinian Ties,” Politico, May 25,
2021, accessed September 29, 2021, https://www.politico.com/news/2021/05/25/
us-reopens-jerusalem-consulate-490769.
23 See Anne Gearan and Ashley Parker, “Eleven days: Inside Biden’s Rapidly Evolv-
ing Approach to the Israel-Hamas Conflict,” The Washington Post, May 21, 2021,
accessed September 29, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/biden-israel-
gaza/2021/05/21/f0aef12c-b991-11eb-a5fe-bb49dc89a248_story.html.
24 See, for example, Alex Traiman, “Former Ambassador David Friedman: ‘Trump
Administration Would Have Given Israel Free Reign to Defend Itself’,” Jew-
ish News Syndicate, May 27, 2021, accessed September 29, 2021, https://www.
jns.org/former-ambassador-david-friedman-trump-administration-would-have-
given-israel-free-reign-to-defend-itself/?utm_source=The+Daily+Syndicate&utm_
campaign=84f5afb1ff-Daily+Syndicate+5-23-21+%28new%29_COPY_01&utm_
medium=email&utm_term=0_8583953730-84f5afb1ff-%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%
5D&ct=t%28Daily+Syndicate+5-23-21+%28new%29_COPY_01%29.
25 “Remarks by President Biden on the Middle East,” The White House, May 20,
2021, accessed September 29, 2021, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/
speeches-remarks/2021/05/20/remarks-by-president-biden-on-the-middle-east/.
26 “Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Press Availability,” U.S. Department of State
(May 25, 2021), accessed September 29, 2021, https://www.state.gov/secretary-
antony-j-blinken-at-a-press-availability-5/.
27 Laura Kelly, “Biden Says He Opposes Israel Annexing Territory,” The Hill, May 19,
2020, accessed September 29, 2021, https://thehill.com/policy/international/498597-
biden-says-he-opposes-israel-annexing-territory.
28 “Secretary Antony J. Blinken with Wolf Blitzer of CNN’s The Situation Room,” U.S.
Department of State (February 8, 2021), accessed September 29, 2021, https://www.
state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-with-wolf-blitzer-of-cnns-the-situation-room/.
29 See Barak Ravid, “Biden Likely to Appoint Middle East Envoy, Israeli Foreign Minis-
ter Says,” Axios, June 8, 2021, accessed September 29, 2021, https://www.axios.com/
biden-middle-east-envoy-gabi-ashkenazi-3eeb37b6-0800-4938-86ac-3e6ced7c5c3d.
html.
30 Letter to President Joseph R. Biden, JStreet.org (June 23, 2021), accessed Septem-
ber 29, 2021, https://jstreet.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Letter-to-POTUS-on-
Trump-Israel-Policy-Rollback.pdf.
31 “Department Press Briefing—March 31, 2021,” U.S. Department of State
(March 31, 2021), accessed September 29, 2021, https://www.state.gov/briefings/
department-press-briefing-march-31-2021/.
32 “Department Press Briefing—April 1, 2021,” U.S. Department of State (April 1,
2021), accessed September 29, 2021, https://www.state.gov/briefings/department-
press-briefing-april-1-2021/.
33 “Readout of Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield’s Meeting with Israeli Defense
Minister Benny Gantz,” United States Mission to the United Nations (November 16,
2021), accessed November 17, 2021, https://usun.usmission.gov/readout-of-ambassa
dor-linda-thomas-greenfields%e2%80%afmeeting-with%e2%80%afisraeli%e2%80%
afdefense-minister-benny%e2%80%afgantz/.
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1967 borders: Ariel Sharon 99–100; Albright, Madeleine 121–123, 125, 127
Benjamin Netanyahu 1, 178, 182; Carter Allon, Yigal 51, 54
administration policy 63–64, 65–66, Al-Qaeda 139, 141; see also bin Laden,
70, 72–73; Clinton administration Osama
policy 125; Ehud Barak 125; Ehud American Israel Public Affairs Committee
Olmert 150–151; Fahd Plan 88; 95, 136, 169, 174, 178
Fez Plan 91; Ford administration American Jewish Committee 136
policy 50, 52; George H.W. Bush Amir, Yigal 116
administration policy 93; George W. Annapolis Conference 155–159
Bush administration policy 151, 178; Arab boycott 63
Henry Kissinger 43–44; Jerusalem 38; Arab League 15, 64, 88, 176
Johnson administration 27; Mahmoud Arafat, Yasser 6; Clinton administration
Abbas 178–179; Menachem Begin 70; 113–115, 117, 119–120, 122–127,
Nixon administration policy 40–42, 134; George W. Bush administration
45–46, 93; Obama administration policy 137–138, 142–146, 149, 152
177, 178, 182; Reagan administration
policy 87–88; Rogers Plan 37; Trump Baker, James A., III 93–95, 97–99, 102, 110
administration policy 2; United Nations Ball, George 12, 15, 25
75; see also Security Council Resolution Barak, Ehud 124–128, 134
242; Six Day War Barbour, Walworth 20
1967 war see 1967 borders; Six Day War Begin, Menachem: Carter administration
1973 war see October War 66–71, 72–75; Reagan administration
242 see Security Council Resolution 242 86–87, 89–90
338 see Security Council Resolution 338 Ben-Gurion, David 14, 16
9/11 see September 11, 2001 Biden, Joseph R. (Joe) 173–174, 195–196
bin Laden, Osama 6, 141, 146, 158; see
Abbas, Mahmoud: George W. Bush also Al-Qaeda
administration 153–154; Obama Blinken, Antony 195–196
administration 174–175, 177, 178, Blitzer, Wolf 85, 196
182–183; Trump administration 193 Bolton, John 154
Abrams, Elliott 153 Boschwitz, Rudy 98
Abu Ghraib see Iraq Boucher, Richard 146, 149
Achimeir, Yosef 97 Brezhnev, Leonid 52
Afghanistan 65, 83, 148 Brzezinski, Zbigniew 64, 66–68, 71–72, 74
Agnew, Spiro 48 Buffum, William 45
AIPAC see American Israel Public Affairs Bundy, McGeorge 16, 17, 21
Committee Burns, Nicholas 118
Al-Asad, Hafez 111, 116, 125, 134 Bush, George Herbert Walker (H.W.):
Al-Aqsa intifada 126, 134, 137, 142–144, 147 American Israel Public Affairs
220 Index
Committee 95–96; Jerusalem 93; Israeli Netanyahu 117–118, 118–119,
loan guarantees 97–98, 99–102; Soviet 119–120; Camp David (2000) 125–126;
Jews 96, 97, 98–99; worldview 92–94; draft declaration of principles 112–113;
Yitzhak Rabin 101; Yitzhak Shamir Ehud Barak 124–126; Hamas 114–115,
94–95, 96 116; Hebron Negotiations and Hebron
Bush, George Walker (W.): 2002 State Protocol 116–117, 120–121; Oslo
of the Union address 143–144; 2002 Accords 113–115; Oslo Peace Process
United Nations General Assembly 114–115; Palestinian Authority 121;
address 141; “ABC” approach 134, Palestine Liberation Organization
168; Al-Aqsa Intifada 137, 147; 113–114; Shimon Peres 117; strategy
Annapolis Conference 155–156; of enlargement 110; Syria 116, 117;
Ariel Sharon 137, 140, 144, 148–149; terrorism 121–122; worldview
“Freedom Agenda”148, 153; Gaza Strip 109–111; Wye River Memorandum
disengagement 150–152; Hamas 142, 124; Yasser Arafat 113–114, 115–116,
144, 153–154; Jerusalem 147; Karine 117, 122–127, 134; Yitzhak Rabin 112,
A 142, 144; Mahmoud Abbas 153; 116–117
neoconservatives 141–142; Operation Conference of Presidents of Major
Defensive Shield 144–145; Palestinians American Jewish Organizations 124
148; Palestinian statehood 141–142;
Quartet 147; Rally in Support of Danforth, John 152
Israel 145–146; Roadmap 155–158; Dayan, Moshe 21, 35, 68, 70–71
September 11, 2001 139; war on terror Declaration of Principles see Oslo Accords
139–140, 142, 154–155, 157–158; Détente 47–48
worldview 135–136; Yasser Arafat Dimona nuclear facility see Nuclear
137–138, 142–146, 149, 152 weapons
Dinitz, Simcha 44
Camp David: 1978 72–73, 75, 87; 2000 Djerejian, Edward 112
123, 125–127; Accords 62, 77 Dole, Robert (Bob) 100
Camp David Accords see Camp David Donilon, Tom 167
Cardin, Ben 175 Dulles, John Foster 13
Carter, James E. (Jimmy) 135; 1979
meetings in Egypt and Israel 74; Eban, Abba: Johnson administration 13,
Anwar Sadat 71; Camp David 72–73; 16, 18, 21, 23, 25; Nixon administration
Christianity 63; declaring settlements 37, 40
illegal 67–68; Menachem Begin Egypt 5, 63, 67, 119, 124, 148; Camp
66–67, 71, 73, 74; Moshe Dayan 68–69; David (1978) 72–73, 75, 87; Camp
Palestine Liberation Organization 68; David Accords 62; Carter administration
Palestinians 64–65, 66; Rogers Plan policy 62, 65, 69–72, 74–75, 77;
64; Security Council Resolution 242 Eisenhower administration 11; Ford
63–64, 67, 69–70, 71; Security Council administration policy 32, 49–51, 52–53,
Resolution 465 75–76; Security Council 54–55; George W. Bush administration
Resolution 478 76–77; United Nations policy 140; Johnson administration
General Assembly 69; West Bank 66; policy 11, 15, 17, 18–19, 23; Lyndon B.
worldview 62–65; Yitzhak Rabin 65 Johnson 13–14; Nixon administration
Cave of the Patriarchs 116 policy 32, 35, 36, 40, 42–44, 47;
Chamberlain, Neville 140 Obama’s 2009 Cairo University speech
Cheney, Richard B. (Dick) 139–140, 154 167–168; Richard Nixon 36; Sinai
Christopher, Warren 110–112, 116, disengagement 53; Six Day War 11,
120–121 18–19; Soviet Union 11–12, 14, 15,
Clinton, Hillary 167, 171, 172–173, 174, 47, 51; Suez Crisis 5, 11, 13; Syria
176, 179 17; Trump administration policy 193;
Clinton, William Jefferson (Bill) 8, 134; United Nations 54–55, 193; U.S.
Al-Aqsa Intifada 126–127; Benjamin military aid 77; see also Nasser, Gamal
Index 221
Abdul; Sadat, Anwar; Sharm el-Sheikh; Israeli settlements and settlers 3, 127;
United States aid Menachem Begin 67, 73–75; Nixon
Eisenhower administration 11 administration policy 46–47; Obama
Eisenhower, Dwight 5 administration policy 169–170;
Engel, Eliot 174 Operation Cast Lead 169; Oslo
Erekat, Saeb 171–172 Accords 113–115, 117; Palestine
Ereli, Adam 151–152 Liberation Organization 114; Reagan
Eretz Israel see Eretz Ysrael administration policy 83–84, 90–91, 92;
Eretz Ysrael 4, 66, 75, 84, 95, 97, 100, 117 Six Day War 3–4, 11, 19, 21; Trump
Eretz Yisra’el see Eretz Ysrael administration policy 193–194; United
Erhard, Ludwig 15 Nations 54–55, 152, 154–155; Wye
Eshkol, Levi 4, 8, 14, 16–18, 21, 24 River Memorandum 124–125; Yitzhak
Etzion Bloc see West Bank Shamir 100
Evron, Ephraim 12 General Assembly see United Nations
Geneva Conference 68
Fahd bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, King Fahd of Geneva process 52, 55, 68
Saudi Arabia see King Fahd Gibbs, Robert 169
Fahd Plan 88; see also King Fahd; Saudi Golan Heights: Carter administration
Arabia policy 68–69; Clinton administration
Fatah 114 policy 111, 116–117, 125; Ehud Barak
Feinberg, Abe 17 125; Ford administration 53; George
Fez Plan 91 H.W. Bush administration policy 84,
Fitzwater, Marlin 98 102; George W. Bush 136; Hafez
Fleischer, Ari 146 al-Asad 111, 116; Israeli settlements and
Ford, Gerald R.: congressional criticism of settlers 77; Menachem Begin 67; Six
53; Egypt 49–50; Geneva negotiations Day War 3–4, 11, 19
52, 53; House minority leader 49; Goldberg, Arthur 13, 22, 24
Palestine Liberation Organization Goldstein, Baruch 116
51–52, 53; reassessment 51–55; Security Gorbachev, Mikhail 94
Council Resolution 242 50–51, 54; Gore, Albert (Al) 111, 135
step-by-step approach to peace 50; Graham, Billy 35
United Nations 54–55; West Bank Greater Israel see Eretz Ysrael
52–53; worldview 48–49 Greenblatt, Jason 192
Fortas, Abe 13
Fourth Geneva Convention 5, 25, 54–55, Haass, Richard 95
75, 147 Hadley, Stephen 156
France 5, 11 Haig, Alexander 34, 83, 86
Fried, Daniel 153 Hale, David 171
Friedman, David 1–2, 192–193 Haley, Nikki 193
Hamas 114, 116, 144, 153; Ariel Sharon
Gantz, Benny 197 144; Biden administration policy 195;
Garment, Leonard 37 Ehud Olmert 153–154; George W. Bush
Gaza Strip: Anwar Sadat 71; Biden administration policy 142, 149,
administration 195–196; Carter 152–155, 156, 157; Obama
administration policy 68–69, 74–75; administration policy 169
Clinton administration policy 120, Hamilton, Lee 112, 116
123–124, 126; Fahd Plan 88; Ford Harman, Abraham 17, 21, 24
administration policy 53, 54–55; Hebron 116, 119–121; see also Hebron
George H.W. Bush administration Protocol
policy 95–96, 99; George W. Bush Hebron massacre 116
administration policy 138, 141, 153, Hebron Protocol 120
154–155, 169; Hamas 154, 156, 169; Helms, Jesse 111
Israeli disengagement 150–151, 153; Hezbollah 141, 143, 154, 158
222 Index
Hitler, Adolf 140, 146 4, 184–185; Johnson administration
Hizballah see Hezbollah policy 24, 26; Jordan 115; Menachem
Hussein, Saddam 8, 141, 148, 167 Begin 75; Nixon administration policy
Hussein bin Talal, King of Jordan see King 38–39, 43; Obama administration
Hussein policy 2, 172, 173–175, 177, 182;
Oslo Accords 114–115; Reagan
Ibrahimi Mosque 116 administration policy 89; Roadmap
Indyk, Martin 110–111 147; Soviet Jews 97–99; Six Day War
International Court of Justice 5 3–5, 11, 19; United Nations 4–5, 21,
Intifada 91–92 42–43, 75–77, 127, 147
Iran 1, 65, 83, 156, 166; “Axis of Evil” Jewish Leadership Council 110
143; Biden administration policy 195; Johnson, Lyndon B. 8; Congress 13; “five
George W. Bush administration policy great principles of peace” 20; Gamal
141, 143, 154, 157–158; Iraq 34–35, 83, Abdul Nasser 18; Holocaust and World
91; Nixon administration policy 34–35; War II 13; Jerusalem 20–22; military
Obama administration policy 167, 182; aid to Israel 14–17, 18; military aid to
Reagan administration policy 91; see Jordan 15–17; nuclear nonproliferation
also United States aid 14; Operation Shredder 17–18; Security
Iraq: 1958 coup 15; 2003 war 8, 140, Council Resolution 242 23; Six Day
141, 148, 167–168; Abu Ghraib 167; War 17–19; Soviet Union 19–20;
Anthony Lake 110; “Axis of Evil” 143; Suez Crisis 13–14; vice president 12;
Barack Obama 167–168; Iran 34–35, West Bank 22–23; worldview 12–14;
83, 91; Kuwait 94; Madrid Peace Zionism 12
Conference 109; Soviet Union 15; Jordan 50; Clinton administration policy
see also Saddam Hussein 111, 114; Ford administration policy
Islamic Resistance Movement see Hamas 51; Israel-Jordan peace agreement
Israeli Kach Movement 116 115; Johnson administration policy
Israel settlements: Fourth Geneva 15–17, 23–24, 26–27; Menachem Begin
Convention 5, 54–55, 75, 147; Gaza 66; Nixon administration policy 38,
Strip statistics 3, 99, 127; Hebron 42–43, 44, 46, 48; Operation Shredder
statistics 120; history and establishment 17; Reagan administration policy 85,
3–5; Jerusalem statistics 99, 101, 159, 89; Reagan Plan 89; Six Day War 11,
184–185; West Bank statistics 3, 92, 19; Tripartite Declaration 11; United
99, 127, 159, 184–185, 194; see also Nations 42–43; Yitzhak Rabin 114; see
Eretz Ysrael; Gaza Strip; Golan Heights; also United States aid
Israeli Kach Movement; Jerusalem; Kfar Jordan, Hamilton 69
Etzion; Sinai Peninsula; Six Day War; Jordan River 15, 46, 70, 117, 178
West Bank Jordan Valley 46, 175
Judea and Samaria see West Bank
Jerusalem: 1973 Israeli Labor Party June War see Six Day War
platform 44; American consulate 195;
American embassy 1, 2; American Karine A 142–143, 144
recognition as Israeli capital 2, 193, Katz, Yisrael 175
195, 196; Camp David (2000) 125; Katzenbach, Nicholas 26
Carter administration policy 75–77; Kemp, Geoffrey 88
Clinton administration policy 113, Kennedy, John F. 14–15
122, 127–128; Fahd Plan 88; Fez Plan Kennedy administration 5, 11–12, 14, 16
91; Ford administration policy 53–54; Kerry, John 1, 181–184
Gaza Strip disengagement 151; George Kfar Etzion 4
H.W. Bush 93; George H.W. Bush Khamenei, Ali (Supreme Leader of Iran)
administration policy 98–99, 101–102; 156; see also Iran
George W. Bush administration policy Kilberg, Bobbie 94
147; Israeli annexation 20–21, 77; King Fahd 88; see also Fahd Plan; Saudi
Israeli settlements and settlers 2–3, Arabia
Index 223
King Hussein 15–19, 26, 43, 51, 115; see Mitchell Report 168; see also Mitchell,
also Jordan; United States aid George; Mitchell Commission
Kirkpatrick, Jeanne 86 Moran, Jerry 175
Kissinger, Henry: Egypt 43–44, 49–50; Moroccan Quarter see Mughrabi Quarter
Jerusalem 43; October War 45–47; Morocco 88, 91; see also Fez Plan
Palestine Liberation Organization Mubarak, Hosni 119; see also Egypt
47; Rogers Plan 37–38; Soviet Union Mughrabi Quarter 3, 20
34, 37, 39–40, 43–44; step-by-step Munich Pact 140
approach to peace 50; worldview Muskie, Edmund 76
34–36; see also Ford, Gerald R.; Nixon,
Richard M. Nasser, Gamal Abdel 14, 17, 18, 35; see
Komer, Robert 16 also Egypt
Kosygin, Alexei 20 National Rally for Israel see Rally in
Krim, Arthur 13 Support of Israel
Krim, Mathilde 13 National Security Decision Directive 111;
Kurds 34–35 see also Reagan, Ronald
Kurtzer, Daniel 115 National Security Decision Memorandum
Kushner, Jared 192 92; see also Nixon, Richard M.
Kuwait 94 Negroponte, John 142, 149, 150
Netanyahu, Benjamin: Clinton
Lake, Anthony 110 administration 117, 118–120,
Lapid, Yair 182 121–122, 123–124; George W. Bush
Lauer, Matt 122 administration 178; Hillary Clinton
Lebanon 83, 92, 134, 154; 1977 Israeli 172–173; John Kerry 181–182;
invasion 68; 1982 Israeli invasion 88; nomination and confirmation of David
civil war 90–91; Ehud Barak 125; Friedman 2; Obama administration
Palestine Liberation Organization 88; 169–171, 172–175, 178, 180, 181–183;
Reagan administration policy 90–92; Rally in Support of Israel 145–146;
Tripartite Declaration 11; see also relationship with Barack Obama 1–2,
Hezbollah 166; Trump administration 192
Lenin, Vladimir 146 Nixon, Richard M.: Détente 47–48;
Levy, David 98–99 Jerusalem 38–39; Jordan 42–43;
Lewis, Samuel 85–86 military aid to Iran 34–35; military
Lieberman, Avigdor 171 aid to Israel 39–40; National Security
Lieberman, Joe 174 Decision Memorandum 92 34; October
War 45–47; Palestine Liberation
Madrid Peace Conference 109, 110 Organization 47; Rogers Plan 37–38;
McCain, John 166, 174 Security Council Resolution 242 38–39,
McCormick, Sean 156 40–42, 45; Security Council Resolution
McNamara, Robert 11, 27 338 45–46; Soviet Union 33–34, 42;
McPherson, Harry 13 views on Israel and the American Jewish
Meir, Golda 35–36, 37, 40, 41, 52 community 35–36; West Bank 39,
Miller, Aaron David 115, 124, 125 43, 47–48; William Scranton 36–37;
Mitchell, George 171; Mitchell worldview 33–36
Commission 134, 138; Mitchell North Korea 143
Report 168; appointment in the Obama Nuclear weapons: Dimona nuclear
administration as Special Envoy to the facility 14; Iran 1, 182, 195; Israel 18;
Middle East 168–169; meetings with nonproliferation 14–16
Saeb Erekat 172; resignation from Nuland, Victoria 179
the Obama administration 177; see also
Mitchell Commission; Mitchell Oakley, Bob 52
Report Obama, Barack: 2003 war in Iraq 167;
Mitchell Commission 134, 138; see also “ABB” approach 168; administration
Mitchell, George; Mitchell Report policy 176–177; aid to Israel 166;
224 Index
AIPAC 178; Benjamin Netanyahu Price, Ned 197
169–171, 172–175, 178, 180, 181–183; Psaki, Jen 181–182
Cairo speech 167–168, 170; Congress
174–175, 179; Hillary Clinton 167, 171, Quandt, William B. 6–7, 63
172–173, 174, 176; Joe Biden 173–174; Quartet 147, 179
John Kerry 181–182; Mahmoud Abbas
176–177, 178–179, 182–183; Mitchell Rabin, Yitzhak 8, 115, 124;
Report 168–169; Operation Cast Lead assassination and death 116–117;
169; Palestinians 169, 171–172, 179– Carter administration 65; Clinton
181, 182–183; Quartet 179; relationship administration 113, 114, 119, 125, 128;
with Benjamin Netanyahu 1–2, 166; Ford administration 50, 51, 52–53;
resignation of George Mitchell 177; George H.W. Bush administration 84,
security guarantees for Israel 175–176; 101–102; Johnson administration 26;
United Nations 176–177, 179–181, Nixon administration 36, 37–38, 40,
184–185; worldview 166–168 42–43, 47
Occupied Territories see Gaza Strip; Golan Rally in Support of Israel 145; relationship
Heights; Sinai Peninsula; West Bank with Bill Clinton 116–117
October War 45–46, 49, 50 Reagan, Ronald: Fahd Plan 89; Fez
Okun, Herbert 92 Plan 91; legality of settlements
Olmert, Ehud 150, 153, 154, 156–157 6, 85; National Security Decision
Operation Cast Lead 169 Directive 111 91; Palestine Liberation
Operation Defensive Shield 144 Organization 84, 89–90; Reagan Plan
Operation Desert Shield 95 89–90; Security Council Resolution
Operation Desert Storm 95 242 88–89; Soviet Union 84–85, 87;
Operation Shredder 17 strategic consensus 83; United Nations
Oslo Accords 113–117, 119, 122, 124, Security Council 91–92; West Bank 87;
144, 179 worldview 84–86
Oslo Peace Process 111, 114, 117 Reagan Plan 89–90
Ribicoff, Abraham 16
Palestine Liberation Organization 47, Rice, Condoleezza 154, 155, 156, 158–159
51–52, 141 Rice, Susan 177, 182
Palestinian Legislative Council 153 Roche, John 14
Palestinian National Charter 124 Rogers, William 32, 33, 36–37, 40, 44, 64;
Peace Accords see Camp David Accords; see also Rogers Plan
Oslo Accords; Wye River Memorandum Rogers Plan 36–38
Peace Conferences and Negotiations see Ross, Dennis 95, 114, 117, 168–169,
Annapolis Conference; Camp David; 171–172, 182
Geneva Conference; Geneva process; Rostow, Eugene 13, 20, 24
Madrid Peace Conference; Oslo Peace Rostow, Walt 12, 13, 17, 23
Process; Sharm el-Sheikh, Wye River Rubenstein, Daniel 173
Peace Plans see Fahd Plan; Fez Plan; Rubin, James 124
Reagan Plan; Rogers Plan; Trump Plan Rumsfeld, Donald 134, 139, 146
Pelletreau, Robert H. 109, 116 Rusk, Dean 12, 16, 21, 23, 25
Peres, Shimon 117, 119, 146
Pipes, Richard 86 Sadat, Anwar 45, 70–74, 93
P.L.O. see Palestine Liberation Satloff, Robert 110–111
Organization Saudi Arabia 15, 34, 44, 50, 88, 141; see
Pompeo, Mike 194 also Fahd Plan; King Fahd
Porat, Hanan 4–5 Saunders, Harold (Hal) 23–24, 26–27, 38,
Porter, William J. 19 41, 46
Powell, Colin 111, 137–141, 142, Scranton, William 36, 54, 55
146, 149 Second Intifada see Al-Aqsa Intifada
Power, Samantha 184 Separation Barrier 150, 151, 154, 155
Index 225
September 11, 2001 (9/11) 6, 136, 137, Suez Crisis 5, 11, 13
138, 139, 167–168 Symmes, Harrison 26
Serry, Robert 3 Syria 83, 134; Israel 47, 63, 67, 114, 117,
Shaath, Nabil 148 125; Six Day War 11, 17, 19; Soviet
Shamir, Yitzhak 84, 86, 94–98, 100–102 Union 11–12, 15, 47; terrorism 154;
Sharansky, Natan 145 U.N. Security Council Resolution 242
Sharm el-Sheikh 125, 137, 148; see also 39; see also Al-Asad, Hafez; Hezbollah;
Wye River “Syria-first” Strategy
Sharm El-Sheikh Fact-Finding Committee “Syria-first” Strategy 110–111, 116
Report see Mitchell Report
Sharon, Ariel 143, 153–154; 2001 Tcherniakov, Yuri 20
election as prime minister 128, 134; Tel Aviv 1, 2, 38, 158, 178
Al-Aqsa intifada 126; disengagement Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif 99, 119,
from Gaza Strip 151; George W. Bush 126–127, 134
administration policy 144, 146, 151, Thomas-Greenfield, Linda 197
158; Israeli settlements and settlers 5, Thompson, Tommy 19
99, 118, 148, 151; relationship with Tripartite Declaration 5, 11
George W. Bush 8, 135–136, 137; war Truman, Harry S. 5
on terror 6, 140, 152–153 Trump, Donald J. 1–2, 195; 2016 election
Shultz, George 90, 91, 92 192; administration 6, 8, 185, 194–195;
Sinai Peninsula: Camp David (1978) Benjamin Netanyahu 192; legality of
68–69, 71–74, 77; Israeli-Egyptian settlements 194; Palestinians 193–194,
disengagement 49–50, 53, 67; 195; peace team 192–193; recognition
settlements 44; Six Day War 3–4, 11, of Jerusalem as Israeli capital 193; see
18, 19 also Trump Plan
Sisco, Joseph 33, 40–41, 42–43, 44 Trump Plan 2
Six Day War 1, 2, 3–4, 8, 93, 197; Johnson Tutwiler, Margaret 101
administration 12, 16–24, 26–27; Nixon Two-state Solution 1, 5, 197; Biden
administration 36, 40–41, 42; see also administration 195, 197; George W.
1967 borders Bush administration 134, 143–144,
Soviet Union: Cold War policy 11–12, 147, 150, 159; Obama administration
15; collapse of 110, 141; détente 47, 175, 177, 180, 182–183; Trump
48; Ford administration 50; George administration 192–193
H.W. Bush 93–94; George H.W. Bush
administration 97–100; Henry Kissinger UAR see United Arab Republic
34–35, 39, 43, 45, 50, 51, 53; invasion UNEF see United Nations Emergency
of Afghanistan 65, 83; Israel 37; Jewish Force
emigration from 49, 83, 96–100; Jimmy UNESCO see United Nations Educational,
Carter 62, 64; Jordan 15, 17; military Scientific and Cultural Organization
aid to the Middle East 14–15; National U.N. General Assembly see United
Security Directive 111 91; Nixon Nations
administration 42; October War 46; UNRWA see United Nations Reliefs and
Palestinians 48; Reagan administration Works Agency for Palestinian
83, 86, 87; Richard Nixon 33–36, 39, Refugees
45, 47; Rogers Plan 37; Ronald Reagan U.N. Security Council see United
84–85; Six Day War 19–20; “strategic Nations
consensus”, 83; Suez Crisis 5; Syria U.N. Security Council Resolution: 298 93;
11–12, 15, 47; U.N. Security Council 446 5; 452 5; 465 5, 75–76; 478 76–77;
Resolution 242 23, 40, 42; see also 779 112; 1515 5; 2334 184
Gorbachev, Mikhail; Madrid Peace U.N. Security Council Resolution 242;
Conference Carter administration policy 63–64, 65,
Spicer, Sean 192 67, 68, 69–72; Clinton administration
Stalin, Josef 146 policy 113, 121; Ford administration
226 Index
policy 50, 53–55; George H.W. Bush United States aid: Egypt 77; Iran 34–35;
administration policy 93, 96; Johnson Jordan 15–16; Palestinians 169, 195,
administration policy 23; Nixon 196; see also United States aid to Israel
administration policy 32, 37, 39–42, United States aid to Israel: Carter
45; Reagan administration policy 83, administration 77; Clinton
87–88, 89 administration 109, 110, 116, 120;
U.N. Security Council Resolution 338 45, Ford administration 51, 52, 55; George
65, 67, 113 H.W. Bush administration 97–98,
United Arab Command 15 99–100, 101–102, 109; George W.
United Arab Republic 41 Bush administration 169; Johnson
United Kingdom 5, 11, 15, 34, 140 administration 15, 16, 18; Kennedy
United Nations 5; Al-Aqsa intifada administration 14; Nixon administration
137, 142; Biden administration 195, 47; Obama administration 166, 169,
197; Carter administration 69, 76; 184, 194; Reagan administration 87
Clinton administration 112; Clinton United States vetoes in the U.N. Security
administration Security Council veto Council see United Nations
127; Ford administration Security USAID see United States Agency for
Council veto 54; General Assembly International Development
20, 21, 69, 141, 147, 179; George
H.W. Bush 92–93, 94; George H.W. Vance, Cyrus 64, 65, 68, 71–72
Bush administration 94, 99; George Vaught, W.O. 109–110
W. Bush administration 141, 147–148, Vietnam War 11, 22, 32
149–150, 152, 154–155, 157; George
W. Bush administration Security West Bank 66, 94, 109, 125, 166;
Council vetoes 137, 142, 147, 149– Annapolis Conference 155–156;
150, 152, 154; Jerusalem 147; Jimmy Anwar Sadat 71, 72; Ariel Sharon
Carter 64; Johnson administration 99–100, 151; Benjamin Netanyahu 2,
24; Nixon administration 41, 42–43; 117, 124, 173; Biden administration
Obama administration 2, 176, 195–196; Camp David (2000)
179–181, 184; Obama administration 125; Carter administration policy
Security Council veto 176–177’ Peace 68–69, 70–71, 72–73, 74, 77; Clinton
Process Envoy 3; Quartet 147; Reagan administration policy 122–123,
administration Security Council vetoes 124, 125, 126–127; David Friedman
91–92; Richard Nixon 33; Security 192–193; Ehud Barak 125; Ehud
Council 5; Soviet Union 20; Trump Olmert 153; Etzion Bloc 119; Ford
administration Security Council veto administration policy 52, 54–55;
193; see also U.N. Security Council George H.W. Bush administration
Resolution; U.N. Security Council policy 84, 97–98, 102; George W. Bush
Resolution 242; U.N. Security Council administration policy 138, 141, 146,
Resolution 338 156–157; Hebron massacre 116; Henry
United Nations Committee on the Kissinger 50–51, 53; Israeli settlers
Admission of New Members 181 and settlements 99, 159; James Baker
United Nations Conference on Racism in 95–96; Johnson administration 21–22,
South Africa 138 23, 24, 26; Jordan 15, 17, 115; King
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Hussein 115; Menachem Begin 67, 73;
Cultural Organization 180 Nixon administration policy 38–39, 43,
United Nations Emergency Force 18 46–48; Obama administration policy
United Nations Relief and Works Agency 171–172, 175–176; Obama Cairo
for Palestinian Refugees 193, 195 speech 168; October War 46; Operation
United Nations Special Committee on Defensive Shield 144; Operation
Palestine 13 Shredder 17; Oslo Accords 113–115;
United States Agency for International Reagan administration policy 83–84,
Development 194 87, 89, 90–92; Reagan Plan 90; Ronald
Index 227
Reagan 85; separation barrier 150, Wye River 124–125
151, 154; Shimon Peres 119; Six Day Wye River Memorandum 124–125
War 3–5, 11, 19; Trump administration
policy 2, 194; United Nations 54–55, Yom Kippur War see October War
150; Yitzhak Rabin 114; Zionism 5
Western Wall 3, 20, 119, 126–127 Zinni, Anthony 144
Wolfowitz, Paul 145 Zionism 5, 12, 117, 138
Wurmser, David 141 Zurhellen, Joseph 43