Lockhart, James - The Men of Cajamarca

T H E M E N O F C A JA M A R C A
LATIN AMERICAN MONOGRAPHS, NO. 2 7

Institute of Latin American Studies
THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN
Peru and T"terra F ir me in the conquest period.
The Men o f Cajamarca
i a i a i s j| = ii=i=iiaiaai=iiaaiaiiaii=iisii=iisar=iiaidi=ir=]|=li=ii=ii=aiair
A S O C I A L A N D B I O G R A P H I C A L S T U D Y
OF T H E F I R S T C O N Q U E R O R S OF P E R U
by Jam es Lockhart
PUBLISHED FOR THE INSTITUTE OF LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES

BY THE U N IV E R S IT Y OF T E X A S P R E S S , A U S T IN AND LO N DON
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Lockhart, James Marvin.

The Men of Cajamarca.
(Latin American monographs, no. 27)

Bibliography: p.
1. Peru— History— Conquest, 15 2 2 -15 4 8 — Biography.
I. Title. II. Series: Latin American monographs
(Austin, Tex.) no. 27.
F3442.L77 985>.02,0922[B ] 72-185236
Copyright © 1972 by James Lockhart

All Rights Reserved
Composition by G&S Typesetters, Austin

Printing by The University of Texas Printing Division, Austin
Binding by Universal Bookbindery, San Antonio
To Mary Ann
CONTENTS
P r e f a c e ............................................................................................................. xiii
A b b r e v i a t i o n s ................................................................................................... xvii
P A R T I. SO C IA L P H E N O M E N A
1. Narrative Preliminaries: Cajamarca and Other Episodes

in the Conquest o f P e r u ....................................................... 3
2. Before the Event: Backgrounds,Characteristics, and Types . 17
3. A fter the Event: Life Patternso f Repatriates and Settlers . 43
4. Organization, Politics, andF a c t i o n ..........................................................65
5. T he Roll o f C a j a m a r c a .......................................................................... 90
6. Some General R eflection s........................................................................ 10 3
P A R T II. T H E M E N
7. L e a d e r s ................................................................................................... 1 2 1
8. H i d a l g o s ................................................................................................... 208
9. C l e r k s ................................................................................................... 2 58
10 . M en o f A f f a i r s .......................................................................................... 2 8 7
1 1 . Marginal Hidalgos and Solid Commoners . . . . 312
12 . Artisans . 36 9
1 3 . M en from the S e a .................................................................................3 9 7
14 . Lower P l e b e i a n s ......................................................................... 4 1 1
1 5 . T he O b s c u r e ..........................................................................................4 2 6
16 . A u x i l i a r i e s ......................................................................................... 4 4 7
Appendix I. A Letter from C a j a m a r c a ..................................................... 4 5 7

Appendix II. Mistakes, Lies, and Legends:
Men W h o W ere N o t at C a j a m a r c a .....................................................46 4
B i b l i o g r a p h y ...................................................................................................4 7 1
I n d e x ..................................................................................................................... 4 8 1
TABLES
1. Experience in the I n d i e s .......................................................................... 2 3

2. A g e at the Tim e o f C a ja m a rca ................................................................. 26
3. Regional O r i g i n s ................................................................................... 28
4. Origins of the Extremaduran C o n tin gen t...............................................29
5. Origins o f the Andalusian C o n t i n g e n t ...............................................30
6. Presumed Social R a n k .......................................................................... 32
7. Regional Origins o f H id a lg o s .................................................................3 3
8. Extent o f L i t e r a c y ................................................................................... 35
9. Known and Presumed O c cu p a tio n s........................................................38
10 . Regional Origins of Occupational Groups . . . . 40
1 1 . Rate o f Return to S p a i n .......................................................................... 46
12 . Final Destination o f the Men of Cajamarca . . . . 47
1 3 . Final Destination o f Horsemen and Footmen . . . . 48
14 . Indies Experience Related to Final Destination . . . 49
1 5 . Presumed Social Rank Related to Final Destination . . . 50
16 . Honors Related to Final D e s t i n a t i o n ...............................................53
17 . Residence Pattern o f R e p a t r i a t e s ..............................................56
18 . Rate of Attrition of the Men o f Cajamarca . . . . 60
19 . Causes of Death o f Those Staying in Peru . . . . 61
20. Peruvian Citizenship of the Men of Cajamarca . . . 62
2 1. Peruvian Municipal Offices Held by the Men o f Cajamarca . 62
22. Distribution of Shares of Treasure to the Men o f Cajamarca . 81
23. Regional Origin Related to Final Destination . . . . 86
24. The Council o f C u z c o ..........................................................................87
25. Regional Origins C o m p a r e d ...............................................................10 9
PREFACE
The 1 68 Spaniards who captured the Inca emperor at Cajamarca, Peru,

in 1 5 3 2 constitute the subject of the present book. An extension of the
work begun in the author’s Spanish Peru, 1 5 32-1560 , it covers a se
lected smaller portion of the same ground more intensively and em
bodies a slightly different, complementary technique within the same
current of social history. ( A fuller discussion of the relation between
the methods and conclusions of the two books will be found in Part I,
chapter 6.) The book was first conceived in 19 6 4 -19 6 5 , midway in
the course of research for Spanish Peru, and thereafter the author
scanned everything that came into his hands for the purposes of the
second topic as well as the first.
Whether scholars intend it or not, their paths converge. A later sur
vey of the relevant historical literature made it apparent that the proj
ect stood at the intersecting point of two separate traditions in writing
about early Spanish immigrants to America, or conquerors. One o f
these has expressed itself in a small body of work dedicated to the
study of groups and group characteristics, rather than of individuals.
There is Tomas Thayer Ojeda’s Valdivia y sus companeros, which
analyzes the first conquerors of Chile from several points of view.
Rafael Loredo, too, at times emphasizes groups as groups in his docu
mentary publications, Los repartos and Alardes y derramas. Far the
most refined, concentrated study of the conquerors’ social characteris
tics and the patterns in their activity is Mario Gongora’s splendid Gru-
pos de conquistadores en Tierra Firm e ( 1509-1530 ). It represents, in
the aspect of group history, the present book’s only serious predeces
sor. Since the conquest of Peru is immediately subsequent to Gongo
ra’s time period and the Peruvian conquerors came from Panama, this
study can be seen in part as a direct continuation of Gongora’s work,
X IV PREFACE
and as such might have been entitled " A Group o f Conquerors in Peru
( 1 5 3 0 - 1 5 5 0 ) . ” This close and exclusive relationship means that at
times The M en of Cajamarca becomes almost a conversation with
Gôngora— always a respectful one, usually in a framework o f general
agreement.
The second tradition is much more widely practiced: biographical
writing about celebrities or men taking part in notable events. The
capture o f Emperor Atahuallpa in 1 5 3 2 was a notable event if there
ever was one, and there has been a more sustained interest in the men
who did it than in any other similar body. The whole list o f their
names figured in a contemporary chronicle and continued to appear in
publications o f the seventeenth century. In the nineteenth century in
terest revived, as Peruvians began to write about their national history,
and it continues today. There is a goodly scattering of older biographi
cal notes and articles, but two names o f this century stand out as con
tributing most to the literature on the men o f Cajamarca. Raul Porras
Barrenechea wrote much on Francisco Pizarro, who is, after all, one of
the men, and prepared masterly editions o f two chronicles by first con
querors. In the course o f his work he assembled comments or articles
on about thirty figures, which appear as notes to the chronicles and
documents he edited. Porras’s work is superb, characterized by depth,
finesse, and high accuracy, for the most part. One could wish that the
mores o f his time and place had permitted source references. Source
references in abundance w ill be found in the extensive, conscientious
writing o f José Antonio del Busto, who has published articles in vari
ous journals and reviews on perhaps half of the men, including hum
ble ones. Busto has some sense for the social and does not knowingly
distort the truth, but he also loves a colorful narrative and sometimes
uses the methods o f the historical novelist. The reader w ill find in this
volume numerous challenges o f factual points in Busto’s work. These
are not malicious, but result from the broader documentary base and
more precise social focus employed here; the author realizes that all
research o f this type, including his own, involves a certain irreducible
minimum o f error. T o date, no unified publication on the captors of
Atahuallpa has appeared, though one hears that Busto means to pub
lish a multivolume biographical dictionary on the Peruvian conquerors
in general.
In accordance with its double tradition, The M en o f Cajamarca is in
two parts. The first contains several analytical chapters on general pat-
PREFACE XV
terns, social, collective, or organizational. The second contains short

biographies of all the men, insofar as that is possible. Social scientists
will probably think that Part I is the body of the work, followed by an
appendix, while humanists may consider it a prologue, and the biogra
phies the body. The author gives equal weight to both parts.
Part I speaks for itself. Part II stands as substantiation, with more
detail and subtlety. It can also serve as a reference work on a good por
tion (not all) of the early conquerors of Peru and as a tool for further
research of several kinds. Primarily it is meant as a panorama of com
mon social types, which if read attentively could do much to change
that most pernicious and pertinacious of cliches, the common image of
the Spanish conqueror. While none but enthusiasts will read this part
from start to finish, it is roughly organized into chapters on the basis
of type or function, so that one may quickly get a general picture by
reading one or two biographies in each section. The sketches vary con
siderably. Where little is known, every detail is included, so that as
much of the man as possible can be inferred from the fragment, as with
a broken statue. Where there is more, emphasis is on the structure of
the career rather than on external events, though the most salient even
of these are reported. In those cases where a mass of information was
available, it was possible to go beyond career patterns to an extensive
discussion of the interrelation of social background, experience, and
mentality.
A book of this nature can never be complete. In the author’s opin
ion the work had reached the point where the main patterns were well
enough established, with examples sufficiently full to illustrate them.
All the archival collections and subsections thought likely to contain
concentrated relevant material were examined, with one large excep
tion: the local archives of the many places to which the conquerors re
turned in Spain. These could doubtless tell us much, yet to investigate
them thoroughly would be the work of years. Perhaps the desired data
can come out of research aimed primarily at Spanish regional history.
Without any doubt more information will come to light. It is hoped,
indeed, that this study will help scholars working on related materials
to see the potential value of scraps they might have discarded.
Acknowledgments go again to all those previously cited for bib

liographical, archival, and financial help with my previous book. It
should not be left unmentioned that Professor Enrique Otte guided me
xvi PREFACE
to the ships* registers in the Archive of the Indies* Indiferente General

1801, which were invaluable in identifying returning conquerors. Paul
B. Ganster located and filmed some important documents for me in
the Peruvian archives, and David Szewczyk surveyed the Lilly Library
for my purposes. The University of California, Los Angeles, and the
Institute of Latin American Studies of The University of Texas at
Austin subsidized a part of my writing time. My wife, Mary Ann,
contributed even more to research than before; most of the lists and
compilations are her work.
JA M E S LOCKHART
ABBREVIATIONS
AGI Archivo General de Indias, Seville

AH A Archivo Historico de Arequipa
AHC Archivo Historico Nacional del Cuzco
AN P Archivo Nacional del Pern, Lima
APS Archivo de Protocolos, Seville
BNP Biblioteca Nacional del Pern, Lima
CDIAO Colecciôn de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento,
conquista y colonization de las posesiones espanolas en América
y Oceania
CDIHC Colecciôn de documentos inéditos para la historia de Chile, José
Toribio Medina, ed.
CDIHE Colecciôn de documentos inéditos para la historia de Espana
CDIH N Colecciôn Somoza. Documentos para la historia de Nicaragua
DHA Documentos para la historia de Arequipa, Victor M. Barriga, ed.
HC Harkness Collection, Library of Congress
PA The "Protocolo Ambulante,” a collection of notarial documents
in Peru in 1 5 3 3 - 1 5 3 7 ; in AN P
RAH C Revista del Archivo Historico del Cuzco
RA N P Revista del Archivo Nacional del Peru
RA PC Real Audiencia, Procedimientos Gviles; in AN P
RIPIG Revista del Instituto Peruano de Investigaciones Genealôgicas
In the notes, a proper name following AHA, AHC, or AN P denotes a

document issued by a notary of that name, contained in that archive. A
number following the name denotes the year or years of the register. Thus
ANP, Gutierrez 1 54 5 -1 55 5 , f.ioo, means folio 100 of a register of Diego
Gutierrez for the years 15 4 5 -1 3 5 3 , in the Archivo Nacional del Pern.
Part I: Social Phenomena
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1. NARRATIVE PRELIMINARIES
Cajamarca and Other Episodes in the Conquest of Peru
t h e p r i m a r y i n t e r e s t is not the conquest but the

N T H IS S T U D Y
I pattern in the lives of the conquerors; therefore the familiar proce

dure of using social material as background to a narrative presentation
will be reversed. In any case, history and anthropology have made
such strides since Prescott or Kirkpatrick that an adequate narrative of
the Peruvian conquest would require another volume the size of this
one.1
Rather than narrative properly speaking, the brief calendar or sum
mary below will be episodic. Episodes are the building blocks of the
1 John Hemming’s Conquest of the Incas comes close to adequacy, though not
geared to the specific purposes and perspectives of this book. Much of the material
in this chapter is common knowledge among experts. Standard chronicles and other
sources agree on many salient facts, so in most cases there is no need for footnoting.
In the main, only several passages from Pedro de Cieza’s little-used Te,cera parte
are cited, and some other new or controversial items.
4 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
conquerors’ careers. Participation in some o f them and not in others is

an important part o f any individual’s life pattern and sets him off in
some way from other men. This effect is strongest and most visible in
the case of Spaniards who had any part in capturing the Inca emperor,
but it operates in many other less notable happenings as well. Thus
presence at certain events becomes a diagnostic trait, and, with that,
those events become an integral part o f the study’s vocabulary. The
main purpose o f what follows is to give the reader a preliminary com
prehension o f some occurrences that w ill be used in this work again and
again as reference points. Since the men o f Cajamarca are our special
concern, events of 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 3 w ill naturally receive the fullest treat
ment.
Balboa Sees the Pacific

The conquest of Peru might be said to have started when Vasco
Nunez de Balboa and some sixty men first glimpsed the "South Sea’’
in the Panama region in 1 5 1 3 . A few of Peru’s conquerors were al
ready in the Isthmian area at that time, and one o f them, Francisco
Pizarro, was present as Balboa’s chief lieutenant.
Balboa’s discovery brought in its wake a shift to the west, mainly
carried out under Governor Pedrarias de A vila. The latter arrived in
the area in 1 5 1 4 ; the great expedition he headed included some few
o f the future men o f Cajamarca, among them Hernando de Soto. In
1 5 1 9 Pedrarias shifted the capital o f Tierra Firme to the new west
coast city o f Panama. From that base advances were made along the
coast in both directions.
The Conquest of Nicaragua

In the first years after Panama’s foundation the thrust north and
west toward easily accessible Nicaragua was stronger than that toward
the treacherous coast o f South America. An expedition under G il Gon
zalez de Avila, starting in 1 5 2 1 , explored Nicaragua, then returned.
A few o f that expedition’s members, probably seamen, were later to
come to Peru. Just afterward perhaps a dozen future conquerors o f
Peru took part in some stage o f the effective conquest o f Nicaragua in
1 5 2 3 - 1 5 2 4 , under Pedrarias’s captain, Francisco Hernandez de Cor
doba. Soto was a prominent leader in this movement, as was Sebastian
de Benalcazar, at a little lower level.
CAJAMARCA AND THE CONQUEST OF PERU 5
The Discovery o f Peru

In 1 5 2 4 , previous attempts having led to little, Pedrarias agreed to
let Captain Francisco Pizarro with his associates explore and conquer
toward the "Levant,” or in the direction of present Colombia.2 A first
venture produced small profit and discovered little new, probing along
a coast populated mainly with enough mosquitoes "to do battle with
all the armies o f the Grand T urk.” 3 A second expedition o f 15 2 6 , in
which Pizarro’s partner Alm agro figured with increasing prominence
as a near equal and a potential rival, advanced farther down the coast
but suffered greatly from disease and hunger. For this and other rea
sons, very few veterans o f the early expeditions took part in the actual
conquest of 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 2 — far fewer men than from Nicaragua. Late
in 15 2 6, pilot Bartolomé Ruiz reconnoitered far ahead of the main
group, finding the first promising signs o f the central Andean peoples
and their great wealth. The whole expedition reached the settled town
o f Atacames (in northern Ecuador).
Gallo Island and the Thirteen of Fame

Nevertheless, the situation o f the men continued to deteriorate;
lacking the strength to take Atacames, they retired to desolate Gallo
Island, off the far southern coast o f Colombia. Complaints from there
reached Governor Pedro de los Rios (Pedrarias’s successor) in 1 5 2 7 ,
whereupon he sent out a lieutenant with orders to bring back to Pana
ma all the men who wished to come. I f any substantial number want
ed to continue the venture, they could do so. Pizarro spoke for contin
uing, in a way simpler, more matter o f fact, and at the same time more
moving than is usually reported. N or did the men express their choice
so theatrically as is often thought. It was decided that some thirteen
men (more or less) would stay on the nearby island o f Gorgona,
which was better provisioned, and await reinforcements to carry on
south.4 Most of the Spaniards returned to Panama, many o f them dis
illusioned or disaffected, but this was not the case with all. Some were
wounded, or ill, and did not intend to abandon the venture permanent
2 See below, pp. 6 8 -7 3 , and 1 4 2 -1 4 4 .

3 Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 32 ( 1 9 5 1 ) :i50 .
4 Ibid., pp. 14 8 -14 9 .
6 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
ly, as they later showed by their actions. Others were on specific mis
sions for Pizarro, including pilot Ruiz himself.
A fter a few months Ruiz returned to Gorgona with a ship and sail
ors, but no further reinforcements. In the first half o f 15 2 8 , Pizarro,
the Thirteen, and the sailors reconnoitered the Peruvian coast as far
south as Santa (a third o f the way down the coast o f modern P eru ),
several times going on shore and seeing something o f the magnificence
o f the Incan empire. South o f Tumbez they picked up the Indian boys
who would later interpret at Cajamarca.5 Feeling that enough had been
seen to attract men and support, Pizarro returned to Panama with
some gold pieces, llamas, and Indians.
Back to Spain
From late 1 5 2 8 until January, 1 5 3 0 , Pizarro was in Spain. His main
business was to obtain a capitulation with the crown, granting him the
governorship o f Peru and the authorization to conquer it. H e also re
cruited men for the conquering expedition, particularly in the area o f
his homeland, Extremaduran Trujillo. H e returned to Panama with
three o f his brothers, many Extremaduran compatriots new to the In
dies,6 a long string o f offices and honors for himself, and nothing for
his partner Almagro.
The 1531 Expedition

In Pizarro’s absence, Almagro, the manager and organizer o f the
two, along with Bartolomé Ruiz and others, had made considerable
progress toward financing and manning the expected conquest. Ruiz
had been to Nicaragua to collect men, and he and Alm agro had begun
negotiations with important leaders there, to persuade them to con
tribute ships and bring their followings to Peru. W hen Alm agro dis
covered how he had been slighted, the partnership temporarily col
lapsed, but promises overcame his resentment. Around January, 1 3 3 1 ,
an expedition o f three ships, perhaps 18 0 men, and some thirty horses
left Panama, with Pizarro in command.7
5 Ibid. 34 ( 1 9 5 3 ) : 3 I 4 -
6 Cieza estimates that Pizarro arrived in Nombre de Dios with 12 5 men ( ibid.
36 [i 95 5]: 463 ).
7 Estimates vary, but no one was in a position to know the number better than
Pizarro’s secretary, Francisco de Jerez (Verdadera relaciôn, II, 3 2 2 ) . Cieza’s esti-
CAJAMARCA AND THE CONQUEST OF P E R U 7
Coaque
W ithin a short time the men were in the vicinity o f the north Ecua
dorian coast, but upon landing they found the first Indian towns de
serted. They advanced to a large settlement called Coaque, which they
attacked and occupied, taking a respectable profit in gold and silver
pieces.8 This treasure Pizarro sent to Panama and Nicaragua in the
ships, which were to bring back reinforcements. To await them, the
expedition settled down in Coaque for several months; many of the
men fell victim to a strange disease which caused walnut-sized growths
on their faces and bodies. A t last a ship came from Panama under en
trepreneur Pedro Gregorio (in connection with A lm agro), bringing
supplies, the three royal treasury officials, possibly twenty-odd men,
and about thirteen horses.9 Thereupon the main body advanced south
by land.
mate is identical: 180 men, 36 horses ( Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36

[ 1 9 5 5 ] 14 6 5). Another of the men, Cristobal de Mena, estimates 250 ("Conquista
del Peru,” p. 7 9 ) ; so does Diego de Trujillo (Relation, p. 4 5 ) . Pedro Pizarro
( Relation, V , 1 7 1 ) thinks there were about 200.
8 Jerez (Verdadera relation, II, 3 2 2 ) states that the take was 15,000 pesos of gold
and 1,500 marks of silver (worth 7,500 pesos if "good silver” is meant). Trujillo
(Relation, p. 4 8) mentions 18,000 pesos of gold and some poor silver; Juan Ruiz
(Advertencias, p. 79 ) also 18,000. Agustin de Zarate (Historia, II, 4 74 ) gives the
figure of 30,000 pesos. Pedro Pizarro (Relation, V , 17 0 ) thinks the total was worth
200,000 pesos, doubtless a late fantasy. But he seems to be right in his statement
that after Coaque no further appreciable amounts of money accrued until Cajamarca,
a year and a half later.
9 Accounts vary considerably on the subject of the main reinforcing parties. Par
ticularly there is a tendency in Estete, Jerez, and Pizarro not to mention Benalcazar
at all, or to consider that he arrived while the main group was at Coaque. Juan
Ruiz, one of Benalcazar’s men, says that they actually did land north of Coaque, then
reached the town after Pizarro’s men had left, staying there a week to recuperate.
Pizarro sent a party of three men back to get them, and they then went the thirty
leagues down the coast to where he was (Advertencias, pp. 7 8 -8 0 ).
According to Cieza, Gregorio brought thirteen horses and an unspecified but not
large number of men; Benalcazar brought twelve horses and about thirty men (Ter
cera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36 [1 9 5 5 3 :4 6 8 - 4 7 0 ) . Pedro Pizarro also puts
Benalcazar’s contingent at about thirty (Relation, V , 1 7 2 ) , as does Hernando Bel
tran, one of the men (A G I, Patronato 90, no. 1, ramo 1 1 ) . Jerez ignores Benalca
zar, but does consider that two ships arrived at Coaque, with a total of twenty-six
horsemen and thirty footmen, or fifty-six altogether (Verdadera relation, II, 3 2 2 ) .
One may justifiably conclude that Jerez totaled Gregorio’s and Benalcazar’s men to
arrive at these figures; his twenty-six horses agrees closely with Cieza’s thirteen plus
twelve. By the same token, subtracting thirty from his fifty-six leaves an estimated
twenty-six for the number of men coming with Gregorio. Miguel de Estete ( Rela-
8 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
Benalcdzar Arrives
They had gone only as far as Puertoviejo when two ships appeared
on the coast with news that a party o f about thirty men and twelve
horses, under Sebastian de Benalcazar, had arrived from Nicaragua
and was proceeding toward them by land from the north.10 In a few
days Benalcazar’s men joined the main group and were well received,
though there was some grumbling at their small number. Apparently
this was not the large party expected from Nicaragua.
Puna and the A rrival o f Soto

A s the expedition worked its way painfully down the coast, still
suffering from diseases, it came near to the large island o f Puna, in the
gu lf o f Guayaquil. Seeking a place o f recuperation and refuge from
seasonal rains, the Spaniards crossed to the island, but they chose poor
ly, for the Indians o f Puna gave them some o f the hardest fighting of
the whole campaign.11 The greatest event of the stay on Puna, how
ever, was the expected arrival from Nicaragua and Panama o f H er
nando de Soto’s party: two ships, perhaps a hundred men, and twenty-
five horses.12 W ith this reinforcement the expedition prepared in Feb
ruary, 1 5 3 2 , to return to the mainland and enter Inca territory.
cion, pp. 13 , 1 5 ) considers that Soto’s contingent were the men sent for in N ica
ragua.
10 Cieza ( Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36 [ 1 9 5 5 ] *470) and Juan Ruiz
( Advertencias, pp. 7 8 -8 0 ) are in basic agreement on the time and manner of ar
rival; but both speak of only one ship.
To this writer’s knowledge, no chronicles or histories mention the exact date of
Benalcazar’s arrival in Peru, or the names of his ships and their masters. Treasury
records of the expedition, preserved in A G I, Contaduria 18 2 5 , give certainty on this
question. It there appears that two ships arrived at Puertoviejo from Nicaragua on
November 15 , 1 5 3 1 : the Santiago, master Juan Fernandez, and the San Pedro, mas
ter Pedro de Veintemillia.
1 1 The expedition was at Puna on December 1, 1 5 3 1 (footnote 12 , below), hav
ing been at Puertoviejo on November 15 (footnote 10, above). Cieza ( Tercera
parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36 [ 1 9 5 5 ] .'473) states that the men were on the island
for over three months. Mena estimates four or five months ("Conquista del Peru,”
p. 7 9 ) . They were still there, a part of them at least, on February 3, 1 5 3 2 (A G I,
Justicia 724, no. 6 ).
12 Cieza (Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 37 [ 1 9 5 6 ] 182) tells of the arrival
but gives no numbers. Pedro Pizarro (Relation, V , 1 7 1 - 1 7 2 ) and Trujillo (Rela-
cidn, p. 5 2 ) agree that there were two ships; Trujillo says Soto brought "many men,
horses and supplies,” and Pedro Pizarro estimates that he had about a hundred men.
CAJAMARCA AND T HE CONQUEST OF PERU 9
The Foundation o f San M iguel

Tumbez had been the most impressive settlement that Pizarro and
the Thirteen had seen in the 1 5 2 8 reconnoitering; the intention now
was to make it the capital o f Peru, and several men on the expedition
already had royal appointments to the council o f the future city. But
epidemics and a war with Puna had since ravaged the region, which
seemed dry and without mineral wealth, in any case. For several
months the expedition occupied the Tumbez region quite unevent
fully,13 then after a time o f exploration headed south to look for a
better place to found a city.
The Spaniards were now beginning to see Inca highways, herds of
livestock, and warehouses. They met no more resistance than occasion
al skirmishing, flight, or rebellion after submission. The place they
chose for a settlement was San M iguel (Piura) about a hundred miles
south o f Tumbez, thought to be well-watered, populous, and not far
from a good port.14 Some forty Spaniards— the older, weaker, and in
firm— became citizens and received encomiendas in the area.15 The
rest, hearing o f the Inca emperor’s presence at Cajamarca in the high
lands, set out to encounter him.
Juan Ruiz ( Advertencias, p. 8 5 ) asserts there were twenty-five horsemen— as many

as the other two reinforcements put together.
One important reference which seems not to have been noticed before apparently
gives the exact date of Soto’s arrival, with names of ships and masters. Treasury
records in A G I, Contaduria 18 2 5 , state that on December 1, 1 5 3 1 , two ships arrived
at the island of Puna from Panama. Both were named La Concepcion; the masters
were Juan de Avendano and Cristobal Quintero. The last port of call had been Pan
ama, where Soto must have touched. It is true that Soto’s name does not appear
specifically, but it is not known that any other two ships arrived at this time, and the
records mention no others.
1 3 Definitely in Tumbez by April, 1 5 3 2 (A G I, Patronato 28, ramo 5 5 ) , the expe
dition left there on May 16 (Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 3 2 3 ) . Mena says they
were at Tumbez two or three months ("Conquista del Peru,” p. 7 9 ) .
14 San Miguel was in existence by August 1, 1 5 3 2 , at which time the ship Santa
Catalina, master Juan Pi chon, and the bark Santo Domingo, master Juan de San
Juan, both from Panama, registered arrival there (A G I, Contaduria 1 8 2 5 ) . The ex
pedition left San Miguel on September 24 (Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 3 2 5 ) .
15 Cieza ( Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 37 [ 1 9 5 6 ] :88) gives the attributes
of the men. Juan Ruiz (Advertencias, p. 8 7) says forty men stayed in San Miguel.
According to the precise figures of Jerez there were forty-six citizens and ten or
twelve noncitizens, joined by another nine who returned after the general muster
made a little farther on (Verdadera relation, II, 3 2 5 ) . San Miguel was founded on a
site called Tangarara, and only later moved to the nearby site of Piura, retaining its
corporate identity.
IO SOCIAL PHENOMENA
The First Interview with Atahuallpa

During their ascent the Spaniards were often mystified or made sus
picious, but never attacked. In the afternoon o f November 15 , 1 5 3 2 ,
they made an unmolested entry into the deserted central square o f
Cajamarca;16 Emperor Atahuallpa and his thousands o f followers were
encamped some distance away at a spring. The governor sent out H er
nando de Soto and some o f the best horsemen, whose mission it was to
invite the emperor to visit the Spaniards, with the intention o f captur
ing him according to standard procedure. Soto was not long gone
when Pizarro had misgivings about sending such a small group, and
sent another o f the same size under his brother Hernando. Exactly
how many men went, and what was said, has been obscured by great
ly varying reports, but to have ridden on the mission was a feather in a
man’s cap. A fter making the Spaniards wait, Atahuallpa agreed to
come to the Spanish camp the follow ing day.
Cajamarca
The morning of November 16 found the Spaniards prepared to as
sault Atahuallpa whenever he should appear before them. Most o f the
some sixty horsemen were distributed in three large buildings on as
many sides o f the square, under the captaincy o f Soto, Benalcazar, and
Hernando Pizarro. A few others supported Governor Pizarro and
some twenty-five footmen in a building on the fourth side. Perhaps
seventy footmen were posted in small detachments to guard the several
entryways to the enclosed square. Pedro de Candia, with a few artil
lerymen and musketeers, was atop a fortress that lay either in or on
the square. A t the proper moment, Pizarro’s ensign was to hoist his
standard, upon which the trumpets would sound, the artillery would
fire, and the onslaught would begin.
From earliest morning Atahuallpa had begun to move his thou
sands. Messengers went back and forth, saying first that Atahuallpa
would come unarmed, then that he would bring weapons, while Piza
rro replied that it made no difference— perhaps the truest word uttered
that day on either side.17 It was late afternoon before the Inca’s forces,
filling the fields, came to rest some hundreds o f yards from the square.
16 The date is given in Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 330.

17 Mena, "Conquista del Peru,” p. 84.
CAJAMARCA A N D T HE C O N Q U E S T OF PERU II
Again Atahuallpa needed persuasion to come farther, and Spaniard

Hernando de Aldana visited his camp.
A t last the emperor advanced toward the square, his following now
reduced to a few thousand. The Spaniards were impressed by the hun
dreds o f nobles who accompanied him in checked livery, singing in
unison while they swept away straws and pebbles in his path. The
Indians were armed, but only with small maces and slings. Once the
whole entourage was inside the square, the Dominican fray Vicente de
Valverde came out with an interpreter to speak to Atahuallpa. The
Spanish intention, standard in such cases, was to get the chieftain into
their power peacefully if possible. W ords passed between the two, but
Atahuallpa soon became agitated, and Valverde returned, shouting.
A t this the signal was given and the attack began, though not quite
as planned, since not all the guns went off, and, when the Spaniards
rushed out, many o f the inexperienced footmen around the governor
became frightened and fell to one side.18 Nevertheless, Pizarro and
those remaining pressed into the crowd o f Indians toward the litter of
Atahuallpa. M iguel Estete de Santo Domingo is said to have first laid
hands on him, and Pizarro himself to have taken him prisoner. Mean
while the horsemen were having the effect o f an earthquake on the
mass of Indians inside the plaza. Many were trampled, and others
trampled each other, until by sheer force they knocked over one o f the
walls around the square and began to escape into the open fields. The
Spaniards then went out into the fields to meet a great horde of fully
armed warriors, whom they quickly routed and pursued until darkness
fell, killing thousands and collecting gold and silver objects in un
precedented quantity. N o Spaniard had lost his life.
The Treasure
Atahuallpa, now a prisoner, promised to fill a room with gold and
silver in return for his life, and, as most say, for his liberty as well.
The Spaniards agreed. A s for Atahuallpa’s liberty, it is hard to see
how they can have been serious, unless, as Juan Ruiz states, they in
tended to send him to his homeland o f Quito,19 for the whole expedi
tion was predicated on the assumption o f permanent Spanish rule in
Peru under Governor Pizarro. The conquerors now settled down at
Cajamarca to await the assembly o f the treasure and also the arrival o f
18 Ibid., pp. 86 -87.
19 Ruiz, AdvertenciaSt p. 95.
12 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
further reinforcements. The country appeared calm, but many o f the

emperor’s ' 'captains” in other areas seemed disposed to assert their
independence.
Hernando Pizarro Goes to Pachacamac

A s the months stretched on, through the spring o f 1 5 3 3 , the Span
iards grew impatient and insecure, and began to take a more active
part in the treasure collection. In one of the most famous exploits of
the whole campaign, Hernando Pizarro took a small body o f horsemen
and footmen far across the country to the great temple of Pachacamac,
near the future site o f Lima. Though the gold there proved far less
than expected, the Spaniards cast down the idol, and on their way back
intercepted a great fortune in the hands o f an Inca captain at Jauja.20
Emissaries to Cuzco
In the same period, three Spaniards were sent under safe conduct to
Cuzco, the Inca capital, partly to take possession for Spain, but mainly
to hasten the removal o f treasure.21 More successful than Hernando
Pizarro, they brought back hundreds of loads of gold, and their feat
became legendary, though often attributed to the wrong men.22
Distribution o f the Treasure

Over these months pressures continued to build up. The governor
wished to get on with the conquest. The royal treasury officials arrived
from San M iguel and were unhappy to see so much gold and silver
accumulating, without their being able to dispatch the king’s fifth to
Spain. In April, 1 5 3 3 , 23 a body o f some two hundred men arrived
from Panama under Alm agro, to learn that they would not receive a
share o f the growing hoard. They could not complain overmuch of
this on principle, but became rapidly disaffected as it began to appear
that the whole vast wealth o f the country would go to the captors of
Atahuallpa while they would not receive a penny. On top o f all this,
reports and rumors began to be heard about large-scale movements of
Indian warriors through the countryside; whether true or not, they
disturbed the conquerors considerably.
20 Dates in Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 3 37, 342.

21 Dates in ibid., pp. 337, 343.
22 They were Zarate, Moguer, and Bueno.
23 Date in Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 337.
CAJAMARCA A N D THE CONQUEST OF PERU 13
Thus the interests o f almost all the Spaniards were converging on

the necessity o f eliminating Atahuallpa and distributing the treasure
quickly. Assaying and melting down o f the metals began in mid-May,
in anticipation o f Atahuallpa’s execution. This then took place in the
latter part of July, at about the same time as the distribution o f the
treasure.24
The total gold and silver, spoils and ransom together, turned out to
be worth over 1.5 million pesos,25 beyond anything seen or dreamed
of in the Indies to that date. A ll but the king’s fifth went to the more
than 16 0 men of Cajamarca, the subjects of the present study. Even
lowly footmen now had fortunes exceeding what captains had been
able to get in Mexico, Guatemala, or Nicaragua.
Some twenty lucky men were permitted to return home with their
wealth. The impact o f their arrival in Spain was without parallel, par
ticularly on the crown, which soon sent chief emissary Hernando Piza-
rro back to Peru for more o f the same.
]auja
The rest o f the Spaniards, both men o f Cajamarca and new arrivals,
continued the conquest, for so they considered it. Only later would the
idea arise that the Inca empire had collapsed with one thunderbolt.
The conquerors advanced in formation, expecting resistance and often
meeting it, apparently most often from Quito compatriots o f Atahuall
pa, who were still in central Peru after the Incan civil wars. Leaving
Cajamarca in August, 1 5 3 3 , the Spaniards reached Jauja in the central
highlands in just two months.26 There was discussion o f making the
town their capital, and a Spanish municipality and council were
formed, though only provisionally.
Vilcaconga
In late October the expedition departed for Cuzco, leaving the royal
treasurer, Riquelme, with a substantial party, to hold Jauja and guard
the treasure left there. Soto started out several days in advance o f the
main body with a mounted vanguard. About a week into November,
24 Dates in ibid., p. 3 4 3; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 7 1 , 72, 1 1 7 .

25 This despite probable gross underevaluation.
26 Dates from the time of departure from Cajamarca to arrival in Cuzco are well
covered in José A . del Busto Duthurburu, "L a marcha de Francisco Pizarro de Caja
marca al Cuzco," Revista Historica 26 ( 1 9 6 2 - 1 9 6 3 ) 1 1 4 6 - 1 7 4 .
14 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
w ell over halfway to the Inca capital, Soto and his men experienced
the worst military disaster o f the Peruvian conquest. Trying to get to
Cuzco and its riches first, Soto’s party had gone too far ahead o f the
rest and, even worse, had tired out both men and horses. A s they were
ascending a long slope at Vilcaconga, Indians attacked them with a
hail o f stones and weapons from above. They barely managed to reach
the top, with more casualties than the expedition had suffered in all
the rest o f the action since Tumbez. A relief party under Alm agro ex
tricated them.
Cuzco
The Spaniards entered Cuzco on November 1 5 , 1 5 3 3 , and after
some skirmishes with the Indians from Quito were well enough re
ceived by the rest o f the population. D uring the months that the con
querors quartered in the Inca palaces and other buildings in the center
o f the city, another great treasure was collected, this time with more
silver than gold, and distribution to the men duly took place in early
March, 1 5 3 4 . On March 23, 1 5 3 4 , ^ e governor founded a Spanish
municipality in Cuzco. Some eighty conquerors enrolled as citizens and
received encomiendas in the district, but only forty stayed to guard the
town, while all the others returned in the direction o f Jauja.27 The ex
pedition as a band o f men was dispersing, and the conquest proper was
over.
The Exodus
Returning to Jauja with most of the conquerors in A pril, 1 5 3 4 , the
governor reestablished the town, and in July and August proceeded to
assign encomiendas to its citizens.28 A t the same time he issued a gen
eral license for Spaniards to leave Peru, and about sixty conquerors,
most of them men from Cajamarca, departed immediately for Spain.
Since Jauja was soon found to be too inaccessible, the governor with
general agreement evacuated the town, incorporating it into the new
capital, Lima, founded on the coast in January, 1 5 3 5 . A little later he
established Trujillo, named for his home town, near the coast to the
north.
27 Raul Porras, "D os documentos esenciales,” Revista Historica 1 7 ( 19 4 8 ) :9"

1 3 3 ; Raul Rivera Serna, Libro primero de cabildos del Cuzco, p. 28.
28 Porras, ''Jauja,” Revista Historica 18 ( 1 9 4 9 - 1 9 5 0 ) : i i 8, 136 .
CAJAMARCA A ND THE C O N Q U E S T OF PERU 15
Offshoots: Quito and Chile

After the distribution o f treasure at Cajamarca in 1 5 3 3 , Sebastian
de Benalcazar went back to preside over the town o f San Miguel.
There he began independently organizing an expedition to carry out
the conquest o f the Quito area, which he and his men accomplished
in the course o f 1 5 3 4 . But Pedro de Alvarado invaded Quito with a
large band o f Spaniards from Guatemala; at the same time Alm agro
arrived in the area after the conquest o f Cuzco and achieved a settle
ment in favor of Governor Pizarro. A few men of Cajamarca were in
Quito accompanying Benalcazar and Almagro, but none stayed except
Benalcazar himself.
Almagro now had the title o f Marshal, and he was shortly to be
come governor and adelantado o f an undefined area to the south o f
Pizarro’s, named N ew Toledo (the kingdom o f Toledo being his
home region ). Returning to central Peru, he took Alvarado’s men and
other newcomers with him to Cuzco, and in 1 5 3 5 left with a large ex
pedition on his disastrous exploration o f Chile. A small number o f the
men of Cajamarca went with him.
The Great R ebellion and Siege o f Cuzco

I f a people’s first resistance to an invasion is unsuccessful, it is in
variably soon followed by a second resistance or rebellion. This phe
nomenon occurred in Peru in 1 5 3 6 - 1 5 3 7 . Under their traditional lead
ership, the Indians rose in all parts of the country. Lima was briefly
besieged, while the less than two hundred Spaniards in Cuzco were cut
off from the coast for over a year. These conflicts cost the lives of sev
eral of the first conquerors, who were now encomenderos o f the large
towns.
The Almagrist Wars

Almagro and his men returned to Cuzco in the spring o f 1 5 3 7 , hav
ing found no evidence o f significant amounts o f precious metals in up
per Peru or Chile. The great silver mines o f Charcas were still unsus
pected. Putting an end to the Indian siege, Alm agro seized Cuzco as
his own, and before long laid claim to the whole southern half o f
Peru. In reply, the Pizarros organized an army and marched into the
highlands. A t Salinas, near Cuzco, they defeated Alm agro badly and
16 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
had him executed shortly afterward. Men o f Cajamarca participated in

the fighting, mainly on the side o f the Pizarros.
After this the Spaniards founded subsidiary towns, such as La Plata
(C harcas), Arequipa, Huamanga, and Huanuco. A second, more mod
est and successful Chile expedition went out under Pedro de Valdivia,
in company with Pedro Sancho de Hoz, a first conqueror, in 1 5 3 9 -
1540.
In 1 5 4 1 partisans o f don Diego, Alm agro’s mestizo son, assassinated
Francisco Pizarro and put don Diego in power. A new royal governor,
Vaca de Castro, soon entered the country, and at the head o f most of
the encomenderos o f Peru defeated the younger Alm agro in 1 5 4 2 at
Chupas, once again near Cuzco. This time only three or four first con
querors were with the Almagrists.
The Gonzalo Pizarro Rebellion

Vaca de Castro cheated Pizarro’s youngest brother, Gonzalo, o f the
governorship of Peru, which Francisco had bequeathed to him by a
previous royal concession. Had Gonzalo not been leading an expedi
tion into the Amazon region at the time o f his assassination, he might
have challenged Vaca de Castro openly. A s it was, he was left discon
tented, with powerful allies.
In 1 5 4 4 Viceroy Blasco Nunez V ela arrived in Peru with royal di
rectives which would have cut deeply into the significance o f the en-
comienda, the basis o f Spanish occupation. W ith wide support Gon-
zalo raised an army in Cuzco, marched to Lima, and forced the audien*
cia to receive him as governor. H e then ruled Peru for four years in
the face o f all challenges, winning several battles. A majority of the
surviving first conquerors supported him at least for a time; some were
prominent leaders in his cause. A few suffered his wrath for disloyalty.
W hen royal emissary Licenciado Gasca entered the country in 1547
with pardons for all and repeal o f the offending measures, most o f the
conquerors and other encomenderos went over to his side. The battle
o f Jaquijahuana (for the third time near Cuzco) was an easy royal
victory. Gonzalo Pizarro’s execution terminated the last major external
event in the lives o f the first conquerors.
2. BEFORE THE EVENT
Backgrounds, Characteristics, and Types
The background o f the men of Caja-

.
B
e in g precedes a c t io n
marca has a primordial interest unmatched by that attaching to

any other facet o f their history. The policies and stratagems they may
have devised, the goals they set for themselves, their subsequent fates,
and their impact on the invaded country, all depend in the clearest way
upon the group’s composition at the moment o f impact, in terms of
social types and previous experience. A group like this can also serve
social history as a good random sampling o f Spanish immigration at a
given moment. For both purposes it is crucial not to let posterior fame
distort the picture. This chapter w ill be devoted to the men as they
were in 1 5 3 2 , ignoring for the moment what became o f them later.
The Military Aspect

Inevitably we must ask to what extent the men we are concerned
with can be considered "soldiers.” This term has been the main cate
gory used to describe the Spanish conquerors for the last four hundred
i8 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
years, and, though it has led to one misconception after another, it will
probably continue to have currency.1 A t least, perhaps, our understand
ing o f the word can be modified enough to allow for some needed rec
tification o f the conquerors’ image.
The men o f Cajamarca were no more professional soldiers (and no
less fighting men) than the general body o f immigrants into Peru in
the first thirty years after the conquest.2 Just as conquest and settlement
were one process, conqueror and settler were o f the same type, when
not actually the same individual. Early and late, almost all men were
fighters, but not only that; being a soldier did not distinguish any one
group from another. The whole soldier-civilian contrast so familiar to
the twentieth century was invalid in sixteenth-century Spanish Ameri
ca. I f there were few true military men, there were hardly any "civil
ians.” Even the clergy, surgeons, and declared merchants often took
part in Indian fighting.3 The word "soldier” was part o f the vocabu
lary, at least, whereas there was simply no equivalent for "civilian.”
The subtleties o f contemporary usage can, in fact, tell us a good deal.
H ow did the conquerors o f Peru use the word "soldier” ? The first
thing that stands out is how little they used it. Any good modern ac
count o f the conquests, from Prescott through Kirkpatrick to Parry
and Gibson, w ill speak o f soldiers repeatedly, using the term as the
primary designation for the Spaniards. Y et "soldier” never occurs, not
even once, in the first two important chronicles o f the Peruvian con
quest by eyewitnesses Cristobal de Mena and Francisco de Jerez. (The
same appears to be true for many other on-the-spot accounts.) N or
w ill one find "soldier” used in the voluminous testimony, much of it
very colloquial, that the conquerors gave about each other’s deeds. Pi-
1 If there is any category worse and more misleading than "soldier,” it is that of
"troops.” Nothing justifies the use of this word, and it will not be discussed here.
2 A s described by the author in Spanish Peru\ see particularly pp. 1 3 7 - 1 4 1 .
3 A scholar as sophisticated as Charles Gibson, whom this author greatly admires,
uses the soldier-civilian classification system when he declares (Spain in America,
p. 49 ) that the encomenderos were former conquerors and "leading civilian colo
nists.” Y et even the most sedentary encomendero had to go through the motions of
maintaining horse and arms. W ith practically all of them it was more than a pre
tense. Certainly there were some noncombatants at times— declared merchants and
others— but they were by that fact ineligible for encomiendas. If a priest refrained
from fighting, as many did, he still was not a "civilian.” The question of whether
fray Vicente de Valverde fought at Cajamarca has never been raised, much less set
tled. One source says that he was armed, at least (Gonzalo F. de Oviedo, Historia
general, V , 92 ).
BEFORE THE EVENT: BACKGROUNDS, CHARACTERISTICS 19
zarro’s companions, whether spoken o f in the aggregate, as small de

tachments, or as individuals, appear in all these sources only as "peo
ple,” "m en,” "Spaniards,” "Christians,” "footm en” and "horsemen.”
Even chronicler Agustin de Zarate, who came to Peru in 15 4 4 and
wrote still later, retains this usage.
Generally speaking, as one moves farther away from the events in
time and space, the vocabulary used to describe the conquest becomes
more military. Zarate speaks o f the footmen as "infantry,” a term not
employed by any strict contemporary.4 Oviedo, writing at the time of
the conquest, but stationed in Santo Domingo, once refers to the con
querors as soldiers.5 Gomara, who not only wrote later, but was never
himself in the Indies, also uses the word, and with him it starts to take
on pejorative connotations. Perhaps like many Spaniards at home, who
were seeing the growth o f a more professional mercenary soldiery dedi
cated to the European wars, Gomara was beginning to associate the
word "soldier” with rootlessness, imprudence, and quick wealth fo l
lowed by quick poverty.6 This conception o f the soldier has dominated
conquest historiography down to the present day. A good statement of
it may be found in a recent text by a perceptive scholar: "M any a feck
less foot-soldier had no other ambition than to stagger back to Spain
with a sackful of silver on his back, or else to move on to fresh adven
tures and further rapine.” 7
Actually the conquerors were no different from any other Spaniards
in this respect. Practically all who reached the Indies had intentions o f
returning to Spain, essentially with an eye to founding a family on
their home ground. W hat most often kept them from realizing that
ambition was purely and simply the lack o f liquid wealth, a handicap
that, by and large, only the first conquerors, large merchants, and a few
others could overcome. The common idea that the Spanish conquerors
often moved from one place to another out o f adventurousness is with
out base. Spaniards all over the Indies tended to stay in any reasonably
tolerable established position. The successful man (an encomendero,
usually) either remained where he was or returned to Spain. I f the
4 Zarate, Historia, II, 476.

5 Oviedo, Historia general, V , 54. Ironically the word appears in the chronicle of
Francisco de Jerez, which Oviedo included in toto in his own. But comparison with
Jerez’s original shows that the passage is written by Oviedo, and stylistic analysis
confirms it.
6 Francisco Lôpez de Gomara, Hispania victrix, I, 2 3 1.
7 J. H. Parry, The Spanish Seaborne Empire, p. 99.
20 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
area was unusually poor he might be pulled to an unusually rich one;

otherwise the only thing that could impel him to go elsewhere in the
Indies was the chance to govern his own region. The seekers after El
Dorado (leaders excepted) were new arrivals or men without position.
The concept o f the footloose mercenary or professional soldier, then,
was largely imposed on the Spanish American conquest period from
European analogies, with the aid o f overripe literary imagination and
anachronistic thinking. A ll implications following from it are a priori
suspect— for example, François Chevalier’s premature assumption that
the conquerors o f Mexico, "fo r the most part professional soldiers,”
lacked the interest and the ability to develop the economies o f their
encomiendas.8
The conquerors knew the word "soldier,” o f course, and semidelib-
erately chose not to apply it to themselves. W hy? T o them the term
had a connotation nearer to its etymological derivation, quite different
from the ruling concept among literati and cosmopolites. It implied a
person who was being paid a salary and therefore was another person’s
dependent, with little claim to direct rewards. ( Soldada was still the
name for any contract whereby one man entered the service and pay of
another.) In Central America by 15 2 0 or earlier, full-fledged members
o f an expedition were being paid little or nothing, though they might
receive credit or loans. Partners in a joint enterprise, they expected a
share o f all profits, whether treasure, encomiendas or honors. Corn-
pan ero ("partner” or "companion” ) was one o f their favorite self
designations.
Contrary to common opinion, according to which the early "soldiers”
were soon supplanted by settlers, the use of the word "soldier” greatly
increased with time, at least in Peru. It never referred to the first con
querors; surviving conquerors became encomenderos and were usually
referred to as vecinos ("citizens” ) o f the Peruvian towns. Only non-
encomenderos without a well-defined calling or position were called
"soldiers.” The word in this meaning occurs constantly in the chroni
cles o f the Peruvian civil wars and in correspondence o f the late 15 4 0 ’s
and 1 5 5 0 ’s.
A very sophisticated attempt to grapple with the "m ilitary” problem
can be found in M ario Gongora’s Grupos de conquistadores. W ith un
8 François Chevalier, Land and Society in Colonial Mexico. The Great Hacienda,
pp. 24, 25, 27.
BEFORE T HE EVENT: BACKGROUNDS, CHARACTERISTICS 21
usually complete and authentic background information, showing large

numbers o f men who had worked as artisans, farmers, sailors, and the
like, Gongora sees that the objects o f his study, the founders o f Pana
ma, cannot be considered soldiers in any exclusive sense. However, he
still attempts to distinguish ‘ men o f arms” from the rest. H e puts into
this category hidalgos and others without a specific occupation; then he
adds the mariners, and thus arrives at a figure of 50 percent for men o f
“ martial callings.” 9 Though “ men o f arms” is a great improvement
on “ soldiers,” systematic distinctions among the conquerors cannot be
made even on this basis. In the Indies all bore arms equally and, to
judge by the results, efficiently. Probably in Spain itself most knew how
to handle weapons. There are cogent objections to classifying almost
any of the main branches o f Spanish life under martial callings. Con
ceivably one could so class the hidalgos, who certainly received instruc
tion in arms as a standard part o f their education, though lineage and
wealth were equally important in defining their status. But why include
retainers and henchmen, as Gongora does? More often than not these
men were business managers. Sailors are even less acceptable as military
men. Though they, too, in practice, could fight and often joined the
others, there was a clear contemporary distinction between conquerors
and sailors. The only noncombatants in the very early stages o f the
conquest o f Peru were the sailors who conveyed men and supplies from
Panama and Nicaragua, then returned. On the other hand, Gongora
excludes from the men o f arms the members o f the urban professions;
yet many notaries had hidalgo pretensions, with matching martial skills
and ethos. Hernando Cortes was a notary. And by excluding artisans,
Gongora omits from his category such men as the swordsmiths, gun
smiths, and horseshoers, who had professional skill in arts necessary
to war.
Profession and status thus throw very little light on the question of
“ soldiers.” The only remaining criterion for assessing the broadly m ili
tary element among the conquerors of Peru is experience. H ow many
had any direct European military experience? Only two, to our certain
knowledge; perhaps three or four. One was the Greek, Pedro de Can-
dia, who had served as an artilleryman in Italy and subsequently spent
years in the Spanish royal guard. H e is the only man o f all 16 8 who
can comfortably be described as a professional soldier. (H is Aragonese
9 Mario Gongora, Los grupos de conquistadores en Tierra Firme, pp. 8 1, 90.

22 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
friend, Martin de Florencia, crossbowman and artilleryman, might

have been a comparable case, but we cannot be sure.)
The second was Hernando Pizarro, who had been appointed captain
o f infantry in N avarre while there as a youth in the company of his
father, also a captain. H aving held captaincies in royal service far from
home for two generations, the Pizarros had a certain claim to profes
sional soldiery. Y et Hernando was a well-rounded hidalgo, manager of
affairs, and courtier. I f he devoted himself to any military activity in
the time between his father’s death ( 1 5 2 2 ) and the conquest o f Peru,
there is no record o f it. Francisco Pizarro himself may have been brief
ly in Italy as a youth, though he waited until suspiciously late to claim
so, and how such an episode fits into his career is not clear.
N o other European veterans appear. Conceivably some are hidden
among the lesser-known figures. There may have been other men from
families with a tradition of military service or border fighting; Juan
Ruiz claimed that his father had fought in Granada and Navarre, and
his grandfather against the Portuguese.10 But none o f the important
men who later presented memorials o f their services had fought in Eu
rope; they would have been sure to mention it if they had. Many others
came to the Indies too young to have campaigned previously.
Only a very small minority o f the first conquerors o f Peru, then, had
any professional European military experience. But this minority was
crucially placed, including two important captains and possibly the
governor himself.
N e w W orld Experience
The military question is like many others involving unspecialized
early moderns; one cannot discuss it fully without going beyond it.
The conquerors’ previous experience in the Indies was o f greater im
portance in this matter than any experience in the European wars. Any
one who had lived for many years in Panama, Nicaragua, or the Carib
bean in the first decades o f the sixteenth century, was ipso facto an
experienced Indian fighter, whatever else he was. "Indian fighter,’’ in
deed, is what we should mainly mean when we call the conquerors
soldiers, if we are to continue using the word at all. This is the sense
that Oviedo gave it: "skilled men, veterans and experienced soldiers
10 Juan Ruiz de Arce, Advertenclas, p. 69.

BEFORE THE EVENT: BACKGROUNDS, CHARACTERISTICS 23.
with Indians.” 11 H e used these words in specific reference to the men

o f Cajamarca, and he was o f the opinion that ’ most” were o f that type.
The evidence, as far as it goes, tends to bear him out. O f i o i men
whose previous experience is known or surmised as o f 1 5 3 2 , 64 had
been in the Indies for some time, 52 o f them for five years or more.12
Table 1. Experience in the Indies, 1532
Y e a r s in In d ies N o . of M en
Under 5 years 12
c- 5 28
C. IO 14
c. 15 2
C. 2 0 7
C .25 1
64
None or almost none 37
IO I
Unknown 67
Total (men) 168
Even allowing for the unknowns and the vague dividing line be
tween new men and old, it seems safe to assert that over half o f the
men at Cajamarca were veterans o f the Indies by any standards. There
were certainly enough o f them to set the tone and preserve the devel
oping subculture (institutions, techniques, procedures, and values) o f
the N ew W orld Spaniards. The captains were almost all old hands.
The great leaders— Pizarro, Benalcazar, and Soto— had been in the
Panama region some twenty years or more. Captains Mena and Salcedo
were at least ten-year veterans. The only leaders with less experience
1 1 Oviedo, Historia general, V , 54 (the same passage referred to in footnote 5
above).
12 Except in the case of those men who presented a memorial of services, it is
hard to get any exact idea of the number of years an individual had been in the
N ew W orld. His first appearance in the records is in most cases probably not the
date of his arrival. Direct statements on the subject tend to be vague. Table 1 i&
therefore offered only as a rough approximation. The apparent anomaly that there
are more men in the twenty- than in the fifteen-year category reflects the great expe
dition of Pedrarias de Avila to Panama in 1 5 1 3 - 1 5 1 4 .
24 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
were the European military men, Candia (six years) and Hernando
Pizarro (no experience).
The predominance o f veterans is all the more striking because the
expedition was one o f the few major ones originally organized in Spain
itself. The numbers o f new recruits the Pizarros brought from Spain
in 1 5 3 0 had dwindled drastically from disease, desertion, and battle;
only about thirty o f them can be identified among the conquerors still
with Pizarro in November, 1 5 3 2 . The general Spanish pattern o f con
quest, in relay fashion, from one new settlement to the next, was thus
able to reassert itself.
In what part of the Indies had the veterans operated? The extreme
vagueness and inclusiveness o f their own statements make geographi
cal precision impossible. Nevertheless it can be said that the over
whelming majority had been denizens o f the domain of Pedrarias de
Avila— Panama and Nicaragua— the pacified areas closest to Peru.
Nicaragua, point o f departure o f both Soto and Benalcazar, was espe
cially important. Only one man is known certainly to have been in
Mexico, though one other originally left Spain meaning to go to Y uca
tan. A few had been in Honduras, which they left for Nicaragua. A ll
must at least have traversed the Caribbean, but hardly any are known
to have spent more than a brief transitional period on the islands, ex
cept for Francisco Pizarro himself.
The effect o f the specifically American experience is hard to pin
point. In the main, new social types had not yet matured, and the
behavior o f most o f the veterans is quite readily explained directly
from their peninsular backgrounds. But there are two cases o f 'm en of
the Indies” among our conquerors: Francisco Pizarro and Sebastian de
Benalcazar, who by 1 5 3 2 had each spent over half o f his life in the
N ew W orld. The imprint on them was all the deeper because they had
little to look to in Spain, one being a marginal and illegitimate mem
ber o f an hidalgo family and the other o f frankly humble origins.
Each had a strong sense of identification with the Indies, nearly the
equivalent o f the emotional tie of a Spaniard to his home region. They
raised almost to the status o f religion the trilogy of comprehensive val
ues which protected all their customs and privileges— respect for sen
iority, disdain for greenhorns, and belief in the superiority o f the ways
o f the Indies.
B y no means all o f the Spaniards in Panama and Nicaragua were
rough backwoodsmen; the courtly type appeared as early as 1 3 1 4 with
the entourage o f Pedrarias de Avila. But there was also a type specific
to the Isthmus, which was already becoming somewhat anachronistic
by the 1 5 3 0 ’s, and to which Benalcazar, Pizarro, and Pizarro’s partner,
Diego de Alm agro (who chanced not to be at Cajam arca), all be
longed. These were men who had energy and ability, but were illiter
ate and retained a striking simplicity o f manner. Zarate might appear to
be indulging in literary fantasy in his famous chapter describing the
similarities in life style o f Pizarro and Alm agro.13 Actually he is close
to the mark; what he is really doing is describing the Isthmian type.
N one o f the three, all o f whom became adelantados, ever married or
considered marriage. It is impossible to imagine a match. Their power
and ambition required duchesses, their manners the humblest of wom
en; in any case, they lived all their lives with Indian servant-mistresses.
In some ways they were quite violently deviant from the general Span
ish social ideals which were to be manifest in the Peru o f the 1 5 3 0 ’s
and 1 5 4 0 ’s. They resisted resplendent dress; they sometimes shook off
their retinues to drop in on friends unannounced. Pizarro went to bed
early and rose before dawn. A s don Alonso Enriquez said, even after
all his success he never ceased to be "a very good companion, without
vanities or pomp.” 14
A question related to the men’s experience is how many o f them be
longed to families previously associated with the Indies. The mecha
nism o f relative appealing to relative accounted in one way or another
for a very large proportion o f the immigration to Spanish America.
(Surely the same has been true at all times and in all parts o f the
world, from Carthage to Australia.) Whatever the proportions, the
process was qualitatively important in building up continuous tradi
tions which transcended and compensated for the newcomer’s inexpe
rience. Information on this aspect of our men’s background is not avail
able in a quantity to allow for methodical study or tabulation. W e need
to know not only that someone o f the same name as a given conqueror
took part in the earlier Caribbean phase, but that this predecessor was
actually connected with the man o f Cajamarca. The limited repertory
o f Spanish names practically restricts tracing o f family continuities to
those with rare or foreign names, or to those few cases where docu
ments make the connection explicit.
13 Agustin de Zarate, Historia, II, 498-499.

14 Alonso Enriquez de Guzman, Libro de la vida y costumbres, p. 15 3 .
26 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
The oddly named Inigo Tabuyo turns out to have been preceded by
several relatives in the Caribbean. T w o men at Cajamarca, Catano and
Pinelo, bore the names o f Andalusia-based Genoese families which had
participated in N ew W orld finance and commerce since the time o f
Columbus. Francisco Pizarro himself followed his uncle to the Carib
bean. Alonso Peto belonged to a family involved as shipmasters and
merchants in the trade between Seville and the Indies. Several men had
older relatives prominent in Panama or Nicaragua; one was Gonzalo
del Castillo, son o f a Panamanian notary. Examples like these imply
that fam ily continuity, if we knew all the facts, would loom very large
indeed, and that the cumulative experience o f the expedition members
was even greater than might appear from their life histories alone.15
A ges
The men’s ages in 1 5 3 2 correspond to their experience; the captains
were all over thirty; Benalcazar was over forty, and Pizarro over fifty.
The veterans o f Nicaragua were mainly in their late twenties and early
thirties. Many o f the newcomers were in their early twenties. The gen
eral distribution is shown in Table 2.
Table 2. Age at the Time of Cajamarca
A g e (y e a rs) N o . of M en
c. 15 -19 5
c. 20-24 29
c. 25-29 4i
c. 30-34 19
c- 3 5 -3 9 8
c. 40-44 3
c. 45-49 1
c. 50-55 1
107
Unknown 61
Total 168
15 Sebastian de Torres, Pedro de Salinas de la Hoz, Alonso de Toro, and probably

Hernando de Sosa accompanied older relatives. Juan de Porras was preceded by a
relative in the Caribbean. Molina, Mendoza, Melchor Palomino, the Estetes, and
Sotelo had relatives in Panama and Nicaragua.
O f the men whose ages are known, it could be said that most of
them ( 7 0 ) were in their twenties; 32 were over thirty, and 5 were un
der twenty. O f 10 7 men, 75 were under thirty. However, it is also im
portant to bring out how many of the conquerors were at the time of
life that could be called youthful maturity and that can be expressed
statistically as twenty-five to thirty-five. O f the 1 0 7 , no less than 60
were in this age group, with 1 1 over thirty-five and 34 under twenty-
five.16 These men were the backbone o f the force, largely identical with
the Nicaraguan veterans and the best horsemen.
Spanish Regional Origins

The men o f Cajamarca were a fairly standard sample o f Spanish im
migration in the third decade o f the sixteenth century, when each year
more men from central and northern Castile were joining the Andalu
sians who had been overwhelmingly predominant in the Caribbean
phase. The one major deviation is a plurality o f Extremadurans, the
residue o f the recruiting carried on in T rujillo and surrounding regions
in 1 5 2 9 .17 Despite great losses among the new recruits, Extremadura
remained the largest regional unit, advancing from its usual second po
sition to displace Andalusia.
Castile, in a broad sense, predominated. O f 1 3 1 men, all but 6 were
from areas directly under the crown o f Castile; even excluding Biscay,
16 The data available on the men of Cajamarca lead in most cases to only approxi
mate figures for their ages. Most of the ages estimated in this book rest on legal tes
timony by the individual involved. To arrive at the precise age of a given man on
November 16, 1532, one would have to know the date of testimony to the month
and day, which is not always available, as well as the man's age at that time in
terms of months, which is never given. Thus, even in the most precise cases, one
must allow a year’s leeway in either direction; and since the age always appears
modified by the remark "a little more or less,” it is prudent to allow two years. The
frequent statements that an individual is ’’about twenty-five,” or ’’about thirty,”
allow for a variation of three or four years either way. Also, some ages are known
only as an upper or lower limit, and some are merely estimated crudely on the basis
of circumstantial evidence. Thus there is some technical impropriety in tabulating
the ages in five-year periods as presented in Table 2; the aim is not to achieve sta
tistical precision, but to underline a general pattern.
17 The author has considerable confidence in the accuracy of the attributions of
regional origin in Table 3, including those arrived at by deduction or association.
It proved possible to determine a higher proportion of birthplaces than ages, one
more indication of the importance of regionalism to the Spaniards. The data are
here tabulated according to Spanish regions in terms of twentieth-century provinces.
For the rationale and limitations of this procedure see James Lockhart, Spanish Peru ,
p p .237-238.
28 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
Table 3. Regional Origins
R e g io n N o . of M en
Extrem adura 36
A ndalusia 34
O ld Castile 17
N ew Castile 15
Leon 13
Biscay 8
N avarre 2
A ragon 2
Greece 2
13 1
U nknow n 37
T otal (m en) 168
1 1 7 were from regions that were Castilian-speaking and Castilian-

ruled. The old heartland of Leon and the two Castiles contributed 47,
in a sense the largest regional group. N o less than 83 were from the
central provinces, compared to 48 from provinces on the periphery o f
the peninsula, plus 2 non-Iberians. One may note that the south was
still very strong, since Extremadura and Andalusia together form a ma
jority o f 70 over 6 1. Y et it would be well to keep in mind that Extre
madura, though often counted "southern,” lies mainly side by side with
N ew Castile on the central plateau.
The great Spanish regions as conventionally defined cannot serve all
purposes o f analysis. The Spaniards’ primary loyalties were to smaller
units, some o f which had significant idiosyncrasies. In the case o f E x
tremadura, there are marked subregions and internal rivalries, particu
larly important here because o f the expedition’s Extremaduran leader
ship. Sixteenth-century Extremadura divides most naturally not into the
present-day provinces, but into an eastern region, Trujillo-Caceres, the
most pastoral and backward part, and the home o f the Pizarros; a west
ern region, dominated by Badajoz, with closer connections to both Se
ville and Portugal; and a southern region, mainly identical with the
Order o f Santiago’s Maestrazgo de Leon, affected by strong Sevillian
commercial influence. The standard relationship o f these three regional
subgroups to each other was hostility and suspicion, particularly be
tween Badajoz and the northeast. The Extremaduran contingent is ana-
Table 4. Origins o f the Extremaduran Contingent
R eg io n N o . of M en
T rujillo-Caceres
T ru jillo 14
Deleitosa i
Casas del Puerto or
Las Pinuelas i
La Zarza i
17
Cäceres 2
Plasencia i
San M artin de T revejo i
4
21
B adajoz 2
V alencia de A lcan tara i
Alburquerque 2
Jerez 2
7
M aestrazgo and La Serena
M aestrazgo in general i
G uarena i
M iajadas i
Puebla del Prior i
Segura de Leon i
V illa fra n ca de los Barros i
Zalam ea de la Serena i
7
Far N orth
La G arganta i i
T otal (m en) 36
lyzed in Table 4. Almost all the men from Trujillo-Caceres accompa

nied the Pizarros from Spain in 1 5 3 0 , whereas almost all the Badajoz
men were veterans. The 1 5 2 9 recruiting effort apparently extended in
to the Maestrazgo and La Serena, since several o f the men from there
were new arrivals, but the main effect o f the recruiting was an unusual
predominance o f eastern over western and southern Extremadurans.
30 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
It is also o f interest to subdivide the contingent from Andalusia, to

emphasize how many were from the commercial-maritime western part,
and how few from the east and Granada. In fact ''A ndalusia/’ in the
everyday usage o f the sixteenth century, mainly referred to the present
provinces o f Seville and Huelva. The home town o f Sebastian de Be-
nalcazar, though in the jurisdiction o f Cordoba, lies to the northeast o f
Table 5. Origins o f the Andalusian Contingent
R e g io n o f O rigin N o . of M en
W est
Seville
Seville in general 7
C ity o f Seville 5
Cadiz 2
C azalla 1
Chiclana 1
Lebrija 1
G uadalcanal* 1
Paterna del Campo 1
Sanlucar 1
Santa O lalla 1
21
H uelva
M oguer 2
Palos 2
Lepe 1
5
E a st
Cordoba 2
Belalcazar 1
3
Jaen 1
Baeza 1
Quesada 1
3
G ran ad a 2
34
* Guadalcanal was in the Maestrazgo de Ledn in the sixteenth century, a domain

which stretched over southern Extremadura.
the Extremaduran Maestrazgo, with close affinities to that area and La

Serena. In view o f this it could be said that all the group’s captains
(except the Greek Candia) were from central Spain.
Regionally the expedition was a striking example o f the internal
consistency so characteristic o f the Spanish occupation. Regional diver
sity among immigrants might have led to exclusive concentration o f
certain groups in given areas. But it never did. In area after area o f the
Indies, in one kind o f group after another, a broad regional spread is
found. W ith the Peru expedition, the original Extremaduran near
monopoly at the time o f departure from Spain dissolved, leaving ten
sion between Trujillan leadership and a body o f men from every re
gion in Spain.
Social Origins
Spanish social terminology o f the sixteenth century is such a mud
dled subject that one is tempted simply to ignore the question o f who
the nobles were and who the commoners among the conquerors. A
welter o f Spanish words designated some degree o f gentility or nobili
ty; none had any unequivocal meaning. A t the opposite end o f the
scale, we have not the slightest notion o f what really constitutes a peas
ant; the term tends merely to cover that portion o f the populace which
scholars know nothing about. Once categories are established, it is most
difficult to fit individuals into them. Nevertheless, the attempt must be
made. Whereas no distinction between military and nonmilitary mem
bers o f the expedition really existed, and groups cannot be set up on
that basis, there was some sort o f distinction, however blurred, between
noble and plebeian members.
Contemporary Spaniards were tending to use the word ' 'hidalgo” in
discriminately to indicate all gentlemen and nobles. But, accepting this
usage, one still cannot uncritically count as hidalgos all who may have
claimed to be at some later time, or, even worse, all who have had the
claim raised for them by descendants. On the other hand, many who
clearly were hidalgos never had occasion to say so. N o one criterion
sufficient for attribution can be found. The hidalgo is to be recognized
in a combination o f factors— the ring o f his name, the quality o f his
signature, the nature o f his associates, the respect accorded him, and the
rewards given him. In the absence o f ironclad evidence o f a type that is
too rarely available, one must decide a given individual’s social quality
subjectively out o f a detailed acquaintance with his career. The author’s
32 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
personal evaluations o f the social quality o f the men o f Cajamarca are

embodied in Table 6.
Perhaps one in four o f the conquerors, then, had some trace o f gen
tle birth, or the appearance o f it, which comes to almost the same
thing. Most were very small gentry, o f the type that this writer likes to
call ’ ordinary hidalgos.” W hile any classification based on the word
’’hidalgo” or its synonyms is bound to remain somewhat vague, there
are certain other less equivocal indicators which tend to place the hi
dalgos o f Cajamarca low on the scale. The higher nobility, consisting
of dukes, counts, lesser feudal lords, and their close relatives, almost
invariably bore the title o f ” don” from birth. N ot a single ” don” was
at Cajamarca. Even more revealing, very few o f the men’s female rela
tives could boast the ’ ’dona.” This title was used much more liberally
than ” don,” so that a very large proportion o f the wives o f local Span
ish hidalgos (themselves without title) were donas. Y et only two or
three donas appear among the mothers o f our men. In this they were
quite typical o f the general stream o f Spanish immigration, as a glance
through the Sevillian registers w ill show, but they had far fewer donas
in their background than the prominent people who came to Peru in
subsequent years, after its wealth was fully demonstrated.
A s to the regional origin o f those considered hidalgos above, nearly
all were from central Spain; Andalusia contributed only four, and Bis
cay proper none. The Extremaduran leadership reflects itself very clear
ly. Tw o main types o f hidalgos are discernible. There were the Extre-
madurans, who could be called true hidalgos at least in the sense that
they manifested no strong affinity for any particular civil pursuit
(though they were in most cases more than adequately literate). Most
o f these were from prominent Trujillan families, brought to the Indies
Table 6. Presumed Social Rank
R ank N o . of M en
Hidalgos 38
Borderline cases 6
Plebeians 91
13?
U nknow n 33
T otal 16 8
Table 7. Regional Origins of Hidalgos
R eg io n o f O rigin N o . of M en
Extrem adura 12
O ld Castile 7
N ew Castile 7
Leon 6
A ndalusia 4
N avarre i
U nknow n i
T otal 38
by Pizarro. Several petty hidalgos from the two Castiles, on the other
hand, were close to the urban professions. Some were notaries, others
from families which included clerics, lawyers, and even merchants. The
most illustrious hidalgos among the men o f Cajamarca had connections
with the kingdom of Leon. Juan M orgovejo and Juan de Valdevieso
were both sons o f donas; members o f their immediate families had
been municipal council members or magistrates. M orgovejo was con
nected through the Quinones with the royal court, and Valdevieso’s
father belonged to one o f the military orders. From Leon came also
two hidalgos bearing the famous name o f Maldonado.18
In regard to the commoners, one would like to subdivide them into
two classes, separating a quasi-yeoman type from the rock-bottom ple
beians and marginal members o f society. The categories existed, in the
terms hombre de bien (goodman) for the former, and hombre vil y
bajo (vile and low person) or villano (peasant) for the latter. H ow
ever, ' 'hombre de bien” had almost passed out o f currency; mainly it
w ill be found in fossilized form in the headings o f royal orders.
"Hom bre v il” was more misused than used; most often it merely indi
cated an attempt to denigrate the opposing party in litigation. "V illa
no” was a true category, though also a term o f insult. The main objec
tion to it is that Spaniards in the Indies successfully hid their peasant
origins behind a general plebeianism. In no source known to this writer
is any man o f Cajamarca ever referred to as a villano, or even a labra
dor (farm er) , though some of them must have been such.
18 One, Diego Maldonado, was born in Duenas near Palencia, which, though it
borders Leon, is generally considered to be in Old Castile; however, he had connec
tions with the Maldonados of Salamanca.
34 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
A g u lf stretched between the capabilities and possible rewards of

such literate commoners as the notary Francisco de Jerez or the mer
chant Diego Gavilan and such illiterate, irredeemable plebeians as
trumpeter Alconchel and tailor Chico. But the difference cannot be
systematized. It did not rest on occupation alone; there was great vari
ety in the single class o f artisans, or even in a single trade, like tailor
ing. Again, a careful subjective assessment is perhaps better than none.
It can be estimated that o f the 9 1 called plebeians above, only some
twenty were o f the sort whose external behavior and appearance brand
ed them as belonging to the humblest station. The others circulated
freely among the hidalgos, and under the right conditions could pass
effectively into their ranks.
W hile no one factor determined whether or not this would happen,
a crucial element was education, which became o f increased importance
because the situation tended to submerge some other distinctions. A ll
were men o f arms, and lineage proper could be brought to bear only
for the most illustrious, since most men were not aware o f each other’s
exact social origins. Degree o f education thus becomes a matter o f
great interest; yet the formal education o f our men remains a mystery.
Only fray Vicente de Valverde is known to have attended a university.
Morgovejo, Valdevieso, Hernando Pizarro, and some o f the notaries,
like M iguel Estete and Jeronimo de Aliaga, might w ell have done so,
to judge by their articulateness and polish. N o less than six o f the men
composed accounts o f the conquest substantial enough to be considered
chronicles, and only two o f these works show signs o f having been
dictated.
For the rest, our knowledge o f the expedition members’ educational
background is limited to the index o f their literacy, compiled in Table 8.
The twentieth century draws a sharp, somewhat artificial line between
literates and illiterates. The sixteenth knew three categories, adding the
intermediate one o f those who could sign their names. Laughable
though this may seem, there was a real distinction. The person who
might not be able to read and write well enough to handle the six
teenth century’s complicated script and forms o f written expression, yet
could sign decently, had invariably been exposed to a year or two o f
education o f the grammar-school type, with corresponding effects on his
values, manners, and ambitions. The distinction leaps to the eye in the
difference between the signatures o f those effective illiterates who were
Table 8. Extent of Literacy

E x te n t N o . of M en
Definitely literate 51
Could sign
Doubtless tru ly literate 25
Literacy cannot be deduced 24
Crude signature, probably
illiterate 8
57
Definitely illiterate 33
U nknow n 27
T otal 168
taught as children, and the misshapen, awkward scrawls or empty ru

brics o f those who learned to ''sign ” as adults.
It may be noted that, to our definite knowledge, 10 8 o f the men
could sign their names, 33 could not. O f the whole group, 76 were al
most certainly functioning literates, 4 1 not, with 5 1 unknown.19 The
relatively high proportion of literates tends to reinforce the conclusion
stated just above— that most o f the expedition’s commoners were not
at the very lowest level o f Spanish society. The core o f the expedition,
both the preponderance o f its numbers and its main strength, was in its
marginal hidalgos and upper plebeians, who for many purposes may
be considered a single group.
W hat o f Spain’s subordinated ethnic minorities, Moorish, Jewish,
and N egro? A s is well known, imperial directives to exclude such peo
ple from the Indies were dead letters, though they did help induce at
tempts at self-disguise. W ere any among the first conquerors o f Peru?
I f there were any Moriscos or men o f Moorish descent, they remain
hidden, though a Cristobal de Burgos who had taken part in the earlier
stages o f the discovery was reputedly o f Morisco origin. T w o men of
19 Only occasionally does one meet with a direct statement on the literacy of one
of the men. However, the inability to sign constitutes unequivocal negative evidence.
On the other hand, such evidence as a holograph letter, the practice of a certain pro
fession, or membership in a certain type of family is equally clear positive proof.
For a large intermediate group, the only evidence is the quality of the individual’s
signature, not a certain indicator, yet it is often fluent enough or crude enough to
allow one to deduce the person’s state of literacy reasonably well.
3 6 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
African or partly African descent can be identified among the conquer

ors (aside from the unknown— apparently not large— number of black
slaves the Spaniards had with th em ). One was black Juan Garcia, born
in Old Castile, who served the expedition in the stereotyped role of
crier and piper. H e was counted a partner o f the general company, but
one o f its lowest members. The other was mulatto M iguel Ruiz from
Seville, probably the son o f a Spaniard and his slave-woman. H e too
circulated among the plebeians, but at a much higher level, as a horse
man with the expectation o f a double share o f any profits.
The question o f Jews is much more difficult. A ll remaining Spanish
Jews were by this time N ew Christians, at least nominally converted
from Judaism. For more than a generation they had been industriously
hiding their identity. T o try to identify them at this remove in time in
volves one in endless innuendo and speculation, all the more so because
the term "Je w ” was an insult and curse word the Spaniards would re
sort to frequently and irresponsibly either in the heat o f an argument
or to discredit an enemy. José Antonio del Busto feels he has identified
three N ew Christians among the conquerors.20 Tw o o f these attribu
tions seem, at least to this writer, extremely speculative; for the third
man, the half-Italian Aragonese, Martin de Florencia, there is a quite
strong circumstantial case. N or are these the only possibilities. Equally
strong indications point to a converso origin for the company’s only
ecclesiastic, fray Vicente de Valverde. I f one is to speculate, there is no
stopping place. Prominent conqueror Juan de Barbarân was all his life
little more than a pawnbroker, and his mother bore the surname San
Pedro (many conversos took saints’ names). Notary Jeronimo de Ali-
aga, for another example, was a stunningly successful negotiator who
won permanent high office in Peru and married into a family o f great
nobles; yet he failed to gain entry into the Order o f Santiago— the one
honor usually denied N ew Christians.
Certainty about the converso descent o f any o f the men o f Cajamarca
w ill have to await genealogical studies extending back into the era
when Jews did not hide themselves. W e cannot, o f course, assess the
nature and the significance o f their role until we have some firm exam
ples with which to work. A t most one can voice the suspicion that N ew
Christians were indeed present, not restricted to any conventional role,
20 Jo sé A. del Busto Duthurburu, "Très conversos en la captura de Atahualpa,”

Revista de Indias 27 ( 19 6 7 ) .*427-442.
but distributed in a variety o f functions. It would be natural enough

for some conversos to be found in a group dominated by petty hidal
gos, subprofessionals, and substantial commoners.
Trades and Skills

For most o f the characteristics of the first conquerors we have a nu
merical sampling o f two-thirds or better. N ot so with their occupation
al background. This writer views with considerable awe and envy the
muster of the founders of Panama, where each man declares his penin
sular trade in the plainest words.21 Nothing comparable exists for the
men o f Cajamarca, and the research net which gathered in their region
al origins or ages unfortunately let their trades mainly slip past. There
fore Table 9 does not have quite the same significance as those above.22
21 Printed in full in Gôngora, Grupos de conquistadores, pp. 7 0 -7 5 .

22 In Table 9, the notary-secretaries are judged to be Jerez and Sancho; the nota
ries, Aliaga, Barrera, Narvaez, and San Millân; the accountants, Azpeitia, Estete,
Félix, Paredes, Pineda, and Zarate. (A ll appear in Part II, chapter 9.) These attri
butions are based on what the men happened to be doing at the moment. Some
would qualify for two, or for all three subcategories, and all probably had the same
basic notary’s training, though Félix, Paredes, and Pineda may have been specialized
accountants. The regional distribution of the men is: Old Castile, 5, Andalusia, 3,
Biscay, 2, N ew Castile, 1, Navarre, 1. Four other men of Cajamarca had notaries in
their immediate families, and very likely received the same training: Briceno, Cas
tillo, Miguel Estete de Santo Domingo, and Melchor Palomino. To include them
would change the distribution to: Old Castile, 6, Andalusia, 5, Biscay, 2, N ew
Castile, Leon, and Navarre, 1 each. In neither computation is a single man from
Extremadura.
As to the men of affairs, this group appears together in Part II, chapter 10. Their
regional distribution is: Old Castile, 4, Andalusia, 3, Extremadura, 3, N ew Castile,
1, Navarre, 1, unknown, 1. Some others who might have been included are Diego
Maldonado, Mesa, Alonso Pérez, Hernando Pizarro, Sotelo, Valdevieso, and Ver-
dugo, but several of these are clearly hidalgos with diverse activities, and one other
circulated more among the seamen. If they are included, the regional distribution of
this category becomes: Old Castile, 6, Andalusia, 5, Extremadura, 4, N ew Castile, 2,
Leon, 2, Navarre, 1, unknown, 1.
The artisans are: tailors, Chico, Francisco Gonzalez, Juan Jiménez, Francisco
Martinez, Robles, Paramo; horseshoers, Calderon, Juan de Salinas; artillerymen,
Candia, Florencia; carpenters, Escalante, Anadel; cooper, Palomino; swordsmith,
Alonso Jiménez; barber, Francisco L6pez; trumpeters, Alconchel, Segovia; and crier
and piper, Juan Garcia pregonero. Their biographies are in Part II, chapter 12, ex
cept for Candia’s, which is in chapter 7, and Anadel’s, in chapter 13 . Their regional
distribution is: Extremadura, 4; N ew Castile, 4; Andalusia, 3; Old Castile, Leon,
Biscay, Aragon, and Greece, 1 each; unknown, 3.
So elusive are sure attributions for the calling of mariner that only Bartolomé
Sanchez, called a sailor on the roll of Cajamarca, and Hernando Beltran were in
cluded definitely as mariners. Anadel, under "artisans,” was also a seaman, and so
38 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
Table 9. Known and Presumed Occupations
O ccu p a tio n s N o . of M en
Ecclesiastics 1
Clerks or notaries
N otary-secretaries 2
N otaries 4
Accountants 6
12
M en o f affairs (m erchants,
managers, entrepreneurs) 13
A rtisans, etc.
T ailors 6
Horseshoers 2
A rtillerym en 2
Carpenters 2
Coopers 1
Swordsm iths 1
Stonemasons 1
Barbers 1
Trum peters 2
Criers and Pipers 1
19
Seamen 2
T otal 47
Very possibly it is not truly representative o f the group as a whole; cer

tainly it does not include all those who were trained for some special
calling. On the other hand, it probably does include a majority o f those
who were still practicing their trades at the time o f the conquest, and
may be indicative o f the skills in demand by the conquerors. There is a
subjective element in some o f the attributions, particularly o f the men
o f affairs, who were included mainly on the basis o f visible activities
rather than because o f any titles they bore.
may have been the cooper, Palomino, and artilleryman Candia. Various hints indi
cate that several others, included in Part II, chapter 1 3 , may once have been men of
the sea. A ll together this would make 15 , who would be regionally distributed as
follows: Andalusia (all Seville-Huelva), 8, Biscay, 2, Greece, 2, Catalonia, 1, un
known, 2.
B E F ORE THE EVENT: BACKGROUNDS, CHARACTERISTICS 39
Almost all o f these skills were being actively used to further the pur
pose o f the expedition. Only the stonemason, one o f the seamen, and
perhaps one or two o f the entrepreneurs had not recently exercised
their trades. It is indeed lamentable that fuller information on the orig
inal trades o f the remaining men has not been forthcoming. The hier
archy o f occupations made up a far more complete, articulated, and
realistic system o f social organization than the noble-plebeian distinc
tion. Complete knowledge o f the occupational background o f the men
would be the best possible indicator o f their social origins and general
potential. In its absence the only recourse is informed speculation.
There are hints that several additional men were trained as clerks, and
the entrepreneurial types were even more numerous, though hard to
pin down. W ell over a dozen men had probably been mariners at some
time. Most o f the remaining commoners must have been brought up to
some branch o f artisanship or agriculture; if they were like their close
predecessors, the founders o f Panama, there were considerably more
artisans among them than farmers.
O f the forty-seven men listed in Table 9, only a few had specif
ically martial skills: the two artillerymen and the swordsmith, certainly,
and in this context one should probably count also the two horseshoers
and the three musicians. Only one person had a specifically religious
calling. By and large the specialists were involved in organization,
record-keeping, supply, and maintenance. The number o f notaries may
appear amazing at first sight, but it is in keeping with the great general
strength o f this profession in the Indies. The magnitude o f the expected
tasks o f treasure distribution, revenue collection, governing and city
founding fully justified their presence. W hy there were so many
active tailors is rather puzzling, even though tailors were regularly the
most numerous craft group in the Indies. Whatever the conquerors’
propensities, before Cajamarca they lacked the money to pay for any
large amount o f new clothing. One would expect tailoring to be dor
mant, and the tailor to conceal his trade beneath a conqueror’s role, as
many artisans did. Y et tailors still suffered themselves to be called
tailors— one o f them appears on the roll o f Cajamarca as *'Robles,
tailor” — and they cemented their identity by close association with each
other. It should be made clear that although many o f the merchants and
other entrepreneurially oriented conquerors were engaged in the active
management o f affairs on thir own behalf and for others, none ap
peared in the guise o f a merchant at the time. The declared merchants,
40 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
with their shipments o f merchandise from Panama, stayed at first main

ly in the ships, and at most came as far as Piura.
In regional origin the trade groups are from the usual scattered re
gions, but there are some peculiarities, stemming partly from the
smallness o f the sampling, partly from the expedition’s Extremaduran
origin. Extremadura was Spain’s least developed area technically and
commercially; on most listings o f Spaniards with special skills, Extre
madura is hardly present. In this case, the Pizarros apparently made a
conscious effort when recruiting in their home region in 1 5 2 9 to
acquire men with the necessary expertise, and the results are evident
in Extremadura’s respectable showing on Table 10 . The situation was
Table 10. Regional Origins of Occupational Groups
P la ce o f P ro fessio n a ls a n d A l l O ccu p a tio n a l

O rig in S u b p ro fe ssio n a ls G ro u p s
O ld Castile 9 9
A n dalu sia 7 IO
Extrem adura 3 8
N e w Castile 3 7
B iscay 2 3
N a v a rre 2 2
Leon 0 1
A rago n 0 1
Greece 0 1
U nknow n 1 1
27 43
still grim enough for Trujillan leadership. Only three o f the men o f
affairs were Extremaduran, and not a single one of the twelve notaries.
The Pizarros would be forced to rely mainly on men from other
regions.
Perhaps the mere operation o f chance in a small sample has deter
mined the fact that Andalusia, home of trades and commerce, is un
usually weak in the occupational listings, in second place under all
three o f the main headings o f Table 9, and ahead of Old Castile overall
only on the strength of its seamen. Old Castile is the leader in the
literate skills. I f one makes a category 'professionals and subprofes
sionals” o f the ecclesiastic, the clerks, the men o f affairs, and the barber-
surgeon, Old Castile precedes Andalusia. These comparative positions

may relate to the period of Old Castilian domination o f commerce
(even in Andalusia) in the early decades o f the sixteenth century,
before the Andalusians came to the fore. For some reason, Leon is
very poorly represented among the occupations, despite the numerical
strength of its contingent at Cajamarca.
The active occupations o f the first conquerors were somewhat
weighted toward the skills necessary to maintain an expedition, then to
conquer and govern a country. But those trades and professions were
mainly identical with the ordinary range o f Spanish activity. M aking
little or no deliberate effort to duplicate peninsular society or to pro
vide for all that was needed to implant a civilization, our men neverthe
less represented in themselves the whole hierarchy of Spanish occupa
tions. W ith this came the principal elements o f European learning and
technology, as well as the essence o f Spanish social organization.
The Background in Sum

Spanish society in the Indies seems to have been like certain organ
isms which can regenerate themselves from any detached segment, how
ever small. One never finds a group, whether an expedition, a town
population, or an army, that is all of a piece. Always there is diversity
— o f region, o f social rank, o f occupation, o f experience. Everything
combined to produce this result: the pattern o f Spanish expansion,
which was unplanned or at most locally planned; the piecemeal charac
ter o f immigration and its varied sources; the limited opportunities for
a given calling in any one Spanish settlement, so that occupational
groups naturally dispersed. Any expedition had to have men with a
variety o f skills merely in order to survive. Tropical diseases alone as
sured that not all the Spaniards in any one place would be newcomers.
So it was that the men of Cajamarca came from every region of
Spain, represented every social position from the son o f a slave to the
relative o f a courtier, and between them practiced all the major Spanish
callings and crafts. As a group, their reputation for illiteracy is totally
undeserved.23 One in ten was a notary; twenty or thirty would not have
23 See J. H. Cohen’s introduction to his translation of the chronicle of Agustin

de Zarate, entitled The Discovery and Conquest of Peru, where Cohen makes the
incredible statement (p. 8 ) that “ none of Francisco Pizarro’s companions on the
march to Cajamarca was more than barely literate.” A s so often, the conquerors
must suffer the condescension of those who have not taken the trouble to under
stand them. Cohen is so unfamiliar with sixteenth-century Spanish that he (p. 207)
42 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
been out o f place at the royal court, where some few did indeed later
flourish. It is true that the group had an overall plebeian flavor. Its
main strength, numerically and qualitatively, was in capable, literate
commoners, lower-ranked professionals, and marginal hidalgos— three
types with much in common. T o establish a Spanish society in Peru
would require more men, but not men o f a different kind.
The expedition members also had their share o f N ew W orld expe
rience, indeed more than their share, for not only did they boast expe
rienced leadership, but over h alf the men were themselves veterans. The
vast distance from the base o f recruitment in Spain and the deadly
Panamanian climate had worked to reduce drastically the number o f
newcomers. On the other hand, since Peru’s wealth and greatness had
been confirmed, men in mineral-poor Nicaragua and Panama who had
previously viewed the Peruvian venture cautiously hastened to join it.
The traditions and techniques o f the Spanish Indies would therefore go
immediately and effortlessly into operation in Peru.
translates por maravilla ( ’ very seldom” ) as ’’surprisingly,” thinks yanacona, a word

meaning Indian servant, is the name of an ethnic group, and (p. 208) translates
punal ( “ dagger” ) as “ hilt.”
3. AFTER THE EVENT
Life Patterns of Repatriates and Settlers
in the lives o f the conquerors after

M
a n y n ew str an d s a p p ea r
the happenings o f Cajamarca divided their careers sharply into

two parts. Though the processes and tendencies to be found in the
present chapter are common to all the Indies, in their proportions and
magnitude they are as unique as Peru itself, so that the material here
does not have quite the immediate, general applicability o f the chapter
on backgrounds. The treasure o f Peru altered the rate o f return, send
ing far more conquerors back to Spain than from poorer areas the
Spaniards occupied, and the decisiveness o f the victory meant that the
men o f Cajamarca were in a category by themselves. By common
definition they and they alone were entitled to be called "first con
querors," though actual usage was somewhat looser.1
1 Pedro de Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 39 ( 1 9 5 8 ) 1 5 7 0 ; Garcilaso
de la Vega, Obras, II, 259.
44 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
Staying and Returning

The choice between remaining in Peru or returning to Spain pre
sented itself to the captors o f Atahuallpa in an acute form. They had
stronger incentives in both directions than the vast majority o f Span
iards in the Indies. I f they stayed, they could expect large encomiendas
and positions o f honor in the wealthiest area in the N ew W orld. Y et
the first harvest of that wealth was already in their hands. The treasure
o f Cajamarca alone made them immensely wealthy in a time before the
silver o f Potosi brought inflation; a year later many added an almost
equal amount from the conquest o f Cuzco. Their wealth, in liquid
form, could easily be taken to Spain; they had little experience or ex
pectation o f the crown’s confiscation policy, which in any case gave
them highly desirable annuities.
T o have so much bullion early in the game was highly unusual. The
first rewards o f conquerors o f other areas were not remotely compar
able. Most Spaniards, including encomenderos, had to spend years to
amass such sums, in the process enmeshing themselves ever more deep
ly in local affairs. Aside from the momentum o f their activities and
their growing attachments, they could never transfer their total wealth
and position back to Spain. (The one group which could— the import
merchants— had the greatest tendency to return.)
In the days immediately after the distribution o f treasure at Caja
marca in 1 5 3 3 , there was no doubt which way the scales were turning.
Everything the men had was portable. A ll they would leave behind was
potentiality; encomiendas had not yet been distributed, and there was
danger as well as promise in the future. As individuals, the conquerors
were overwhelmingly in favor o f returning.2 Only the governor and
some other men o f long experience and great ambition, like Benalcazar
and Soto, were immune to the fever. But since much o f the force was
needed merely to secure what had been won, and letting any substan
tial number go would have posed an almost insoluble problem of
choosing the lucky ones, Governor Pizarro was able to enforce a
general policy o f denying the conquerors license to leave the country.
Certain exceptions were made, however. Messengers and money had
to be sent to Spain. The conquerors had an excellent understanding o f
the demonstration effect, and knew that nothing could better hasten
reinforcements to Peru than the sight o f men returning from there
2 Despite W illiam H. Prescott, History of the Conquest of Peru, p. 964.

A F T E R T HE EVENT: REPATRIATES AND SETTLERS 45
with great fortunes.3 Altogether, some twenty chosen men departed in

Ju ly and August 1 5 3 3 . 4 A first small contingent accompanied Hernan
do Pizarro, with an advance on the king’s fifth. As more Spaniards kept
arriving in Peru, the governor felt confident enough to let another
small group follow close on the heels o f the first.5 Indeed, most reports
treat the two groups as one.
W ho received the much-desired license? The chroniclers say that it
went to old veterans, along with the sick and wounded.6 Thirteen of
the first returnees can be identified, and they tend to confirm the
chroniclers’ assertions.7 Seven were older men, all but one o f them
veterans o f the Indies. Tw o had been wounded, to our knowledge. But
this did not preclude other considerations. Captains Mena and Salcedo
were not so much receiving the reward for their long service as going
reluctantly into exile. The Pizarros also saw to it that their personal
interests were reflected in the group. Besides Hernando Pizarro, at
least two Pizarro stewards went to Spain at this time— Juan Cortes and
Martin Alonso.
The first set o f returnees was thus selected for compelling reasons
having to do, if not always with the interests o f the conquering expedi
tion as a whole, then at least with those of the Pizarro faction. N ot until
a year later did the conquerors get the opportunity to make a clear-cut
choice between Spain and Peru.
B y July, 1 5 3 4 , Governor Pizarro was back in the central Jauja re
gion, after the Spanish foundation of Cuzco. The conquest of Peru
appeared complete; citizenship had been assigned, and distribution of
encomiendas had begun. W ith a flood o f newcomers, Pizarro no longer
needed manpower, and the first conquerors, with their valid claims,
3 Pedro Sancho says this in so many words ( Sancho, Relation, p. 1 5 ) .

4 Crist6bal de Mena, one of the men departing, gives the round number of twenty-
five ("Conquista del Peru,” p. 9 8 ). An account published in France in 15 3 4 , based
on letters of officials at Panama, estimates the returnees more precisely at twenty-two
or twenty-three (Raul Porras, Relationes primittvas, p. 7 7 ) .
5 So says Francisco de Jerez (Verdadera relation, II, 3 4 5 ) . On pp. 3 4 5 -3 4 6 he
gives the arrival time of the ships bringing the men to Seville, with the names of
some of the ships and masters.
6 Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 34 5; Sancho, Relation, p. 15 . A letter from witness
Nicolas de Heredia agrees (Raul Porras, Cartas, p. 1 1 9 ) , as does one from Gaspar
de Marquina (below, p. 4 5 9 ).
7 Aguirre, Alonso, Anadel, Baena, Carranza, Cortes, Crist6bal Gallego, Jerez,
Mena, Molina, Hernando Pizarro, Salcedo, Juan de Salinas de la Hoz. Porras, spec
ulating, presents a list including several men who actually returned later (Relationes
primittvas, p. 98 ).
46 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
were as much a burden to him as a support, since he began to be pressed

for enough encomiendas to distribute to important people. These con
siderations and the clamor o f the conquerors moved him to issue a
general license for Spaniards to leave the country.8
In response, most o f the conquerors quickly made their final de
cisions. Throughout late 1 5 3 4 and early 1 5 3 5 , perhaps some sixty of
the men o f Cajamarca left for Spain.9 This great exodus was the
last important group movement among the first conquerors, and fixed
once and for all their profile in the matter o f staying in the Indies or
going home (Table 1 1 ) . Only eight or ten stragglers later left Peru
for Spain, in exchange for about the same number o f men who reap
peared in Peru. A s seen in Table 12 , the division between the two
hemispheres was approximately equal, although the proportion o f re
patriates may actually be slightly greater than indicated.10
Table 1 1 . Rate of Return to Spain
Year N o . of Returnees
1533 13
15 3 4 39 \
■ 52
1535 13 j
1536 3
1539 1
1540 1
1550 1
Year unknown
(probably early) 3
Total 74
8 O f the seventy-four listed in Table 1 1 , 8 came back to Peru permanently. A t least

3 of them never meant to stay in Spain. One, Hernando Pizarro, came back to Peru,
then went to Spain once again. Late visits to Spain by Verdugo and Benalcazar were
not taken into account here.
9 Juan Ruiz, one of them, puts the number at sixty ( Advertencias, p. i n ) . Diego
de Ojuelos also refers to the general license of 1 5 3 4 ( C D IH N , III, 4 8 0 ). The best
single source for identifying some of the men and the amounts they took home is
A G I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, containing records of the ships Santa Catalina and
San Miguel for 1 5 3 5 .
10 It is not in all cases documented that the repatriates died in Spain (Table 1 2 ) ,
but since they reached there and did not come back to Peru, the presumption is justi
fied. It does not seem possible to come any closer to an estimate of total returnees
with present evidence. One might add the twenty-two or twenty-three of 1 5 3 3 to the
A F T ER THE EVENT: REPATRIATES AND S ETTL ERS 47
Table 12. Final Destination of the Men of Cajamarca
D ied in the Indies

Peru 63
Other 3
66
D ied in Spain 66
“ 132
U nknow n 36
168
W hat lay behind the men’s choices? N ot pure chance or caprice, and
hardly individual mentality, unless as an intermediary link in a process
which began in more general factors. Anyone who studies the con
querors closely w ill soon get a sense o f how strongly and uniformly
such general forces operated, but they are o f such complexity that they
resist schematic interpretation.
N o categories yet discovered seem to coincide exactly with the group
pair o f those staying versus those returning. The closest approach to
such a thing is the distinction based on possession o f a horse— not a
comical circumstance, if we consider the values associated with the
horse in Spanish society, added to its crucial role in war and profit
getting in the Indies. The tendency was for horsemen to go home and
for footmen to stay in the Indies (Table 1 3 ) .n
Naturally the horse in and of itself was not the principal determin
ing factor. O f most immediate importance was the fact that a horseman
got a standard share of the Cajamarca treasure which was double the
share o f even the best footman. In a word, the men with the biggest
shares tended to return to Spain, the reason being too apparent to need
estimated sixty of 15 34-1535, plus known stragglers, minus retrogressors, but this
would give a false conclusion, because an unknown number of the returnees of 1534
were conquerors of Cuzco, who had not been at Cajamarca. It might be suspected, as
the author’s research centered on Peru and the Archive of the Indies, and Peru had
so many fewer Spaniards than Spain, that more than half of the unknowns were re
turnees. Yet this cannot be measured, and it seems best to stay with an estimate of
approximate parity between the groups, realizing that the ''unknown” category may
have a bias toward returnees.
11 Fray Vicente de Valverde is included among the footmen. O f course the refer
ence is to horsemen and footmen at the time of Cajamarca itself; after that almost
everyone had a horse.
48 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
Table 13. Final Destination of Horsemen and Footmen
D estin a tio n H o rsem e n F o o tm en T o ta ls
Spain 40 26 66
Indies 19 47 66
Unknown 3 33 36
62 106 168
explanation. Only leading captains, for whom governorships of whole

areas in the Indies were now a real possibility, were relatively unaf
fected by the temptation to terminate their N ew W orld careers with
an unprecedented fortune. Owning or not owning a horse also tended
to correlate, in a somewhat less direct way, with two other factors
which, independently, had their effect on the choice between Europe
and America.
Though it did not operate in any simple fashion, one o f the most
potent o f these factors was experience in the Indies (often approxi
mately parallel to a g e ). W hile the statistical contrasts which this char
acteristic produces, as seen in Table 14 , are clear enough, they are still
less striking than its true effects. Even a rough compilation like this
shows that almost two-thirds o f the experienced men returned while
a slight majority o f the new men stayed. A very interesting phenom
enon is the number o f men o f unknown experience among the settlers.
In all probability the "unknown” category has a bias toward men with
little or no experience in the Indies, so that if we knew the whole truth,
there would be as large a majority of new men staying as there is of
experienced men returning.12
T o complicate matters, the accumulation o f experience did not lead
to the constant reinforcement o f a single tendency. Rather, with the
addition o f years, a man often reached a point o f diminishing desire
to return that finally culminated in a positive desire to stay in the Indies.
This was manifest in the careers o f Pizarro and Benalcazar, and only
less so for some other old hands.
This internal variation, in which the same statistical variable points
12 The numbers are not large enough, nor the subcategories clear enough, to go
beyond a simple distinction between "experienced” and "n ew ” in Table 14. Those
who had any Indies background at all are therefore included in the former group.
A F T E R THE EVENT: REPATRIATES AND SETTLERS 49
Table 14. Indies Experience Related to Final Destination
In d ies R etu rn ed S ta y e d
E x p e rie n ce to S p a in in the In d ies
Experienced 38 22
N ew D 19
Unknow n 13 25
T otal 66 66
in two directions, demands that we attempt to go beyond correlation

to a more direct understanding. The effect o f experience on the oldest
veterans is the more immediately comprehensible o f the two reactions.
These men gradually became so adapted to the ways o f the N ew W orld
that they felt more at home there than anywhere else. Indeed, this
process o f adaptation, enmeshment, and identification seems to have
been the primary effect o f experience in the Indies in general, and the
strong opposite tendency had to do with the displacement involved in
the conquest of Peru in particular.
The local identification that most of the experienced conquerors
had built up was with Central America— above all, Nicaragua. Leaving
that area for another as distant and distinct as Peru was quite a wrench,
equivalent in a way to tearing up all roots and going home to Spain,
so that the Nicaraguan veterans must have been in an unsettled mood,
ready for yet another large move. Then, too, almost all had been dis
satisfied in Central America. Many had been on one expedition after
another without attaining either treasure or an encomienda; others had
held marginal encomiendas hardly productive enough to sustain them.
Even the most established had reason to be discontented with Nicara
gua’s lack o f negotiable assets. A fter Cajamarca, such men must have
had a sense o f completion. They had searched and they had found, and
there was nothing more to expect. Also, almost all of these veterans
and ' ’older men” were still young enough to look forward to decades
o f a new life if they returned to Spain (conversely, the really older men
like Pizarro lacked any such incentive to return).
The new men, on the other hand, were in a different frame o f mind.
They had prepared themselves for a N ew W orld career, and a year and
a half spent on an expedition could hardly represent the culmination
o f it. A fresh momentum carried them forward; perhaps they looked
50 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
for more in the future because they could not compare Peru to austere
Nicaragua as the veterans could. They were so young, most of them,
that they could expect to accumulate wealth and honors for ten years
and still go home at a good age if they cared to. In actual fact, few
went home who did not go early, since Spanish and Indian wars took
their toll, and the ''new men” soon built up their own experience and
local attachments, while the full extent o f Peru’s unparalleled wealth
became ever more apparent. The neophytes were mainly footmen; both
o f these attributes contributed to relatively small shares o f the treasure,
creating in them a desire to stay and attain amounts equal to those of
their superiors.
Experience alone, however elaborated upon, cannot serve as a sole
explanation o f the men’s further destiny, any more than possession o f a
horse, or the size o f their shares. Men o f all degrees o f experience
ended on each side of the Atlantic. Another important determinant,
more valid than the first for Spanish settlement in America generally,
was the social standing o f the individual. The better a person’s social
position in peninsular Spain, the more likely he was to return there
(and conversely, the worse it was, the more likely he was to stay in the
N ew W o rld ). The workings o f this principle can be seen in the Piza-
rro family itself, where the legitimate member returned and the three
illegitimate members died in Peru. It asserts itself at all levels, and is
visible even when measured with the crude and subjective categories
o f "hidalgo” and "plebeian” (Table 1 5 ) .13 Nowhere is it clearer than
in the cases o f those few who tried to make a life for themselves at
home in Spain, then gave up and returned to Peru— whether Diego de
Trujillo, Hernando del Tiemblo, or Juan Garcia de Santa Olalla, these
are uniformly men o f low degree.
The rationale o f the tendency is not far to seek. The aim o f any
Table 15. Presumed Social Rank Related to Final Destination
Rank S p a in In d ies
Hidalgos 26 20
Plebeians 30 36
Unknown IO IO
66" 66"
13 These categories are explained above, in chapter 2.

AFTER THE EVENT: REPATRIATES AND S ETTLER S 51
returning conqueror was to live in splendor in familiar surroundings.

The wealth and, secondarily, the fame of the first conquerors o f Peru
would give them a powerful boost in local society, but there were limits
to such action. W hat is more, the conquerors knew there were limits.
Therefore those who could expect a good reception were the most
prone to go home.
But, as with the factor o f experience, the principle must admit not
only of casual exceptions, but o f cases where it seems to operate posi
tively in the opposite direction. For there were instances o f men leav
ing Peru precisely because o f their humbleness. This, too, can be re
duced to a more general formulation— the conquerors tended to choose
a place o f residence where they would meet with a social reception
as comfortable as possible. Generally it was easier for a man to find a
niche in the Indies, where exact lineage was often unknown or ignored
and seniority of arrival was a strong redeeming factor. But as Peru
began to settle down a little, and the remaining first conquerors turned
to founding cities and exploiting their encomiendas, a certain shift
took place. A horde of new arrivals, nonencomenderos, made up the
majority o f the Spanish populace; the encomiendas of the conquerors
were vast and extremely lucrative. The encomenderos became the func
tioning heads o f society and were expected to live in a seigneurial man
ner. Most o f the men o f Cajamarca, even most o f the plebeians, were
capable o f acting the part o f the patriarch without appearing ridiculous.
But a few — Alconchel the trumpeter, Chico the tailor, Juan Garcia the
black crier, Escalante the carpenter, and others from the lowest reaches
o f Spanish society— could not. These were individuals whom the most
casual glance would reveal as peasantlike in look and manner. Out o f
place as Peruvian encomenderos, they might either live unobtrusively
on the margin— the choice of Alconchel— or they might escape from
an uncomfortable position by returning to Spain. This was the alterna
tive chosen by Juan Garcia. H is move was probably not altogether
voluntary, since people had begun to murmur about him; and Escalante
claimed on arrival in Spain that he had been ejected from Peru.
W ith this we begin to enter the realm o f politics, which w ill be
further discussed in the next chapter. Suffice it to say at present that
politics and its concomitant of Spanish regional origin groupings must
be taken into consideration. The governor’s friends and compatriots
tended to remain, his enemies and his regional rivals tended to return
to Spain.
52 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
H aving dealt with the main determinants o f the conquerors* ultimate

residence, we may ask what effect the selection process had upon Span
ish Peruvian society, of which the remaining men o f Cajamarca were
important leaders and style-setters. I f the most experienced and best-
born men, with the largest shares, returned to Spain, was Peru left
with plebeian mores and out o f contact with the accumulating traditions
o f the Indies? The answer is no. First, not literally all the men in the
groups so inclined actually went home; though two-thirds o f the horse
men left, one-third stayed, and those remaining included the most ex
perienced and best-educated o f them all, starting with Francisco Pizarro
and fray Vicente de Valverde. Moreover, by the time o f the mass de
parture o f 1 5 3 4 - 1 5 3 5 , the new men had lived in close companionship
with the veterans for some four years and had fully absorbed their ways.
Finally, the men o f Cajamarca were closely followed by other im
migrants, some o f whom had both Indies experience and good Span
ish background, and among these men the incidence o f return was far
lower.
T he Accumulation o f Honors
In most respects we must deal with our men under two different
headings, according to their destination in Spain or in the Indies. But
in truth the lives o f both groups are closely parallel, and nowhere is
this clearer than in the matter o f honors. The honors awarded the men
o f Cajamarca are a sensitive measure o f their further progress. True
enough, the conquerors actively sought many of these distinctions, and
often paid for them. Y et they represent achievement o f status and, by
their nature, may lay bare a desire to attain something lasting.
Each o f the men hoped for a coat of arms to adorn his person and
fam ily; as a maximum goal he aspired to membership in the Order o f
Santiago. Each man hoped for a municipal council seat or magistracy,
the repatriate in the capital o f his home region, the settler in the Peru
vian town o f his residence. Other honors— captaincies,14 governor
ships, titles o f "don” and "adelantado,” Valverde’s bishopric— did
mainly go to men staying in the Indies, as can be seen in Table 16 .
Coats o f arms went more often to those who returned and could be
14 O f twenty-two men holding captaincies, two received permanent title as His

Majesty’s captain. Seven of the men were already captains at the time of Cajamarca.
AFTER THE EVENT: REPATRIATES AND SETTLERS 53
Table 1 6. Honors Related to Final Destination
H onors Indies Spain Totals
Com m on distinctions
Coats o f arms IO 17 27
M unicipal office in Indies 34 7 41
M unicipal office in Spain 1 11 12
Captaincies 17 5 22
H igh distinctions
Governorships 5 0 5
T itle o f M arquis 1 0 1
T itle o f Adelantado 3 0 3
H abit of Santiago 3 1 4
Bishopric 1 0 1
T itle of D on 5 1 6
N o ta ry M ajo r of Peru 0 1 1
Chief Constable of
Audiencia of G ranad a 0 1 1
present at court.15 The habit o f Santiago was also awarded to men then
in Spain, though all but one spent the rest of their lives in the Indies.16
Altogether sixty-eight men, to our knowledge, obtained some distinc
tion or other, many of them several. Probably more returnees held
municipal office in Spain than appear, since research could not be done
in all the scattered Spanish towns where they settled.
N ot honors that had to be awarded, but recognition nonetheless,
were the endowed chaplaincies the conquerors set up to perpetuate
their memory, usually in the place where they settled permanently.
Only fragmentary documentation of this aspect is available, but some
idea emerges from the example o f Huamanga: the families o f four of
the five first conquerors settling there had local chaplaincies still func
tioning in 1 585.17
15 Don Martin, the Indian interpreter, has not been integrated into any of the sta
tistics in chapters 2 and 3, being clearly in a totally different category. Y et it is inter
esting to note that he too was granted arms, and, like most of those who were, he
eventually "returned’' to Spain, though involuntarily.
16 Francisco Pizarro achieved this honor and many others before Cajamarca; only
an elaborate escutcheon and the title of marquis came afterward.
17 Jimenez de la Espada, Relaciones geograficas, I, 19 6 -19 9 .
54 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
In a sense, Table 1 6 tells the whole story o f the fate o f the men o f
Cajamarca. But to spell out its implications in more detail, a closer look
at the conquerors’ careers is needed.18
The Repatriates
H aving established who returned to Spain, let us look into what
came o f the men returning. Even though the subject seems to lead
away from the history o f the N ew W orld proper, it is part o f the
rhythm o f conquest. The conquerors, seen back in their homeland, not
only throw light on the whole series of men and events; their return
generated further developments directly affecting the Indies, notably
the emigration o f their relatives and compatriots. Research in the local
Spanish archives on the men returned from the Indies would reap rich
rewards, either for the general history of Spain and America, or for the
conquerors o f Peru alone. Even in advance o f such research, however,
there is much that can be said.
The process o f return varied little from one man to the next. Like
Pedro de Anadel and Gregorio de Sotelo, the returning conquerors
bore letters and memoranda from companions, and they were loaded
down with as many small lots o f treasure as they could be persuaded to
take, to be delivered to relatives in Spain. Often they were to negotiate
favors at court for those remaining in Peru.
Each man’s one real concern in the voyage was to convey his own
fortune safely to Spain, that being the cornerstone o f the life he hoped
to live, the family he would found, the property he would buy, the
honors he would attain. Everyone who returned at all went rich; other
wise there was no point. The exact degree o f wealth is hard to establish.
Only for a limited number o f men do we have the amounts listed in the
registers o f ships arriving in Seville; in some cases close to 40,000
pesos, in others as little as 5,ooo.19 But while this provides a rough
guide, we know that much treasure was brought unregistered, and that
some o f the returnees handed over parts o f theirs to companions, in
order to distribute the risk.
Perhaps we had just as well accept the testimony o f repatriate Juan
Ruiz ( 1 5 3 4 - 1 5 3 5 ) , who w ill be used here on various occasions as an
The figures in Table 16 merely represent the present state of knowledge, and it
may later appear that yet other conquerors won such distinctions. However, the only
category likely ever to increase much is that of municipal office in Spain.
19 A G I, Indiferente General 18 0 1.
A FTER THE EVENT: REPATRIATES AND SETTLERS 55
example, since he is the most articulate and best-documented o f our

men on the subjects o f the return to Spain and life there afterward.
Ruiz says that o f the sixty conquerors, there were some who carried
40,000 pesos, others 30,000, and others 25,000; none had less than
20,ooo.20 Ruiz himself registered 17 ,5 0 0 gold pesos and 1,7 0 0 silver
marks, or a total o f about 26,000 pesos.21
The journey to Spain took several months, with a long wait for re
shipping at the Isthmus, and shorter stops at ports in the Caribbean.
Ruiz and his contingent took just a year. Along the way and on arrival
in Seville they amazed onlookers with their golden jars and figures,
and even more with the sheer amount o f gold and silver, often meas
ured in arrobas rather than the usual modest pesos. In the words o f
Gomara, "they filled the Contratacion o f Seville with money, and all
the world with fame and desire."22
Arrival at the Casa de Contratacion marked the end o f this phase.
There the treasure was received and almost invariably seized by royal
officials to meet extraordinary expenses, usually one o f Emperor
Charles's wars. Seizure did not o f course really strip the conquerors o f
their fortunes. Though the action was involuntary, sometimes it was
clothed in the form of a loan. The donors were left with ready spend
ing money. And as principal compensation they received juros, annui
ties based on such established royal revenues as the tax on Granada
silk. This was not only an acceptable solution, it was one that many o f
the conquerors actually desired. Those sending money home often gave
specific instructions that it be used to buy juros in Spain. The juros
represented security, social prestige, and a steady money income with
out management responsibility; they were thought to be the best basis
o f a lasting family fortune. The negotiations attendant on the confisca
tions and annuities were probably what held many o f the conquerors
for months in Seville, rather than the attractions o f the Andalusian
metropolis.
A fter Seville, the destination was home, with many men first mak
ing a visit to the royal court at one of the central Castilian cities. Juan
Ruiz says that o f his sixty companions twelve were with him at court
in Madrid. The main purpose there was to acquire a coat of arms; in
20 Ruiz, Advertencias, p. 1 1 1 .
2 1 A G I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship San M iguel, 15 3 5 .
22 Francisco L6pez de Gomara, Hispania victrix, I, 2 3 1 . This he writes despite the
aspersions he elsewhere casts on Peru’s wealth.
5<$ SOCIAL PHENOMENA
order to appear deserving, many brought along testimonials of their

splendid services and good birth, which they had had prepared while
still in Peru. Some, having lacked foresight, had to put together hasty
memorials in Seville, before the conqueror-witnesses should disperse to
the winds.
A s far as we know, the conquerors’ petitions for escutcheons were
all successful, lubricated as they no doubt were by the hefty bribes and
honoraria the men o f Cajamarca could afford to pay. Apparently the
lowest o f the low, such as Escalante and Juan Garcia, knew better than
to apply, but arms were granted to men as far down the scale as Juan
de Salinas, the horseshoer. The court made much o f the two main con
tingents o f Peruvian conquerors, particularly the first, but the very
attentions lavished on them involved great expense for clothes, tourna
ments, festivities, and largesse. Juan Ruiz complains o f the costs, and
says some o f the conquerors departed from court without money
(though hardly without their juros) P
They then went "each to his country," in Juan Ruiz’s words. W ith
or without an interlude at court, most were soon living permanently
in their home municipalities (Table 1 7 ) . The inclusiveness o f the
Spanish city prevents us from obtaining any exact idea o f the actual
residence place, or even whether most o f the men had been born in
the cities proper or in the countryside. The majority seem to have
chosen residences inside the city on their return, though we do
know o f a few who went to outlying hamlets, doubtless their birth
places, while retaining citizenship in an organized municipality. Sev
eral more went to large towns near their home region. The mountains
Table 17. Residence Pattern of Repatriates
Residence N o . of M en
Hom e m unicipality 32
N e a rb y large city 7
H am let of birth 6
Farther from home 5
U n know n 16
T o tal ~66
23 Ruiz, Advertencias, p. 112.

AFT ER THE EVENT: REPATRIATES AND SETTLERS 57
o f northern Castile in particular lacked cities where repatriates could

unfold a life o f any splendor, so some men from there went to Burgos
or to a court town. The same conditions held in the Basque country,
but the Basques tended to stick close to home nevertheless. V ery few
men indeed came to rest outside their general region, and they only for
very compelling reasons. One N ew Castilian was attracted to the com
merce and magnificence o f Seville, where a relative had prepared his
way; a Segovian went to live in the palace o f the great nobleman whose
daughter he married; a Basque seaman took the Andalusian port of
M alaga for his base, while still visiting home frequently.24
Once home, the order o f the day was to outfit oneself for the seig
neurial existence that was the general Spanish ambition. Permanent
revenues, a large town establishment, the noblest w ife possible, and an
ostentatious manner o f living were its hallmarks. N o better description
o f it has come down to us than that of the household o f Juan Ruiz
when back in his native Alburquerque. Though the testimony originat
ed thirty years after his death, it is that o f an eyewitness, and while
doubtless exaggerated, it at least conveys the impression Juan Ruiz
made on the town public.25 "H e had twelve squires who served him at
table, and many more servants, pages, lackeys, Negroes and horses,
armor, and much table ware, silver and gold, and many mules at his
service; the pitchers he sent to the fountain were all of silver o f much
value. W hen he went out to hunt or other places he took along many
horsemen, the cream of the town, and his squires as servants. H e kept
hunting dogs, falcons and hawks, horses, parrots and other animals.
A t his death they gave mourning clothes to twenty-four people besides
all his servants and squires/’ A n establishment o f this type built up
the individual’s public reputation and served to perpetuate the status
thus gained for his lineage, if not indeed, for many of our men, to
start a new lineage. Even the second generation o f their offspring often
looked back to them for the family’s principal claim o f eminence, as
in the case o f Juan Ruiz himself, Alonso Romero, Pedro and Juan de
Salinas de la Hoz, and others.
The culminating symbol of attained position was a municipal coun
cil seat. W e know that twelve returning conquerors reached this goal,
three o f them on the nationally famous councils o f Seville, Granada,
24 Vergara, Aliaga, Aguirre.

25 Antonio del Solar and José de Rujula, in their edition of Juan Ruiz’s Servicios
en lndias\ also quoted by Rafael Loredo (Los repartos, p. 2 4 ) .
58 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
and Toledo.26 It is probable that many more held such posts at one
time or another— perhaps half the repatriates, if one may guess.
Others definitely did not. Though the offices were essentially bought in
one form or another with money from Peru, a man ordinarily had to be
literate and a reasonable approximation o f an hidalgo to sit on a Span
ish council. The man with well-known humble family connections had
no chance o f office in his home locality, no matter how rich he had
become.
Returning conquerors had the strongest kind o f impact on the
council o f Trujillo, the Pizarros’ home town. Most o f the surviving
well-born Trujillans recruited in 15 2 9 returned home at the first op
portunity, and no less than four o f them came to hold council seats,
in addition to another man o f Cajamarca born elsewhere. Finally the
Pizarros themselves acquired the prestigious municipal office o f alferez
mayor. But the plebeians among the Trujillan repatriates had no luck;
not Pizarro retainer Martin Alonso; nor illiterate Juan G arda, the
black crier at Cajamarca, though he began to call himself Juan Garcia
Pizarro; nor Calderon the horseshoer, though he became "Pedro Calde
ron del Peru"; nor Diego de Trujillo, who grew so disgusted that he
made his way back once again to Peru and ended on the council of
Cuzco.
H olding municipal office did not make bureaucrats of the conquer
ors, o f course. The posts, requiring little time or effort, were merely an
integral part of that gentleman’s life to which almost all adhered.
Such a life could include the management o f financial and commercial
affairs, as in the example of Hernando Pizarro. But it does not appear
that many repatriates carried on active careers in any branch o f en
deavor other than responsibility for their own estates. One man, Luis
Maza, obtained the post o f chief constable o f the powerful H igh Court
o f Granada. W hile this position too was honorific, it was probably
more than a sinecure, particularly in view o f the fact that Maza had
long been involved in law enforcement. Another man continuing pro
fessional activity was notary-attorney Pedro de Barrera, who became a
solicitor in the Council o f the Indies; he could follow the court in its
progress through central Castile without getting far from his native
Madrid. Several o f the men settling in Seville were at one time or an
26 Vergara, Carranza, Sancho, respectively. Counted among the twelve are three
who held subsidiary posts in the municipal governments of Seville and Granada,
these positions being more than equal to a council seat in most Spanish towns.
A F T E R THE EVENT: REPATRIATES AND SETTLERS 59
other involved in commercial ventures, mainly in the direction o f the

Indies. They did this a little indirectly, however, never stepping out the
role of gentleman entrepreneur into that o f merchant.
As in the cases just mentioned, some connection with the N ew
W orld often remained alive after return. Some men maintained cor
respondence with companions left in Peru, and many o f the repatriates
sent younger relatives off to follow their example. Whether they
wished it or not, they were drawn into litigation about the treasure o f
Cajamarca, as Spanish relatives tried with little success to recover the
estates o f those who died in Peru. For the older veterans among them, a
lifetime o f intense experience was not easily forgotten. Old Indies
hand Alonso Perez de Vivero sat in Seville and watched for N ew
W orld news with every fleet, interrogating every returning Spaniard
he encountered.
The repatriates were prudent men, men with roots. They managed
to preserve the bulk o f the treasure they had won at Cajamarca and
Cuzco, to convey it thousands of miles across the ocean, and to use it to
attain a lasting position in the areas o f their birth. The great majority
returned to within a few miles o f their birthplace. Their aim was
conventional, to better themselves within existing society, and almost
all did so, establishing their families in the upper or middle strata,
with variations according to their original social rank. Some apparently
made most impressive marriages. Those who failed to achieve the
permanent place they hoped for were most often lowly men whose
acceptance was hindered by Spanish peninsular conservatism and the
limitations of their own education, not by any rebelliousness or root
lessness.
Fates o f M en Remaining
The conquerors— about half o f the total— who remained in the In
dies met more diverse fates than did the repatriates. They too had a
standard pattern of advancement, but many fell victim to the dangers
o f a newly occupied land. The rate o f attrition from all causes can be
seen in Table 18 .
Three men staying in the N ew W orld were lost to Peru because
they went on to take prominent part in the occupation o f other areas,
two o f them adjoining. The greatest hazards to the conquerors left in
Peru were Indian conflicts and the Spanish civil wars, which took an
almost equal toll. More men seem to have died in subsequent indige-
6o SOCIAL PHENOMENA
Table 18. Rate of Attrition of the Men of Cajamarca
Year M en A liv e in the Indies
1536 58
15 4 0 4i
1545 27
15 50 18
15 6 0 11
nous rebellions than in the conquest itself. In the civil wars, five died
in battle, nine were executed, and one, Francisco Pizarro himself, was
assassinated. More died fighting against the Pizarros than for them.
Only a small minority remained to play the role of legendary patriarchs
when peace finally came in the 1 5 5 0 ’$.
Even those who lived no longer than the late i5 3 o ’s, however, had a
significant impact on the country, often establishing positions that
were later successfully defended by their relatives or heirs. W ord that
a man had been killed in the conquest could attract relatives who would
try to collect the inheritance and then stay on.
Genealogical continuity extending into the future from the men o f
Cajamarca is hard to trace. W e know o f twenty-three men whose rela
tives, often several, followed them to Peru, but the list is far indeed
from being complete. Data on marriage are also fragmentary. O f the
some forty men who were still alive in Peru by c.154 0 , twenty are
known to have married, all but one to Spanish women. A t least eleven
o f these left sons who successfully inherited their encomiendas, and at
least five founded dynasties which retained fame and wealth in Peru
for a century or more.27 The clearest case o f such continuity was, iron
ically, the Aliaga family, located still in the twentieth century on the
site o f Jeronimo de A liaga s original lot in Lima, though the founder
himself left for Spain after a substantial career in Peru.
The Great M en of Peru

The schematic representation o f ultimate fates in Table 19 does not
reveal that in the essentials the conquerors staying behind were all set
upon the same path. Any man of Cajamarca in Peru almost automat
ically became a large encomendero o f one o f the more important Peru-
27 Agiiero, Aliaga, Barbaran (through the Lezcanos), Cornejo, Navarro.

AFTER THE EVENT: REPATRIATES AND SETTLERS 61
Table 19. Causes of Death of Those Staying in Peru
N a tu ra l causes 21
Indian fighting
Conquest 4
G reat Rebellion ( 1 5 3 6 - 1 5 3 7 ) 7
Later outbreaks 5
16
C ivil w ars
" W a r o f Salinas” ( 1 5 3 7 - 1 5 3 8 ) 2
" W a r of Chu pas” ( 1 5 4 1 - 1 5 4 2 ) 6
Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion
(15 4 4 -15 4 8 ) 6
Francisco Hernandez rebellion
(15 5 2 -15 5 4 ) 1
15
M iscellaneous* 1
Unknow n IO
T otal 63"
* Juan de Barbaran, killed by runaway black slaves.
vian cities. Other things being equal, he received preference for office
and honors over any later arrivals. Nothing could dislodge a man from
that position but death, voluntary renunciation, or armed rebellion
against the Pizarros.
In 1 5 3 4 - 1 5 3 5 , when the main Peruvian municipalities were formed,
the men were largely free to choose citizenship where they pleased.
Cuzco was the first conquerors* preferred location, reflecting the initial
importance of the ' 'great city” as the Inca capital, which many incor
rectly imagined would be the Spanish headquarters as well. Their
second choice was the city which actually became the Spanish capital,
Lima (with its predecessor, Juaja, incorporated into it in 1 5 3 5 ) . Cuzco
and Lima together accounted for nearly all (Table 2 0 ), since those
with citizenship in Arequipa and Huamanga in most cases retained
encomiendas originally in the first two cities, which were merely re
classified when new districts were carved out o f the old.28
Thus our men sought and received positions near the true center of
28 Those who were citizens in more than one town in succession are counted each
time in Table 20.
62 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
Table 20. Peruvian Citizenship of the Men of Cajamarca
Citizenship N o . o f M en
Cuzco 44
Lim a 26
( Ja u ja ) (19 )
A requipa 5
H uam anga 5
L a P lata (C h arcas) 3
T ru jillo 2
H uänuco 1
Quito 1
wealth and power in Peru o f the early 1 5 3 0 ’s. The inflexibility o f the
encomienda system and the strong competition for encomiendas meant
that the first conquerors could hardly shift their location. T o that ex
tent their fortunes could deteriorate in absolute terms as the Indian
population o f coastal encomiendas plummeted, or in relative terms as
the silver o f the Charcas region became the real base o f the Spanish
Peruvian economy (after the mid-15 40’s ) .
Municipal office went to the first conquerors with great frequency
(Table 2 1 ) . A t first only well-born or important men were chosen,
Table 2 1. Peruvian Municipal Offices Held by the Men of Cajamarca
C ouncil Positions of Lieutenant-

M unicipality Seats A lca ld e governorships
Cuzco 13 5 5
Lim a 9 5 2
Ja u ja 6 2 0
H u am an ga 5 4 1
A requipa 2 3 1
T ru jillo 2 p 0
Tum bez 2 0 0
H uanuco 0 1 0
L a Plata 1 0 1
Quito 0 0 1
Piura 0 0 1
T o ta l 40 20 12
A F T ER THE EVENT: REPATRIATES AND SETTLERS 63
but as time went by the others joined them, until finally almost all the
survivors held some office or other.29 Only some special disability could
prevent it. O f the men who survived the conquest proper and stayed in
Peru, there were sixteen who collected no such honors. Seven o f these
were killed before 15 3 8 ; four more were Almagrists who died by 15 4 2 ,
in fighting against the Pizarros or the king. Tw o were men who first re
turned to Spain and then came back. Only three lived into the 1 5 50’s,
never having left Peru, without garnering some recognition beyond
their encomiendas. One o f them, Pedro de Alconchel, was an utter
plebeian; the second, Juan Delgado, stayed active too long as a Pizarro
retainer and then was overinvolved in the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion;
the third, Pedro de Mendoza, was an open and inveterate merchant.
Before long the first conquerors and their junior partners, the con
querors o f Cuzco, lost collective dominance o f the Lima council,
hardest hit by new currents. They dominated longer in highland Cuzco,
and longer still in remote Huamanga, where they were often a major
ity even into the later 1 5 5 0 ’s. Shifts in socioeconomic domination fol
lowed the same pattern.
But if group dominance inevitably faded, individually the men en
joyed eminent prosperity and public honor from the late 1 5 3 0 ’s as long
as they lived. They were not easily or quickly pushed aside, as some
have imagined. They lived as great encomenderos in a seigneurial-
capitalistic fashion which, in brief, was much like that o f repatriate
Juan Ruiz back in Spain, with encomienda labor and tribute replacing
royal annuities as the principal revenue. Their relative status was even
better than that of the repatriates, for they had no superiors and few
peers. In the 15 4 0 ’s and i5 5 0 ,s there were no more powerful men in
Peru, economically and politically, than D iego Maldonado, Melchor
Verdugo, or Lucas Martinez. As time went on they came to be sur
rounded by a mythic aura, in which even such secondary figures as
Diego de Trujillo fully participated.
Some Parallels
W hat separated the two groups, repatriates and settlers? Less than
appears. Both owed their wealth and position to the same circumstance
— participation in the climactic events o f the Peruvian conquest. Both
29 Some individuals held different positions at different times. The offices enumer
ated in Table 2 1 were held by a total of forty-one men, of whom seven eventually
returned to Spain.
64 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
acted with determination and considerable success to preserve that

wealth and build something permanent. Both shared the double goal
of a seigneurial life for themselves and lasting honor and wealth for
their families. They pursued the same distinctions and held the same
kinds o f offices.
W hile many met reverses, few indeed can be found who hurled their
prospects away. I f there were any substantial number o f such men,
they must be hidden among the score or so o f the most obscure figures.
O f the rest, only the very few who left Peru for Chile could be called
adventurers or wastrels, and even in these cases weighty objective fac
tors influenced their action. A s for those who went to Spain and then
returned, they met such unforeseen catastrophes as piracy on the sea
voyage, failure o f business ventures, and lack o f acceptance in proud
peninsular society. Neither vagabonds nor squanderers, the conquerors
acted as tough and capable men, just as we would expect from the
earlier study o f their background.
The principal factor impelling one group to stay, the other to go,
was the individual’s judgment o f where he could best attain the
common goal. Behind this lay considerations o f size o f share, age,
social status, and the like. N o distinction o f psychology or ideology is
visible. There was not a true rebel or dissenter in either group.
Neither fear o f danger nor love o f adventure played any appreciable
role, nor did, on the other hand, the desire to construct something
new, unless perhaps in the minds of old Indies veterans Francisco Piza-
rro and Benalcazar. It might be said o f these two, along with Soto, that
a burning desire for power, fame, and great achievement kept them in
the Indies and separated them from the mass. The truth is, however,
that others shared the ambition and lacked only the means o f carrying
it out. Rather than looking to psychological factors, we understand
best by pointing out that these men were the three most powerful and
experienced captains o f the expedition, with the best chance o f carving
out their own jurisdictions. The governorships they sought were mere
ly a maximum embodiment o f the general seigneurial ambition, which
these three were in the best position to fulfill.
4. ORGANIZATION, POLITICS, AND FACTION
ile the conquerors ’ backgrounds and life patterns have

oad, lasting significance, their internal organization repre
sents a more finite subject, for the special set o f practices surrounding
expeditions and spoils was abandoned once the conquest was over. Y et
even such ephemeral phenomena have their context, their parallels,
and their consequences. What began as an expedition grew into the
administration o f a country. Impulses arising in internal rivalries o f
the Peruvian conquerors affected, indeed almost dictated, the timing
and manner o f the conquest of other areas. The factionalism so evident
at every step was a Hispanic and Mediterranean trait that had pre
vailed from time immemorial and would project indefinitely into the
future.
The Expedition
The Iberians had a special tradition o f campaigns and raids which
resulted in the same characteristic expedition type— under such names
as entrada, cabalgada, conquista— wherever they went in Spanish
America and Brazil. W ithin this unity, there were variations; practices
66 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
were adapted to the individual region and the purpose o f the moment.
In particular, an evolution took place as Spanish expansion made the
transition from its Caribbean phase to the conquest o f the great main
land populations. Essentially this development consisted in the shift
from an operation patterned on a commercial company, with a few
employer-investors and a mass o f mere employees, toward a company
o f men, a body o f conquerors, each one outfitting himself and later
receiving a share o f the gain, rather than wages. In other words, there
was an evolution away from the Italian commercial model instituted in
the Caribbean by Columbus and other Genoese, toward a revived war
like company o f men in the tradition o f the Spanish Reconquest.
N o one has shown better than Mario Gongora how the two elements
— commercial company and band o f men— existed side by side, inter
twining and alternating. By the time o f the Panamanian-Nicaraguan
phase, in the second and third decades o f the sixteenth century, the
Iberian tradition of shares for the body o f men had won out formally,
though in fact the leaders, large investors, and high officials still took
the lion’s share of the profits and exercised overwhelming organiza
tional dominance. Gongora intentionally stops short o f the conquest o f
Peru, as a major break and different subject matter. However, develop
ment followed along the same lines, in a many-faceted continuity. In
Peru the trend continued for the men to get ever better shares, propor
tionately and absolutely, and to assert themselves more; yet the leaders
were still domineering and grasping, so much so that this aspect is the
first to impress the uninitiated.
Maximum democratization and decommercialization occurred almost
automatically where no capital was available. As Gongora suggests,1
the high point o f group rule may have been the occupation o f Darien
and the Caribbean coast o f Panama around 1 5 0 9 - 1 5 1 3 , the time of
Enciso, Balboa, and, significantly, Francisco Pizarro. W ith little treas
ure, no expeditions covering long distances, and not even a legitimate
governor in residence, the men shared everything, and created or ex
pelled leaders at their pleasure. It would be interesting to know whether
this reconstitution o f the Castilian band was deliberate, or the result o f
favorable conditions alone. Since much age-old Spanish terminology
was used, presumably the Spaniards were at least somewhat conscious
o f reviving traditional practices.
1 Mario G6ngora, Grupos, p. 58.

ORGANIZATION, POLITICS, AND F A C T I O N 67
On the Pacific coast o f the Isthmus, after 1 5 1 7 or 1 5 1 9 , there was a

renewed need for ships and long expeditions. A t the same time more
capital became available, as bullion supplies increased, while credit
could be had through Governor Pedrarias de A vila, Licenciado Es
pinosa, and some other high officials, entrepreneurs, and encomenderos.
Therefore investor dominance began to reassert itself, though not in
the pure form o f a commercial company.
Share winning rather than wage earning remained the framework, if
only, at times, as little more than a fiction. Often a considerable num
ber o f the men were retainers, even slaves, o f certain important backers
or captains, and the shares they earned went all or in part to the em
ployer, though nominally awarded to the lowly band member. Most
o f the men were free agents, not in the direct hire o f anyone else, but
even they often fell into the hands o f the organizers. They borrowed
money to outfit themselves, or they bought their equipment from the
outfitters on credit, so that their shares were not really their own unless
the expedition made an unusual profit. Some o f the horses they rode
belonged to investors, who received the horse’s share. The captain or
captains actually leading the expeditions took along supplies, some
times including horses and slaves, which they hoarded and later sold to
their men in time of need, for prices that were anything but low.2
The expeditions organized by Pizarro and Alm agro to explore south
and east from Panama, starting in 15 2 4 , not only were in this general
tradition, but were an outstanding example of all the tendencies. To
take just one of the contemporary descriptions and complaints, Licen
ciado Castaneda wrote in Nicaragua in 15 2 9 that two hundred men had
died o f hunger, disease, and bad treatment in Pizarro and Alm agro’s
expeditions.3 In apparent reference to Peru, he said that those who
equip expeditions do so ungenerously, and subjugate the men merci
lessly once they are in the new country. A t the time o f setting out they
lend the members money with their shares as security, then hold this
over their heads till they dare not speak. A ll the profit goes to the
outfitters.
It is in this context that we can interpret the happenings on Gallo
Island in 15 2 7 , when complaints grew so general that Governor Rios
o f Panama sent permission for any and all expedition members to re
turn. Those coming back to Panama must have been mainly undersup
2 This is largely a synthesis of Gongora’s description in Grupos, pp. 53-59.

3 C D IH N , I, 49 4 -4 9 5. Others in Raul Porras, Cartas, first part.
68 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
plied debtors, while the heroic Thirteen staying were probably in
vestors and creditors for the most part. It is for a related reason that
many o f the Thirteen did not take part in the later conquest. In their
experience, investors came off best; now that a rich area had been dis
covered, they hoped to profit primarily by staying in Panama and sup
plying the conquerors. But the wealth o f Peru quickly revolutionized
the business o f expeditions, making it far more profitable to be on the
spot, contrary to the expectations o f the old hands.
Conditions in the wet tropical Isthmus area often led to such mortal
ity from disease that it was hard to keep an expedition in existence
long enough to accomplish its mission. T o cope with this problem a
special technique evolved, as Rolando M ellafe has pointed out.4 The
expedition’s ships would deposit the main body o f men on the coast,
then run constantly back and forth between Panama and the point the
men might have reached in a slow coastal advance, bringing supplies,
but more importantly, men. Or a part o f the leadership would stay be
hind in Panama to continue recruiting, then follow later. The contin
gent already on the ground would often be immobilized for months
waiting for reinforcements.
Pizarro and Alm agro had adopted this practice as their own and
may even have had some share in its evolution. A t any rate, it was their
principal tactic in the early voyages o f discovery and continued in full
force for the conquering expedition o f 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 2 .
A t that time Alm agro stayed behind to recruit and equip a second
large contingent, which, as it happened, did not arrive in Peru until
after Cajamarca. Upon the main group’s landfall near Coaque, they
waited for several months until a ship came from Panama carrying
some merchandise and a few men, whereupon they continued south
along the coast. They also expected reinforcements from Nicaragua.
Negotiations had long been going forward there with Soto (and
probably with Benalcazar also). Some of the first treasure sent back
from Coaque went to facilitate Soto’s departure. A fter a slow march
south, the expedition waited again on the island o f Puna, just off cen
tral Peru, until Soto arrived, prior to crossing over to Tumbez. Even
after the victory o f Cajamarca, Pizarro waited for Alm agro and his
men before he would push on into the Inca heartland.
A peculiar burden o f the expeditions in Panama had been the neces
4 Rolando Mellafe and Sergio Villalobos, Diego de Almagro, pp. 4 6 -4 7 .

sity for the captain or captains who actually directed the enterprise to
share profits and authority with the absent governor. The Peru venture
initially had to suffer from this as much as any. First Governor Pedra-
rias had attempted to extract gain without much investment, then later
Governor Rios intervened directly with almost disastrous effect. By
the time o f the final expedition, however, this hurdle had been passed.
Pizarro himself was governor, and the expedition combined governor
and commander in one man, present on the spot.
The exact details o f the outfitting o f the final Peru expedition are
not known, nor can we even say with any certainty what arrangements
were made for the ordinary expedition members. Pedro Pizarro, an
eyewitness (though writing years later), says that the men received
no payments or advances and had to pay their own expenses, including
even passage money.5 Conqueror Jeronimo de Aliaga, who arrived
with the first reinforcement ship at Coaque, also claimed he paid for
everything himself. Witnesses to his testimonial agreed, but they were
o f two opinions on whether or not he had to pay for his passage from
Panama.6
Notarial records preserved from Coaque give the impression that the
Pizarros were not at that time deeply engaged in the supply business
(almost the only evidence o f such a thing are the several pigs Hernan
do Pizarro brought alon g).7 Rather, the ordinary men are observed
freely trading back and forth among themselves; they did accept some
credit from crew members of the ship arriving there, which then re
turned to Panama. Only Captain Cristobal de Mena is to be seen en
gaging in some speculative selling.6 Records o f four ships which joined
the expedition at various times show diversified ownership o f goods
carried on them, with the masters the largest investors.9 From these
glimpses, from the absence of documented debt repayment after Caja-
marca, and from the fact that so many men were later able to return to
Spain with substantially their full shares o f Peruvian treasures, we may
conclude that indebtedness to the captains by the rank and file was at
this time not a large factor, or was at least a far smaller one than it had
been in the conquest o f Nicaragua. It is true that the unprecedented
5 Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V , 1 7 1 .
6 R A N P 1 ( 19 2 0 ) 1431, 54 1.
7 Diego de Trujillo, Relation, p. 50.
8 HC 1-31.
9 A G I, Contaduria 18 25. These are the ships arriving at Puna and San Miguel.
See above, chapter 1, footnotes n and 14.
70 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
shares o f Cajamarca would easily have wiped out almost any amount
o f debt from the austere pre-Cajamarca phase. Whatever the exact
shape o f financial investment, the end result was a distribution o f
power in the form o f widespread personal possession o f equipment
and discretion over its use. Equipment was even more important to suc
cess than men. N othing could be more instructive than Pizarro’s re
action when several disillusioned conquerors wanted to abandon the
enterprise at Tumbez. Pizarro told them they were free to take ship
for Panama— if they would leave their horses and arms behind.10
Ever since the Caribbean period, investors in expeditions had con
tracted their own private partnerships or companies outside the frame
work o f general sharing among the band o f men. A ny such private
arrangement, whether short or long term, specific or universal, com
mercial or not, was called a compama ('com pan y” ). The word and
the institution were extremely popular and becoming ever more so.
Confusingly enough, the technical term for a band o f men earning
shares was the almost identical word comp ana (which would also trans
late as "company” ) 11 Though not much heard in everyday speech, this
expression was employed consistently in documents o f the Panama area,
and continued to be used by the Peru expedition at least until the dis
tribution o f treasure in Cuzco in the spring o f 15 3 4 .12
The company ( compama) most essential to the Peru expedition was
the long-standing universal partnership o f Pizarro and Almagro. A t the
time o f Cajamarca, Alm agro was far away, but if Pizarro lived up to
the spirit o f their agreement, Alm agro in some fashion received half
o f Pizarro’s share. Whatever the arrangement between the two, much
o f the governor’s share must have gone to pay off the debts accumulated
over several years o f outfitting expeditions and building or hiring ships.
Sometime partner Hernando de Luque, who died several months
after the expedition set out, was no longer an equal member o f the
association, if indeed he had ever been; the famous contract promis
10 Pedro de Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 37 ( 1 9 5 6 ) :8 5 ; R A N P 1

(19 2 0 )15 2 6 -5 2 7 .
1 1 See Mario G6ngora, Grupos, p. 39.
12 Rafael Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 96, 97, 10 1. Since the word was dying out, it
was very susceptible to being confused with ’’compama.” Modern transcribers have
also made this error. Some examples appear in Loredo’s own book {Los repartos, pp.
72, 1 1 8 ) . A passage in Crist6bal de Mena’s chronicle has ’’compahia” where the
sense demands ’’compana” ( ’’Conquista del Peru,” p. 9 8 ). The same error appears
in the version of the roll of Cajamarca that has come down to us.
ing him a one-third share o f the gain is a forgery. The fraud was dis
covered independently by Raul Porras13 and Rolando M ellafe.14 In this
writer’s view, they are correct beyond all dispute, and future treatments
o f the Peruvian conquest had best leave the contract unmentioned.
However, some o f the reasoning offered by Porras and M ellafe needs
discussion and updating, particularly in view o f Guillerm o Lohmann
V illena’s recent attempt to rehabilitate the document. Lohmann admits
the unauthenticity o f certain o f its aspects, and even draws attention to
new discordant elements, but inconsistently enough applies his critique
only to the dating and other details o f the instrument, assuming that
the contract must indeed have been made at some time or other.15
1 . M ellafe believed the contract impossible because Pizarro was ab
sent from Panama and in Chochama at the time it was allegedly signed
(March 10 , 1 5 2 6 ) , but this cannot be proved conclusively. Though
Pizarro was indeed avoiding Panama during these months, and is
specifically reported in Chochama no more than two weeks before the
contract date,16 the voyage from Chochama to Panama could have been
made quickly in a canoe. This can only be a contributing argument.
2. Porras and M ellafe objected that the contract, in speaking o f the
"reino del Pern,” (kingdom or realm o f Peru) goes beyond the usage
o f 15 2 6 and betrays an origin at the earliest at a time subsequent to
15 3 0 . They are right, but the argument is not as strong as they
imagined. Without going into the details o f the evolution o f the word
"Peru,” dealt with by Porras, it can now be asserted that "P eru” was
being used in specific connection with the discoveries o f Pizarro and
Alm agro earlier than Porras and M ellafe thought it had been. Gongora
has published a document of 15 2 5 referring to "Captain Francisco
Pizarro and the men with him on the coast o f Peru and its provinces.” 17
Only the use o f the world "realm ” is left as clearly anachronistic in a
document o f 15 2 6 .
3. The lack o f contemporary reference to any such agreement re
mains the most serious objection to its validity. Luque’s heirs did not
bring the contract to bear in settling his claims with Pizarro and Alma-
13 Raul Porras, "E l Nombre del Peru," Mar del Sur 6, no. 18 ( 1 9 5 1 ) 1 2 6 .
14 Mellafe and Villalobos, Diego de Almagro, pp. 5 7 -5 8 .
15 Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Les Espinosa, pp. 20 6 -220 . Lohmann gives several
additional false or suspicious aspects of the document not alluded to here. He in
cludes the full text of the contract on pp. 2 5 3 -2 5 6 .
16 G<5ngora, Grupos, p. 126.
17 Ibid., p. 12 4 ; and Lohmann, Les Espinosa, p. 209.
72 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
gro in the 1 5 3 0 ’s, nor does word o f it appear in any document or book
o f the time. It is first mentioned in 15 6 7 , almost forty years later, by
the heirs o f Licenciado Gaspar de Espinosa, who were guilty o f various
misrepresentations in their own favor. They refer to the contract in
connection with another equally suspicious document granting Luque’s
share to Licenciado Espinosa. The earliest known actual copies of the
document are o f the early seventeenth century, and it was not until
then that the idea o f the 15 2 6 tripartite contract and Luque’s great
monetary contribution became current among officials, chroniclers, and
historians.18 Everything points to deliberate forgery, not committed, as
M ellafe thought probable, by Licenciado Espinosa himself, but by his
heirs at a time when no survivors were left to challenge them.
4. Another suspicious circumstance in the contract, not emphasized
by Porras, M ellafe, or Lohmann, is the size o f the loan. Twenty thou
sand pesos in gold bars, physically present in one sum, would have
been an almost incredible amount to be lent by a single individual
in the time before Cajamarca.
5. Another o f the contract’s unauthentic traits has escaped notice
until now; in the mind o f this writer, it is the most conclusive o f them
all. The document depicts Francisco Pizarro declining to sign, on the
ground that he could not. N ow it is true that Pizarro in his whole life
never learned to sign his name, but by the early 1 5 2 0 ’s he began to
make a rubric, and all known documents issued by him from them until
his death contain that rubric, along with the statement that Pizarro
signed. The earliest known example is from 15 2 2 .19 Pizarro also signed
the authentic capitulation with Governor Pedrarias, made in May,
15 2 4 .20
That very document is one o f the weightiest pieces o f evidence
known tending to demonstrate that Luque was ever involved with
Pizarro and Alm agro as an equal partner, more than the various other
people who collaborated in the venture at some time or other.21 The
agreement provides that Pedrarias was to pay one-fourth o f the cost
18 See Lohmann, Les Espinosa, pp. 20 7-20 8 , 2 1 6 - 2 1 7 , based on A G I, Lima, 14 5

and 149.
19 José T. Medina, Descubrimiento, II, 4 7 5 -4 7 7 .
20 Gôngora, Grupos, pp. 1 3 2 - 1 3 3 .
21 Substantial loans or investments were made in 1 5 2 4 by pilot Bartolomé Ruiz,
and by Juan Vallejo, a citizen of Panama. Mellafe and Villalobos, Diego de A l
magro, p. 40. Vallejo was originally a blacksmith, as seen in the list of founders of
Panama, in Gôngora, Grupos, p. 73.
o f the ships, the other three parties paying the remaining three-fourths,
with freighting profits to be divided in the same proportion. The in
ternal division among the three is not made explicit. W hile there would
be a symmetry in imagining three equal parts, the document treats
Pizarro as the principal partner, mentions his investments alone, and
provides that he could not be removed from the captaincy.22
In the long run it is not crucial to historical interpretation whether
Luque was a major financial contributor or not; apparently he was. The
more essential point is that he was not the principal source o f financing
for two impoverished conquerors, since the Pizarro-Almagro interests
were by themselves among the strongest in Panama.
Each o f the two subexpeditions o f the Peru venture, those o f Soto
and Benalcazar, also had a private company at the top. Soto’s arrange
ment with Hernân Ponce de Leon was remarkably similar to that be
tween Pizarro and Almagro. It was a long-standing universal partner
ship in which Soto was the more active captain and Hernân Ponce the
business manager; Soto came to Peru while Ponce stayed in Nicaragua
to see to their affairs, then followed much later. Benalcazar had an
agreement with the shipmaster Juan Fernandez, apparently o f a more
temporary and limited nature. A ll three companies served the purpose
o f capitalizing and organizing a venture adequately, but each arrange
ment ended in serious dispute among the partners at a later time.
As far as we know, there were no other company arrangements
binding members o f the expedition to anyone outside it. W ithin the
expedition itself, companies were rife. N o less than eighteen partner
ships are fairly well authenticated among the men o f Cajamarca, and
there is good reason to think that in fact there were many more.23 These
22 In Almagro’s 15 2 6 probanza, principal emphasis is on Pizarro and himself, but

both he and the witnesses make statements implying that Luque’s resources were
spent together with theirs, and that Luque was a member of their consortium in
building and outfitting the expedition's ships ( C D IH C , IV , 6 - 4 7 ) .
23 The best-documented partnership among the ordinary men is that of Lucas
Martinez and Alonso Ruiz, discussed in their biographies. The other pairs are not all
specifically called partners ( companeros) in the records, but the relationship can be
deduced from their repeated appearance together. Some of the sets were: Aliaga and
Sebastian de Torres; Aguirre and Anadel; Baena and Barrera; Beltran and Alonso
Pérez; Carranza and Maza; Catano and Vêlez; Hernandez Briceno and Medina;
Fuentes and Castillo; Marquina and Azpeitia; Rojas and Olivares; Moguer and
Bueno; Miguel Ruiz and Chico; Quincoces and Beranga; Romero and Nuno Gon
zalez; Candia and Florencia; Valencia and Sanchez de Talavera; Valdevieso and
Gonzalo Maldonado; Morales and Alonso Jiménez; and probably Francisco Lôpez
and Lozano.
74 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
were all general partnerships, basically the same as those o f the great
captains, but since they were subjected to less strain, they held up bet
ter. Such relationships were not a phenomenon exclusively related to
expeditions. Some o f the companies among the men o f Cajamarca had
existed for as much as ten years, while others continued long into the
future. Several sets o f partners went home to Spain together, and one
or two received joint encomiendas in Peru.
Nevertheless, this buddy system, if we may call it that, where the
partners held their property in common and were constantly together
at all hours o f day and night, was peculiar to the time o f conquests and
expeditions, and faded quickly as a more settled manner o f life de
veloped. W hile most o f the partnerships among our men antedated
1 5 3 1 , some were formed as a direct consequence o f the expedition,
particularly among the neophytes.
The origin o f this custom remains to be established. Perhaps it grew
out o f the commercial companies so prevalent in Seville and the In
dies; some o f the partners were making common investments for gain,
and, in a few cases, like that o f Beranga and Quincoces, business be
came the dominant note. Y et most o f these arrangements did not rest
on a written contract, as the commercial company so often did, and
full partner equality was more typical than the investor-factor rela
tionship. Perhaps the partnership was of maritime origin; an undue
proportion o f the seafarers among the men o f Cajamarca were partners,
and the custom remained prevalent among mariners along the Peruvian
coast long after it had died out among other Spaniards. But perhaps,
too, the pairing o f men is a trait with a background in the Spanish
Reconquest; or perhaps it spontaneously asserts itself on new and
dangerous frontiers, as it did in the American West.
A t any rate, it was a way o f trying to attain greater security in a
fluid situation. Therefore partners had to be sure o f each other, and
we find almost all the companies based on strong common bonds o f
some description— regional origin, profession, social status, long ex
perience together, and often all o f these combined.
Capitalization was a factor o f third importance, after security and
actual companionship. W e find no more than three or four pairs in
vesting in merchandise together or making joint loans; one other
shared the profits from their artisanry. For their extensive commercial
and entrepreneurial activity, the men did not hesitate to step outside the
general partnership to make more limited agreements. One such ar
rangement common at the time o f the conquest proper was sharing the
profits from a horse. T w o men bought a horse together; two-thirds
o f the horse’s share went to the rider, one-third to the other man. Or
the owner o f two horses might let another man ride one, sharing the
profits from it equally.24 In the time before Cajamarca most o f these
agreements are hidden from us, but there is reason to suspect that the
horse ridden by M iguel Ruiz at Atahuallpa’s capture was owned by ex
pedition member Juan Alonso, who was left behind at Piura. Owner
ship of more than one horse seems to have been rare or nonexistent
until Inca treasure made it possible; but after Cajamarca, on the way to
Cuzco, there were some men with two horses, and Juan Pizarro had
three.25
I f investment was well distributed and association patterns were free,
in what consisted the great dominance o f the leaders, and specifically,
o f the Pizarros? It began in personal and regional considerations: the
formidable eligibility o f Francisco and Hernando Pizarro for leader
ship and their inclination to make use o f power, both o f which can
be seen in their biographies; the presence o f no less than four Pizarro
brothers; a loyal group o f Trujillan relatives and compatriots who con
stituted the largest, most coherent subregional group.
But to proceed to the organizational side, Pizarro dominance ex
pressed itself in the overlapping o f three nominally separate structures:
the government of Peru, the expedition, and the Pizarro estate or body
o f direct retainers. Whereas, on some expeditions, rival captains scram
bled for the upper hand, each expecting favor from a distant governor,
in this case Governor Pizarro was present, with clear authority to name
captains and depose them. For his chief lieutenant he naturally settled
on his brother Hernando. Y oung Juan also received commands, and
even the stripling Gonzalo was pushed into some prominence. As
governor, Pizarro also had the undisputed authority to assign citizen
ship and encomiendas. H is power to punish and reward was thus great,
and no one dared challenge him directly. One part o f his government,
the royal treasury officials, did hamper him somewhat, since they were
appointed independently by the crown. Pizarro therefore managed to
leave them behind time and again; none o f the three was present at
Cajamarca. In their absence the governor would appoint trusted as
sociates as temporary deputies. The expedition as a royal arm also
24 A N P , PA , passim.
25 Loredo, Los repartos, p. 400.
76 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
helped pay certain expenses, including a salary for carpenter Escalante.

A s in Central America in previous decades, the compana, or band o f
conquerors, had a juridical existence separate from the royal govern
ment. Though the treasury officials were responsible for the king’s fifth
and the marking o f all gold and silver, the treasure belonged in the
first instance to the compana, which had its own treasurer and account
ant and carried out the distribution o f spoils. The whole body o f men
elected representatives whose duty it was to assign shares to each in
dividual.26 However, in Peru, the compana was to a large extent a legal
fiction, as indeed it apparently had already become in Nicaragua. Its
clerks were Pizarro’s personal secretaries; its treasurer was Gonzalo de
Pineda, Pizarro’s own hired man, as were probably its other officials.
The representatives whom the men ' 'elected” were simply the Pizarros,
another important captain or two, and the compana officials once
again.27 A t San Miguel, Pizarro melted down what gold had been taken
and, after paying the fifth, appropriated the rest in the form o f a forced
loan from the compana, in order to pay off pressing debts to ship
masters on the coast.28
Already in the compana we can see emerging an organization which
was at the expedition’s heart, the corps o f retainers who had been di
rectly hired by the Pizarros, owing them unconditional loyalty and
obedience. Since they functioned also as free members o f the band, the
governor could put them in all sorts o f responsible positions and act
autocratically while preserving appearances.
It is possible to identify at least thirteen o f our men who were in the
Pizarros’ pay around the time o f Cajamarca, plus the secretaries Jerez
and Sancho. They range from a figure as high-ranking as Juan Cortes,
who took part in the highest councils, to obscure men o f artisan back
ground, like Rodrigo de Herrera or Juan Delgado. Their functions
were many. Juan de Valdevieso was the governor’s chamberlain, Gas-
par de Marquina one o f his pages. Hernando de Toro was Hernando
Pizarro’s squire; Pedro Navarro was once in charge o f conveying the
governor’s gear from the island o f Puna to Tumbez on a raft. W hat
ever their position, almost all acted as stewards and managers, so they
were mainly literate, capable men. In the records they appear as Piza
rro’s criados ("servants” ) or "majordomos.” Most worked specifically
26 Mena, "Conquista del Peru,” p. 97.

27 Raul Porras, Relaciones primitivas, p. 98; roll of Cajamarca.
28 Francisco de Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 325.
ORGANIZATION, POLITICS, AND FACTION 77
for Francisco, while others were Hernando’s men, but the distinction
was not great, since the Pizarro interest was so unified.
N o actual contracts have come down to us; very possibly the agree
ments were never formalized. W e do not know whether the retainers
at this time received actual pay in money, or merely protection, sus
tenance, and promises o f favors. A little later, some Pizarro stewards
were receiving fixed salaries.29 W e do have some powers o f attorney
granted to Navarro, Valdevieso, and Crisostomo de Hontiveros, allow
ing them broad leeway in buying, selling, receiving, hiring, and fir
ing.30 The Pizarros favored Trujillo compatriots as retainers, but there
were few who understood business affairs, so they grasped men from
all regions o f Spain. O f the fifteen men mentioned above, only four
were from Trujillo or any other part o f Extremadura. In the long run,
this disproportion proved a great weakness of the Pizarro faction. The
Trujillans were hired in Spain in 15 2 9 , and most o f the others ap
parently in Panama in 15 3 0 . More were added in the course o f the
expedition, pulled out o f the followings o f Benalcazar and Soto almost
immediately after arrival. Such men as Juan de Barbaran and Navarro,
however, had probably known Pizarro for years in Central America.
A final element o f great importance in the expedition’s organization
was the plurality and miscellaneity o f its origin. The two contingents
arriving from Nicaragua were expeditions in themselves, organized
much like the larger one, and they did not immediately lose all internal
coherence. Soto had his own retainers; Pedro de Torres was still func
tioning openly as such after Cajamarca. Each new group almost in
evitably became a unit to be sent on missions, under the captaincy of
Benalcazar or Soto. These two leaders could not be constrained from
acting with a certain independence, and serious conflicts arose, which
w ill be discussed a little further on.
Thus there were two countervailing, well-matched forces in evidence
in the expedition. Through organization and leadership, the Pizarros
moved toward a total dominance. On the other hand, the ordinary
expedition members carried much weight, because their persons, ex
perience, and equipment were the sine qua non o f the conquest, and
two subgroupings were present which did not owe their origin to the
Pizarros directly.
29 H C 79, 92; A N P , P A 689-690.

30 H C 49, 220.
78 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
The Distribution o f Treasure

The first major precipitation o f the power relationships sketched
above were the shares the individuals received of the treasure o f Caja-
marca. There is no better measure o f the actual leverage of any one man
on the expedition, nor o f the general balance o f power.
W hat was distributed has often been referred to as Atahuallpa’s
ransom, and that was the bulk o f it perhaps, but the clerks described
it in more inclusive terms, as everything "'that had been taken on the
way from the city o f San M iguel to the town o f Cajamarca, and what
was taken in the capture o f Atahuallpa, and what Chief Atahuallpa
himself gave to the Spaniards who seized him, and everything else that
was had until the governor left the said town with the Spaniards.” 31
The greatest political coup and power play involved in the whole
process of distribution appears only indirectly in the documents them
selves. The names o f the citizens o f San M iguel and o f the men who
arrived with Alm agro are absent. That is, the whole profit o f the Peru
expedition from September, 15 3 2 , through July, 1 5 3 3 — the first im
portant amount accruing since early 1 5 3 1 — was awarded only to the
men who happened to be present the day Atahuallpa was captured.
Abstract justice spoke in favor o f a share for the men left in San
M iguel, who had taken part in the general combats and hardships for
over a year and a half; but they were few, mainly older or infirm, and
could safely be ignored. Alm agro’s men, on the other hand, were on
the spot, numerous and well-equipped, but they had arrived only in
April, 1 5 3 3 , having done no fighting, and it was not impossible to
convince them that they had no right to what others had won, particu
larly in view o f the further treasure to be expected in the immediate
future. This was one issue, o f course, on which the whole body o f the
men o f Cajamarca stood united. The deprived groups received token
payments as a small gesture o f conciliation. That this was a matter o f
expediency and politics rather than pure custom can be seen in the fact
that, a little later, those staying in Jauja and returning to Piura received
shares from the conquest o f Cuzco— they would not otherwise agree
to stay behind.32
A fter fending off interlopers, subtracting the king’s fifth, and pay
ing expenses, those responsible for the distribution divided the treasure
3 1 Loredo, Los repartos, p. 72.

32 Loredo, Los repartos, p. 99; A N P , P A 746.
into shares o f 4,440 gold pesos and 1 8 1 silver marks, worth altogether
5,345 gold pesos at the standard conversion rate.33 Reports vary on
how many o f these shares there were, but arithmetic tells us that about
2 1 7 of them went to our men. Almost all sources agree that the criteria
used in assigning shares were the performance and social quality o f the
individual. Pedro Pizarro adds that the performance o f the horse was
also important.34 In effect, the value of a man’s performance usually
coincided with his degree o f experience in the Indies. The norm was
one share for a footman, two shares for a horseman (one for the rider,
one for the horse), and something beyond that for captains. The par
titioned showed approval and respect, or the opposite, by departing
from the norm. In general they really seem to have followed objective
factors for the bulk o f the men; among the captains politics came more
into play.
There was great variety among the footmen. Without going into
subtleties, we can say that only a minority, experienced or well born, re
ceived a full share. A larger number, mainly the new men, got a three-
quarters share. Lower plebeians or inferior performers got perhaps a
half share; this was also the "tailor’s share.’’ W hile some similar varia
tion is found among the horsemen, most got very close to the standard
double share, showing not only the crucial role o f the horse, but also
the fact that the horsemen by no accident were mainly experienced
and influential men.
Am ong the captains there was again wide variation. Francisco Piza-
rro as governor took 1 3 shares and the customary "governor’s jew el,’’
in the form o f Atahuallpa’s gilded seat, worth about 2 shares.35 H er
33 Five pesos per mark. A peso of "good gold" was worth 450 maravedises; a
mark of "good silver,” 2,200.
34 The roll of Cajamarca and the related documents published by Loredo in Los
re part os are the only reliable guides in these matters. Chroniclers' descriptions of the
mechanics of distribution are in Pedro de Cieza, Tercera parte , in M ercurio Peruano
39 ( 1 9 5 8 ) : 569, 5 7 3 - 5 7 4 ; Mena, "Conquista del Peru," pp. 9 7 -9 8 ; Miguel de Estete,
R elation , p. 4 1 ; Jerez, Verdadera relation , II, 34 3; Juan Ruiz de Arce, Advertencias ,
p. 96; Pedro Pizarro, Relation , V , 1 8 4 - 1 8 5 ; Francisco Lopez de G<5mara, Hispania
vtctrix , I, 2 3 1 ; Agustin de Zarate, H is tor la , II, 479. Pedro Pizarro reports that A l-
magro argued in favor of giving half the treasure to Pizarro and himself, restricting
the others to a thousand pesos— or two thousand at most. W e must suspect that this
is nothing more than a malicious Pizarrist rumor, but that someone made the sugges
tion is not unlikely. It would have been in the Central American tradition.
35 Loredo, Los repartos, p. 74. This did not enter into the general partition, and is
not taken into account in the figures below. It contained 18,000 pesos of gold judged
to be of 15 carats; that is, metal with only two-thirds the gold content of "good
8o SOCIAL PHENOMENA
nando Pizarro received 7, and the younger brothers got portions o f 2 ^

and 2 % respectively. These were large amounts, though by no means
excessive in the terms o f the Panamanian-Nicaraguan precedent. The
striking thing was that the Pizarros were able to hold the other captains
down to such minimal rewards. Soto, without whose arrival the con
quest could hardly have gone forward in 1 5 3 2 , received only 4 shares,
3 less than Hernando Pizarro. Even more amazing, Benalcazar re
ceived only 2 % shares. Captain Salcedo got still less, and Captain
Mena actually got less than an ordinary horseman. The Pizarros now
had enough men for the conquest, and their own candidates for cap
taincies, so they were in a position to brush off their chief rivals, mak
ing them choose between insignificance and departure from Peru.
A ll in all, the ordinary members did very well for themselves,
whether measured relatively or absolutely. The horsemen fared par
ticularly well, revealing themselves once more as the expedition’s real
core. O f a total o f 217-odd shares, 13 5 and a fraction went to 62
horsemen (including captains), 8 1 and a fraction to 10 5 footmen.
Only 24 o f the 2 1 7 went to the Pizarros, and only 39 to all the cap
tains together. In absolute amounts, converted and rounded off,
1 . 1 6 million pesos were distributed to our men, 724,000 to horsemen
and 436,000 to footmen; the Pizarros got 1 3 1 , 0 0 0 ; all captains to
gether 209,ooo.36 This may be compared with a partition planned in
Nicaragua a decade earlier, in which the governor and the important
men appropriated to themselves 28,000 pesos of a total 3 3 ,ooo.37
The above analysis and calculation (see also Table 2 2 ) rest on the
basis of the ostensible amounts distributed. Though taking records at
face value has caused many a false turn in the interpretation o f Spanish
American history, we may assume that there was a certain validity in an
operation watched so closely by so many hostile and interested parties.
Some direct testimony seems to indicate that the nominal share was in
deed the bulk o f what the men received,38 and Cristobal de Mena cer-
gold” of 22V2 carats. It would thus have had a value of 12,000 of the good gold
pesos used as the unit of reckoning in the distribution.
36 The two younger Pizarros are included with the captains, as is Hernandez
Briceno, though it is not clear that he held any command until after Cajamarca. This
makes ten men altogether, who, even as mere horsemen, would have been entitled to
107,000 pesos. To obtain the totals, the share of Juan de Sosa, the small amount do
nated to the Church, and the pay for the secretaries were subtracted.
37 Gongora, Grupos, p. 55.
38 See p. 93.
ORGANIZATION, POLITICS, AND FACTION 8l
Table 22. Distribution of Shares of Treasure to the Men of Cajamarca
D e t a il R esu m e
N u m b e r o f Sh ares N u m b e r o f Sh ares
Each N o . of M en Each N o . of M en
13 1
7 1
4 1 4 and over 3
2-2 % IO
2 30 2-21/2 40
1V 2—2 13
M
M
4
1
I 30 1-2 47
3/4 - 1 12
% 38
13
Vl 7
Under 12 7 U nder 1 77
T otal 16 7 T o tal 16 7
tainly complained bitterly enough about his substandard portion.39 Y et

it would be naive to believe that the men obeyed literally the governor’s
injunction to bring every piece o f gold and silver to the common
heap;40 indeed legends formed to the effect that they did not.41
In this writer’s opinion, the nominal shares reflect accurately enough
the relative profits o f the men, except that it hardly seems possible for
even Pizarro power and partisanship to have depressed the shares o f
Soto and Benalcazar to their ostensible levels. Possibly some adjust
ment was made by allowing them to retain what they had taken them
selves. One piece o f evidence indicates that Benalcazar, at least, came
off with more than the listed twelve thousand pesos; his friend Alonso
Perez de Vivero, an important and knowledgeable man, once testified
39 Cristobal de Mena, "Conquista del Pern,” p. 98.

40 Pedro Pizarro ( Relation , V , 1 7 1 ) , claims they did fulfill the order, being afraid
not to.
41 Garcilaso de la Vega, Obras , I, 250.
82 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
that Benalcazar’s share at Cajamarca amounted to more than thirty thou

sand pesos.42
Factionalism and Its Aftermath

It has already been seen that rivalry, faction, and cutthroat competi
tion crop out wherever one examines the expedition’s operation. In
truth, the Spaniards appeared more actively concerned with internal
rivalries than with the Indians, and naturally so, since their fellows
were a greater threat to their well-being, particularly to their prosperity.
This strong tendency o f the Spanish conquerors has drawn much at
tention, but it is not a strange thing. The Indians too gave great im
portance to internal conflicts while neglecting external enemies, and at
much greater hazard to themselves. History is full of such examples.
The mere fact o f constant mistrust and competition shows little about
the conquerors, unless that they were human. It is more important to
recognize the rationale, pattern, and consequences o f the rivalries.
Many o f the divisions went back for years. Pizarro, Soto, and Benal
cazar had known each other well in Central America. Pizarro’s emi
nence antedated the arrival of Pedrarias in 1 5 1 4 , while the other two
were Pedrarias’s creatures. Pizarro probably considered the others,
experienced though they were by the time o f the Peruvian conquest,
as upstarts and inferiors; indeed he had once had Soto under his direct
command.
N or were Benalcazar and Soto capable of uniting against Pizarro;
they failed even to agree on a joint voyage from Nicaragua to Peru.
B y 1 5 3 0 both were leaders o f enough renown that they might aim at
independent governorships, as so many captains had done before them.
T o accomplish this in some fashion or other was their maximum ob
jective in coming to Peru, and by itself it was enough to make rivals
o f the two. Nicaraguan politics had pulled them farther apart. Benalca
zar remained a strong partisan o f Pedrarias until the latter’s death in
1 5 3 1 , whereas Soto allied himself with Licenciado Castaneda in seek
ing an independent position. The two men came into direct conflict
over the election o f the town council o f Nicaragua’s capital, Leon, for
1330.
Serious political conflicts first burst onto the surface in the 1 5 3 1
expedition in the form o f competition for captaincies. A captain’s title
42 Quito, Coleccion de documentos . . . Benalcazar, p. 39 1.

was no light matter in the Spanish conquest period. It had unparalleled

prestige; even more to the point, it meant an increased share o f the
profits, and some years as a subsidiary captain were usually prerequisite
to becoming a leader o f expeditions of one's own. As Oviedo said,
"O ne o f the principal assets or instruments of gain is this name o f
captain."43
Pizarro was faced with the problem o f reconciling the claims o f
three groups: his brothers; the senior men and the expedition as it left
Panama; and the later additions, Soto and Benalcazar. One might think
it a sheer impossibility to create several captaincies in a body of men
that never counted much above two hundred. But ever since the Central
American phase, if not earlier, the Spaniards had been accustomed to
having several "captains" in small groups. A captain’s title was not a
rank in a hierarchy and did not imply a squadron o f any given size;
rather the word simply meant "leader," someone who could act inde
pendently and take responsibility. Even the smallest expeditions often
needed to split up into detachments, perhaps for days or weeks at a
time.
Thus, at first, enough room was found. In the early stages, the
younger Pizarros and the lesser figures from Trujillo were so green that
their claims were not urgent; only Hernando Pizarro, who had been a
captain in Spain, had a clear right to a place, which his brother Francis
co gladly gave him. Otherwise, captains seasoned in the Indies were
dominant in the months after the expedition touched land in the north
at Coaque; two o f the most important o f these, and the only two to
reach Cajamarca, were Cristobal de Mena and Juan de Salcedo. Mena
in those days sometimes acted as second in command after the gover
nor, but before long Hernando Pizarro was permanently ensconced in
that position. W ith this began a process in which the old captains were
gradually pushed to the margin. The pressing nature o f other claims
may have made this inevitable, since Mena and Salcedo had no leverage
in the form o f ships or an independent following.
Their position was worsened by their common regional origin— an
other element o f capital importance in Spanish factionalism. Factions
were often neither more nor less than regional groupings around a
leader from a given area. In this case, both Mena and Salcedo hap
pened to be from N ew Castile, the region o f Pizarro’s partner and now
43 Oviedo, Historia general, III, 208.

84 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
arch-rival, Almagro, who was at that moment suspected o f planning to

conquer part o f Peru on his own or even to usurp Pizarro’s position. A ll
through the civil wars to come, an important thread was to be the align
ment o f Trujillo and Caceres for the Pizarros, Toledo and Ciudad Real
for the other side. Mena especially was from the immediate area o f
Ciudad Real; the Pizarros apparently looked upon him as little more
than a spy, with much justice, since in Spain, later, Mena did act as
Alm agro’s agent against Pizarro interests.
The arrival o f Benalcazar, and shortly thereafter o f Soto, completed
the eclipse o f the two N ew Castilians. The new captains now got the
important missions, and their word carried weight in the high council.
Mena and Salcedo are hardly heard o f thereafter, except in the chroni
cle that Mena himself wrote. A t the partition o f treasure they received
small shares. Taking the hint, they departed for Spain immediately a f
terward, since Peru offered them no future.
The newcomers brought new tensions, and a tug-of-war began, with
the Pizarros trying to get the upper hand, while Soto and Benalcazar
looked for possibilities of shaking loose, or failing that, o f achieving
some autonomy under the Pizarro regime. Soto had previously bar
gained with Pizarro for a permanent lieutenant governorship of the
capital city.
The Pizarros tried in every way possible to weaken their rivals, with
out openly affronting them. The main technique was to woo men away
from their following while at the same time infiltrating trusted Truji-
llans among them. This succeeded quite well with Benalcazar, who
brought fewer men than Soto and had less prestige and dash. By the
time o f Cajamarca he had sunk to a poor third behind Hernando P i
zarro and Hernando de Soto, with hardly half a dozen loyal followers.
Soto proved irrepressible; he had the best horses and horsemen and not
only retained the loyalties o f many, but picked up the allegiance o f
other expedition members from his native region o f Badajoz. Soon the
Pizarros decided to give him his head, letting him ride out in command
o f the vanguard, where he might exceed his orders and plot mutinies,
but was at least out o f the way.
W ith the arrival o f Almagro, the time o f greatest dependence on the
Nicaraguan captains was past. A t the distribution o f treasure, as we
have seen, their shares told them clearly that they must look elsewhere.
Benalcazar, treated by far the worst, reacted immediately. Hardly had
he received the lieutenant-governorship o f Piura (a form o f banish
ment from central P eru ), than he took advantage o f it to organize and

carry out the conquest o f Quito on his own. W hen the Pizarros later
pursued him there, he took his independent career as governor and
conqueror yet farther north into Popayan and N ew Granada. Soto was
longer in responding, partly because he could look forward by pre
vious agreement to the lieutenant governorship o f rich and famous
Cuzco, at least for a while, and partly because he hoped to find some
opportunity for an independent governorship to the south. But after the
Chile venture fell to Almagro, and dickering for a captaincy-general in
that conquest had failed, Soto left Peru in 15 3 5 to seek a governorship
elsewhere— in North America, as it turned out. H e was not literally
forced out o f Peru, but he could not fulfill his ambitions, and such a
powerful subordinate was intolerable in the long run to the Pizarros;
they had already cut into his position in Cuzco. Many o f Soto’s faithful
supporters left at about the same time, and so did all the men o f Bada-
joz, who probably experienced in lesser degree the strains felt by Soto.
Thus, within a short period, the Pizarros managed to eject all other
leaders among the men o f Cajamarca who threatened independence,
belonged to other factions, or merely stood in the way o f the advance
ment of themselves and their Trujillo compatriots. As the campaign
proceeded, new men came into captaincies; they were either o f the T ru
jillo faction, like Juan Pizarro and Diego de Agiiero, or were prepared
to operate within a framework o f Pizarro dominance, like Juan Mor-
govejo. The ejections were not forceful, nor even very abrupt, but a
subtle push-and-pull action, exercised mainly through the distribution
o f shares o f treasure. Those shares were small enough to arouse a sense
o f injustice among the men affected, implying that they would find
little favor in the future. A t the same time the amounts were large
enough to enable those leaving to achieve their aims outside Peru: for
Mena and Salcedo, to go to Spain; for Soto and Benalcazar, to conquer
new areas. Thus it was the rivalries of the conquerors, in conjunction
with the treasure, that brought about the quick occupation o f other
regions.
It is much more difficult to trace the workings o f faction and region
al group among the ordinary members o f the expedition. Tabulating
the regional origin of repatriates and settlers gives us some notion of
them. In Table 23 it can be seen that both men staying and men return
ing, taken as groups, reflect the general regional composition o f the
expedition quite well, with one considerable exception. More Extrema-
86 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
durans stayed, and fewer returned, clearly the result of favored treat
ment by their compatriot the governor. Actually Extremadura is too
broad a category. A s mentioned above, Soto’s Badajoz compatriots
went home, so that an overwhelming majority o f the Extremadurans
staying were from Trujillo, Caceres, and the surrounding region. This
area accounted for thirteen o f the nineteen remaining in the Indies,
one o f the other six being Soto himself, who ended in North America,
and another Rodrigo Nunez, who went to Chile.
Mainly from humble or unimpressive backgrounds, the Trujillans
remaining in Peru were at first completely dependent on the Pizarro
tie; all were strong Pizarro partisans, many actual retainers. These peo
ple received encomiendas o f the very best, and were often preferred to
council seats before their individual eminence would have merited it.
The Pizarros made a concerted effort to pack the Peruvian town coun
cils with compatriots and retainers. Possibly the height o f this kind of
dominance was reached with the council o f Cuzco o f 15 3 7 , analyzed in
Table 2 4 .^ Usually, however, they bowed to the local situation, and
permitted several representatives o f other interests to sit on the council.
The men appointed as Pizarro spokesmen did their job as instructed,
but at the same time sought to cement their position and to begin
building an independent base. The non-Trujillans were generally most
T a b le 2 3 . R eg io n al O rig in R elated to F in a l D estin ation
Origin Indies Spain
Extremadura 19 15
Andalusia 12 19
Old Castile 8 8
N ew Castile 7 8
Leon 6 6
Biscay i 6
Navarre 2 0
Aragon 2 0
Greece i i
Unknown 8 3
Total 66 66
44 The table rests on a mass of data from the sources for the individual men, but
the composition of the council may be seen in CDIHC, IV, 398.
successful or determined in this effort; Juan de Valdevieso, for exam

ple, in 1 5 4 1 attained the post o f chief majordomo to the then gover
nor, Vaca de Castro, who was from Leon like himself. Few of the
retainers became captains or faction leaders on their own; during
the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion of the later i5 4 o ’s, however, several at
tained prominence as Pizarrist captains or local lieutenant governors:
Almendras, Hontiveros, Lucas Martinez, Alonso de Toro.
The whole series o f civil wars engulfing Peru until 15 5 0 grew out of
tensions already evident at the time of Cajamarca. The ramifications o f
this vast subject cannot all be considered here, though there is hardly
an aspect o f it that does not relate significantly to the conquest proper
and the backgrounds o f the conquerors. There was the Pizarro-Al-
magro struggle, with its attendant Extrem adura-New Castile rivalry;
there was the subtler struggle between Pizarro rule and the officials o f
the royal government; and, at the root, there was the contest already
seen in the distribution o f Cajamarca treasure— the issue o f whether the
Table 24. The Council of Cuzco, 1537
From
Men of Pizarro T rujillo- Pizarro
Members Cajam arca Retainers Cdceres Partisans
Lieutenant governor
H ernando Pizarro * * *
Alcaldes
G abriel de R ojas
Francisco de V illacastin *
Councilmen
D iego M aldonado *
H ernando de A ld an a * * *
Ju a n de V aldevieso * * *
G onzalo de los N id o s * *
Lu cas M artinez * * *
(?)
Francisco de Alm endras * * *
(?)
Rodrigo de Herrera * * *
Clerk
D iego de N a rv a e z *
N o t e : An asterisk ( * ) denotes possession of attributes indicated; a dash (-------) ,

absence of attributes indicated; a question mark ( ?), doubtful status.
88 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
narrow Pizarro party was to be overwhelmingly predominant, or

whether a diversity o f interests was to prevail. W ithin a few years the
Almagrists had lost utterly, but the other factors all remained strong.
In 15 5 4 Gonzalo Pizarro made a last attempt to assert total Pizarro
dominance, but after some years o f apparent success, based on the tem
porary coincidence o f interests o f the Pizarros and the majority o f en-
comenderos, the combined elements o f royal authority and the general
Spanish population won a decisive victory. In 154 8 the Pizarro party
was destroyed, and the factionalism stemming from the conquering ex
pedition came to an end, though many old Pizarrists remained among
the encomenderos.
In the civil wars no more than a small number o f the men o f Caja-
marca ever opposed the Pizarros directly, if only because they owed to
them the encomiendas which were the base o f their wealth and influ
ence. Those doing so were almost all either N ew Castilians or margin
al figures o f one kind or another who were unhappy with the treatment
accorded them. A few were resentful o f poor shares o f Cajamarca
treasure. Altogether, five men are thought to have gone on Alm agro’s
Chile expedition; two o f these and three others died fighting on the
Alm agro side in the civil wars.
The importance o f the N ew Castilian factor does not emerge in the
raw figures telling who stayed and who returned. For one thing, the
region proves as usual too broad a category. N ew Castile includes M a
drid, too far away from Alm agro’s Ciudad Real to have much affinity
with it; the effects are visible only in the men of Toledo and of Ciudad
Real itself.45 Mena, a Ciudad Real native, was an Alm agro agent, as
we have seen; Francisco de Peces, from Sonseca, a little to the north,
took Alm agro’s side in the "W ar o f Salinas” despite an encomienda
and a council seat in Cuzco; tailor Juan Jimenez, from nearby Consue-
gra, probably accompanied Alm agro to Chile; Alonso de Mesa, from
Toledo, repeatedly came under suspicion o f Alm agro partisanship, and
suffered for it.46
One of the more noted figures to join Almagro was Rodrigo Nunez.
45 Madrid man Barrera was no enemy of the Pizarros; Baena was their ally, and
Barbarân actually their retainer.
46 Alonso de Morales, from Moral de Calatrava near Ciudad Real, came from
Spain with the Pizarros and was their retainer for a time; nevertheless, he went home
early and later complained of his treatment. He is last seen in Peru in the following
of Almagro in 15 3 4 (Antonio de Herrera, Décodas, X I, 4 3 ) . Pedro de Leon of Ciu
dad Real also went early to Spain, though we know nothing more specific.
Though Pizarro named him maestro de campo when he arrived in Peru

with Benalcazar, he received no authority with the post, and he got a
simple horseman’s share o f the treasure. In resentment he took a similar
assignment with Alm agro’s Chile expedition. Several Pizarro enemies
were clearly marginal men. They include Pedro de San M illan, the ex
pedition’s only authenticated wastrel; Pedro de Ulloa, who, though
a Caceres man, got the Peru expedition’s smallest share; the Greek,
Pedro de Candia, his Aragonese-Italian friend Florencia, and Diego de
Narvaez from Navarre.
Conclusion
The slave raiding on the Caribbean, the spoils seeking in Central
America, and the great conquests are all on the same line o f develop
ment. In the evolution o f Spanish-American expeditionary enterprises
from the investor-dominated commercial company toward a band o f
men winning shares, the Peru venture had gone far toward the latter,
not only formally, but in the diversification o f investment and the plu
rality of independent interests. On the other hand, the Pizarros were
strong in organization and in the number o f their faction. Gradually
they expelled or destroyed all prominent individuals who could chal
lenge them, but an indestructible counterweight to their power existed
in the numbers, equipment, and skill o f the ordinary Spaniards. The
whole organizational-political aspect o f the expedition and its after-
math was characterized by this struggle between Pizarro-Trujillo domi
nance and the self-assertion of the body o f men, with the result long
inconclusive.
Through all the maneuverings and battles, most o f the men acted on
a realistic assessment of their own self-interest. Their factions rested on
ties o f common region and common experience. W e need never have
recourse to the concepts o f treachery or adventurousness to explain the
conquerors’ conflicts and movements. Treachery perhaps is in evidence,
though never as a gratuitous factor; adventurousness is simply not ap
plicable, since those few who went on to farther frontiers had essen
tially been expelled. A fter twenty years the conflicts died down; mean
while they had had major repercussions on the settlement o f other parts
o f South America, and even o f Florida. Indeed, the workings o f fac
tion go far to explain the speed o f the Spanish occupation o f the Indies.
5. THE ROLL OF CAJAMARCA
h e e x i s t e n c e o f a l i s t o f the participants in Atahuallpa’s cap
T ture, on the whole amazingly accurate and complete, is what makes

the present book possible. Besides giving a framework and a starting
place, the list provides much essential information about the individu
als— their roles, social standing, associations, and occasionally even
their occupations. Y et we do not know the original o f the list, nor any
contemporary copy, nor any direct copy made in later times. A ll the
known versions extant are at least third-hand.
A document with such a masked origin deserves to have its history
traced. W hat has come down to us is a record o f the distribution o f the
treasure, rather than a roll o f the participants as such. It omits Fray V i
cente de Valverde, who participated but received no share; any other
Spanish participants who might have been deprived o f shares would
also fail to appear, though it is unlikely that there were any. On the
other hand, the list includes Juan de Sosa, who received a share but
was not present. Whether or not a full roster o f participants ever exist
ed is unknown. Expeditions do seem sometimes to have maintained a
THE ROLL OF CAJAMARCA 91
general roster. Such a document for the Peru expedition would pre
sumably have listed all the Spaniards who had entered the country, in
cluding those who stayed behind in Piura.
The earliest version that is definitely known to have existed actually
consisted o f two documents prepared by the secretaries Francisco de
Jerez and Pedro Sancho. One list recorded the distribution o f silver,
the other o f gold; some individuals were omitted entirely from one or
the other listing. These documents eventually came into the hands o f
the chief notary o f the realm, Jeronimo de Aliaga, and were in his pos
session in Lima around 15 5 0 .
A t this time the chronicler Pedro de Cieza de Leon consulted the
lists and prepared a version which he inserted in the third part o f his
Peruvian histories. Cieza was interested above all in perpetuating the
first conquerors’ names; for that reason, and because he thought the
division of the treasure unjust, he omitted the shares. B y his own state
ments Cieza would appear to have used only the silver list. One o f the
omissions on his list can be traced back to this procedure.1 I f an authen
tic reproduction o f Cieza’s list had come down to us, it would probably
be the best we have. But most o f Cieza’s writings had to wait centuries
for publication, and by the twentieth century the third part o f his
chronicle o f Peru, dealing with the conquest, was considered lost. A t
last Peruvian Rafael Loredo located a copy, o f which he has published
sections in Mercurio Peruano, including the Cajamarca list.2 But Lore-
do’s copy, apparently made in the eighteenth century or later, is gar
bled in many places, and Loredo’s own editorial practices are veiled
and arbitrary. Cieza’s list thus reaches us twice removed from the origi
nal. Even so, it has much value. Despite many misspellings and impos
sible forms, it gives correct renditions of several names which are in
1 Cieza does not specifically say that he used only the silver list, but at the end of
his list he gives only the quantity of silver distributed. In the shares as given by
Caravantes, two men, Gaspar de Marquina and Diego Escudero, received no silver.
Checking this against Cieza, we find that Cieza has omitted Marquina as would be
expected; but Diego Escudero does appear on his list, though in a far different loca
tion than on the Caravantes-Salinas list. The present writer thinks that Cieza did in
fact use the silver list, then glanced through the gold list and caught Escudero, but
not Marquina. Cieza has probably given Escudero the location he occupied on the
gold list. Cieza’s other apparent omissions must be merely defects in the available
copy, since Herrera’s list, derived from Cieza’s, omits only Marquina.
2 Pedro de Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 39 ( 1 9 5 8 ) 15 70 -5 74 . Loredo
has consistently refused to reveal the provenance of his copy. However, there can be
no reasonable doubt that it is essentially authentic.
92 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
correct in the better-known versions. Cieza also at times presents a

more logical order o f names, probably reflecting the original lists.
(W hen he puts two tailors together, neither of whose occupations he
could have known, there is no doubt that he follows the original. H ow
ever, when he puts two men with the same surname together, he may
be checking or rationalizing rather than copying directly.) Cieza alone
preserves the original gente de a pie ("footm en” ) as the heading for
the second section, rather than the militarizing infanteria ( "infantry” )
o f the later writers.
A t some later time, probably around the 15 8 0 ’s, in the era o f V ice
roy Toledo, when efforts were being made to preserve the history of
the conquest, someone made another copy.3 N ot long thereafter the
originals disappeared. The copier reproduced the wording o f the offi
cial act o f distributing the silver, a short summary o f the act o f distrib
uting the gold, and a combined list o f all persons receiving shares, with
the exact amounts o f silver and gold going to each person. The com
bined list was not prepared in 15 3 2 by Pedro Sancho, as Loredo
thought.4 The statement made there that the lists are combined in or
der to avoid writing the list twice is only a parenthetical remark by the
later copier. It is highly improbable that a member o f the Peru expedi
tion would have had to guess whether a comrade’s name was Rodrigo
or Francisco, or would not know whether a prominent captain was
named Mena or Medina.5 Also, we know that Cieza in 15 5 0 had no
amalgamated list to work from.
In the early seventeenth century Francisco Lopez de Caravantes, a
treasury official in Lima, copied this list in its entirety and inserted it in
his manuscript "N oticia general de las provincias del Peru, Tierra
Firme y Chile,” o f which various parts were completed between 1 6 1 4
and 16 3 2 .6 The fact that Caravantes was a treasury accountant may
3 The time was certainly no later than the early seventeenth century, when Cara
vantes and Salinas y C6rdoba used the list, and long enough after the conquest that
the calligraphy of 15 3 0 was becoming difficult to read.
4 Rafael Loredo, Los repartos, p. 92. Loredo’s discussion of the history of the doc
ument, with several acute remarks, covers pages 9 1 -9 5 .
5 These alternatives appear in both Caravantes and Salinas y Cordoba, so they must
have been in this copy, along with the many other mistakes those two versions have
in common. Because the two have so many common errors, but each has correct
readings not in the other, one may deduce that an independent list existed, rather
than that one of these two was based on the other.
6 The unpublished manuscript of Caravantes’s work is in the Biblioteca de Palacio
in Madrid; a description is to be found in Jesus Dominguez Bordona, Manuscritos
well indicate that the copy was preserved in the Lima offices o f the
royal exchequer. Caravantes’s version o f this late-sixteenth century copy
is the standard one today and the only source available which gives the
men’s individual shares o f gold and silver. There is no way to check
closely the accuracy o f the amounts, but internal evidence, comparison
with other fragmentary information,7 and the congruence o f Caravan
tes’s totals with those given elsewhere,8 all point to a high degree o f re
liability. A s to the names, Caravantes, like the copy before him, is ex
tremely reliable in reproducing all the elements, and usually their or
der. The spelling, however, is highly corrupt. Many names are com
pletely erroneous, though plausible, while others are improbable, and
several are so garbled as to be impossible in Spanish or any other lan
guage. A majority o f the mistakes are Caravantes’s own, but a good
number were already in the copy he used.
Around the same time as Caravantes, or a little later, the Franciscan
friar Buenaventura de Salinas y Cordoba again used the copy which
served Caravantes, including a version o f it in his M emorial de las his-
torias del nuevo mundo Piru,9 published in 16 30 . Salinas y Cordoba
changed the orientation o f the listing by omitting the shares and at
tempting to account for all the participants. A t the end o f the list o f
horsemen he added the name of Fray Vicente de Valverde. One might
naturally suspect that Salinas y Cordoba merely used Caravantes, but
though the two tally in most details, the Franciscan has many correct
readings which are mistaken in Caravantes, besides a few new mistakes
o f his own. In general, Salinas y Cordoba gives a better rendering o f
the names, and, in one case, o f the order o f their common source,
though he does make two omissions. H aving served as the basis o f the
two versions, the late-sixteenth-century copy in Lim a must have dis
appeared. Neither its original nor any other direct copies are known
today.
Cieza, Caravantes, and Salinas y Cordoba are the three principal
de America, pp. 1 7 9 - 1 8 1 and 18 2. The Cajamarca document therein contained has

been published many times, perhaps most completely and clearly in Enrique Torres
Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos de Lima, III, 1 2 1 - 1 2 6 .
7 See, for example, Oviedo’s assertion that Hernando Pizarro got seven shares, or
Gaspar de Marquina’s mention in a letter that he possessed "tres mil ducados largos.”
8 See Loredo, Los repartos> pp. 6 7-8 6 , for an extensive treatment of the amount
and quality of the treasure of Cajamarca.
9 Buenaventura de Salinas y Cordoba, Memorial, edited by Luis E. Valcarcel and
Warren L. Cook. The list is on pp. 78-90 .
94 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
sources for the Cajamarca list. Each has independent value; each con
tains correct readings not in any other version, as well as confirmation
or refutation o f the others. A fourth copy, included by Antonio de H e
rrera in his Décodas,10 is far less valuable. Roughly contemporary with
Caravantes and Salinas y Cordoba, Herrera’s listing is almost exclusive
ly based on Cieza’s. Scholars have long known that Herrera relied heav
ily on Cieza, and that he used the subsequently lost third part o f Cieza’s
work. Again and again Herrera’s list agrees with Cieza’s, in order as
well as in spelling o f names. Most indicative o f all is the fact that H e
rrera follows Cieza in mistakes, such as Hernando Martinez for Her-
nân Munoz, Juan Martinez for Juan Munoz, and Nicolas de Aspa for
Nicolas de Azpeitia. Herrera shows no sign o f having known the other
two versions, or any other form o f the list. His considerable deviation
from Cieza comes from an ill-informed attempt to correct apparent
mistakes, and to supplement the listing from individual bits o f outside
testimony. N ot knowing that there really were two Miguel Estetes, he
banished one from the list, putting in his place one Pedro Alonso Ca
rrasco, who was not at Cajamaca. Herrera also eliminated one of the
two Juan de Salinases to make room for Captain Pedro de Vergara, an
artillery captain who arrived in Peru only late in the 1 5 3 0 ’s. Herrera’s
listing would have no independent value at all if the original o f Cieza’s
were available. That original is lost, however, and since Herrera used
either the original or a good copy o f it, many o f his renderings are
more faithful to Cieza than the bad copy o f the Tercera parte pub
lished by Loredo. Particularly, Herrera’s copy proves that Cieza did not
originally omit five names from Pedro de Anadel to Diego Ojuelos, as
he seems to, in Loredo’s edition.
T o the analysis and comparison o f these four versions, much other
evidence can be added. Accounts in chronicles, and testimony in trials
and probanzas, give direct evidence that many of these men were in
deed participants at Cajamarca. Much powerful circumstantial evidence
is available in notarial documents and treasury records from Cajamarca
in early 1 5 3 3 and from Coaque in 1 5 3 1 . The web o f reciprocal confir
mation is thick and strong. Such corroboration cannot be made explicit
here, but the underpinnings may be found in the references to each
biography in Part II. W hile a few o f the men, particularly those with
out first names on the list, are not certainly identified, the writer has
10 Antonio de Herrera, D êcad aSy X I, 1 7 7 - 1 7 8 .

little doubt that all the names on the version presented below are cor
rect, with the exception o f Juan de Niza.
Going beyond its history to analysis o f the document itself, the sig
nificance o f the names and amounts w ill be immediately apparent. Far
less apparent is the meaning hidden in the order o f listing. Generally
speaking, the list is arranged in order o f precedence, from high to low.
The largest shares come first; the horsemen precede the footmen, the
hidalgos the commoners, the captains the men. But this principle is not
carried out consistently. There are many slips and anomalies. It seems
almost that each o f the two sections consists o f a small number of
clearly prominent men arranged in strict order o f precedence at the
top, followed by a large middle group without much attention to rank
ing, and then a smaller group o f obviously inferior members at the end.
(Though the first section appears to include only horsemen, some o f
the captains at the beginning o f the list fought on foot. It is true that
they owned horses, which was the important thing when it came to dis
tributing the treasure.)
Another principle is the listing together o f associates, partners, and
men o f the same trade. Partners Alonso Ruiz and Lucas Martinez ap
pear together, as do at least four other pairs. Trumpeters Alconchel
and Segovia are paired, and there are two sets o f tailors: Chico and
Robles, and Gonzalez and Martinez. Such associations make one won
der if the list did not originate in a queue. Perhaps the compilers
would have made these connections mentally in any case.
W hole units may be concealed in the list. It is not sure that the ex
pedition had any permanently organized subunits o f horse or foot; we
hear rather o f a certain leader being assigned so many men for a given
mission. The closest thing to units were the bodies o f horsemen loyal
to Soto and Benalcazar respectively, the ''artillery” under Candia, and
a body o f twenty crossbowmen that Jerez says was formed about a
month before Cajamarca. In the list of horsemen, the seven men from
"A lonso Perez” to "Juan Ruiz” were veterans o f Nicaragua who prob
ably arrived with Benalcazar. It is not quite certain that the next two,
Fuentes and Castillo, arrived with him, but they did accompany him
back to Piura after Cajamarca. This grouping could be the nucleus of
Benalcazar’s squadron; nevertheless, others who came with him are lo
cated elsewhere. Men loyal to Soto are even more widely spread. The
artillery— mainly musketeers— might be concentrated in the vicinity o f
Rodrigo de Herrera, musketeer, Martin de Florencia, crossbowman and
96 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
subsequently artilleryman, and Jorge Griego, Greek friend o f Captain

Candia. But musketeer Juan Garcia is at some distance. There surely
must be many other elements hidden in the structure o f the listing. Any
new item o f information about the men, added to what is already
known and applied to the list, can confirm hunches or produce further
insights.
A version o f the Cajamarca list, based on a comparison o f the four
versions described above and combined with the best information that
could be derived from other sources, follows. N o list exactly like this
one ever existed. It does not attempt to reconstruct the original separate
iists for gold and silver; it is not an exact reconstruction o f the late-
sixteenth-century combined list, which had various errors. Rather, it
gives the latter list as it would have been if all the readings had been
correct.
The notes give some o f the principal variants in the four versions, in
both names and order, except that Herrera’s partly derivative, partly
arbitrary order is ignored. N o account is taken o f purely orthographic
differences, or o f the presence or absence o f connectives and articles.
The spelling o f the names has been modernized and standardized.
A ll figures for shares are taken from Caravantes, the only known
source at present. The occasional omission o f a man from one or the
other o f the lists is not a mere oversight, since the original consolidator
o f the gold and silver lists made a written note in each case that he had
searched and could not find a given name on a given list. The omis
sions must go all the way back to Cajamarca, and it is highly unlikely
that oversights would be permitted in a matter o f such pressing impor
tance to individuals. There is a strong presumption that those missing
from a given list actually received nothing.
G EN T E D E A CABALLO
{S ilver m arks) {G old pesos)

L a Iglesia1 1 90 2 ,22 0
E l senor gobernador por su persona
y las lenguas y caballo 2 ,3 5 0 5 7 ,2 2 0
Hernando Pizarro 1 ,2 6 7 3 1,0 8 0
11 The consolidated list, and presumably the originals, prefaced all entries with an
a ("to” ), which is omitted here. "La Iglesia” is omitted in all versions except
Caravantes’s.
{S ilve r m arks) { G o ld pesos)
Hernando de Soto 724 * 7,740

E l padre Ju a n de Sosa
vicario del ejército12 3 10 6 /8 7,770
Ju a n Pizarro 407 2 / 8 11,10 0
Pedro de C an dia 407 2 / 8 9,909
G onzalo Pizarro 38 4 5 / 8 9,909
Ju a n Cortés 362 9 ,430
Sebastian de Benalcâzar 407 2 / 8 9,909
Cristobal de M ena13 366 8,380
R u y Hernandez Briceno 384 5/8 9,435
Ju a n de Salcedo14 362 9,435
M iguel Estete15 362 8,980
Francisco de Jerez 362 8,880
M as el dicho Jerez y Pedro Sancho
por la escritura de com pania16 94 2 ,22 0
G onzalo de Pineda 38 4 9,909
A lonso Briceno17 362 8,380
A lonso de M edina 362 8,480
Ju a n Pizarro de Orellana 362 8,980
Luis M aza 362 8,880
Jeronim o de A liag a 339 4/8 8,880
Gonzalo Pérez 362 8,880
Pedro Barrantes18 36 2 8,880
Rodrigo N û n ez 36 2 8,880
Pedro de A n adel19 362 8,880
Francisco M araver 362 7,770
D iego M aldonado 362 7,770
Rodrigo de Chaves20 362 8,880
D iego Ojuelos 362 8,880
12 Correctly omitted by Cieza and Herrera as not at Cajamarca.

13 Caravan tes and Salinas y Cordoba give Cristobal de Mena or Medina.
14 Caravantes and Salinas y Côrdoba give Juan de Salazar.
15 Herrera substitutes Pedro Alonso Carrasco, thinking the two Miguel Estetes are
a mistake.
16 Cieza and Herrera omit this; Salinas y Cordoba puts in only the name Pedro
Sancho, then includes him again later. The original may well have said "compana,”
which was still the standard word for the body of men constituting an expedition.
See above, p. 70.
17 Cieza reverses the order here, putting Medina before Briceno.
13 Caravantes and Salinas y Cordoba have Pedro de Barrientos.
19 This and the four names following are omitted in Cieza.
20 Caravantes has Ramiro or Francisco de Chastes; Salinas y Cordoba has Rodrigo
or Francisco de Chaves.
98 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
{S ilver marks') {G old pesos)

Ginés de Carran za21 362 8,880
Ju an de Quincoces 362 8,880
A lonso de M orales 362 8,880
Lope V êlez 362 8,880
Ju an de Barbarân 362 8,880
Pedro de A guirre 362 8,880
Pedro de Leon 362 8,880
D iego M ejia 362 8,880
M artin A lonso 362 8,880
Ju an de Rojas 362 8,880
Pedro Catano 362 8,880
Pedro Ortiz 36 2 8,880
Ju an M orgovejo 362 8,880
H ernando de T o ro 316 8,880
D iego de A giiero 362 8,880
A lonso Pérez 362 8,880
H ernando Beltran 362 8,880
Pedro de Barrera 36 2 8,880
Francisco Baena 362 8,880
Francisco Lopez 3714 /8 6,660
Sebastian de Torres 362 8,880
Ju an Ruiz 339 3/8 8,880
Francisco de Fuentes 362 8,880
G onzalo del Castillo 362 8,880
N ico las de A zpeitia22 339 3 / 8 8,880
D iego de M olina 3 1 6 6 /8 7,770
A lonso Peto 3 16 6 /8 7,770
M iguel Ruiz 362 8,880
Ju a n de Salinas herrador 362 8,880
Ju a n de Salinas de la H oz23 24 8 7 / 8 6 ,1 1 0
Cristobal G allego 3 16 6/8 —
Rodrigo de Cantillana 294 1/ 8 —
G abriel Félix 3 7 1 4/8 —
H ernân Sanchez 26 2 8,880
21 Cieza has Pedro de Carranza, Herrera has Gômez de Carranza.

22 Cieza gives the surname as Aspa and Herrera gives it as Azpa. Cieza may have
meant what he wrote as an abbreviation, but Herrera definitely did not understand it
as such.
23 Salinas y Côrdoba gives Juan del Hoz, Caravantes gives Juan Olz, or Loz. It
would appear that the copy used by both of them had only "H oz,” omitting "Sa
linas.” Herrera puts Pedro de la Hoz Salinas, then below, under the footmen, he
puts Pedro de Salinas de la Hoz, a different form of the same man’s name.
{S ilve r m arks) {G o ld pesos)
Pedro de Param o2425 27 14 /8 6 ,115
G E N T E D E A P IE 2&
Ju a n de Porras 18 1 4 ,540
Gregorio de Sotelo 18 1 4,540
Pedro Sancho 18 1 4 ,440
G a rcia de Paredes 18 1 4,440
Ju a n de Valdevieso 18 1 4,440
G onzalo M aldonado 18 1 4 ,440
Pedro N a v a rr o 26 18 1 4 ,440
Ju a n Ronquillo 18 1 4,440
Antonio de V e rg a ra 18 1 4,440
A lonso de la Carrera 18 1 4,440
A lonso Romero 18 1 4,440
M elchor V erdu go 13 5 6 /8 3,330
M artin Bueno 13 5 6 /8 4,440
Ju a n Perez de Tudela 18 1 4,440
Inigo T ab u yo 27 18 1 4 ,440
N u n o Gonzalez 18 1 —
Ju a n de Herrera 15 8 3,385
Francisco de A valo s 18 1 4,440
Hernando de A ld an a 18 1 4,440
M artin de M arquina 13 5 6/8 3,330
Antonio de Herrera 13 5 6/8 3,330
Sandoval 13 5 6 /8 3,330
M iguel Estete de Santo D om ingo 13 5 6/8 3,330
Ju a n Borrallo 18 1 4,440
Pedro de M oguer 18 1 4,440
Francisco Peces28 1 5 8 3/8 3,880
M elchor Palomino 13 5 6/8 3,330
Pedro de Alconchel 18 1 4,440
Ju a n de Segovia 13 6 6/8 3,330
Crisostomo de Hontiveros 13 5 6 /8 3,330
H ernan M unoz 13 5 6 /8 3,330
A lonso de M esa 13 5 6 /8 3,330
24 Salinas y C6 rdoba adds the name of fray Vicente de Valverde after Paramo.
25 Herrera has "Infantes” ; Caravantes and Salinas y C 6 rdoba have "Infanteria.”
26 Salinas y C6 rdoba omits Pedro Navarro.
27 Caravantes and Salinas y Cordoba have Inigo Taburco, Cieza has Inigo Zalvio,
and Herrera has Inigo Talbio, the latter doubtless being what Cieza’s original said.
28 All four versions have Francisco Perez.
100 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
{S ilv e r m a rk s) {G o ld pesos)
Ju an Pérez de O m a29 13 5 6 /8 3,8 8 5

D iego de T ru jillo 30 15 8 3 /8 3,330
Palom ino tonelero31 18 1 4 ,440
A lonso Jiménez 18 1 4 ,440
Pedro de Torres 13 5 6 /8 3,330
A lonso de T o ro 13 5 6 /8 3,330
D iego Lopez 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Francisco G allego 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Bonilla 18 1 4,440
Francisco de Alm endras 18 1 4 ,440
Escalante 18 1 3,330
A ndrés Jiménez 18 1 4 ,440
Ju an Jiménez32 18 1 3,330
G a rcia M artin 18 1 4,440
A lonso Ruiz 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Lucas M artinez 13 5 6 /8 3,330
G om ez Gonzalez 13 5 6/8 3,330
A lonso de Alburquerque33 94 2 ,2 2 0
Francisco de V a rg a s 18 1 4 ,440
D iego G avilân 18 1 3,8 8 4
Contreras difunto 133 2,770
Rodrigo de Herrera escopetero34 135 3/8 3,330
M artin de Florencia 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Antonio de Oviedo 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Jo rge G riego 18 1 4 ,4 4 0
Pedro de San M illân 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Pedro Catalan 93 3,330
Pedro Rom an 93 2 ,22 0
Francisco de la T orre 13 1 1/8 2,775
Francisco G orducho 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Ju an Pérez de Zam o ra35 18 1 4 ,4 4 0
D iego de N a rv â e z 13 1 1/8 2,775
G abriel de O livares 18 1 4 ,440
Ju an G arcia de Santa O lalla 135 6 /8 3,330
29 Herrera and Salinas y Cordoba have Juan Pérez de Osma.

30 Cieza and Herrera give Alonso de Trujillo.
31 Salinas y Côrdoba has Pedro Palomino.
32 Cara vantes reverses the order of Juan Jiménez and Garcia Martin; Salinas y
Côrdoba omits Juan Jiménez.
33 Cieza and Herrera say simply Alburquerque.
34 Salinas y Côrdoba has Diego de Herrera.
35 Caravantes gives Juan Pérez de Gômara.
{S ilve r marks') ( G o ld pesos)
Ju a n G a rcia escopetero36 13 5 6 /8 3,330

Pedro de M endoza 13 5 6/8 3,330
Ju a n Pérez 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Francisco M artin 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Bartolom e Sanchez marinero 13 5 6/8 3,330
M artin Pizarro 135 6 / 8 2 ,3 3 0
Hernando de M ontalbo i 8i 3,330
Pedro Pinelo 13 5 6/8 3,330
Lâzaro Sanchez 94 2 ,3 3 0
M igu el Cornejo 13 5 6/8 3 .3 3 6
Francisco Gonzalez 94 2 ,2 2 0
Francisco M artinez37 135 5/8 2 ,22 0
Z arate 18 2 4 ,440
Hernando de Sosa 13 5 6/8 3,330
Ju a n de N iz a ( ? ) 38 19 5 6 / 8 3,330
Francisco de Solares 94 3,330
Hernando del Tiem blo39 6 7 7/8 2,22 0
Ju a n Sanchez 94 1,6 6 5
Sancho de V illegas 13 5 6/8 3,330
Pedro de U llo a 94 —
Ju a n Chico40 13 5 6/8 3,330
Robles sastre41 94 2 ,22 0
Pedro Salinas de la H oz 12 5 5/8 3,330
A nton G a rcia 42 18 6 2,000
Ju a n D elgad o43 139 3,330
Pedro de V alen cia 94 2 ,22 0
A lonso Sanchez de T a la ve ra 94 2 ,22 0
M igu el Sanchez 13 5 6/8 3,330
36 Caravantes and Salinas y Côrdoba put Pedro de Mendoza between the two Juan
Gardas.
37 Caravantes says Frandsco Martinez and adds that he appears in the gold list as
Francisco Cazalla; Cieza has Francisco Nunez; Herrera has Francisco Martinez.
Doubtless Cieza’s original had Martinez as well.
38 Cieza has Juan Deuscar, Herrera has Juan de Orfân. In another document from
Cajamarca the name appears to be Juan de Nizar.
39 Salinas y Cordoba has Hernando Temblo; Caravantes has Hernando de Jemendo.
40 Caravantes places Chico before Ulloa.
41 Caravantes has Rodas sastre; Herrera and Salinas y Côrdoba have simply Robles,
without "sastre.”
42 Caravantes has Anton Esteban Garcia; Salinas y Cordoba has Antonio Esteban
Garcia.
43 Caravantes gives Juan Delgado Menzon; Salinas y Cordoba gives Juan Delgado
Monzön.
{S ilv e r m arks) {G o ld pesos)
Ju a n G a rcia pregonero 10 3 2,775

Lozano 94 2,22 0
G a rcia Lopez 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Ju an M unoz44 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Ju a n de Beranga45 18 0 4,440
Esteban G arcia 94 4 ,440
Ju an de Salvatierra 13 5 6 /8 3,330
Pedro Calderon 135 —
G asp ar de M arquina46 — 3,330

D iego Escudero47 — 4,440
Cristobal de Sosa48 13 5 6 /8 3,330
44 Cieza and Herrera have Juan Martinez.

45 Caravantes and Salinas y Cordoba have Juan de Berlanga; Cieza has Juan de
Verarga; Herrera has Juan de Vergara. Cieza and Herrera place Esteban Garcia
ahead of this man.
46 Omitted by Cieza and Herrera.
47 Placed by Cieza (and Herrera after him) far above, just after Alonso de Toro.
48 Caravantes has Cristobal de Soto; Cieza places Cristobal de Sosa higher on the
list, just after Hernando de Sosa.
6. SOME GENERAL REFLECTIONS
in earlier pages escape the

M
a n y o f t h e a n a l y s e s c a r r ie d o u t
question o f representativeness or typicality by operating at a

depth where that question does not arise. Implications for the image of
the Spanish conqueror have emerged— views o f the social types, ideals,
patterns o f behavior, and functions— that need no further discussion.
Still, some delimitation and comparison may be helpful.
Perspective in Peru
W ithin Peru itself, it has not been the intention to assert here that
our 1 68 men bore the whole burden o f early Peruvian history, or that
the events o f Cajamarca had an utterly unparalleled effect on them.
They are an ''important” body o f men in the usual sense, but the author
was moved to write about them primarily because they are a varied
group whose total membership is known and for whose lives minimal
ly adequate data exist. It is unfortunate that the citizens o f San M iguel
are not well enough identified and documented to be studied jointly, in
the same way, since they had been an integral part of the expedition
for over a year and a half. A s far as one can gather, they were o f the
same types, except that they were older; they would tip the scales even
farther in the direction o f maturity and experience in the Indies. In
their subsequent careers the men o f San M iguel do stand in some con
trast to the others. Though local notables, they did not receive signifi
cant shares o f Inca treasure at any point, and their own region was ex
ceedingly poor in precious metals. Correspondingly few, it appears,
went back to Spain. This tends to reinforce what was said above, that
wealth and good social standing were the basic factors impelling re
turn, while the strong correlation with experience was due to some
what unusual circumstances.
I f the conquerors left behind in San M iguel shared the pre-Caja-
marca phase, the men arriving with Alm agro shared the experiences o f
the captors o f Atahuallpa for the rest o f their lives. The study o f this
contingent also presents difficulties, though when the document o f par
tition o f treasure at Cuzco becomes available, the problem may not be
insurmountable.1 A t any rate, for the present book they would have
more than doubled the number of men, rendering the subject nearly
unmanageable. In the absence o f a methodical study of this group,
some impressionistic assessments may have their value.
Alm agro’s men (so we often call them, though not nearly all were
his partisans) shipped from Panama, rather than from Nicaragua, after
the town had been drained twice previously. It stands to reason that a
relatively high proportion o f them were new arrivals to the Indies. On
the other hand, a further small shipload o f men from Nicaragua joined
them on the way. Once again they seem types essentially similar to the
men o f Cajamarca. But because they received less than half as much
treasure as the first conquerors, even with participation in the distribu
tion o f Cuzco, far fewer of them returned to Spain, or so it appears.2
1 In possession of Rafael Loredo, at this writing.

2 Pedro de Cieza describes the circumstances surrounding Almagro’s expedition in
Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 38 ( 1 9 5 7 ) 1260 -262. A s Loredo and others have
pointed out ( Los repartos, p. 1 1 3 ) , the treasure of Cuzco was worth slightly more
than that of Cajamarca. But, since it was divided among many more men, individual
shares were smaller. The scraps published concerning the partition at Cuzco mention
few shares strictly comparable to those at Cajamarca. Governor Pizarro got gold and
silver worth 51,000 pesos, compared to his 68,000 at Cajamarca; Soto got 12,000,
compared to 21,000. But in these cases, particularly Soto’s, political exigencies were
important. The only ordinary member whose share at Cuzco is known is Juan Perez
de Tudela; his case is complicated by the fact that, having been a footman at Caja-
SOME GENERAL REFLECTIONS 10$
A larger proportion o f them accompanied Alm agro to the conquest o f

Chile, as well they might, having closer connections with him and hav
ing received fewer favors from the Pizarros. Even so, most stayed be
hind as encomenderos o f Peru, and these had careers closely paralleling
those o f the men o f Cajamarca who still remained in the country. They
sat on the same councils, fought in the same wars, received the same
honors, and held encomiendas in the same city districts, though it is
true that coming second, some were pushed off into peripheral areas.
Before long the two groups felt a strong solidarity o f interest and
were often viewed by later arrivals as a single entity. There was a d if
ference, but one o f degree only. It was no doubt true, as Garcilaso says,
that the conquerors o f Cuzco greatly honored the men o f Cajamarca,3
and overall it seems to be true that the latter were somewhat more
prominent. By 15 4 8 , however, we find the distinctions o f "first con
queror" and "conqueror o f Cuzco" fading, with both groups consid
ered "conquerors" pure and simple. That category remained important
in the award and retention o f encomiendas and was used around 15 5 0
with considerable accuracy for these two sets o f men and no others.4
A s time went by, a further shift occurred. The dramatic events o f
Cajamarca came to symbolize the whole conquest, whether it was a
matter o f praising the conquerors or paying restitution to the Indians,
when this gesture became fashionable.5 It is in the late period, after
156 0 , that we first hear the term los de Cajamarca, translated here as
"the men o f Cajamarca."6 Neither o f the two men so called were in
fact at Cajamarca— they had been left in San M iguel. The later gener
ations no longer knew who actually took part in the capture o f Ata-
marca, he had become a horseman by the time of the conquest of Cuzco. Many of the
men of Cajamarca now had horses, in fact, and this increased the discrepancy be
tween their shares and those of the new men, who could not yet afford mounts. A t
any rate, Juan Perez de Tudela’s share as a horseman at Cuzco was worth 7,668 pe
sos; since this was presumably a double portion, a single share at Cuzco would have
been worth 3,834 pesos, compared to 5,345 at Cajamarca (see Loredo, Los repartos,
PP- 99 , 12 , 4 0 0 -4 0 3).
3 Garcilaso de la Vega, Obras, II, 259.
4 See for example the 154 8 list of the encomenderos of Huamanga, in Loredo,
Los repartos, pp. 2 1 1 - 2 1 3 .
5 Nicolas de Ribera el viejo, one of the Thirteen of Gallo, who arrived with A l
magro in 1 5 3 3 and had a long and active career in Peru, ordered in his will of 15 6 3
that 6,000 pesos be paid as restitution to Indians, "despite the fact that I was not at
Cajamarca” ( R A H C 4 [ 1 9 5 3 ] 1 1 0 5 -1 0 8 ) .
6 In a Mercedarian memorial of services of 1570 . Victor M. Barriga, Mercedarios,
I, 4 -
io 6 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
huallpa, and, despite the growing emphasis on Cajamarca, imagined

that the conquerors o f Cuzco and other early arrivals must also have
been there. Although Garcilaso gives a strict, standard definition o f
"first conqueror," in fact he applies it equally to all these groups. He,
himself, with all his special knowledge, apparently had no exact idea
o f who participated and who did not.
T o combine the whole corps of conquerors o f Peru— the citizens o f
San Miguel, the men o f Cajamarca, and the conquerors o f Cuzco—
would result in a group with a level o f experience and social origins
very similar to those o f the men studied here; the forces, patterns, and
variables operating on and in them were the same. One major quanti
tative difference would appear, in the form o f a far larger proportion
o f settlers to repatriates. Also one would doubtless find the strength o f
the contingent from the Trujillo region less striking, with Andalusia
probably regaining its usual numerical predominance among the
regions.
Comparison with Other Areas

That the men of Cajamarca were closely akin to the conquerors o f
other parts o f Spanish America is past all doubting. They operated
within a whole network o f well-formed Indies traditions, with which
the long experience o f many rendered them perfectly familiar; not a
few had themselves been conquerors o f Nicaragua and even o f Pana
ma. In their ideals they were strongly Spanish; in their social and re
gional origin they were closely parallel to the general stream o f Span
ish immigration in the early and middle sixteenth century.
Once a deep and subtle understanding of a subject has been achieved
through close study, the business o f comparative investigation is, first,
to make a quick, superficial check as to the range of applicability, and,
second, more importantly, to discern the pattern in regional variation.
In the present case such comparison is severely limited by the lack o f
similar work for many other important areas. The peers o f the men of
Cajamarca are the conquerors o f Mexico, on whose lives unfortunately
no adequate research has been performed. Some partial studies exist,
which enable us to see that the patterns of the conquerors’ advance
ment and perpetuation within the county were much the same.7 But in
7 Francisco A . Icaza, Conquistadores y pobladores de Nueva Espana\ Edmundo

O ’Gorman, Catalogo de pobladores de Nueva Espana.
SOME GENERAL REFLECTIONS 10 7
most categories o f our interest the information is inadequate or even

suspect. Above all, completeness has not been attained and is perhaps
hardly to be hoped for, with the large and miscellaneous body o f M exi
co’s conquerors, so that we can have no certainty about proportions.
W hile it would be possible here to offer some observations on politi
cal similarities, or to speculate on the probable effect o f the small
amounts o f Mexican treasure in holding down the rate o f return to
Spain, there is one remark that can be made in advance o f closer study.
Similar though they appear to be, the two great conquests and sets of
conquerors were remarkably separate. The exchange o f personnel was
nearly nil. It was seen above that only one, or perhaps two, o f the
Peruvian conquerors had ever been in Mexico. N o Mexican rivalries,
friendships, or practices reflect themselves in Peru, as do those o f Pana
ma and Nicaragua.
There are two watersheds of conquest— one toward Central Am eri
ca, then Peru, the other toward Cuba, then Mexico, each with its own
continuities, inside a broad framework o f contemporaneity and similar
dynamics. It is hard to say in which the characteristic forms o f main
land expansion and occupation first evolved— probably Panama-Peru.
Fortunately, studies do exist which allow a comparative view o f at least
some aspects o f the groups of Spaniards involved at three important
steps along this southern path o f conquest: the founders o f Panama,
the men o f Cajamarca, and the conquerors o f Chile.
Gongora in his Grupos de conquistadores takes that truly remark
able document, the census o f the first encomenderos o f Panama in
1 5 1 9 - 1 5 2 2 , and analyzes it for social history in categories approaching
those used here, though not always identical.8 The document and con-
8 The document appears in entirety in Mario Gongora, Los grupos de conquista

dores, pp. 7 0 -7 5 , and Gongora’s discussion of it on pp. 7 5 -8 4 . There are two possi
ble objections to using the founders of Panama for purposes of comparison: ( 1 ) the
foundation of Panama was merely a strategic shift of Spaniards already in the coun
try, rather than an expedition of conquerors; and ( 2 ) the document used lists only
encomenderos, not literally every Spaniard present, as in the other two cases. To the
first one may answer that the broader Panamanian area at this time was still in the
conquest phase, and Panama was established as a base for expeditions. To the second
one can reply that the small, often meaningless Panama encomiendas went to a
broad sampling of the men present, including some very humble ones. It was not
until the settlement of Peru and Mexico that the encomienda acquired its full sei-
gneurial significance. Also, Gongora studies other elements of the local population,
without discovering any additional types beyond auxiliary blacks and mulattoes.
There is a group that would have been still better for our purposes: the discover
ers of the Pacific with Balboa in 1 5 1 3 . A unitary list exists (See Oviedo, H is-
io8 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
sequently Gongora’s treatment o f it are purely in terms o f origins and

background, with little information on current activity and nothing on
later fate.
Tomas Thayer Ojeda in Valdivia y sus companeros has examined
the group characteristics o f the conquerors o f Chile, as to both back
ground and subsequent careers. Lacking a unitary base document, he
nevertheless assembled, through years of work, a list o f Chile’s first
conquerors that can be considered literally complete. Though the meth
ods o f an earlier generation o f scholars, together with a certain gener
ous patriotism and Hispanism, have combined to render much o f Thay
er’s background information suspect or unacceptable, his treatment o f
subsequent fates is reliable and admirably full.
In these circumstances, comparison must inevitably be uneven. The
one aspect in which a thorough comparison can be carried out is that o f
regional origin. This in itself is significant. W henever one undertakes
a serious study o f a group o f Spaniards o f any kind in the Indies, he
w ill discover where most o f them were born, if he finds nothing else.
The Spaniards themselves considered regional origin o f such impor
tance, as a primary element o f their social and political life, that they
insisted on declaration o f origin at every turn. For Panama, we have
the origins o f over 95 percent, for the men o f Cajamarca, 77 percent,
for the conquerors o f Chile, 72 percent. The confrontation o f percent
ages in Table 25 makes little contribution to the history of Spanish
immigration generally, as it is emerging in the work o f Peter Boyd-
Bowman, this author’s Spanish Peru, etc. But it does serve to empha
size several points. The conquering groups were always o f diverse ori
gin, in roughly the same proportions as the broad Spanish population
in the Indies at the time. The general tendency for Andalusians to di
minish in number, while remaining generally the largest regional divi
sion, is reflected very well in the three successive groups. The entry o f
a minority o f mestizos among the conquerors o f Chile ( 15 4 0 ) paral-
toria general, III, 2 1 3 , 2 14 , 2 1 7 ) , and a beginning was made on the men’s biogra
phies by José Toribio Medina in chapter 15 of his life of Balboa ( Descubrimiento,
I, 2 9 7 - 3 2 7 ) . However, not only does this information need synthesis, much of it is
patently in error; rechecking of the original archival sources and further research
would be required to build up a reliable picture of group characteristics. For the
present one can only point to some readily recognizable traits: diverse regional ori
gin, including the usual scattering of foreigners and blacks or mulattoes; the pres
ence of some artisans and seamen; the fact that several of the men six years later
entered the lists of Panama’s first encomenderos, the very group studied by Géngora.
SOME GENERAL REFLECTIONS 109
lels a general phenomenon. Once again we see that conqueror and set
tler, conquest and settlement are the same.
A t the same time, in these relatively small groups, the origin o f the
leadership or other variable factors could throw the balance off, with
strong political implications, as already seen in chapter 4, above. In
fact, yet another repercussion of the Extremaduran dominance in Peru,
with the consequent poor position o f Alm agro’s N ew Castilians, is visi
ble in the composition o f the conquerors o f Chile. Even though A l
magro’s Chile venture failed, the N ew Castilian tradition remained, as
well as the Pizarro hostility in Peru. So even though Pizarro named his
Extremaduran compatriot Valdivia to head the second expedition, N ew
Castilians were still the second-largest regional group— far larger than
usual— with Extremadurans only third. Valdivia had to face the hostile
N ew Castilians, the men o f Leon or western Old Castile under his
rival Pedro Sancho (man o f Cajam arca), and the indifferent Anda
lusians, with an insufficient regional following o f his own; the situa
tion expressed itself in repeated mutinies.
In the matter o f experience, the founders o f Panama, like the men
o f Cajamarca, fell into two groups: men o f little experience who ar-
Table 25. Regional Origins Compared
Regions of Origin Founders of M en of C a ja Conquerors of

( first six in Panam a, 1519 marca, 1532 Chile, 1540
expected o rder) ( percent) ( percent) ( percent)
Andalusia 34-7 25.9 2 2 .5

Extremadura 2 1 .4 27-5 15-4
Old Castile 10.6 13 .0 7-2
N ew Castile 9-5 ïï .4 16 .2
Leon 5-9 11.4 12 .6
Biscay 8.3 6 .1 10 .8
Asturias 2,0 0.0 0.0
Galicia 0.0 0.0 1.8
Navarre 0.0 i -5 0.0
Aragon 1.1 i -5 0.9
Murcia 0.0 0.0 0.9
Canaries 0.0 0.0 0.9
Foreign countries 5-9 i -5 5-5
Indies 0.0 0.0 5-5
IIO SOCIAL PHENOMENA
rived in a body with the governor, and old veterans, there long before.9
Since, in the case o f Panama, the main expedition had arrived some
time ago, almost the whole group were veterans o f a few years, and
over half had been in the area for more than five years.10 Thus even
the great armada o f Pedrarias de A vila had been unable to impose a
monolithic uniformity on the local Spanish population, or to halt the
evolution o f that population’s local traditions.
Thayer Ojeda’s analysis o f this subject is vitiated by his too liberal
use o f the Pasajeros a Indias .11 Nevertheless, the general picture seems
valid. The great majority o f the conquerors o f Chile had arrived in the
Indies only two to four years before. Only a few had longer experi
ence, mainly the veterans o f Alm agro’s first Chile expedition, though
it is true that the several young mestizos had lived all their lives in the
Indies. This probably indicates a trend. The time was coming to an
9 In Table 25, the figures for the founders of Panama are taken unchanged from
the table Gongora inserted in Grupos, p. 77, except that Old Castile and the Mon
tana are combined to achieve comparability.
W ith the conquerors of Chile the situation is far more complex. Although himself
a man of the broadest knowledge, Tomas Thayer Ojeda was forced by blindness late
in life to use untutored help in compiling Valdivia y sus companeros. Many errors
crept in, including some very obvious ones, putting Spanish towns in the wrong re
gions. This writer has adopted the procedure of correcting the known errors, making
one addition from other sources, and recalculating. The changes are as follows:
( 1 ) Alonso de Chinchilla, said to be from Medina del Campo, is changed from M ur
cia to Old Castile; in fact, the man was probably from Medina de Rioseco, Old Cas
tile, in any case (see below, pp. 2 8 0 - 2 8 1 ) ; ( 2 ) Francisco and Pedro de Le<5n, from
Moral de Calatrava, are changed from Andalusia to N ew Castile; ( 3 ) Diego Garcia
de Caceres is changed from Leon to Extremadura because he was from Caceres, not
Palencia, as is apparent from the entry in Valdivia, p. 43, alone; ( 4 ) Diego Gutie
rrez de los Rios is changed fom Asturias to Andalusia because he was not from Na-
veda but from Cordoba; see don Alonso Enriquez de Guzman, Vida y costumbres,
p. 16 2 ; ( 5 ) Francisco Rodriguez de Hontiveros, from Hontiveros, is changed from
Extremadura to Old Castile— Hontiveros is the modern Fontiveros; (6 ) Antonio
Zapata, from Palencia, is changed from Leon to Old Castile. By some criteria Palen
cia can be considered Leon, but more usually Old Castile, and it is so considered in
both the other listings; ( 7 ) Juan Romero is added to Leon as being from Zamora.
The author disagrees with Thayer on the exact origin of Pedro Sancho, but both
place him in Old Castile (see below, pp. 2 8 0 - 2 8 1 ) .
10 Gongora ( Grupos, p. 78 ) declines to be specific about the times of arrival, al
leging with good reason the men’s vague manner of speaking. Also, they refer only
to their arrival in "estas partes,” which here proves mainly equivalent to the imme
diate Panama region, so that they could have been on the islands earlier. Neverthe
less, some idea is better than none. The author finds that eighty-two men stated how
long ago they had arrived: two under two years; thirty-seven between two and five
years; thirty-one between five and ten years; and twelve between ten and fifteen years.
1 1 Tomas Thayer Ojeda, Valdivia, pp. 8 4 -8 6.
SOME GENERAL REFLECTIONS III
end when conquest was the mainstream o f Spanish American evolu

tion, when any experienced and wealthy members o f the Spanish
population were w illing to devote themselves primarily to the opening
up o f new regions. The great heartlands were occupied; now began the
business o f sending unhappy young newcomers out o f the country.
The conquest o f Chile was one o f the first, and the most successful, o f
the numberless entradas leaving Peru in all directions in the 15 4 0 ’s,
i5 5 o ,s, and 15 6 0 ’s.
A s to social origins, Panama’s founders seem hardly distinguishable
from the men o f Cajamarca: the same upper-ranking group o f modest
hidalgos, with one or two fairly near the courtly nobility, followed by
notaries, artisans, seamen, and lower plebeians, all in much the same
proportion, as far as we can tell. Such differences as there are seem
to be o f terminology (Panama’s escuderos were Peru’s hidalgos),12
or o f the different state o f knowledge, since the background infor
mation in the Panama census far exceeds what has been pieced to
gether about the men o f Cajamarca, particularly as to the humbler
trades. A predominance o f artisans over 'peasants” or small agricul
turalists in Panama seems very significant both in itself and for the im
plication that, in this aspect too, the Peruvian conquerors were prob
ably similar, though we have no firm evidence. The Panama list
identifies no declared merchants, nor could Gongora locate a trace o f
any in the Panama o f the time.13 Nevertheless, they were there,14 as
they were later in Peru. It is true that the full-time declared merchants
stood aside from the conquest proper; when any joined the ranks o f
the conquerors, they dropped their label and open activity. Perhaps
there were no trained merchants among the encomenderos o f Panama
at that early time (the city was soon to be crowded with merchants),
but it would be possible to identify several individuals who were pri
marily entrepreneurs and men o f affairs, much like those among the
men o f Cajamarca.
Thayer Ojeda’s data are again less satisfactory. Gongora himself
chided Thayer for an overly facile acceptance o f spurious hidalgos;15
nor was the identification o f trades a particular interest o f his. N ever
theless, something emerges. For one thing, the conquerors o f Chile
12 See James Lockhart, Spanish Peru, p. 35.

13 G6ngora, Grupos, pp. 88-89.
14 Enrique Otte, "Mercaderes vascos in Tierra Firme,” Mercurio Peruano 45, nos.
4 4 3 -4 4 4 (Libro Jubiliar de Victor Andres Belaunde), M arch-April, 1964, pp. 8 1-8 9 .
15 G6ngora, Grupos, p. 69.
were the first of our three groups to have among their number anyone
titled "don” ; there were, in fact, two o f them.16 W ord o f the wealth o f
Peru had had its effect in Spanish courtly circles, and some marginal
members o f the high nobility were now w illing to try a hand at con
quest. There was not, however, any wholesale transformation o f the
conquering group. Discounting Thayer’s known tendencies, reading
between the lines o f his data, and using one’s informed imagination,
one can see the same familiar concatenation o f types and skills. This
would remain, o f course, to be proved in detail. A t least the elements
were there; among 15 4 men Thayer found five notaries, ten artisans,
and three merchants.17 Thayer’s index of his men’s literacy is too vague
and generous to make comparisons.18 Some 20 percent o f the men were
definitely functioning literates; according to Thayer, practically all the
rest for whom there is any evidence at all could sign their names, with
only 9 percent o f the men surely illiterate. This would considerably
improve on the performance of the men o f Cajamarca, if true. The
author’s own experience does confirm that in Peru at least the quality
o f the signatures o f the Spanish population as a whole was improving
over the 15 4 0 ’s and into the 1 5 5 0 ’s; perhaps the conquerors of Chile
were part o f this general movement.19
Proceeding from backgrounds to further careers, the Panamanian
data here almost forsake us. A n impression o f impermanence arises
from a general knowledge o f the area’s history and is confirmed by
Gongora’s treatment. The reasons for this are apparent: the rampant
diseases o f the Isthmus; the lack o f local wealth; the fact that the town
was founded as a staging area to conquer north and south; the com
mercial revolution and the constant stream o f passers-through after the
Peruvian conquest, when the whole function o f the city changed. W e
know of several men who left Panama for Nicaragua and then left
again for Peru. But what proportion did this? Perhaps not as great as
16 Thayer Ojeda, Valdivia, pp. 7 5 -8 3 .

17 Ibid., pp. 10 8 -10 9 .
18 Ibid., pp. 92-9 6.
19 Thayer Ojeda also gives information on the men’s ages ( Valdivia, pp. 6 5 -6 8 ,
and passim), but he arbitrarily assumed that anyone whose age he did not know was
twenty years old in 154 0 . On the other end of the scale, misuse of the Pasajeros a
Indias led him to identify some conquerors of Chile with men of the same name who
had come to the Indies many years before. Thus some longevity appears that is most
unusual for the time: one man is said to have lived over one hundred years, six be
tween eighty and ninety, nineteen between seventy and eighty.
one might think, if wholesale displacement is imagined. W ith a knowl

edge of the Spaniards in early Peru certainly not complete, but exten
sive, this writer can identify no more than sixteen o f the ninety-three
founders o f Panama who ever came to Peru— a significant movement
in any case. Only three o f the men o f Cajamarca ended anywhere else
in the Indies than Peru, and those went to be governors. The rate of
return to Spain among the Panamanians is not known.
The ultimate fates o f the conquerors o f Chile, on the other hand,
are known with accuracy and completeness. Chile was the opposite o f
Panama, and indeed was far the most stable situation o f the three
examined, despite the Indian wars. The conquerors o f Chile were there
to stay. O f 15 4 , only 7 returned permanently to Spain. Another 9 did
go back to Peru.20 A trend o f increasing permanence appears to obtain
for this whole southern current o f Spanish conquest. But it depends
more on the location of Peru and Peru’s wealth than on any general
stabilizing tendency. Peru pulled people on from Central America
and back from Chile. Its treasure was the springboard by which many
o f its conquerors returned to Spain; the conquerors o f Chile, and prob
ably those o f Panama, could hardly afford passage home, much less an
ostentatious life there. In the broad picture o f the Spanish Indies, the
situation o f the conquerors o f Chile was common; that o f the men o f
Cajamarca exceptional. It was poverty that kept the Chileans in Chile,
not a mission to colonize constructively, which some have imagined
distinguished them from putatively more rapacious conquerors o f
other areas. Whatever the reason, it is true that there was a constant
trend toward de-emphasis o f treasure seeking, together with more em
phasis on encomiendas and permanent settlement within the frame
work o f conquest proper. The process had already gone far in Peru
itself, with encomiendas in San M iguel preceding Cajamarca; the
leaders were intent on permanent rule, not treasure, and even the par
tition of the treasure, important as it was, was geared to that end.
In the shape o f their further lives the conquerors o f Chile confirm
fully that the place accorded the men o f Cajamarca in Peru was but
an instance o f the general treatment first conquerors received in other
areas o f the Indies. The effect was even stronger and lasted longer in
Chile, the flow o f later immigration to the area being so much weaker.
20 These figures are calculated from the catalog of the conquerors, in Thayer Ojeda,
Valdivia, pp. 3 1 - 6 1 , rather than from the list of those leaving Chile (ibid., p. 1 1 7 ) ,
which omits two names.
Almost all who lived there any time became encomenderos, clustered
in the two main cities o f Santiago and Concepcion.21 Offices and
honors were heaped on them: three became adelantados; four, mem
bers o f the Order o f Santiago; seven, governors (they long rotated in
the governorship o f C h ile ); nine, lieutenant governors or corregidors;
and a whole horde, council members o f the Chilean cities; apparently
only three men survived long without holding some honorific post or
other. The expedition’s chief ecclesiastic became Chile’s bishop, as
Valverde had in Peru.22 A s in Peru, Indians and Spanish internal con
flicts accounted for many o f the conquerors’ deaths; but, given Chile’s
less sedentary, more fragmented Indian population, the former out
weighed the latter fifty to nine, whereas in Peru the two factors ap
pear to have been almost equal.23 W ith so much less wealth than Peru,
Chile did not originate major expeditions into other areas on the order
o f Soto’s and Benalcazar’s, but the impulse was there, and one o f the
first conquerors was later governor o f Tucuman across the Andes.24
U p and down this path o f conquest, from Panama to Peru to Chile,
the men were much the same: groups with great internal diversity o f
social and regional origin, occupation, and faction. They were prin
cipally commoners, perhaps with an urban and maritime bias, led by
a substantial minority o f modest hidalgos. Over the years there was a
slight tendency for the general social level to rise. These men operated
in the same traditions o f action and organization, with the same gen
eral and individual goals. In this respect, however, change and evolu
tion are much more visible, as the whole body o f the men assumes ever
more independence o f the leaders and outfitters, and emphasis changes
from distribution o f treasure to permanent occupation.
It is in the pattern o f the lives o f the men after the conquest that we
see the most variation. The processes were the same, but the propor
tions varied enormously, particularly in the matter o f stability o f settle
ment in the new country. That the backgrounds were so much more
similar than the subsequent careers shows the force o f the environment
in the individual areas: the mineral wealth o f Peru was the all-impor
tant factor in that environment, with the nature and numbers o f the
local Indian population at first only a very strong undercurrent.
21 Ibid., pp. 1 1 0 - 1 1 4 .
22 Ibid., pp. 75, 1 0 5 -1 0 7 .
23 Ibid., pp. 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 .
24 Ibid., p. 32.
Aspects o f M ethod and Theory
The reader would doubtless not submit to a long discourse on the
method o f social history.25 Nevertheless, the study o f method and
sources is the epistemology o f the discipline, without which we could
as well accept chroniclers’ accounts as the pure, complete truth, and
have done. Some discussion o f these matters is necessary to an under
standing o f one large part o f the significance o f the present work.
One way to study the society o f a country or large region is to read
widely in all available sources which show the daily functioning o f its
members at various levels, assembling a multitude o f pertinent exam
ples o f contractual agreements and careers, then sorting out the main
social types and processes as therein embodied. Such a study was Span
ish Peru. W ork o f this type rests on the most direct sources and discov
ers basic patterns o f an inherent intelligibility. Y et there is no doubt
that the approach is somewhat selective. W hile the observations o f pat
terns, functions, and structures can hardly be less than valid, the pro
portions are estimates. W ide-ranging investigation can bypass regulari
ties whose locus falls somewhere between the individual and the whole
society.
Such surveys can be usefully supplemented by intensive, exhaustive
studies of strategically placed small groups within the larger society,
thus reducing the element o f selectivity to a minimum. This is the ra
tionale o f The M en o f Cajamarca. And indeed this sampling shows the
same functioning cross-section of Castilians, the same society in em
bryo, as did the broader overview. Such a result not only confirms the
conclusions o f the earlier work, it extends them, since Spanish Peru
concentrated especially on the constructive period o f about 15 3 8 to
15 5 5 , resorting to somewhat impressionistic reporting for the time of
the conquest proper. The inseparability o f conquest and settlement
now stand as fully established. The extreme earliness o f decisive quasi
national development emerges even more strongly than before.
The method used in The M en o f Cajamarca could find many appli
cations, but it may prove hard to find another group so manageable in
size, so relatively well documented, and so exactly in the center o f a
25 A discourse of this type is James Lockhart, "T h e Social History of Colonial

Latin America: Evolution and Potential,” Latin American Research Review 7 ( 1 9 7 2 ) ,
which restates the methodological part of what is said here, elaborates upon it, and
puts it in the general context of social history research strategy.
ii 6 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
vast historical process. It is important to have some kind o f reliable

unitary contemporary listing as a basis. Otherwise one might spend
years in the mere identification o f the group, or end by doing no more
than a narrow selective study instead o f a broad one.
The present work has several implications for the general theory of
Spanish immigration to the N ew W orld and the establishment o f a new
society there. One way to broach this subject is to compare our findings
with the ideas o f anthropologist George M . Foster, whose explanation
o f the process is particularly attractive because o f the small role it posits
for conscious innovation.26 Foster accounts for the possibility o f a spe
cial variant or subculture o f Hispanic civilization in America, in the
face o f constant new immigration from the metropolis, by the special
advantage that experience with the N ew W orld gave to those already
there. The earliest stages were especially important, because then the
settlers were literally forced to make certain adaptations to the new en
vironment. Once made, these adaptations quickly hardened into local
traditions, and new arrivals adapted to them in turn.
W e find this fully confirmed in the Peruvian conquest and accompa
nying movements. Seniority pervades everything. The leaders are those
with the longest Indies experience; the largest shares go to the most ex
perienced. Those who arrive first get the most rewards, honors, and
positions, while succeeding immigrants look up to them and presum
ably imitate them. In the powerful old veterans Pizarro and Benalcazar
we see a pride in the customs o f the Indies and an insistence on forcing
compliance with their ways.
The other main aspect o f Foster’s ideas is the contention that a sim
plification o f Spanish culture had to take place in America in order to
transmit its rudiments across the barriers o f different language and con
cepts. N ow , insofar as it refers to rural Indians, much can be said for
this explanation. Even in the Spanish centers, something like simplifi
cation occurred, but at this point we must begin to question the nature
o f the phenomenon. A frequently quoted example is the evolution of
plow forms; the many Spanish regional types o f plow gave way to a
single type in America. But here as in other cases, deeper consideration
w ill tell us that rather than true simplification, this is mere loss o f di
versity— standardization or unification. N o one region in Spain itself
26 George M . Foster, Culture and Conquest: America's Spanish Heritage, espe

cially chapters 2 and 17 .
had many plow types. The technique and function are fully preserved
in the N ew W orld.
Even in so small a sample as the Peru expedition, we can see that no
truly essential elements o f Spanish culture are being lost, not even the
subtleties, present in such members as Valverde, M orgovejo, and Alia-
ga. There is some loss o f variety, consequent on the simple reduction
o f numbers, and a process o f standardization goes on as various Span
ish regional groups clash, without any one group able to predominate
absolutely. This same process has occurred regularly in settler colonies,
including North America, and has nothing at all to do with Indians. In
Foster’s thinking the preoccupation o f the whole discipline o f anthro
pology with the concept o f acculturation ( from which it is now appar
ently beginning to recover) has led to the belief that when two socie
ties come into contact, acculturation must explain almost everything.27
The set o f processes that has been called acculturation has its unde
niable importance, even, in the long run, for the Spanish nuclei in
America. But we should recognize the ability o f a dominant group to
maintain its traditions, even when a minority o f the total population.
Scholars have usually underestimated the structural importance o f Indi
ans— the way that they determined the nature o f Spanish settlement as
a primary environmental factor— while overestimating their direct im
pact on the Spaniards and Spanish culture.
The final parts o f chapters 2 and 3 above have already sufficiently
emphasized that the operation o f such structural or general factors as
the varying wealth o f the new regions and the nature o f long-standing
Spanish social ideals far outweigh ideology and individual psychology
in explaining what went on in the Indies, either countrywide, or in the
career o f a single Spaniard. This is not said in that sense in which
scholars so often believe their own subject matter more important than
another. Rather the assertion is being made that ideology and individu
al psychology did not bear on the process at all, as determinants. U topi
anism can be dismissed out o f hand. N ot a trace o f it appears in the
27 Foster shows several times in chapter 2, Culture and Conquest, that he realizes
the importance of various factors having to do purely with the establishment of a
new offshoot of a parent culture, regardless of the original inhabitants of the new
area. Y et he also on occasion expresses open puzzlement about certain parts of the
normal process of standardization (p. 1 6 ) , and his primary focus is on the modifica
tion of what he considers a donor culture in relation to a recipient culture. H e speaks
in terms of "conquest” or "contact” culture, where in this writer’s opinion one
could more properly speak of "expansion,” "colonial,” or perhaps "frontier” culture.
n8 SOCIAL PHENOMENA
Peruvian conquerors’ words or actions, except perhaps for the death

bed contrition into which zealous friars forced certain men who sur
vived to the 15 6 0 ’s. Far from having any motive o f dissent, the con
querors opposed innovation in any form, either in Spanish culture or
in the customs o f the Indies. It appears that practically all Spaniards fa
vored the expansion o f Spain and Christianity. But this would apply to
one Spaniard as much as to another, and to all non-Spanish, non-Chris
tian peoples equally. It could never explain why some Spaniards left
Spain and others did not, or why more went to some areas than others,
or why they did different things in different areas.
It should be apparent that group temperament or frame of mind
does not explain the immigrants’ actions. Only the most naive would
think the conquerors of Panama a group o f insecure, shifting individu
als, those o f Peru a contentious lot, and those o f Chile constructive
colonists. The situation in each case gave the men good reason to act as
they did. N or was there really a '‘conqueror mentality” causing con
quest and a "settler mentality” causing peaceful occupation; the same
men often manifested both, as conditions changed.
It is true that attitudes o f this kind can become so fixed that they are
an independent factor. But they still derive from the environment,
from experience, or from social condition. Some o f the oldest veterans
had a positive emotional attachment to the Indies— not because o f any
predisposition or act o f w ill, but because they were humble and poor
fellows who had had to live at the edge o f nowhere so long that it
grew on them, as would happen to anyone subjected to the experience.
The temperament o f the conquerors— energetic, capable, laconic— was
adapted to the challenges and the pressures that faced their generation.
The creole idlers and talkers who often succeeded them represented the
almost universal response o f sons for whom everything has been done
by their fathers. Such mentalities and temperaments whirl in front o f
us in never-ending variety. But finally they are as nothing compared to
the Spanish desire to keep a large establishment and enhance the fam i
ly name, a motivation actively shaping the lives o f loquacious and taci
turn, stable and unstable, low and high, settlers and repatriates.
Part II: The Men
■=^r^r=^r=Jr=ir=Jr==Jr=Jr==ir=ir==Jr=Jp==Jr=Jr==Jr==Jr==ir=ir=dr
7. LEADERS
ere are brought together life histories o f the principal lead

H ers o f the Peruvian expedition as it approached Cajamarca. This
may tempt some readers to concentrate on prominent individuals at the
expense o f the body of men who were the expedition’s strength and to
view the leaders apart from the general context. Y et the leading figures
conform perfectly to the trends o f their time and place. Indeed, since
the careers o f several o f them are known in greater detail than those o f
the other conquerors, one can demonstrate by their cases more clearly
than usual the shaping effect of general forces present in the environ
ment and the background. It is often only with the leaders that we have
the kind o f information allowing us to perceive patterns o f a psycho
logical order, though these of course existed among all men. W hat ap
pear at first to be idiosyncratic habits o f mind often later reveal an inti
mate relation to social origin and experience.
I f the men here were to be included in other sections, most would be
listed with the hidalgos. Candia, with his special manual skill, would
most nearly fit among the artisans, and Benalcazar would take his place
122 THE MEN
among the plebeians, in all probability the lower plebeians. There is

also, however, the specific type o f the leader, usually a man respected
for his lineage and experience. Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro are hardly o f
this type, since in 1 5 3 2 their position was still purely dependent on
their brother the governor. The youngest o f the Pizarros, Gonzalo, was
at this time perhaps not yet a leader at all. Nevertheless, he belongs
with his kinsmen; his share of the treasure and his position on the roll
o f Cajamarca intimate that he was soon to be a captain like the rest.
Sebastian de Benalcazar
A g e at C ajam arca: O ver 40 Place o f origin: Belalcazar, in the
R ole: Captain o f horse province o f Cordoba
Share: 2I/4 shares o f gold and silver Extent o f literacy: Illiterate
Few indeed o f the men o f Cajamarca achieved greater fame than

Sebastian de Benalcazar, yet his origins and even the early stages o f his
career in the Indies are no better known than those o f many lesser fig
ures. Much o f the information current about Benalcazar’s life comes
from a single late and dubious source, Juan de Castellanos. This versi
fying chronicler o f N ew Granada, who wrote his Elegtas in the late
sixteenth century, offers us one picturesque detail after another. In Cas
tellanos’s sketch, Benalcazar was one o f twins born to a peasant family;
since his parents died in his infancy, he was raised by an older brother.
Once he took a mule to fetch wood, Castellanos says, and killed the
animal by accident while trying to get it out o f the mud. Rather than
face the consequences, he fled from home. A fter some wandering Cas
tellanos then has him arrive in Seville, where recruiting chanced to be
in progress for the famous expedition o f Pedrarias de A vila to the
Isthmus o f Panama ( 1 3 1 3 ) . Sebastian joined, taking the name o f his
home village, Benalcazar, for lack o f another surname. In the Panama
region his daring and liberality soon made him a popular leader. H e
was a close friend o f Pizarro and Almagro, and he and Pizarro served
as godfathers o f Alm agro’s son. Later he went with Pedrarias to con
quer Nicaragua, where he was alcalde o f the capital, Leon, in the year
o f its foundation. A ll o f this, to repeat, rests solely on Castellanos’s
account.
H ow much o f it is true? The incident of the mule is nearly identical
to a tale told by Gomara o f how Francisco Pizarro as a boy lost a herd
o f pigs. Both are without doubt fabrications. Pedrarias did not conquer
LEADERS 123
Nicaragua in person, as is well known. I f Castellanos was wrong on

such a basic point, he cannot be accepted on the related matter o f Be
nalcazar’s position as first alcalde of Leon (though it is not impossible
that he w a s ). And the godfather relationship to Alm agro’s son fits too
well with Castellanos’s romanticizing tendency for us to put much faith
in it, though once again it is not utterly implausible. Oviedo, a con
temporary and personal acquaintance, said Benalcazar had been the
friend of Alm agro and Pizarro for a long time before the conquest of
Peru.
Castellanos was himself conscientious, and his sources were not all
corrupt. Benalcazar was indeed from the village o f that name in the
jurisdiction o f Cordoba, well into the hill country to the north. H e may
even have been born a twin; Garcilaso de la V ega makes him one o f
triplets. Garcilaso, an equally late source, might be thought to be as
suspect as Castellanos, but in this instance he was informed by a priest
acquainted with the family. According to Garcilaso, Sebastian did not
lack a surname; his name was originally Moyano, but, once out in the
world, he took the name o f his home town because it was better known.
This is confirmed by Benalcazar’s mention in his w ill o f a nephew
named Pedro Moyano.
Whether the Moyanos were literally 'peasants” or not, they were
certainly very humble people. Sebastian was illiterate and never learned
to sign his name beyond an awkward rubric. Though he once said he
knew no trade, he never laid any claim to good birth. Unlike his peers,
Francisco Pizarro and Soto, he did not receive a cross o f Santiago, and
even after he became an adelantado as they did, there was a noticeable
reluctance to call him "don.” In his w ill there is not, as with Soto and
Pizarro, any mention of his parents’ names. A s late as 1 5 4 6 the viceroy
o f Peru dared throw in Benalcazar’s face the statement that since the
king had made him a cavalier, he would do well to fight like one. The
judicious Cieza de Leon called him a man " o f little knowledge and low
intellect.” A ll in all, one must conclude that Benalcazar was plebeian
to the core.
The time and place o f Benalcazar’s arrival in the N ew W orld are
also matters of uncertainty, because of his own conflicting testimony.
In Panama in 1 5 2 2 , he said he had arrived nine and a half years before
(this would anticipate the arrival o f Pedrarias by a year or tw o ). A
later memorial o f his services also affirms that his first destination in
the Indies was the area o f the Isthmus (Darien and Tierra F irm e ). Y et
124 THE MEN
in a letter to the Crown he once stated in so many words that he came

to Santo Domingo in 1 50 7, and then later went on to Darien and the
rest. However this may be, Benalcazar was one o f the senior figures
among the conquerors of Peru, bowing only to Francisco Pizarro. In
1 5 3 2 he had already been in the Indies for some twenty years at least—
most o f his adult life. Like Pizarro he was a creature of the Indies,
feeling a native’s attachment to the new country. Indeed, with no sense
o f incongruity he once suggested to the crown that every realm should
have native governors: "H ere, men o f the Indies, as in Spain Span
iards.”
A nd like Pizarro, Benalcazar had long been a man o f eminence.
That he was an actual "captain” from soon after Pedrarias’s arrival, as
both he and Castellanos later claimed, remains uncertain. Oviedo’s ex
tremely thorough list of the captains o f Pedrarias does not mention
Benalcazar. Nevertheless, he held responsible positions from an early
time. He was an encomendero of Panama in 1 5 2 2 . Then he went with
Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba to the conquest o f Nicaragua, and
was the first messenger back to Pedrarias; as such he received mention
in a letter to the crown in 1 5 2 5 . I f not a first alcalde o f Leon, N ica
ragua, he was at least at times on the municipal council, as he had pre
viously been elsewhere.
Both before and after Pedrarias arrived in Nicaragua to take over
the governorship, Benalcazar was his close follower, possibly his hench
man. H e was prominent in the party going under Diego Albitez to
Honduras in 1 5 2 7 , to assert Pedrarias’s rights there (in Honduras he
was seized and sent to Santo Domingo, but soon returned to N icara
gua). In 1 5 3 0 we find him taking the side o f Pedrarias in a dispute
with alcalde mayor Licenciado Castaneda and his following, which in
cluded Hernando de Soto. Benalcazar agreed with Pedrarias’s refusal to
appoint Soto alcalde in Leon, testifying that Soto had performed poor
ly in that post in the past. A s Soto’s friend, Benalcazar said he had
pleaded unsuccessfully with him to carry the staff o f office more often,
and that in any case Soto knew little o f judicature and had too quick a
temper for a judge. Thus a long-standing rivalry, both factional and
personal in nature, existed between Benalcazar and Soto.
A t that time, in January o f 1 5 3 0 , Benalcazar had already been dis
cussing with Soto the possibility o f coming to Peru. By November of
the next year he was already there, on the coast of present Ecuador, at
the head o f a party o f some thirty men, twelve or fourteen o f them
LEADERS 125
mounted, in two ships. Whether or not he had a previous agreement

with Pizarro and Almagro, as Castellanos asserts, and as his rival Soto
certainly had, is not known; doubtless he had been approached. Incor
porating himself into Soto’s contingent would have been repugnant to
him, so he had set about organizing his own expedition, probably im
mediately after the death o f Governor Pedrarias, in March, 1 5 3 1 ,
when the realm o f Nicaragua seemed close to anarchy. Benalcazar’s
partner in organizing the expedition was the shipmaster and pilot Juan
Fernandez. Their company may have been limited to the maritime as
pects o f the venture, and Juan Fernandez must have been part owner
o f the ships, one o f which he piloted to Peru, though Benalcazar re
ferred to the ships as his own. A fter Cajamarca, Fernandez came to
claim his share o f the profits, and went back unsatisfied to Nicaragua,
there, according to Cieza, to incite Pedro de Alvarado to attempt the
conquest o f the Quito region. Benalcazar’s men were mostly old hands
in the Indies, several o f them veterans o f G il Gonzalez de A vila’s ex
pedition from Santo Domingo to Honduras in 1 52 4 .
By beating Soto to Peril, Benalcazar put himself in a good bargain
ing position; when he arrived, the Peru expedition was at a low point.
Several o f Benalcazar’s men immediately received positions o f honor,
and he himself was made captain o f horse, his squadron consisting of
the riders he brought with him. H e thus achieved a position nominally
equal to that of Soto, who arrived with a larger contingent very shortly
afterward. Y et he had much reason to be dissatisfied; o f the three cav
alry captains he was clearly the least regarded. The attitude not only o f
the Pizarros, but o f all concerned, is expressed in the chronicle of Cris
tobal de Mena, who calls both Soto and Hernando Pizarro "senor capi-
tan,” but leaves Benalcazar’s name unadorned. Hernando Pizarro was
also 'gen eral,” or second in command, and Soto got most o f the mis
sions o f prestige. In the most basic matter o f all, the division o f the
treasure o f Cajamarca, Benalcazar also suffered. N ot to speak o f the
astronomical share o f Hernando Pizarro, Soto got almost twice as
much as Benalcazar, and even young Juan Pizarro got more. Benalca
zar’s share was indeed not much above that o f the standard horseman.
Through subterfuge and special bargaining Benalcazar may actually
have received more than appears on the list (one companion speaks o f
23,000 pesos, another o f 30,000), but the message was clear. W ith
the advent o f more men and more leaders, the Pizarros no longer con
sidered Benalcazar indispensable. H e probably realized already that he
126 THE MEN
had no future in Peru commensurate with his eminence and ambition.

W hen Pizarro went on to Jauja with the main body in 1 5 3 3 , he sent
Benalcazar back with some ten men to guard the city o f Piura and rule
it in his name. The assignment meant considerable independent power
and responsibility; it also removed Benalcazar from the main current
o f the conquest o f Peru. W ith this, a pattern was set for the rest o f
Benalcazar’s life. Henceforth he was to maintain his independence on
the northern marches of Peru, a senior and formidable figure, yet also
a bit disreputable, and far from the centers o f wealth and power. There
were probably individual encomenderos in Cuzco and Charcas whose
revenues were greater than anything Benalcazar ever attained, though
he led the conquest o f Quito and Popayan.
For the purposes o f the present book, there would be little point in
relating the rest o f Benalcazar’s life in any detail. A man whose career
includes such a significant chain o f events w ill certainly someday find
his biographer.
For years a seesaw struggle went on, Benalcazar trying to break loose
and establish an independent jurisdiction, Pizarro trying to stop him,
with the issue in doubt. Benalcazar on his own initiative organized the
conquest o f the Quito area in 1 5 3 3 - 1 5 3 4 ; but, faced with the double
challenge o f Alm agro coming to reassert Pizarro’s authority, and Pedro
de Alvarado invading from the outside, he ceded and accepted subordi
nation to Pizarro. The crown subsequently refused to allow Quito to be
taken from Pizarro’s province, though it did not discourage Benalca-
zar’s initiative. Continuing to act like a governor, Benalcazar organized
further conquests to the north, at first through lieutenants. Then he
abandoned Quito, taking with him many residents, both Spanish and
Indian, and by 1 5 3 8 he had carved out for himself a large region to the
north, not very well defined or cohesive, which came to be named offi
cially after the city o f Popayan, but was more often called simply B e
nalcazar’s {Io de Benalcazar) . Pizarro finally determined to rid himself
o f such an independent subordinate, and in 1 5 3 8 sent a lieutenant to
take over Quito and Popayan and arrest Benalcazar. Pizarro’s man suc
ceeded in the former mission, but the latter was beyond his capacity.
The path of conquest had led Benalcazar to Bogota, where he met two
other sets o f conquerors under Quesada and Federmann. The rivals set
tled their dispute by embarking for Spain and the royal court; direct
access to the crown, free o f Pizarro’s restraint, may have actually been
Benalcazar’s primary goal at the time.
LEADERS 127
A t court in 1540, Benalcazar apparently asked for and was denied

the governorship o f Quito, but he received a lifetime appointment as
governor o f Popayan, with the title of adelantado. A t this time he le
gitimated three natural children, presumably mestizo, and arranged the
marriage o f the oldest, don Francisco de Benalcazar, already grown and
with him in Spain, to a dona Maria de Herrera, o f Burgos. W hen they
returned to Popayan by 1 5 4 1 , Benalcazar soon disposed o f the claims
o f Pascual de Andagoya to a shadowy area o f San Juan, overlapping
Popayan. The old man o f the Indies had only caustic comments for
the polished, ineffectual Andagoya, who, according to Benalcazar, did
nothing but lie in soft beds and think o f new names for the cities other
men had founded.
The continued civil strife in Peru caused Benalcazar far more trou
ble. In 1 5 4 1 Peru’s governor, Vaca de Castro, who stopped in Popayan
before going on to Peru to fight the rebellious younger Alm agro, in
sisted that Benalcazar accompany him until, south o f Quito, disagree
ments between the two caused Vaca de Castro to order him back. In
1 5 4 5 rebel Gonzalo Pizarro chased Viceroy Blasco Nunez V ela into
the Popayan region, and the viceroy forced a reluctant Benalcazar to
return with him to Quito. In January, 1546, Benalcazar, though near
ing sixty years o f age and vociferously opposed to both the campaign
and the battle, fought on the viceroy’s side against Pizarro’s over
whelming force and was badly wounded. Pizarro finally let him return
to Popayan, probably afraid to act arbitrarily against a man o f such
seniority and influence. Then, in 1548, Benalcazar was once again
drawn into Gasca’s campaign against Gonzalo Pizarro, this time going
all the way to Cuzco in the capacity o f cavalry captain.
However, peace in Peru was even worse for Benalcazar than war. In
the unsettled conditions o f the middle and late 1 5 4 0 ’s, he had succeed
ed in staving off a threatened royal visitation. In 1 5 4 6 he executed a
former subordinate who was invading the northern part o f his terri
tory, and went unpunished for the time being. But with the end of
troubled times, a royal visitor was able to enter Popayan, arrest Benal
cazar, and sentence him to death for the execution. Benalcazar was al
lowed to appeal the sentence (perhaps not intended literally), and de
parted for Spain. H e died o f illness on the way, in Cartagena, in April,
1 5 5 1 , and was given a poor burial, all that his small estate could afford.
H e left instructions that the accounts o f his faithful majordomo were
not to be audited, an example o f the evenhanded treatment o f under
128 THE MEN
lings for which he was well known, however harsh he might have been
in defending his rights.
In his will he mentioned numerous heirs: "don Francisco, don Se
bastian, don Lazaro, dona Magdalena and other sons and daughters."
The prolific old bachelor's eldest, don Francisco, was an important fig
ure even in his father’s lifetime. H e must have been born in Panama or
Nicaragua; his father assigned him a guardian or tutor, and already in
1 5 4 2 he was serving as lieutenant governor in the city o f Popayan. H e
remained a citizen o f Popayan for many years after his father’s death;
at times he was alcalde, and he held one o f the few encomiendas in the
Popayan region with an income comparable to some o f those in Peru.
His descendants were among the illustrious o f the area all the way
down to the time o f Colombian independence.
N O T E S . Benalcazar’s name also appears as Belalcazar, which is with

out doubt more correct and was probably preferred by Benalcazar himself,
but was nevertheless little used. In Leon, in 1530 , Benalcazar said he was
about forty (CD 1H N , II, 3 1 4 - 3 1 8 , which also includes his remarks about
Soto). In Panama, in 15 2 2 , he declared himself to be a native of Belalca
zar (Gongora, Grupos, pp. 7 4 -7 5 ).
Two documentary publications o f the municipality of Quito are essential
sources for Benalcazar’s life. One is Testamento del senor capitan don Se
bastian de Benalcazar, a copy of his testament of 1 5 5 1 . The second is the
monumental Coleccion de documentos ineditos relativos al adelantado capi
tan don Sebastian de Benalcazar. This contains two probanzas de servicios,
most of the known cedulas relating to Benalcazar, and much of his corre
spondence (the above quote from him is on p. 1 7 5 ) , as well as documents
concerning his son don Francisco. Juan de Castellanos’s writings on Benal
cazar are in Elegias de varones ilustres de Indias, pp. 4 4 1-5 0 6 ; the anecdot
al section about his early career is on pp. 445-446. A biography, Sebastian
de Benalcazar, by J. Jijon y Caamano, is not without merit; it traces portions
of Benalcazar’s life on an almost day-to-day basis, but the work was never
completed, and adds nothing to knowledge of Benalcazar’s background or
pre-Peruvian career.
Some valuable, because scarce, information on the pre-Peruvian stage of
Benalcazar’s life will be found in C D IH N , I, 128, 1 9 1 ; Garcilaso, Obras,
III, 36; Gongora, Grupos, pp. 48, 7 4 -7 5 ; Medina, Descubrimiento, II, 448;
Oviedo, Historia, V, 2 3-24 .
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 1825, records from Puerto V ie
jo, Nov. 15 , 1 5 3 1 ; Justicia 432, no. 2, ramo 3; Patronato 90, no. 1, ramo
n ; A N P , PA 7, 33, 40, 55, 58, 90, 94, 10 3, 107, 1 7 1 , 17 2 ; H C 70,
LEADERS 129
7 1, 430; C D IH C , IV , 197, 198, 202, 203; Busto, "U na relaciôn y un estu-

dio,” Revista Histôrica 27 (19 6 4 ) 12 8 0 -3 19 ; Calvete, Rebeliôn de Pizarro,
IV , 281, 363-364, 408; V , 18 ; Cieza, Chupas, pp. 3, 6 1, 6 3-8 3, 97, 142,
14 5 , 16 2 - 16 3 , 166, 186, 188, 19 2 - 19 5 ; Cieza, Quito (Serrano y Sanz,
ed.), p. 16 8 ; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36 ( 19 5 5 ) .*470;
37 ( 19 5 6 ) 18 2 ; 39 (19 5 8 ) :5 8 i ; Cieza, Salinas, pp. 296-300; Diego Fer
nandez, Historia, I, 80, 83-84, 86, 2 2 1, 2 27 ; Gômara, Hispania victrix, I,
228, 234; Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, III, 22, 3 1, 3 6 -3 7 ; IV,
108, 17 2 ; Libros de cabildos de Quito, I, sect. 1, passim; Loredo, Leu
partos, pp. 9 9 -10 0 ; Mena, "Conquista del Peru,” p. 85; Oviedo, Historia,
I, 18 8 - 18 9 ; III, 93, 3 4 3 - 3 5 1; IV , 19 5 ; V , 18 -2 0 , 2 3 -2 5 , 269-270, 2 7 2 -
274, 2 77 -2 78 ; Pedro Pizarro, Relaciôn, V , 17 2 , 19 9 ; Porras, Cartas, pp.
76-77, 106, 128, 329; Porras, Cedulario, II, 70, 399; Porras, in Trujillo,
Relaciôn, pp. 8 1, 82; Pérez de Tudela, ed., Relaciôn de las cosas del Peru,
V , 2 9 0 -2 9 1; Trujillo, Relaciôn, p. 50; Zârate, Historia, II, 474, 532, 533,
537 » 539» 540 -
Pedro de Candia
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 38 Place of origin: Crete
R ole: Captain of A rtillery T ra d e : A rtillerym an and founder
Share: 2 % shares o f gold and silver Extent of literacy: V e r y crude signa
ture, but possibly semiliterate
The most exotic figure o f all the men o f Cajamarca was the Greek
Pedro de Candia, yet he was no monstrous exception in the world of
the Spanish Indies in the sixteenth century. Landlocked Castile, sud
denly embarked upon the greatest maritime enterprise in history, had
to draw sailors from every available source. Many came from the M edi
terranean, which in navigation was but a single unit from Catalonia to
Greece, with men and techniques in constant movement back and forth
over the whole expanse. The Greeks were experts in artillery, often
called on by the Spaniards in their Mediterranean naval battles and
their Italian wars. Thus it was that a good number o f the sailors in the
N ew W orld, and literally a majority o f the artillerymen, were Greeks.
Pedro de Candia was one of them.
H e had served, so he claimed, under the Spanish flag since about
1 5 1 0 — against the Turks, in Italy, and then in Spain with the king’s
guards. H e had married a Spanish woman o f Villalpando (Zam ora),
and maintained a home there. In 1 5 2 6 he came to the Indies with G o v
ernor Pedro de los Rios o f Panama. W hen Rios arrived, Pizarro and
Almagro, who were then painfully working their way south along the
130 THE MEN
Pacific coast, asked the new governor for help, and he let Candia join
them as an artillery expert and a man experienced in the things o f war.
W ith these auspices Candia was a figure o f importance from the begin
ning, in particular favor with Francisco Pizarro. A letter written when
the expedition was on G allo Island in 1 5 2 7 reports that everyone there
was on the verge o f starvation except Pedro de Candia, who was per
mitted to eat at Captain Pizarro’s table. It is just as well that he was the
one to get extra rations, for he is said to have been the largest man seen
in Peru in his time.
Late in 1 5 2 7 the expedition was threatened by the arrival o f envoys
from the governor, bearing permission for all to return to Panama who
wished to do so. H aving become closely identified with the enterprise,
Pedro de Candia was one o f the Thirteen (or whatever number) who
agreed to stay with Pizarro and wait for a ship to come back from Pana
ma and carry the discovery forward. The ship eventually arrived and in
a short time Pizarro and his Thirteen were coasting off the land o f the
Incas. Pedro de Candia was one o f the first to go on shore in Tumbez,
coming back with tales o f great stone palaces and fortresses, filled with
wealth and magnificence o f all kinds. H e also, it is said, miraculously
tamed a lion and a tiger that the Indians loosed on him. Candia’s trip
to shore became legendary almost immediately. The sober truth o f the
matter was that Tumbez was impressive, but built of adobe rather than
stone. A s to the lion and tiger, reading Cieza one can infer that the In
dians let loose the animals (a jaguar and a puma) in Candia’s vicinity
to see what would happen. Candia discharged his musket, and the
beasts ran. Candia with his tales o f oriental opulence and his miracles
is cast in the mold of his fellow Mediterranean, Christopher Columbus.
Their flowery stories are in the strongest contrast to the terse reports of
the Spaniards, telling usually o f a good place to settle, a temperate cli
mate to grow wheat, good mining prospects, and the like. Only for
such truly miraculous victories as Cajamarca and the siege of Cuzco did
the Spaniards call on the supernatural for explanation. Back in Panama,
Pizarro decided to take Candia with him to Spain to help convince the
royal court o f Peru’s riches. Candia took along a painting or map he
had made, and a written account o f what he had seen. But he was more
hindrance than help, for his extravagant words aroused skepticism, and
Pizarro finally had to silence him.
In the agreements reached in Toledo in 1 52 9 , Candia was appointed
royal captain o f artillery, with a small salary which he later wished had
LEADERS 131
not been assigned him; in the conquest the other captains said his share
should be reduced because he was paid for his work. On the expedition
o f 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 2 he was in charge o f some small pieces o f artillery and a
few musketeers, no more than seven or eight at most. W ith these he
produced the thunder o f Cajamarca, though there were malicious Span
iards who claimed that he had only two guns, that only one o f these
could be made to work, and that he shot too late.
A fter the events o f Cajamarca, Candia was one o f the magnates of
Peru. His share o f the treasure equaled that o f Captain Sebastian de
Benalcazar and was exceeded only by Soto and the Pizarro brothers. H e
was alcalde o f Cuzco at its founding, in 1 5 3 4 , and got one o f the rich
est encomiendas. The Pizarros treated him very carefully, with a good
deal of suspicion, as they did all those who had an independent base of
power. Candia had some independence, since he held a royal title, was
known at court, and was already a legendary figure in Peru, aside from
possessing skills in high demand. H e quickly built up a great fortune,
and before long began to collect a band o f fellow Greeks around him.
Am ong the Spaniards he always remained a foreigner, not only because
o f his accent and his predilection for association with his compatriots,
but also because his eccentric mind and his active involvement in mat
ters like manufacturing gunpowder and founding cannon set him off
from the other captains and great encomenderos. The Spaniards did not
understand him. Cieza de Leon says on one occasion that he was ingen
ious, then again that he had little understanding. Both statements were
true. Candia applied lively intelligence to a variety o f technical skills,
but was erratic and effusive, and had little understanding o f what was
required in a leader of Spaniards: good lineage or the pretense o f it, a
dignified presence, and a grasp o f the Spanish politics o f regional and
family ties.
The Pizarros soon fell out with Candia. H e was not, as would have
been expected, the Pizarrist captain o f artillery in the battle against Al-
magro at Salinas in 1 5 3 8 . Shortly after the Pizarro victory, Candia fi
nanced and led an expedition of discovery into the jungle-covered val
leys east o f Cuzco. This was a high honor, but also a form o f exile.
Such expeditions as this were always hampered by the impossible ter
rain and the lack o f prospects, but Candia’s venture failed unusually
soon and resoundingly. The primary reason, we are told, was the Span
iards’ lack o f respect for their foreign leader. The group was returning
to Cuzco with uncertain plans when Hernando Pizarro rode out to meet
I32 THE MEN
them, brusquely removed Candia from command, hanged one o f his

lieutenants for planning sedition, and gave charge o f the men to a
Spanish captain.
The insult left Candia in a state o f burning resentment against the
Pizarro family. He was one o f only two or three senior and powerful
men who joined the rebellion o f the younger Alm agro in 1 5 4 1 . By this
time, according to the report o f Governor Vaca de Castro, he had a fo l
lowing o f fifteen or twenty Greeks. W ith their help, Candia succeeded
— after several tries— in founding more than a dozen bronze cannon,
some o f them twelve feet long. This battery far exceeded what the
other side could muster, and it was the Alm agrists’ main hope for vic
tory at the battle of Chupas in September, 1 5 4 2 . Their hopes came to
nothing. According to some accounts Candia repented o f his allegiance
with the rebels; even his supposed difficulties in founding the cannon
had been intentional, and at the battle he misdirected his guns so as to
do no damage. Other accounts say that the guns were moved to a dis
advantageous spot over his protests. A t any rate, young don D iego de
Alm agro became convinced o f Candia’s treason, attacked him furiously,
and killed him. Despite his eminence, Candia’s foreignness had pushed
him into an ever more marginal position. H e left a mestizo son who
grew up in Cuzco as a friend o f the chronicler Garcilaso de la Vega.
N O T E S . In 15 3 4 Candia twice stated that he was forty (A G I, Lima

204, probanza of Hernan Gonzalez, and Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 1 ) . He
never made any formal statement about his place of origin, but the chron
iclers call him Greek and say he was a native of Crete (cf. Zarate, Hist oria,
II, 464; Garcilaso, Obras, III, 2 9 ). A probanza de servicios made by Can
dia in Panama in 13 2 8 is in A G I, Patronato 150, no. 3, ramo 2. Much nar
rative detail and many source references will be found in Busto’s long
article, "Pedro de Candia, artillero mayor del Peru," Revista Historica 25
( 19 6 0 - 19 6 1) .*379-405. "Candia" is the older Spanish name for Crete,
and therefore presumably not Candia’s original surname.
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 1824, records from Cuzco,
15 3 6 ; Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 4; 109, ramo 4; A N P, P A 38, 1 3 1 , 133,
14 7 ; C D IH C , V I, 409; C D IH E , X X V I, 230; R A H C 8 (19 5 7 ) 153; Cieza,
Chupas, p. 2 1 3 ; Cieza, Salinas, pp. 104, 339; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mer-
curio Peruano 32 ( 1 9 5 1 ) 1158 ff.; 38 ( 1 9 5 7 ) 1254; 39 (1958) 1584; Estete,
Relacion, pp. 19 - 2 0 ; Garcilaso, Obras, III, 3 1, 196; Lockhart, Spanish
Peru, pp. 1 2 5 - 1 2 6 ; Loredo, Alardes y derramas, pp. 1 1 6 , 128; Loredo, Los
repartos, pp. 1 2 8 - 1 3 2 ; Mena, "Conquista del Pern," pp. 85-86; Pedro
LEADERS 133
Pizarro, Relation, V , 1 7 7 - 1 7 8 , 2 2 0 -2 2 1; Porras, Cartas, pp. 12 , 472, 475,

493, 4 9 8 -50 1, 503; Porras, Cedularto, I, 14, 16, 1 1 3 , 1 3 5 ; II, 1 0 1 , 102,
1 1 7 ; Romero, Los heroes de la Isla del Gallo, p. 42.
Cristobal de Mena
A g e at C ajam arca: Probably 30 or Place of origin: C iudad Real
more ( N e w Castile)
Role: Captain Extent of literacy: Literate
Share: 1 % shares of gold;
2 shares of silver
T h e chronicler Oviedo, who knew M ena personally, called him an

hidalgo, and though O viedo often used the w ord somewhat loosely,
there is no reason to doubt his judgm ent in this case. M ena had the
kind o f prominence in the Indies that most often went with good birth,
he was fu lly literate, and later he proved able to function very w ell at
the royal court o f Spain.
M ena is first seen in the Indies in 1 5 2 6 or 1 5 2 7 , but his experience
must stretch back considerably farther, since he was already at that time
a captain, encomendero, and council member in the town o f Granada,
N icaragua. In Ju ly, 1 5 2 9 , he was sent to N icaragua’s port o f R ealejo to
prevent the illegal departure o f two ships fo r Panam a with men and
slaves to be used in the conquest o f Peru.
H e failed, and then very shortly went to Panama him self to join the
expedition as one o f the principal captains, perhaps the chief figure
after Francisco and Hernando Pizarro. H e seems to have invested a cer
tain amount in horses and slaves to be sold to expedition members, a
common practice for the leaders and organizers. W h en the main party
left Panama in early 1 5 3 1 , M ena stayed behind w ith one o f the boats to
bring any last-minute recruits and those w ho could not yet leave because
o f unpaid debts. H e had to bear the brunt o f official disapproval o f Pi-
zarro’s failure to comply with the regulations fo r expeditions, yet he
successfully got his boat out o f the harbor when the time came, and
soon joined Pizarro.
On land on the northern coast, M ena continued to be assigned m is
sions o f honor and responsibility, and at times acted as second in com
mand in place o f Hernando Pizarro. But his importance faded with ev
ery passing day. Benalcazar, and then Soto, arrived at the head o f men
loyal to themselves, and they could not be denied positions o f com
134 THE MEN
mand; on the other hand, Francisco Pizarro was not willing, perhaps
not able, to reduce the claims o f his own brothers. Mena's position was
made worse by his origin in Ciudad Real, the home region o f the Piza-
rros’ great rival, Diego de Alm agro; Alm agro and Mena were good
friends, and Mena was correspondingly suspect among the Pizarros. By
the time o f Cajamarca, Mena's situation was untenable. A ll important
missions went to Soto, Benalcazar, or the Pizarro brothers, and still oth
er men were beginning to rise, while Mena sat idle. It is doubtful that
he had any position o f command during the events o f Cajamarca, and
his share was not only the smallest o f all the captains’, but actually less
than that o f an ordinary horseman. This amounted to an invitation to
leave, which Mena accepted, asking for and receiving license to return
to Spain with the first contingent in 1 5 3 3 .
In M ena’s baggage as he returned was a chronicle o f the conquest of
Peru, which he published anonymously in Seville in 1 5 3 4 . T o all ap
pearances it was actually written by Mena himself, rather than merely
dictated. It shows a man with a good grasp o f strategy and tactics in
general, expressing himself with more freshness and individuality than
the official chroniclers Jerez and Sancho. It is more fair and objective
toward the other leaders than one might reasonably expect, though the
bitterness shines through at times.
M ena also carried money and powers o f attorney from D iego de A l
m agro, who w ith good reason did not trust H ernando Pizarro’s promise
to negotiate honors and offices fo r him at the royal court. In fact, once
there, Hernando tried to denigrate A lm agro by bringing criminal action
against him. M ena too was present at court. A ccording to Oviedo, he
managed to stop the suit against A lm agro, and publicized A lm ag ro ’s
requests and his merits to such an extent that H ernando Pizarro saw he
could not prevent A lm agro from being granted the governm ent o f a
region to the south o f the Pizarros. T h e original provisions were given
to Hernando, w ho delayed things as fa r as he could by holding on to
them, but M ena thwarted even this to a certain extent by sending copies
back to A lm agro. M ena also tried to sue H ernando Pizarro directly, but
that was hopeless, in view o f the gold Pizarro was showering about
the court. A lm agro's agent, Juan de Espinosa, came to Spain in 1 5 3 6
and paid M ena and others fo r their trouble, though they complained o f
Espinosa's stinginess, and A lm agro him self later said they should have
received more. A fter this M ena disappeared, probably to reside in C iu
dad Real.
LEADERS 135
NOTES. Mena’s age is calculated on the presumption that a man who

had acquired prominence and municipal office by 1 5 26 or 1 5 2 7 must have
been born at least twenty-five years earlier. As to his regional origin, the
chronicler Oviedo says that he knew "an hidalgo called Mena,” from
Ciudad Real, in Granada, Nicaragua, in 1528 (Historia, IV, 382). I f there
is any doubt that this was the Mena of Cajamarca it is resolved when we
see him enjoying the special confidence of the Ciudad Real native Diego de
Almagro.
Basic for Mena’s life and writing is Porras’s treatment in his Relaciones
primitivas, pp. 43-46. Included in that volume is an edition of Mena’s "L a
conquista del Pern.” This writer accepts Porras’s attribution of authorship
to Mena; all the additional data seen in the preparation of the present book
only serve to confirm his thesis. Porras also arrived at complete understand
ing of the process by which Mena was pushed aside, and here too this
writer agrees with and follows him, having reached the same conclusion
independently. In one respect Porras’s findings cannot be accepted. Know
ing full well what Mena’s name was, he nevertheless picked up the ap
pearance of Mena on the seventeenth-century version o f the roll o f Caja
marca as "Cristobal de Mena or Medina,” searched out the Cristobal de
Medinas in the Pasajeros'a Indias, and came to a totally unjustified con
clusion as to Mena’s regional origin.
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 1825, Penas de Camara, 1 5 3 2 ;
Contratacion 2715, no. 1, ramo 1 ; A N P, PA 92, 652, 653, 654, 636, 658;
HC 2, 27; CD IH N , I, 253, 502; II, 6 3-6 5; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercu-
rio Peruano 36 ( 1 9 5 5 ) ^ 6 5 , 4 6 9 ; 37 (*956) .*83, 84; 39 (1 9 5 8) 1575;
Enriquez de Guzman, Vida y costtimbres, p. 156; Jerez, Verdadera relation,
II, 345; Cristobal de Mena, "L a conquista del Pern,” particularly pp. 9 7 -
98 for personal details about Mena; Oviedo, Historia, V, 1 0 9 - 1 1 0 ; Porras,
Cartas, pp. 63, 66, 67.
El Senor Gobernador (Francisco Pizarro)

A g e at C ajam arca: A bou t 54 Place o f origin: T ru jillo, Extrem adura
R ole: Com m ander in chief and Parents: Captain G onzalo Pizarro
captain o f foot and Francisca G onzalez
Share: 1 3 shares o f gold and silver Extent o f literacy: Illiterate
The discoverer, conqueror, and first governor o f Peru presents no

little challenge to the interpreters o f his life. M ore than most famous
men, Pizarro is hidden by his taciturnity and illiteracy; his pattern of
behavior is complex, not shaped totally by any one ideal or force. An
ill-conceived legend, starting among such hostile sixteenth-century con
13 6 THE MEN
temporaries as Oviedo and Gomara, and reaching its fullest expression

in the nineteenth century with Prescott, converted Pizarro into a swine
herd in his childhood and a humble, ignorant old man by the time of
the discovery o f Peru. A t last Porras Barrenechea and others justly re
acted against this myth, but produced instead the image o f a farseeing
founder, noble and benign, which is equally lacking in verisimilitude.
For readers o f English, it is probably the "porcine legend," as Porras
called it, that still is the primary obstacle to comprehension. Without
exaggerating— for no amount o f verbiage can make him literate or le
gitimate— we must learn to see that in a great many ways, including
lineage, Francisco Pizarro had the attributes o f a leader o f expeditions
and was the indicated man to lead the conquest o f Peru.
First, one must ask who the Pizarros were. O f course a name is not a
family; there were noble and wealthy Pizarros, and others who were
cobblers or less. But the name was known in eastern Extremadura, and
the term "the good Pizarros o f Extremadura," as used by chronicler
Pedro Pizarro, conveyed a meaning. The genealogist and Extremadu-
ran patriot Munoz de San Pedro has traced the Pizarros of Trujillo
back for some generations before the time o f Francisco and Hernando.
Though Munoz de San Pedro makes all the people he writes about
seem equally noble, one can deduce from his work that the Pizarros
long prominent in T ru jillo’s bitter family feuding were more local hi
dalgos or minor gentry than nobility or lords. Perhaps the most impor
tant conclusion to be drawn from the work o f Munoz de San Pedro is
that the line leading to the conqueror o f Peru was in effect a new
branch. Francisco’s great-grandfather was an Hinojosa; contrary to us
age, all the male descendants took the maternal surname o f Pizarro, and
that alone, without a second surname. In effect, they were somewhat
separate from both the Hinojosas and the other Pizarros.
Porras, with little empirical evidence but unerring intuition, has said
that the Pizarros were among the recent hidalgos residing around the
plaza o f Trujillo, just rising out o f the professional, commercial, or
other classes. (N ext door to Pizarro’s father lived a notary.) This is
probably as close to the truth as we can approach without a complete so
cial history o f T rujillo in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The e f
fective founder o f the Pizarro family in the narrower sense was H er
nando Alonso Pizarro, grandfather o f Francisco and Hernando. Many
o f the witnesses at the investigation made into Francisco’s lineage in
1 5 2 9 remembered Hernando Alonso, and most pointed to his member
LEADERS 137
ship on the town council o f Trujillo, 'where the councilmen are gentle
men” {caballeros) . Hernando Alonso’s son Gonzalo went yet farther
toward success than his father, achieving an eminence beyond Trujillo
itself as a royal captain o f infantry. H e served in the wars o f Granada
and later in Navarre; Porras thinks that he rose from a position of
semidependence on the Chaves family. It was Captain Gonzalo who
through marriage first acquired a family patrimony, the village o f La
Zarza in the hills southeast of Trujillo. As well as one can tell from
Gonzalo’s will, his claim to La Zarza rested on property rights rather
than feudal domain. By the second decade o f the sixteenth century,
Captain Gonzalo had reached a position which put his branch o f the
family on a new level. One sign o f this is the royal appointment o f his
son Hernando to a captaincy while still a raw youth. Another indication
can be found in the names and titles o f the Pizarro women. None, in
cluding Gonzalo’s wife and even his legitimate daughters, who were
born around the turn o f the century, had the coveted title o f "dona.”
Only his youngest— illegitimate, but born after he had become promi
nent— was called "dona Graciana.” This same upward movement o f
the family under Gonzalo can be seen in the way Francisco Pizarro later
described his origin; instead of referring to the Pizarros o f Trujillo, he
again and again called himself most specifically "son of Captain G on
zalo Pizarro.”
This Pizarro branch, then, could definitely claim hidalgo status; it
was more notable for its rising tendency and for the military leadership
o f Captain Gonzalo than for resplendent nobility, wealth, or great do
mains. In the Indies, to have come from such a family was a great asset.
Just this combination o f hidalguta and military reputation was what the
Spaniards expected or desired in the background of a captain, and
what, contrary to common opinion, they too rarely found.
H aving established provisionally the characteristics o f the Pizarro
family, we must inquire into Francisco’s exact position within it. This
is a far cloudier matter, in which much uncertainty w ill remain, but
some basic aspects emerge clearly enough. First o f all, there is little
room for doubt that Francisco was indeed Captain Gonzalo Pizarro’s
son. Such doubt might reasonably arise from the fact that Francisco
alone o f Gonzalo’s many children is not mentioned in his w ill of 1 5 2 2 ,
and that a gap o f at least twenty years separates Francisco from the oth
ers. More than one humble, ambitious Spaniard appropriated a noble
name in order to ease the way to success; in Peru o f the conquest period
i 38 THE MEN
there were at least two famous examples, Rodrigo de Orgonos and

Francisco de Carvajal. Y et Francisco’s brothers and other relatives im
mediately accepted him and followed his lead when he returned to
Spain in 1 52 9 . H e was tall like all the other sons o f Gonzalo Pizarro
"the L on g," and he bore the Pizarro name from the time he can first be
located in the Indies. Above all, witnesses to the 1 5 2 9 inquiry unani
mously considered Francisco to be Captain Gonzalo’s son, and one had
seen him as a child in the house o f his grandfather Hernando Alonso
Pizarro.
Pizarro’s mother was Francisca Gonzalez, daughter o f humble farm
ers who without much qualification may be considered peasants. W it
nesses for Francicso in 1 5 2 9 claimed they were honest folk and Old
Christians, and Francisca herself worked at least for a time as a servant
o f the nuns o f a Trujillan convent. On the other hand, an old friend o f
the fam ily was named Inès Alonso "la barragana," a name with dis
reputable connotations (though it is quite possibly merely a feminine
version o f the surname Barragân). Francisco Pizarro was born in the
house o f a Juan Casco, who was probably, as Porras deduces, the second
husband o f Francisca’s mother.
Given that Francisco was the authentic son o f Gonzalo Pizarro and
Francisca Gonzalez, how was he treated and brought up? To what ex
tent was he recognized? Perhaps it is unnecessary to say that we cannot
accept the story o f Gomara— that Francisco was left at the church door,
suckled for a time by a sow, then later (reluctantly) recognized by his
father, and put to herding swine. One day he was supposed to have lost
his charges to some infection, and then to have run away from home
rather than return to report the bad news. The mythical nature and the
malice o f this account are manifest (see the similar tale told o f Benal-
câzar). N o other source than Gomara exists for a single element of it.
Gomara was long in the hire o f Pizarro’s great rival, Cortes, and he
goes to great lengths to reduce and malign all o f Pizarro’s accomplish
ments, down to the amount o f treasure produced by Peru as compared
to Mexico. The chronicler Garcilaso asks cogently where Gomara, writ
ing more than half a century after the events, found out such details
about a child so obscure. There is not the slightest reason to believe any
part o f Gomara’s story.
Garcilaso goes on to ridicule the idea that a man as prominent as
Captain Gonzalo Pizarro would allow his recognized son to herd pigs.
This plausible argument has one weak link. There is no indication that
LEADERS 139
Gonzalo Pizarro ever recognized Francisco in the fu ll legal sense. He

certainly never had him legitimated; no public document o f donation
or recognition is known to exist, and on the most natural occasion, his
final testament, Gonzalo conspicuously failed to act. Spaniards o f the
medieval and early modern periods had a whole set o f social practices
concerning the innumerable illegitimate children their system pro
duced. The fully recognized child would grow up in his father's home
and receive almost the same education as the legitimate heirs. But if the
mother was of bad repute or very low social status, or if the father was
not absolutely sure o f the child’s paternity, the child might grow up
neither recognized nor rejected. H e would take the father’s name, and
the father would tacitly assume some responsibility for him, while tak
ing care not to recognize him legally, in order not to jeopardize the in
heritance o f preferred children or legitimate kin. Such a child might
live in his father’s house in a subordinate, almost servile, position, or
he might stay with his mother’s family all or part o f the time. Cases of
this kind are known among the progeny o f Garcilaso and o f Hernando
de Soto, to mention only an illustrious example or two. Francisco Piza
rro seems to fit somewhere in this category. In his case, the factor pre
venting formal recognition and more active parental tutelage may have
been more his father’s youth than his mother’s reputation. I f Captain
Gonzalo was still siring children far into the sixteenth century, he must
have been very young indeed when Francisco was born, sometime
around 1478. N ot for many years would Gonzalo have an independent
position, or even his own household.
Whatever the reason, Francisco received far less attention than all his
younger brothers. Some o f this we may attribute to the greater poverty
o f the Pizarros in the earlier time, but differences remain. The names
Hernando, Gonzalo, and Juan, given respectively to his brothers, were
all common among the Pizarro lineage, but not a single Francisco ap
pears. The conqueror’s name must have been chosen by his mother, if
indeed he was not named after her. O f the brothers, Hernando was
highly literate; Juan and Gonzalo could sign their names well; Fran
cisco never got beyond a simple rubric, and even that was so helpless
that he must have learned how to make it when already grown. Fran
cisco also differed from his brothers, including the illegitimate ones, in
his numerous strongly plebeian tastes and characteristics, which we w ill
discuss further on.
A ll o f these things serve to raise again the question o f exactly where
140 THE MEN
Francisco grew up. W hile we know that as a child he frequented his

grandfather Pizarro’s house, we do not know for sure that he lived
there, or, if he did, that he lived there for his whole childhood. One
must suspect that Francisco spent much time during his formative years
with his humble maternal relatives, and that this accounts in large part
for his lifelong plebeian culture. Though there is no reason whatever
to go back to the swineherd story, it is quite possible that Pizarro at
this time did agricultural work or practiced a manual trade. I f as a child
Pizarro lived with his mother, a further question arises. A t some time
Francisca Gonzalez left Trujillo, for her son Francisco Martin de
Alcantara, Francisco Pizarro’s half brother, was born in Castilleja del
Campo, near Seville. Indeed, Pizarro would seem to have told don
Alonso Enriquez de Guzman that his mother was actually from Sanlu-
car de Alpechin in that area. This does not seem likely, since there is
much testimony to the effect that Francisca and her parents before her
were natives o f Trujillo. A t any rate, she lived part o f her life in the
area o f Sanlucar, and it might well be, as Porras has suspected, that
Francisco Pizarro also lived there for a time. However, according to
direct testimony in 1 5 2 9 , Pizarro lived in Trujillo at least until he was
about fourteen or fifteen. W e do know that he kept in touch with his
maternal relatives. Unlike Juan Pizarro, who could not bring to mind
the names o f his maternal half brothers and sisters, Francisco sought
out his half brother Francisco Martin in Spain and brought him to
Peru, where he became Pizarro’s right-hand man, his constant compan
ion, and the guardian o f his children.
W hile we w ill never know all the details, Francisco Pizarro reached
young manhood as a true son o f Trujillo, home o f grim, quiet men. He
bore a good name and was imbued with the ambitions that accompa
nied it, yet his upbringing was more plebeian than noble.
In the end his parental heritage decided the shape o f his career. Like
his father he sought his fortune on the outer borders of Spanish en
deavor. H e seems to have been in Italy for a while as a very young man,
though probably for only a short time, and in some minimal role such
as page or attendant. In his first detailed memorandum o f services to
the crown, he failed to say anything about Italy, then in a later version
put in a perfunctory mention. Even a slight experience o f professional
military activity on the continent would have given him an edge over
most Spaniards in the Indies.
It is not known— assuming that he did go to Italy— whether Fran
LEADERS 141
cisco went under parental auspices, or merely to emulate his father.

W hen he came to the Indies in 15 0 2 , however, there is some reason to
imagine that his Pizarro relatives might have had a hand. By his own
statement Francisco arrived in the fleet o f Governor Ovando o f H is
paniola; Ovando was from Caceres, near Trujillo, and brought with
him large numbers of his Extremaduran compatriots. Francisco was not
the only Pizarro o f his branch who was in the Indies around this time.
Captain Gonzalo, Francisco’s father, mentions in his w ill o f 1 5 2 2 that
his brother Juan Pizarro had died in the Indies, leaving much money
and property; before that, Juan had sent money home to Gonzalo and
other members o f the family. Captain Gonzalo, then, was in direct con
tact with relatives in the Indies. It would seem very likely that young
Francisco accompanied his uncle Juan to Santo Domingo, or possibly
that Captain Gonzalo sent Francisco to join Juan, knowing that Juan
was already there. Such a connection would have made it easier for
Francisco to capitalize on Pizarro family prestige and advance to posi
tions o f command, as he did before too many years passed.
The process o f Pizarro’s rise while on Hispaniola is hidden from us,
but not the fact o f it. B y the time he joined Alonso de O jeda’s expedi
tion to the G u lf o f Uraba in 1509, he was a leader. A fter a short time
in Uraba, Ojeda returned to Santo Domingo, ostensibly for reinforce
ments, and made Pizarro his lieutenant general to take charge o f all
those remaining. In this role Pizarro first appears in the chronicles of
the Spanish conquest. Peter Martyr calls him a nobilis vir, it not being
clear from the Latin whether the nobility was thought to inhere in per
sonal qualities or in lineage. The situation was uncannily like what P i
zarro would later face in the discovery o f Peru. Then he would again
work his way along a heavily overgrown tropical coast with no clear
goal, enduring in the face o f hunger, disease, storms, and the arrows of
indomitable forest Indians.
Pizarro was soon superseded by Bachiller Enciso, with superior au
thority from Ojeda, and after that by Balboa, who had previous experi
ence o f the area, as well as much dash and incisiveness. As for Pizarro,
he was never flashy, and was usually slow to reach decisions. H e re
ceded for a time to the role o f a senior man and respected captain, not
at the very top but always close to it. On the list o f the first sixty-seven
Spaniards to see the Pacific, in 1 5 1 3 , Pizarro’s name comes right after
Balboa’s.
A fter the arrival o f Governor Pedrarias de A vila in the Isthmus area
142 THE MEN
in 1 5 1 4 , Pizarro played his now accustomed role o f second in com

mand in several expeditions important enough to be mentioned in the
chronicles. H e stood out in one o f the early forays made on the west
coast by Pedrarias’s cousin Gaspar de Morales. In support o f a large
seaborne venture by Licenciado Gaspar de Espinosa into Veragua, P i
zarro led a column o f a hundred men along the coast to a rendezvous
with the main body. (A t that time Hernando de Soto was with Pizarro,
going ahead as a scout.) The well-educated, well-connected luminaries
that Governor Pedrarias brought with him as captains were often
young and always without experience. Thus when Luis Carrillo, young
brother-in-law o f royal secretary Conchillos, headed an expedition to
the province o f Abraime, Pedrarias sought out Pizarro to go as his top
aide and probably de facto commander. From time to time Pizarro led
expeditions himself, though they were neither large nor lucrative.
One o f Pizarro’s most meaningful missions was to arrest Balboa in
the name o f Pedrarias. There was a half-conscious symbolism in this.
Often the man who seized a rebel or criminal was rewarded with his
encomienda, property, or command. In a way, the enterprise o f the dis
covery and conquest o f Peru devolved from Balboa onto Pizarro.
W hen Panama was founded on the west coast in 1 5 1 9 , as principal
city for the Isthmus area, Pizarro as a matter o f course was a prominent
citizen, council member, and one o f the largest encomenderos. W hat
his position was by then can be seen from records o f the detailed in
quiries Pedrarias made into the background and experience o f Pana
ma’s encomenderos in 1 5 1 9 and 1 5 2 2 . Each man had to give his status
in Spain, whether farmer or hidalgo, notary or cobbler. Only a few cap
tains and prominent men were allowed to stand on the position they
had won in the Indies, including Gonzalo de Badajoz, who was Pedra
rias’s lieutenant governor; Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba, who was
to conquer Nicaragua; and Francisco Pizarro. In the 1 5 2 2 listings he is
described as "Captain Francisco Pizarro, who came with Governor
Alonso de Ojeda, and was his lieutenant governor and captain, and has
been council member and alcalde in this city, and is also inspector [ o f
encomiendas].’ ’
B y 1 5 2 3 - 1 5 2 4 , when the organization o f the Peru expedition en
tered its initial stages, Pizarro was senior in the Indies to almost anyone
else then in Panama and had commanded men on the mainland longer
than any other Spaniard in the N ew W orld. His relatively large enco
mienda, added to the smaller one o f his junior partner and business
LEADERS 143
manager Diego de Alm agro, gave him a source o f supplies and finan
cial credit for the organization o f expeditions. Thus Pizarro more than
any other man was indicated to undertake one o f the larger ventures on
the Pacific coast. Rather than wonder how he came to command the
conquest o f Peru, we must explain how it was that others than he con
quered Nicaragua and undertook the first explorations to the south and
east o f Panama. The root reason was the mutual rivalry between Gover
nor Pedrarias and the men who had been in the area before he came in
1 5 1 4 . Balboa’s execution is the clearest example o f the conflict. But in
general the old veterans resented newcomer Pedrarias, and Pedrarias in
turn mistrusted them, fearing they would become too independent.
Thus he gave almost all major assignments to men who came with him
and whom he imagined he could control. Pedrarias, along with Licen-
ciado Espinosa, who arrived with Pedrarias and was from a banking
family, also tried to assume control o f the avenues o f credit, vital for
any larger expedition.
Pizarro was left with secondary commands and small ventures, while
Francisco Hernandez, followed by Pedrarias himself, went to the easily
accessible and exploitable area o f Nicaragua. Licenciado Espinosa and
Pedrarias’s retainer Pascual de Andagoya made the first expeditions to
ward the south. But though it was known that large populations and
probably mineral wealth lay somewhere in that direction, the forbid
ding coast and unfavorable winds put quick success out o f their reach.
A fter a few attempts, the main concern o f the Pedrarias interests was
diverted toward the immediate benefits to be found in Nicaragua and
elsewhere. A t this point pre-Pedrarias continuities could assert them
selves. Pizarro requested the command and received it.
The title o f captain, with military command and direction o f the
whole enterprise, went to Francisco Pizarro and to him alone— not to a
three-man junta composed o f Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque. Financial
support was to be given by these three and supposedly by Governor
Pedrarias as well; all parties were to share in the profits. But the enter
prise at this stage was principally Pizarro’s. The relationship between
the three partners (fo r Pedrarias was only nominally involved) w ill
bear some examination. It was not an equal partnership; as seen in
Part I, chapter 4, the famous tripartite company pact o f 1 5 2 6 has been
proved unauthentic. The priest and entrepreneur Luque stood apart
from the other two. Pizarro and Alm agro were partners before and
after their connection with Luque, and their association was closer and
i 44 THE MEN
more constant during the whole Panama period. As Rolando M ellafe

has shown, Pizarro and Alm agro bore the brunt o f the Peru enterprise,
and Hernando de Luque was not the only person giving them signifi
cant support. In their final, not very generous, settlement with the L u
que interests, Pizarro and Alm agro said that Luque had at times retired
from the company.
But the Pizarro-Almagro alliance was itself not equal. Pizarro had
lineage and seniority, and for a decade and a half had borne a captain’s
title. Alm agro had no known family; he arrived in the area with Pedra-
rias, when Pizarro had been in the Indies twelve years, and he was nev
er a captain until he became one in the course o f the Peru enterprise it
self. In the beginning Alm agro was little more than Pizarro’s man—
his majordomo or steward. A s such, Alm agro managed the adjoining
encomiendas the two held in the Panama district; Pizarro’s had almost
twice as many Indians as Alm agro’s. This is not to say that Almagro
was superfluous. Pizarro had not the slightest capacity in business mat
ters, whereas managing affairs was Alm agro’s specialty. H e became a
splendid organizer o f expeditions and acquirer o f credit. Pizarro was
forbidding and closemouthed; for recruiting he relied on Almagro,
who had spontaneity, liberality, and warmth. In the whole pre-Caja-
marca phase o f the conquest, Pizarro would have been lost without
Diego de Almagro. Pizarro knew this very well, and by all accounts he
valued Alm agro’s person and contribution. Y et he could never learn to
look upon him as anything but a subordinate. H e was resentful when
he found out that Pedrarias had made Alm agro a captain; he never lift
ed a finger to help Alm agro get any title or honor, and he did what he
could to prevent it. H is conception, incredibly narrow but sincere, was
that the Peru enterprise and later Peru itself were his alone, and that all
honors and titles should go to him, after which he would share wealth
and even power with his trusted subordinate, making him his alter ego.
Alm agro o f course could not reconcile himself to such a role, particu
larly after the organizational aspects o f the expedition became more
important, with its long extension over time, and the differences be
tween the two in title and seniority evened out. The later interposition
o f Pizarro’s brothers between them ended any possibility o f harmony.
There is little point in tracing here Pizarro’s further career, almost
identical with the early history o f Peru: the arduous "'discovery” ; the
trip to the Spanish court in 1 5 2 9 and Pizarro’s appointment as gover
nor; the conquest itself; the founding o f Spanish cities and the reor
LEADERS 145
ganization o f the country; the Indian rebellion; the first civil strife; and
Pizarro’s assassination in Lima in 1 5 4 1 , after nine years o f governing.
But it w ill be well to discuss a few o f the threads in Pizarro’s activity in
Peru, as affected by the background already described. Three things we
can see working strongly on Pizarro: his experience on the Isthmus;
the plebeian side o f his education; and that complex o f family, reli
gion, and region that can be subsumed under the heading of ‘ 'T ru
jillo .” The first two often reinforced each other, for the whole Isth
mian phase o f the Spanish occupation, like the Caribbean phase before
it, had a decided maritime-plebeian cast.
"Bred in the Indies,” fray Vicente de Valverde called Pizarro. In
large measure it was true. Am ong the men o f Cajamarca only Benalca-
zar could compare with Pizarro in the extent to which he was steeped
in the customs of the Spanish Indies, where he spent over two-thirds o f
his life and all his adulthood. H e had contempt for greenhorns, and he
defended the special ways o f the Indies against the canons o f conven
tional Spanish legalism. Antigiiedad, seniority in the Indies in general
and in any given country in particular, seems almost to have been his
highest value. It was, at any rate, the value he felt most personally and
vehemently, and it often roused him to spontaneous, forceful expres
sions of opinion which reach us even through the secretaries who wrote
them down.
W hen the members o f the council o f Lima voted for alcaldes for the
year o f 1 5 3 7 and presented Governor Pizarro with four names from
which to pick two, he did not choose in strict accordance with the ma
jority’s vote. Councilman Rodrigo de Mazuelas, a notary and legal ex
pert, objected. Pizarro thought it over for a day, then came back with a
strong and for him unusually long reply. The election was valid, he
said; governors in the Indies have chosen whichever they please o f the
four names presented by the council.
The main thing that is usually considered in these parts and even in Spain
is that when a man is a councilman one year they make him alcalde the
next, if he is a person with the qualities required; and as is notorious
Francisco de Avalos is such a person, besides being one of the first con
querors and settlers of this land, which means much more than the one
vote that Montenegro says he defeated him by, because he is not as senior in
this country as Avalos; and he might have bought the vote, as is often
done to win and have such offices, all of which is avoided if the election is
given to the governor as is done in all these parts; and this is his reply
146 THE MEN
to Rodrigo de Mazuelas, so that he can see how little good it does him to
try to make an alcalde, because it is to be done as they do it in all these
parts of the Indies.
The events o f Cajamarca meant much less to Pizarro than to most o f

the others. T o him many o f the men there were upstarts, and their
quick victory less deserving o f reward than the long years o f struggle
along the jungle coasts from Panama south. By the laws o f reality Peru
had to be given to the men who conquered it. But Pizarro preferred his
old companions from the Isthmus and the time o f the discovery. W hen
ever he could, he gave them important temporary posts, such as alcalde
or lieutenant governor, and eventually he found encomiendas for most
o f them, though not the largest. H e named two veterans o f Panama,
newly arrived in Peru, to pick out the site o f Lima. Pizarro gave few
recommendations, but most of the ones he did issue, and the most
heartfelt, were for veterans, like illiterate old peasant Alonso Martin
de Don Benito, fellow discoverer o f the Pacific, or equally illiterate
Cristobal de Burgos, widely reputed to be a Morisco, who accompanied
Pizarro in the years o f the discovery o f Peru.
In Pizarro’s eyes, the merit o f such services was so great that kings
and governors had a binding obligation to reward them. It seems to be
true that, as the chronicles claim, Pizarro had a generally respectful atti
tude toward the Spanish crown, but, when he felt there was any threat
to his governing all o f Peru, he (like other Spaniards o f his time) came
very near to disrespect. H e told the king that since he had won Peru he
deserved to keep it; "as first discoverer and settler and sustainer Y our
Majesty as grateful lord has the obligation to give me the reward that is
owed m e/’ The Indies morality o f first-there-gets-everything was so
strong in Pizarro that he could not believe the king meant to award
southern Peru to someone else, "since he is born and bred in our pious
faith, and w ill not permit his conscience to be burdened with me.”
Even if he lived for only four more days, and were disloyal, Pizarro
wrote to his solicitor, the king would have to let him govern what he
had won.
A s a veteran, Pizarro bitterly resented any and all royal or ecclesiasti
cal supervision. Bishop Berlanga o f Panama came to Peru in 1 5 3 5 on a
royal commission to investigate the conduct o f the treasury officials and
other affairs. On Berlanga’s arrival Pizarro said openly that when he
went with a knapsack on his back conquering the country he never re-
LEADERS 14 7
ceived any aid, and now that he had it conquered they sent him a step
father. Whether the matter was the royal treasury or conversion o f In
dians, Pizarro wanted to retain the practices worked out over three or
four decades in the Caribbean and on the Isthmus. W hile there was
much parochialism and self-interest in his attitude, at bottom local
practices w ere better adjusted to reality. Francisco Pizarro was a living
illustration o f how and why the American variant o f Hispanic culture
could harden and attain some independence, rather than be completely
overwhelmed by currents from Spain.
Close examination can find many other ways in which his Isthmian
experience affected Pizarro. Most striking is how twenty years o f tra
versing jungle coasts alienated him from that embodiment o f Hispanic
prestige, the horse. O f course he owned horses and rode them for travel
and display, but in Panama, as in Peru, when it came to fighting Indi
ans he was a footman. In the conquest he was always with the footmen
o f the main body, while others rode in the vanguard. On the day o f
Cajamarca, according to eyewitness M iguel Estete, he said he wanted to
fight on foot, 'w hich he knew how to do better than on horseback.” In
tactics generally Pizarro bore the mark o f the Isthmus. Seizing the ca
cique (in this case Atahuallpa) had been standard practice there, and
long before; one need not presume that Hernando Cortes was a direct
precedent. Other Isthmian techniques were not well adapted to Peru,
but Pizarro was set in his ways. H e was particularly enamored o f the
Isthmian manner o f sending successive small detachments o f men to
reinforce the main body. This was proper in Panama, where the main
enemies were disease and hunger. In Peru it would have been far more
appropriate to keep at least a hundred men together; but during the
siege o f Cuzco Pizarro sent out one thirty-man column after another,
each o f which was massacred in mountain passes.
T o fight afoot rather than on horseback is a plebeian trait, as well as
Isthmian. So it is with many o f Pizarro’s characteristics. The plebeian
side o f his upbringing was reinforced by the atmosphere prevailing in
the Isthmus area in the first quarter o f the sixteenth century. This as
pect o f Pizarro is also somewhat hard to distinguish from the back
wardness o f Extremadura and the simple austerity o f the pre-Hapsburg
period when Pizarro grew up.
Pizarro and Alm agro were sometimes accused of, and sometimes
praised for, an addiction to plebeian activities and to low company—
sailors, millers, muleteers, and the like. This trait in Pizarro, in con
148 THE MEN
junction with his constant gambling and sporting, is extremely well

authenticated. Thus his enemies the Almagrists complained that he was
forever going off to a limekiln outside Lima, to watch the work, in or
der to avoid the duties of office; and sometimes they found him at mid
day in the sun and open air, reaping wheat with the Indians, "doing
what he enjoyed and was his trade.” Friendly Agustin de Zarate puts
the same behavior in a different light, as part o f Pizarro’s strong inter
est in building up Peru’s cities and European agriculture. According to
him, Pizarro built two milldams in Lim a’s river, "in whose construc
tion he spent all his leisure time, urging on the workmen who were
building them.” Neutral Cieza mentions in passing that when the big
bell for Lim a’s cathedral was forged, Pizarro personally worked the
bellows. In a contemporary lawsuit we can read that shoemaker Juan
Pizarro was a good friend o f Marques Pizarro because they were both
from Trujillo. His gambling is documented in equal depth, bowling
by day and cards by night, with all players treated as equals. There may
be truth to the Almagrists’ charge that he collected what he won and
left unpaid what he lost. Gambling cannot be called plebeian in itself,
for the Spanish royal court was a center o f it; but in this case there was
a connection, going beyond the lowly partners the governor often
chose. Pizarro had not the slightest training or competence in business
affairs or law; he had never been taught the delights o f noble pastimes
like the chase. W hen not discovering, conquering, or founding cities,
Francisco Pizarro did not know what to do with himself.
This same illiteracy and incompetence in the subtleties o f law— as
opposed to questions o f substance, which he understood very well— go
far to explain other parts o f his behavior, such as his excessive leaning
on literate Hernando Pizarro; his irresolution, as he wavered between
one well-educated advisor and another; his ambivalent attitude toward
his secretaries, now distrusting them, now granting them carte blanche.
Pizarro’s commonness is socially significant and humanly attractive,
and the attraction is not merely projected onto the materials from the
perspective o f later equalitarianism, but was felt and repeatedly ex
pressed at the time. This side of Pizarro was important in disarming
the sort o f pure hate aroused by his brother Hernando’s unmitigated
haughtiness. But it was not what made Pizarro a conqueror and gover
nor. For the core o f his being we must look to Trujillo and Extrema
dura. I f there is anything that stands out in the typology o f Spanish
regions, it is the difference between the loquacious, externalized Anda
LEADERS 149
lusian and the tight-lipped, hard-bitten Extremaduran. N o one could

have been more typical o f Extremadura in this respect than Pizarro. A
man " o f short conversation," his acquaintance Oviedo calls him, and
everything confirms the description. N o governor ever sent home fewer
or less informative reports; whenever he testified before a notary, his
testimony was sure to be the shortest o f all the witnesses. Pizarro re
tained his sangfroid under all conditions; never did he let himself get
carried away, or say anything flowery or high flown. The people who
made up the speeches and gestures o f G allo Island had no conception
o f the man. H e never had generous words except for a relative or a
companion o f twenty years. As his page Pedro Pizarro said, "he had
the custom that whenever they asked him for something, he always said
no." Whether, as some Pizarro partisans maintained, he performed se
cret charities underneath this brusque exterior, cannot be known and
may be doubted. His tendency was to give without measure to those
few with whom he had identified himself, including his paternal
brothers, his maternal brother Francisco Martin, Francisco de Chaves
o f the proud family o f Trujillo, and a few more. For all others, Span
ish or Indian, he had bone-chilling indifference. This dichotomy is also
a marked Extremaduran trait.
Even when Pizarro testified in favor of someone, his tendency was to
belittle. Jeronimo de Aliaga, the notary and great schemer who was
with him at Cajamarca, managed to persuade the governor to testify in
one o f his memorials of services. But Pizarro gave no praise. In re
sponse to a question expecting a strong affirmative answer to the propo
sition that Aliaga was a resplendent hidalgo, ideal for the high posts he
had held, Pizarro made no mention o f the word hidalgo, merely saying
that Aliaga was a "good person," capable o f filling the posts he gave
him. In 1 5 3 9 one Diego Rodriguez claimed to have accumulated mer
its in a hundred martial endeavors all over the Indies, culminating in
the heroic siege of Cuzco. Pizarro in his testimony volunteered the in
formation that Diego Rodriguez did not fight in the siege o f Cuzco,
because he was sick the whole time, though he did give his horse and
arms for someone else to use. Understatements o f this sort sometimes
have almost a tinge o f laconic wit, as close as Pizarro ever approached
to that quality. W hen the Indians o f the island o f Puna were outdoing
themselves in festivities, to divert the Spaniards from their plan to sink
them all as they crossed over to the island, Pizarro is supposed to have
said to Benalcazar, "N o me parece bien tantas fiestas," the pithiness o f
150 THE MEN
which this writer does not know how to retain in English: approxi
mately, " I don’t like so much celebrating.”
This hard-bitten way o f seeing and expressing things was closely re
lated to or identical with a trait that was vital to Pizarro’s success, the
ability to rip right through all verbiage, pretense, and sentiment, to the
heart of the matter in terms o f naked power. The overriding concern
with essentials, plus the instinct for recognizing and manipulating
them, was also Extremaduran, and indeed it was seen in the Indies
above all among men from Pizarro’s eastern central subregion. Pizarro,
Cortés, and Valdivia each singlemindedly overcame all obstacles and ri
vals to conquer a land and found a permanent Hispanic society. The
dashing cavaliers o f western Badajoz— Balboa, Soto, and Alvarado—
were more explorers than conquerors or governors, and are associated
with exploits rather than with countries.
From an early time Pizarro identified himself deeply and permanent
ly with the Peruvian venture, not just or mainly for treasure, but as
governor of Peru. W hen Pizarro and the Thirteen were reconnoitering
the central Peruvian coast in 1 528 , seeing riches on every hand, Cieza
reports that he could not contain himself for impatience to return with
more Spaniards and govern the country. From the moment the 1 5 3 1
expedition left Panama, if not before, Pizarro was called "the G over
nor,” to the practical exclusion o f his other titles o f adelantado and
captain general. W hen Pedro de Alvarado in a letter once refers to him
as Adelantado Pizarro, there is an unfamiliar ring to the words. Al-
magro on the other hand, when he finally received the same titles as P i
zarro, was called adelantado, not governor, and the difference is expres
sive. Only in his final years did Pizarro’s title of marqués supersede
that o f governor. The new title also conveyed identity with the region:
since no precise definition o f Pizarro’s domain was carried out, his mar-
quisate in effect was Peru.
Thus the personal became the national. W e have seen Pizarro’s
strong personal interest in improving the country, as he understood
improvement. His personal concern for ruling everything and perpet
uating his position for his descendants was a strong force in maintain
ing the integrity o f what was to be the Peruvian viceroyalty. Pizarro
sought for and achieved permanence in all his city foundations and
jurisdictional arrangements. I f he did it with an eye to his patrimony
rather than out of high-flown imperial-strategical considerations, he did
it nonetheless.
LEADERS 151
Pizarro was convinced, beyond the power of logic to dissuade him,

that he alone had conquered Peru. H e knew as w ell as anyone that he
had had first to await Soto’s men and later Alm agro’s, before he dared
proceed to complete the conquest. Surely he must have realized that it
was the ensemble o f European skills and weapons, brought together in
a whole group o f Spaniards, that was the decisive force. The difference
between 1 5 2 8 and 1 5 3 2 was in numbers o f Spaniards, not in Pizarro.
Moreover, beyond the one transcendental act o f personally seizing Ata-
huallpa, whom he was to replace, Pizarro did little in the campaign o f
1 5 3 2 - 1 5 3 3 . Soto and others took all the dangerous missions; on the
way south, from Cajamarca to Cuzco, both Soto and Alm agro rode
ahead and did most o f the fighting.
Y et when Pizarro and Almagro met at Mala in 1 5 3 7 , after Alm agro
had returned from Chile to seize Cuzco as his own, Pizarro faced A l
magro with great anger and asked him (says C ieza), "W hat is the rea
son why you took the city o f Cuzco, that I won and discovered with so
much toil?” H e was impervious to Alm agro’s telling reply, "Look out
what you’re saying, that I took Cuzco from you and it was won by
your person; you know very well who won it. And the land is the
king’s to give me, not pasture o f T ru jillo.” T o maintain what was his
own against all comers, Pizarro, like Pedrarias before him and V aldivia
after him, would resort readily to tricks and bribes and violation o f his
given word, with no sense o f injustice. Just before the M ala meeting
an emissary came to Pizarro and accused him of planning to seize A l
magro unawares, which was true. Pizarro here too showed anger; he
accused the Almagrists in turn o f the vile scheme, in his eyes, o f build
ing a boat to send dispatches to the king. "W hat could they write him,
except tell him that they want to take and usurp what I won with such
travail?” So he had the boat intercepted. Francisco, Hernando, and
Gonzalo Pizarro were all alike in this unmeasured persecution o f their
enemies, pushing them off the very face o f the earth. They were infi
nitely suspicious and utterly implacable, with no consideration or con
ception o f the counterfeelings they would arouse in men who were not
their strict partisans. For this reason Hernando Pizarro never won an
independent base o f power in Peru; Gonzalo was deserted by his fo l
lowers at the critical moment; and in 1 5 4 1 all Lima watched unmoved
as a dozen Almagrists murdered Francisco.
The cultural content o f the hegemony Pizarro established in Peru
was prehumanistic and conventional— Spanish, Extremaduran, T ruji-
152 THE MEN
llan— but deeply felt. It had nothing to do with the conversion of

Indians or with legal philosophy. Its pillars were family, region, and
religion. The religious part was social and ceremonial, rather than
moral-philosophical; it led right back to the other two, of which it was
an expression. Pizarro had the Extremaduran devotion to Our Lady of
the Immaculate Conception. Both the Cathedral o f Lima and the
church he wanted to endow in T rujillo were to be dedicated to her. On
G allo Island he and the Thirteen sang the Salve Regina in the eve
nings, and he wanted it sung on Saturdays in his Trujillo church too.
That church was to be located as near as possible to the house o f his
father, Captain Gonzalo Pizarro, and was to display his father’s and his
own coat o f arms in prominent places. Pizarros were to be patrons o f
both ecclesiastical foundations in perpetuity. Region, family, and reli
gion are here linked in a chain of reciprocal enhancement.
In 1 5 2 9 Pizarro brought a good contingent o f Trujillans and other
eastern Extremadurans with him from Spain, and he favored them in
every way he could. A fter word o f Peru’s wealth reached Spain, more
Trujillans arrived, and they too received preferred treatment. The most
conspicuous example was Francisco de Chaves, from an important Tru-
jillan family that had been close to the Pizarros, perhaps their benefac
tors. Though Chaves arrived long after the conquest was over, Pizarro
gave him a huge encomienda and posts of command and honor; when
both were killed in 1 5 4 1 , Chaves was thought by some to be the most
important man in the country after the governor.
It is evident that Pizarro’s ties to T rujillo were in the most direct
kind o f conflict with his close attachment to the Indies. Awards to Tru-
jillan newcomers flew in the face o f his devotion to old comrades and
his cherished principle o f seniority. It was inconsistent to endow a lav
ish church in T rujillo to perpetuate his name and then request burial in
Lima. Peru was to be his patrimony, yet if and when the governor o f
Peru should not be a Pizarro, his children were to be sent to Trujillo.
The conflict was most apparent o f all in his treatment o f his brothers.
N o sooner were the three greenhorns on land in Panama than Pizarro
admitted them to the nucleus o f the enterprise. A ll others were now
outsiders. A t Tumbez, in 1 5 3 2 , he said he was determined to go ahead
"even if no one went but his brothers and him self.’ ’ In order to have
commands and appanages for them, he first pushed out veteran cap
tains Mena and Salcedo; then his sometime subordinate Soto; and
above all his old partner Almagro.
LEADERS 153
This great shift in Pizarro’s allegiances, after he renewed the T ru ji

llo tie in 1 5 2 9 , could not fail to result in tensions. Juan and Gonzalo
caused little trouble at first. They were too young to assert themselves,
and they were ready to follow Francisco’s lead. But Hernando, legiti
mate and educated, was more than w illing to assert himself, and his
word carried weight. From the first he feuded bitterly with Almagro,
in the purest imaginable duel between position in Spain and experience
in the Indies. H e won out again and again, and he usually had his way
with Francisco too, but one can detect resentments in the older brother.
I f Francisco sent Hernando to Spain with the king’s gold and silver in
1 5 3 3 , he did it partly to get rid o f him; he sent him back again in
1 5 39, to face punishment for the death o f Almagro. In late 1 5 3 7 , too,
after Alm agro had released Hernando from custody, the two brothers
argued so bitterly that Hernando was preparing to go to Spain until
friends reconciled them. This report comes from their enemy Oviedo,
but Francisco’s words as given by Oviedo have the ring o f authenticity
— that he had conquered much territory without Hernando, then H er
nando had stirred up a revolt and lost it; now he would conquer it
again without him. So many brothers gave the Pizarro interests depth,
ubiquity, and resilience, but they made Francisco’s government of Peru
the more difficult.
In the life o f this hollow-cheeked, thin-bearded Trujillan and man
o f the Indies, continuities and patterns abound. There is not a single
element in his motivation, culture, or behavior that is at all out o f the
ordinary. Seniority and lineage explain much of his success, and lack of
education many o f his failures; Trujillan elementality and insensitivity
had much to do with both. But as his heritage was unusually complex,
and there was only one Peru, with one first governor, his case is unique.
NOTES. There is no need to document the birthplace of Francisco

Pizarro. As to his age, Cieza makes the unusually precise statement that he
was sixty-three years and two months old when he died ( Chupas, p. 1 1 4 ) ,
which would result in a birthdate of April, 1478. In 13 2 2 Pizarro said he
was about forty (Medina, Descubrimiento, II, 4 7 5 ); in 15 39 that he was
about sixty (A G I, Lima 204, probanza of Diego Rodriguez). Zarate says
that Pizarro and Almagro were each at least sixty-five at death (Historia,
H, 498).
Pizarro had in succession two Indian mistresses, by whom he sired a total
of four mestizo children. The first was dona Inès Yupanqui Huaylas; her
name is given in various orders and versions, and the Spaniards mainly
154 THE MEN
called her just dona Inès. She was a daughter of Huayna Capac by an In
dian noblewoman from the Huaylas region, Contarhuacho. Pizarro must
have lived with her from around the time of the conquest of Cuzco; in
15 3 4 their daughter, dona Francisca Pizarro, was baptized in Jauja. Doha
Inès went to live with Pizarro in Lima, where another child was born, don
Gonzalo Pizarro, probably before 15 36 . By 13 3 7 Pizarro had had both
children legitimated.
During the siege of Lima by Indian rebels in 15 3 6 - 13 3 7 , dona Inès
came under some sort of suspicion. Pedro Pizarro claims that out of envy
she told Pizarro that a sister of hers, then in Lima, had ordered the siege,
upon which Pizarro had the sister killed without waiting to find out if the
story was true. It proved false. Perhaps this finished Pizarro and dona Inès,
or perhaps she was herself suspected of sympathy with the rebellion. As
the mother of the governor’s legitimated children, she could not be treated
brusquely, so Pizarro had her married at this time to his retainer Francisco
de Ampuero. Ampuero became a councilman o f Lima, and her children by
him eventually reached the same prominence. Dona Francisca and don
Gonzalo were given into the care of Pizarro’s half brother Francisco Martin
de Alcantara and his wife, dona Inès Munoz.
Pizarro’s second mistress was Cuzco noblewoman dona Angelina or Anas
Yupanqui, also a daughter o f royalty, though some say of Atahuallpa and
others of Huayna Capac. Pizarro may have consorted with her before he
abandoned dona Inès, since at Mala in 15 3 7 he accused Almagro of taking
his ' 'india,” which would imply she had been in Cuzco when Almagro
entered in April, 15 3 7 , and had consequently been there through the siege.
I f so, Pizarro may have known her in Cuzco when he was there in 15 3 5 .
His two childen by her were born in 15 39 or after, named don Francisco
and don Juan. They were not legitimated. After Pizarro’s death, Gonzalo
Pizarro had dona Angelina marry Spaniard Juan de Betanzos, renowned as
an interpreter. The pair held an encomienda and lived in Cuzco.
A ll four o f Pizarro’s children were in Lima when he was killed. Juan de
Barbarân, Pizarro custodian and man of Cajamarca, was their guardian for
a year or two. In April of 15 4 3 they were all still alive, now under the
guardianship o f their uncle Gonzalo Pizarro. Don Juan seems to have died
very young. Legitimated don Gonzalo died around 1546, perhaps ten years
old. Don Francisco grew up in Cuzco with his mother, dona Angelina, and
was a companion o f El Inca Garcilaso. In 1 5 5 1 he was sent to Spain; he
married dona Inès Pizarro, mestizo daughter of his uncle Gonzalo, and died
in 15 5 7 . The most famous and long-lived of the children was legitimated
dona Francisca Pizarro, who grew up in Lima in the care of don Antonio
de Ribera and dona Inès Munoz, and held a large encomienda as her
father’s successor. Sent to Spain at the same time as don Francisco, she
LEADERS 155
married her uncle Hernando, to unite the Pizarro wealth and entails, and
bore him several children; she survived him and, before 1584, married the
son of the Count of Punoenrrostro, a relative of former Governor Pedrarias
de Avila of Panama.
The chronicles and documents o f Peru are full of Francisco Pizarro, in
every chapter and on every page. Here only a small selection of significant
sources w ill be mentioned. In studying Pizarro one is made very conscious
of the work of Raul Porras. The monumental biography he planned never
came into being, but he published and commented on some documents of
transcendental importance. One of these is the 1529 investigation into Pi
zarro’s lineage, in "Dos documentos esenciales,” Revista Historica 17
(19 4 8 ) : 9 -73. Another is Testamento de Pizarro, a transcription of Piza
rro’s 15 3 7 testament and the ceremony of its opening, with a masterly
introduction and copious biographical notes which are articles in them
selves. Porras’s Cartas del Peru contains Pizarro’s known correspondence,
with particularly revealing letters on pp. 5-6, 14 7 -14 9 , 228, 2 30 -2 5 3, 3 0 3 -
304, 400-403. Less enlightening but equally necessary is Porras’s two-
volume Cedulario, particularly the Toledo capitulation at the beginning
and the grants of coats of arms with resumes of Pizarro’s career based on
his own statements, in I, 76-78, and II, 39 3-39 5. Porras’s overall view of
Pizarro is perhaps best expressed in "Las conferencias del Dr. Raul Porras
Barrenechea sobre el conquistador del Peru,’’ Documenta, I ( 19 4 8 ) 115 9 -
174. See also his "Francisco Pizarro,” Revista de Indias 3 (19 4 2 ) 15-40.
Cuneo-Vidal’s Francisco Pizarro has merit, but Porras was correct, or
even too mild, in chastising him for "incredible levity.” References are
totally lacking, of course; names and dates vary wildly. Y et Cuneo some
how located, utilized, and partly reproduced documents that neither Porras
nor this writer has managed to find again. Munoz de San Pedro, for all the
valuable work he has done, is almost as lighthearted as Cuneo. After work
ing for a decade on the subtleties of Pizarro genealogy, he recently, on one
page, gave wrong names for the mothers of both Francisco and Gonzalo
Pizarro. Nevertheless, two articles of his are essential for the Pizarro back
ground: "Dona Isabel de Vargas, esposa del padre del conquistador del
Peru,” Revista de Indias 1 1 ( 1 9 5 1 ) 19-28; and "Francisco Pizarro debio
apellidarse Diaz o Hinojosa,” Revista de Estudios Extremenos 6 ( 19 5 0 ) :
503-542. Busto’s recent Francisco Pizarro is a popularizing work, first out
line of a more serious biography. The w ill of Captain Gonzalo Pizarro,
which fails to mention Francisco, is in Luisa Cuesta, "U na documenta
tion interesante sobre la familia del conquistador del Peru,” Re vista de
Indias 8 (19 4 7 ) .*866-871.
Zarate’s chapter describing and comparing the characters o f Pizarro and
Almagro (Historia, II, 498-499) is a masterpiece, and, though slightly
156 THE MEN
laudatory, amazingly authentic. Equally informative in its way is the de

scription by Pizarro’s page Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V , 2 1 0 - 2 1 1 and 2 2 4 -
225. General descriptions by various chroniclers are in Cieza, Chupas, pp.
1 0 6 - 10 7 ; don Alonso Enriquez, Vida y costumbres, pp. 139, 1 5 3 ; Garci-
laso, Obras, III, 1 8 6 - 18 7 ; Gômara, Hispania victrix, I, 245; Herrera,
Historia general, X I, 16 5 - 16 6 ; Oviedo, Historia, III, 344; V , 30, 3 2 -3 3 .
The main lines of Prescott’s conception of Pizarro emerge in Conquest of
Peru, pp. 834-836 and 10 9 0 -10 9 7. An outstanding portrait by a present-
day historian is that by Pérez de Tudela in Crônicas del Peru, I, xvii-xxvi.
The image that Pizarro wished to project of himself may be seen in Jerez,
Verdadera relation, II, 320. His view of his relationship with Almagro
can be seen most clearly in CD 1HC, V , 454-455.
Some more miscellaneous and direct evidence for Pizarro’s character w ill
be found in BN P, A208 (for relationship with Juan Pizarro, shoemaker) ;
CD 1H C, V I, 4 14 , 423; Cieza, Quito (Jiménez, ed.), p. 14 7 ; Cieza, Sa
linas, pp. 194, 198; Estete, Relation, p. 29; Porras, Cartas, pp. 17 7 , 190,
19 3, 3 T9 ; Torres Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos, I, 1 1 4 - 1 1 6 .
Legal testimony by Francisco Pizarro is in A G I, Lima 204, probanza of
Diego Rodriguez; R A N P , 1 (19 2 0 ) 14 3 0 -4 3 1; Medina, Descubrimiento,
II, 475-4 77. In the latter it is seen that Pizarro was already making a rubric
in his accustomed fashion as early as 15 22 .
Essential for the Isthmian period are the descriptions of Pizarro’s posi
tion included in Medina, Descubrimiento, II, 454, and Gongora, Grupos,
p. 7 1, The latter has an appendix with Isthmian treasury records that tell
much about the expeditions of the period and Pizarro’s standing, as well as
copies o f the agreements of 15 2 4 and 15 2 6 between Pizarro, Almagro,
Luque, and Pedrarias. Pizarro’s activity in expeditions in the Isthmus area
is discussed in CD 1A O , X , 5 - 1 1 9 ; Las Casas, Historia, II, 401, 407, 596;
III, 48-49, 53, 85, 88, 39 2-394 ; Gômara, Hispania victrix, I, 18 8 -18 9 ;
Pietro Martire d’Anghiera, De Orbe N ovo, I, 220 ; Oviedo, Historia, III,
1 4 1 - 1 4 2 , 2 1 3 - 2 1 7 , 243.
For the discovery period, see Mellafe, Descubrimiento del Peru, and the
various probanzas in CD IH C, vol. IV . O f the chronicles, the one with the
most unduplicated and authentic information on this period is Cieza’s
Tercera parte.
On dona Inès Yupanqui see A G I, Lima, 204, probanzas o f Francisco de
Ampuero of 15 3 7 and 15 3 8 ; A N P , Castaneda, reg. 1, f .1 5 ; Salinas 15 4 2 -
154 3, ff.32-38 (second series); Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V , 224. For dona
Angelina see BN P, A29, ff.2 - 3 ; A607, f . i ; Garcilaso, Obras, IV , 14 0 ; Ella
Dunbar Temple, "Don Carlos Inca," Revis ta Historic a 17 (19 4 8 ): 14 5 ;
Pérez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 272.
For Pizarro’s children see the above and A N P, Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f.14 3 ;
LEADERS 157
H C 499; CD IH C , V ili, 147, 2 3 5 -2 3 6 ; Cuneo-Vidal, Francisco Pizarro,

PP- 569, 574-5755 582> 585—586, Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 2 19 , 227, 2 3 1;
Porras, Cedulario, II, 14 2 ; Porras, Testamento de Pizarro, pp. 56-57, 6 3 -
64, 77, and passim.
For Francisco Martin de Alcantara and dona Inès Munoz, see A G I,
Patronato 93, no. 9, ramo 2; 192, no. 1, ramo 3 2 ; Cobo, Obras, II, 430;
Lockhart, Spanish Peru, pp. 44, 15 4 ; Porras, Cartas, p. 545 ; Vargas Ugarte,
"E l monasterio de la Concepcion de la ciudad de Los Reyes," Revis ta de
Indias 6 (19 4 5 ) 14 19 . Captain Francisco de Chaves is called "el principal
de la tierra, después del Marqués” in Zarate, Historia, II, 497. Both Chaves
and Francisco Martin figure prominently in the chroniclers’ accounts of
Pizarro’s final days.
Hernando Pizarro
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 30 Place o f origin: T ru jillo, Extrem adura
Role: Captain of horse Parents: Captain G onzalo Pizarro
Share: 7 shares of gold and silver and Isabel de V a rg a s
Extent o f literacy: F u lly literate
Something o f the nature o f the Pizarro fam ily’s dominance in the

conquering expedition can be seen in the fact that Francisco was by far
the most senior figure in the Indies, while Hernando had incomparably
the best position in Spain. As discussed just above, the Pizarro branch
to which Hernando and Francisco belonged had a clear claim to hidal
go status. Though there were men at Cajamarca who came from nobler
families— Juan de Valdevieso, Juan M orgovejo, and perhaps others—
none could match Hernando in actually attained preeminence, as op
posed to potentiality. The others were second sons, or at least had not
come into their inheritance. Hernando was not only an eldest (and
only) legitimate son, he had already inherited his father’s estate and
was the functioning head o f his family. Though the Pizarros did not
yet have a legally instituted entail, Hernando had received as inalien
able property the core of the rather meager Pizarro holdings, consisting
o f their family residence on the square o f Trujillo and their rights to
the village o f La Zarza, and so in effect he was in the envied situation
o f a may or azgo.
Hernando was also one o f the very few men at Cajamarca who had
had any experience in large-scale European military action; he was the
only one to have held positions o f command. W hen still very young he
158 THE MEN
had accompanied his father, Captain Gonzalo Pizarro, to the wars in

Navarre. There, in 1 5 2 1 , hardly twenty years old, he received (through
his father’s influence) a toyal appointment as captain o f infantry.
Whether he continued in such positions after his father’s death is not
known, though a friend once asserted he had '"done good things in
wars.” But the mere fact o f having held a captaincy in the metropolis
put Hernando in a different category from everyone around him. This
manifest superiority o f birth, education, and above all, attained posi
tion in peninsular society, relative not only to the other Spaniards, but
to his own brothers, is a key trait in explaining the nature o f Hernan
do’s behavior and the direction o f his career. O f course there were
other factors; he was as Extremaduran as Francisco— elemental, effi
cient, and inconsiderate— and he had a transparent self-centeredness,
coldness, and lack o f charm that were all his own. That he was the gov
ernor’s brother rather than the governor was also important. Y et almost
everything Hernando did related in one way or another to his peculiar
advantages o f background.
Hernando’s position as head o f the Pizarro house gave him an imme
diate ascendancy over his brothers. H e had literally been the guardian
o f Juan and Gonzalo; he stood infinitely closer to the family center
than Francisco, and the latter found in him at last an educated advisor
who could be trusted implicitly. Thus from the beginning of the Peru
vian expedition until his last days in Peru, Hernando played the role
o f a near-governor, plenipotentiary, and power behind the throne. This
is not to say that, as legend and some historians would have it, H er
nando manipulated Francisco at will. As seen above, Francisco essen
tially stood his ground, and it may have been he who was in the end
the true manipulator. But he seems also to have held Hernando some
what in awe, and certainly he allowed him extraordinary leeway and
initiative.
Complaints that Hernando was running everything began to come
out o f Peru long before the expedition reached Cajamarca. Aside from
holding a cavalry captaincy, Hernando exercised general tactical com
mand as Francisco’s lieutenant general, and at times he was called cap
tain general, a title usually retained by the governor himself. Hernando
then and later carried out functions commonly exercised personally by
governors in the Indies. A good many o f the original titles to Peru’s
encomiendas were issued by Hernando rather than Francisco. Hernan
do was in complete charge o f the conduct of the “ W ar o f Salinas” in
LEADERS 159
1 5 3 8 , and o f course it was he who ordered the execution o f Almagro.

In the matter o f rewards and prerogatives, too, Hernando showed a
tendency to keep almost even with his brother the governor. His huge
share o f the treasure o f Cajamarca was above what any individual cap*
tain, however important, might reasonably expect. Like Francisco,
Hernando had encomiendas in several jurisdictions and houses in more
than one town. The first time he returned to Spain, in 1 3 3 4 , he was ad
mitted to the Order of Santiago as Francisco had been before him. The
process o f screening him for admission was hurried, hardly more than
perfunctory. Since his was a clear case, the investigation into his line
age was not carried out in Trujillo, as it had been with Francisco; in
stead, enough witnesses were found at court in Toledo. On Hernando’s
return to Peru, there was an incipient tendency to call him "don” like
his brother the governor and adelantado, but the title did not take hold,
and in the end Hernando’s name remained unadorned for the rest o f
his long life. A t times people also called him "Vuestra Senoria,” an
other form o f address generally restricted to governors and bishops.
Hernando owed all his riches and power to his peninsular position
and his relationship with Francisco, rather than to the seniority in the
Indies that was so important for most o f the men, including Francisco
himself. T o belittle American experience and uphold Spanish distinc
tions was therefore in his interest; it was also his inclination as a
metropolis-made man among provincials. There was nothing to hold
back his vituperation, for his position was unassailable while his broth
er lived. One often sees in history how the king or governor can mani
fest a certain diplomacy and goodness, while a younger brother, as
hatchet man, acts with cruelty and arrogance. Hernando loosed insults
on all who crossed him. The choicest were reserved for Alm agro, his
rival for Francisco Pizarro’s favor, and his exact antithesis, since A l
magro was a creature of the Indies, with no visible social origins in
Spain. On more than one occasion Hernando referred to Alm agro as a
circumcised Moor, and it was apropos of him that he said, shortly after
his arrival in Panama, "damele vaquiano y dartelo he bellaco,” which
might be rendered ' g i v e me an old hand and I ’ll give you a son o f a
bitch.” Hernando insulted Captain Alonso de Alvarado by openly re
minding him o f a humiliating rout he had suffered at Abancay. H e
called the council o f Cuzco a bunch o f peasants, and asked for a stick
to make them obey his orders. His insults stopped nowhere. According
to Diego de Trujillo, Hernando got the Inca emperor to emerge from
i6o THE MEN
his seclusion for a first interview by saying to the interpreter, 'T e ll the
dog to come out here this minute.”
Indeed, Hernando’s demeanor may have struck a responsive chord
in Atahuallpa. The emperor is supposed to have said that he had seen
no Spaniard who acted like a lord, unless it was Hernando Pizarro.
This may seem a strange remark, since the Spanish conception of the
leader as an awe-inspiring figure, grave and dignified, is close to the
Indian ideal. Y et the Spanish captain or governor ordinarily took care
not to trample the dignity o f his subordinates, particularly the more im
portant ones, whereas one o f the principal manifestations o f the Indian
concept of majesty was the king’s ostensible contempt for his lieuten
ants. O f all the Spaniards, only Hernando Pizarro had a similarly
boundless arrogance and lack of consideration.
It is commonly observable, both among the men o f Cajamarca and
among other Spaniards in the Indies in the sixteenth century, that those
who were highest in Spanish peninsular society were the quickest to re
turn to Spain and the last to identify themselves permanently with the
new country. (See Part I, chapter 3, above.) Hernando fits this pattern
perfectly. First in peninsular rank, he was first to depart from Peru,
even before the distribution o f the treasure was complete. H is own in
clinations were not the only determinant, since many o f the conquerors
undeniably desired to be rid o f him, and his rank and experience made
him the best emissary to the Spanish court. But his goals corresponded
very well to the role assigned him. Unlike Francisco, whose consuming
ambition was to hold and govern Peru, Hernando wanted above all to
extract wealth to improve his position at home in Trujillo. His first act
on arriving in Spain was to acquire the elements of a princely estate in
the form o f lands and steady income from annuities. Though Hernan
do had a more adequate notion o f the duties, limitations, and opportu
nities stemming from the conquest o f Peru than did Francisco, the new
country failed to engage his emotions deeply. H e seemed to have no
sense whatever o f permanence, and he once said openly that he was not
concerned with the welfare o f the Spanish citizens o f Peru.
W hile he did return to Peru in 1 5 3 5 , it was only with the mission o f
garnering more treasure for the king and himself, and he would have
been in Spain within one year rather than five, if the Indian rebellion
and the war with Almagro had not detained him. More than any of the
other conquerors, Hernando could be accused o f an all-absorbing inter
est in "g o ld ,” though even he wanted precious metals only for what
LEADERS 161
they could do for him in Spain. In that first trip home he saw that
treasure could do much for him indeed, as he received the adulation of
everyone up to the Council of the Indies and the emperor. W ith his
hyperintense thrust toward essentials, Hernando directed his effort
single-mindedly to the job of amassing treasure in one way or another.
H is more heroic exploits were mainly by-products o f that effort. Just
after Cajamarca, he took some twenty men on a hazardous four-month
trip through still unpacified country to throw down the great idol of
Pachacamac— and collect the immense treasure thought to be there.
W ith about 18 0 men he withstood the prolonged siege o f Cuzco by
thousands and thousands o f Indians; yet he had come there only to
force the citizens o f Cuzco to ' 'serve” the king with large amounts of
gold and silver. Despite the Spaniards’ desperate situation, he would
not receive individual Indians as allies unless they would pay a certain
quota of gold.
By more testimony than his own, it appears that Hernando had a
better idea o f the necessity o f being politic with the Indian authorities
than did his brothers or many other Spaniards; he saved Chalcuchimi
from burning, and released Manco Inca from captivity. But his only
purpose was to secure more treasure, like the two golden statues Manco
gave him. W hen pressed for time, Hernando (not alone) quickly re
sorted to the torture and burning of chieftains to extort money. H e was
also obsessed with hunting for hidden treasure, and when he left Peru
in 153 9, at a time when many Spaniards were turning their thoughts to
a methodical exploitation of their encomiendas’ economies, Hernando
was still spinning elaborate plots to get at the gold-rich burial sites he
was sure existed.
Related to his gold hunting was Hernando’s extensive business ac
tivity, at least insofar as it was a means o f getting liquid assets out of
Peru. Though he used many stewards and agents, ultimately he man
aged his affairs himself. H is education had provided him with a good
understanding o f subtle financial maneuverings which were a closed
book to all his brothers and to most central Extremadurans o f any
background. Hernando poured capital into his silver mine at Porco,
probably the richest in the country outside o f Potosi, and sent to work
in it one o f the largest parties of N egro slaves to be imported into Peru
during the whole conquest period. In the time around 1 5 3 7 - 1 5 3 8 H er
nando *was probably Peru’s greatest single importer o f European mer
chandise, which he sold to the Peruvian Spaniards both through his
162 THE MEN
own stewards and through merchants hired for the purpose. Once back
in Spain, Hernando successfully applied his ingenuity to the difficult
art o f getting funds from Peru into Spain, past the officials o f the Con-
tratacion o f Seville. For the rest o f his life in Spain, Hernando manipu
lated bonds, mortgages, and annuities o f dizzying complexity, and, de
spite the great misfortunes suffered by the Pizarro family and himself,
died in possession o f a vast estate and income.
O f all the differences between Hernando and his brothers, stemming
ultimately from their different upbringing, none is more striking than
Hernando’s articulateness. I f he lacked the light, spontaneous ease o f
communication o f a Sevillian like don Alonso Enriquez de Guzman,
he was capable, when the need arose, o f a stream o f words, either in
speech or writing, as massive and overwhelming as his own person. A t
such times he could make the most outrageous distortions and lies seem
plausible, as in his replies to the Alm agrists’ accusations in Spain in
1540, or in his various letters to Charles V . His long letter to the
Audiencia o f Santo Domingo, reporting on the main events o f the
conquest (with emphasis of course on his own ro le ), alone puts him in
the first rank of the chroniclers of Peru.
Closely related was Hernando’s wit, almost totally lacking in his
brothers, and the only humanly attractive (rather than merely formida
ble or astounding) trait this writer has managed to discover in him.
The flavor o f Hernando’s witty remarks was unvarying, and, amazing
ly enough, slightly self-deprecatory, in the sense that they tended to ad
mit openly that Hernando would violate chivalric standards to obtain
advantage under certain conditions. W hen he was accused o f going
against a truce by destroying a bridge in Cuzco in order to prevent Al-
magro’s entry, he replied that ‘ Tor every traitor like that there have to be
two perfidious wretches like don Alonso Enriquez and me.” A fter Al-
magro had seized Cuzco and Francisco Pizarro was thinking o f making
an interim agreement whereby the city would be handed over to three
neutrals, Hernando praised the idea and proposed that the three neutral
persons should be the legitimate son o f Gonzalo Pizarro; Hernando
Pizarro; and himself.
So plausible, so imbued with intelligence are many o f Hernando’s
statements and writings, that it would be easy to believe him univer
sally and unjustly maligned despite the other evidence. Y et, reading
closely, we find him convicted out o f his own mouth. W hile he ex
plained any one situation to perfection, he did not trouble himself to
LEADERS 163
be consistent from one time to the next. W e have already seen his frank
admission that he cared nothing for the well-being o f the Peruvian
Spaniards, a statement made in the context o f his attempt to show that
his only desire was to increase the king’s revenue. I f he proved success
fully that in many ways he was judicious and mild with Indian chiefs,
when it came to asserting his supposed great concern for the lives of
Spanish citizens (elsewhere denied), he said he had told the Indians he
would burn any of them who touched a Spaniard. The responsible wit
ness we see seems far from the man accused of ordering poisonings and
assassinations o f his enemies, yet Hernando offered, in justification of
his execution o f Almagro, the remark that he could easily have had him
secretly murdered instead.
I f almost all the above aspects of Hernando’s character and action
seem to relate to advantages o f position and education, as compared to
his brothers and the other conquerors, eventually one must come to
grips with qualities that seem more individual, or at least less obviously
related to a general pattern. W here Francisco Pizarro was tall, lean, and
sinewy, Hernando was massive— not only tall, but heavy. Physically as
well as psychologically he was more apt to inspire awe and fear than
affection. But for all his formidability, he was not a fine rider and dash
ing warrior like his younger brothers Juan and Gonzalo. A t Cajamarca
he fell off his horse and had to be carried to shelter. A t the battle of
Salinas his enemy Pedro de Lerma nearly unhorsed him, and he was
saved only by friends and servants. Even his partisan and relative Pedro
Pizarro admits that Hernando was a heavy man on a horse.
A n outstanding characteristic o f Hernando, beyond what his posi
tion will explain, was the stark quality o f his selfishness or aloneness.
The typical Spaniard, and perhaps even more the Extremaduran, tend
ed to identify himself with a small group o f relatives, subordinates, and
neighbors, and to treat all others as outsiders. In Hernando this trait
reached its culmination; the favored group shrank until it included only
himself. Even his brothers were outside it. H e ignored his younger
brothers, except when they could give him something, as when G on
zalo, as rebel governor o f Peru, controlled the flow o f silver. H e gener
ally said good things about Francisco because his whole career depend
ed on him, yet repeatedly in correspondence he implied that his older
brother could not have conquered Peru and held it without his own
superior judgment. Many a Spaniard stood alone in the world except
for his household o f trusted servants; Hernando lacked even that, for
164 THE MEN
though there were people w illing to be loyal to a now famous name

and great fortune, he mistrusted almost everyone, and he was sure that
all his employees were robbing him. His final w ill contains none of the
usual statements that certain well-deserving stewards should not have
their accounts audited, and no relatives or important citizens were w it
nesses to the document, as was usually the case.
A perfect example o f Hernando’s self-centeredness, which can be
found in all his expressions, is his best-known writing, the letter he
sent to the Audiencia o f Santo Domingo in 1 5 3 3 and which has often
been printed among the chronicles o f the conquest. It is in the form o f
a general account, and indeed Hernando says more, and more penetrat
ing, things about the Incas and the Peruvian landscape than most o f
the other chroniclers— far more, in proportion to the length of the
statement. Y et he totally omits the names of all other Spaniards, and
he never mentions anything good that anyone else did. Governor Fran
cisco himself is only mentioned when really necessary, or when H er
nando gave him good advice. Hernando skips quickly past the fighting
at Cajamarca, where he did poorly, and dwells on the two episodes
where he shone: the interview with Atahuallpa and the trip to Pacha-
camac. O f course these same tendencies may be seen in the letters o f
Hernando Cortes and in the writings o f other individualistic men o f
the Renaissance, but the purity o f Hernando’s individualism is chilling.
The only things outside himself to which Hernando gave evidence
o f a deep attachment were the Pizarro name and his home region o f
Trujillo. Through all the fam ily’s reverses— Francisco’s assassination,
Gonzalo’s rebellion, and his own imprisonment o f more than two dec
ades in Spain— Hernando did his best not merely to keep himself
afloat, but to preserve and consolidate the patrimony o f the Pizarro
heirs. The biggest step in this direction was his marriage, not long aft
er her arrival in Spain in 1 3 5 0 , to his niece, dona Francisca Pizarro,
Francisco’s daughter by an Indian princess. O f course Hernando him
self gained much through this match, but its main purpose was to com
bine all the Pizarro claims and entails in one coherent body. Hernando’s
purely personal inclination would probably have been to marry the
daughter of a duke or count, like Hernando Cortes. A fter Hernando’s
death in 1 5 7 8 dona Francisca herself married the son o f the Count of
Punoenrrostro.
In all the long years he was away from Trujillo, Hernando never
gave any thought to establishing himself in some larger center, but re
LEADERS 165
mained determined to graft the wealth and honors gained in Peru di
rectly onto the Pizarros’ Trujillan roots. H e built a palatial residence on
the site o f his father’s house facing the T rujillo square, and another
one in the nearby village of La Zarza, the heart o f the family patri
mony. The permanent identification with Trujillo was cemented by
Hernando’s acquisition for his heirs of the honorific post o f T ru jillo’s
alferez mayor. The whole current o f Hernando’s career from 1 5 3 2 un
til his death was away from Peru and toward Trujillo, using Peru only
as a stepping-stone. It was fitting, then, that the crown ultimately ex
iled Hernando and his descendants from the Indies. On the other hand,
it is somewhat paradoxical that dona Francisca and Hernando retained
important economic interests in Peru, in the form o f encomiendas and
mines, as long as they lived.
A t his death, in his late seventies, Hernando was blind, or nearly so,
but unchanged in temperament and still in command o f his affairs. His
unusual energy, endurance, and initiative, plus a penetrating intellect,
had enabled him to achieve some spectacular things, and he was equal
in a way to any situation. His natural gifts, together with his advantages
o f position and education, led to an infinite arrogance, selfishness, and
overconfidence that made him the most unpopular man o f his time.
Though greatly feared, he always had to remain dependent on Fran
cisco for the ultimate sources o f power, wealth, and honor. Hernando
had the putative qualities o f the Extremadurans and the Pizarros in
excess; in him their concern with essentials reached the extreme of
placing complete confidence in naked power and money, neglecting all
else. Even four centuries after he lived, it is hard to attain a proper
serenity o f attitude toward Hernando Pizarro.
NOTES. Hernando’s regional origin is variously documented, among

other places in his father’s will, published in Luisa Cuesta, "U na docu-
mentacion interesante sobre la familia del conquistador del Peru,’’ Revista
de Indias 8 (19 4 7 ) 1866-871. Hernando’s own w ill is in the same place,
pp. 8 79 -8 9 1. Related is the "Informacion sobre el linaje de Hernando Pi
zarro,’’ published by Miguel Munoz de San Pedro in Revista de Estudios
Extremenos 22 (19 6 6 ) .-209-227. For the Pizarro family in general see the
article above on Francisco Pizarro.
The question of Hernando’s birthdate has been discussed authoritative
ly by Porras in Testamento de Pizarro, though without giving the refer
ences. Hernando states his age in A G I, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 3; no.
185, ramo 20; Justicia 112 4 , no. 5, ramo 2; C D IH C, V I, 158.
166 THE MEN
Hernando and dona Francisca had three children: don Francisco, don
Juan, and dona Inès. Don Francisco inherited the principal entail, and his
son don Juan Fernando Pizarro became the first " Marqués de La Conquis
ta,” the village of La Zarza at that time being formally put under Pizarro
overlordship and renamed La Conquista. Eventually the legitimate branch
died out, and the title went to descendants of dona Francisca Pizarro, Her
nando’s daughter by dona Isabel Mercado, who had been his mistress in the
early years o f his imprisonment. This dona Francisca married Hernando
de Orellana, son of the Juan Pizarro de Orellana o f Cajamarca. See Munoz
de San Pedro, "L a total extinguida descendencia de Francisco Pizarro,”
Revista de Estudios Extremenos 20 (19 6 4 ) 1467-472. Other information
on Hernando’s children and his wife, dona Francisca, is in his w ill and in
Lohmann Villena, "Documentas interesantes a la historia del Peru en el
Archivo Histôrico de Protocolos de M adrid,” Revista Histôrica 25 (19 6 0 -
19 6 1) .*450-477, which includes dona Francisca’s will. More references and
information relative to dona Francisca w ill be found in the notes on
Francisco Pizarro, above.
A basic document for Hernando Pizarro’s life is the lengthy statement
he made in Madrid on May 15 , 1540, in reply to a series of accusations by
the Almagrists. Published in CD 1H C , vol. V , it ranges in great detail over
Hernando’s whole Peruvian career and also constitutes a magnificent psy
chological self-portrait. Equally important, if less consolidated, are Hernan
do’s many letters, most of which can be found in Porras, Cartas ; Pérez de
Tudela, Gasca, and A G I, Justicia 833. It is worthy of note that the signifi
cant letter in Porras’s Cartas, pp. 448-450, dated May 6, 1542, must actual
ly be from 1540. Hernando’s letter-chronicle of 15 3 3 is in Porras, Cartas',
Conde de Canilleros (Munoz de San Pedro), Eres testigos de la conquista
del Peru ; and Oviedo, Historia, V , 84-90. Porras’s Cedulario is also es
sential, particularly the series of royal orders of 15 3 4 which show how
Hernando at that time enjoyed the almost unlimited confidence of the
crown and the Council o f the Indies because of the incredible treasure he
had brought from Peru.
Their contemporaries did not write nearly as many general descriptions
of Hernando Pizarro as of Francisco, or even of Gonzalo. Those that exist
are very short. See don Alonso Enriquez, Vida y costumbres, pp. 1 5 4 - 1 5 5 ;
Oviedo, Historia, V , 3 3 ; Pedro Pizarro, Relacion, V, 2 1 1 . That of the
hostile Oviedo may be quoted in full for what it is worth: "O f all of them
(the four brothers), only Hernando was legitimate, and more legitimated
in arrogance: a heavy man, tall of stature, with thick lips and tongue, and
the tip o f his nose fleshy and red; this was the disturber of the peace of all,
and especially of the two old partners Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Al-
magro.” Cieza, Salinas, p. 450, has kinder words, on the basis of Hernan
LEADERS 167
do’s comprehension of the necessities of the king’s service and his treatment
of the Indian lords. Among modern assessments, Pérez de Tudela shows a
deep understanding of Hernando in the prologue to his Cronicas del Peru,
I, xxiv-xxvi; so does Porras, in his note on Hernando in Testamento de Pi-
zarro, pp. 6 1-6 3 , which is also the best short chronological survey of Her
nando’s life. The biographical introduction to Conde de Canilleros (Munoz
de San Pedro), Très testigos de la conquis ta del Peru, is written in a spirit
o f praise for Extremadura. Cuneo-Vidal, Francisco Pizarro, is full of errors,
but reproduces valuable documents concerning Hernando, including his
appointment to a captaincy.
Information on Hernando’s encomiendas and mines w ill be found in
Loredo, Alardes y derramas, pp. 1 1 5 , 12 7 ; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 166;
Cuneo-Vidal, Francisco Pizarro, pp. 5 2 7 - 3 3 1; CD IH C, V II, 17 5 ; R A H C 4
( T953 ) : 33 ; and scattered through his letters and the indexed Pérez de
Tudela, Gasca. Evidence of the extent of his Peruvian mercantile activity
is in A N P, PA 393, 408, 409, 535, 596, 598, 627, and HC 79, 226, 2 3 1 -
238, 3 1 1. See also Lockhart, Spanish Peru, pp. 86, 92-93. His later busi
ness dealings in Spain can be seen particularly in his letters in A G I, Justicia
833, his will, and Lohmann, "Documentas interesantes a la historia del
Peru.”
A summary of the records of Hernando’s long trial is in Ernst Schaefer,
"E l proceso de Hernando Pizarro por la muerte del Adelantado Almagro,”
Investigation y Progreso, 5 ( 1 9 3 1 ) 143-46. On Hernando’s part in the first
interview with Atahuallpa and the events of Cajamarca, see A G I, Patro-
nato 90, no. 1, ramo 1 1 , testimony of Pedro Catano; Gomara, Hispania
victrix, I, 228; Mena, "Conquista del Pern,” pp. 83, 85; Oviedo, Historia,
V , 8 5-8 6 ; Pedro Pizarro, Relacion, V , 17 7 ; Trujillo, Relacion, pp. 56-57.
For Hernando’s trip to Pachacamac, see A G I, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 4;
150 , no. 6, ramo 2; Jerez, Verdadera relacion, II, 3 3 8 -3 4 2 ; Oviedo, H i
storia, V , 8 7-9 0 ; Porras, in Trujillo, Relacion, p. n o ; Trujillo, Relacion,
p. 59.
The sayings of Hernando’s that are quoted in the text above come from
Cieza, Salinas, pp. 30, 3 1 3 ; Oviedo, Historia, V , 1 19 , 18 9 ; Porras, Cartas,
p. 384; CD IH C, V , 429, 4 3 5 ; V I, 17 . In Lima on October 24, 15 3 7 , a
notary wrote Hernando’s name as "comendador don Hernando Pizarro,”
then crossed out the "don” (A N P, Castaneda, register 4, f. 30 ).
Other valuable miscellaneous information about Hernando w ill be found
in A N P, P A 675, 689; H C 15 , 28, 220, CD IAO , X X , 3 9 1; X L II, 9 8 -10 0 ;
CD IH C, V , 55, 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 ; V I, 3 1 1 , 3 1 6 - 3 1 7 ; V I, 13 9 - 1 4 0 ; R A N P 1:486;
Cieza, Salinas, pp. 28, 86, 270-274, 316 , 3 2 3 -3 2 5 , 329, 3 5 2 -3 5 3 , 420,
442, 449-450; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 37 (19 5 6 ) 17 8 ;
39 (19 5 8 ) 1567, 575; don Alonso Enriquez, Vida y costumhres, pp. 15 6
i6 8 THE MEN
and passim; Gömara, Hispania victrix, I, 228; Oviedo, Historia, V, 10 9 -

n o , 12 3 , 190, 19 3 ; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V , 20 1, 206; Porras, Cartas,
p. 3 4 ; Trujillo, Relation, pp. 50, 52. Needless to say, there are hundreds
or thousands of other informative documentary references to Hernando
Pizarro.
Juan Pizarro
A g e at C ajam arca: Probably about Place o f origin: T ru jillo, Extrem adura
22 or 23 Parents: Captain Gonzalo Pizarro
Role: N o t definitely established and M a ria A lonso
Share: 2V2 shares o f gold ; Extent o f literacy: Could sign
2 1 4 shares o f silver his name
Though early death kept Juan Pizarro from equaling the fame o f his
three brothers, he was a significant figure during the first years of the
conquest, clearly senior to Gonzalo, and at times almost rivaling H er
nando. Illegitimacy did not prevent his recognition; in his testament
Juan’s father made adequate provision for him. Indeed, the context
leads one to suspect that Juan was living with Captain Gonzalo in N a
varre at the time of the latter’s death in 1 5 2 2 .
Most of what we know about Juan’s background comes from the
will he dictated in 1 5 3 6 . There he says that Estefania de Vargas, matri
arch o f the Pizarro household in Trujillo, brought him up. Apparently
he meant this in a general sense, since he later mentions being raised by
a succession o f four nurses. Juan was unable to remember the names,
the sex, or even the number o f children his mother had by Bartolomé
de Soto. It is safe to assume that at an early age he was taken out of his
mother’s care, to grow up in the Pizarro home under the tutelage o f his
aunt Estefania and his legitimate older brother Hernando. N o original
example o f Juan ’s handwriting seems to survive, but copies o f his w ill
prove that he could make a signature. Perhaps this was the limit of his
accomplishments, as apparently it was with his full brother Gonzalo.
But since Juan received preferred treatment in some ways, he may have
been closer to Hernando’s complete mastery o f the arts o f literacy. A t
any rate, his father clearly meant him to live in the style of an hidalgo,
with a mount and a portion o f the fam ily patrimony. There was much
basis for the mistake Agustin de Zarate made in reporting that Juan, as
well as Hernando, was legitimate.
Several o f the best-informed chroniclers assert that Juan, unlike
LEADERS 169
the other Pizarros, was magnanimous, affable, and popular. On the

strength o f such statements, W illiam Prescott turned Juan into a ‘ 'true
and valiant knight,” whose daring was tempered by mildness and cour
tesy and who stood out strongly from his brothers. Later, Porras, in his
capacity as chief defender o f Francisco Pizarro, objected to such an in
terpretation, pointing to the revolting ill-treatment Juan meted out to
Manco Inca. Y et the truth is that Juan was guilty only o f an almost
universal failing o f Spaniards of his time, and o f other human beings
before and since, who are fair to their peers and recognize few claims
o f those beyond the pale. A given Spaniard’s treatment o f Indians had
little to do with the nature o f his social and moral behavior among his
fellows. Judging Juan Pizarro in the Spanish context alone, one would
first have to voice the suspicion that his reputation for magnanimity
came mainly from a lack o f opportunity, in his short life, to manifest
the famous Pizarro vindictiveness and parsimony. Pedro Pizarro relates
an episode in which Juan accused Hernando de Soto o f favoring Al-
magro, then chased him at the point o f a lance through the streets o f
Cuzco. Juan apparently had the same narrow, unquestioning partisanry
as the other Pizarros; he also shared with his full brother Gonzalo an
impetuosity which was less evident in Francisco and Hernando.
For more objective testimony to Juan’s human qualities, one can only
have recourse to his will, which strongly tends to confirm what the
chroniclers say. This document, drafted hastily when Juan was dying of
a head wound during the siege o f Cuzco, manages to mention (and
benefit) more Pizarro relatives, legitimate and illegitimate, than any
other Pizarro will, including the elaborate and leisurely testament of
Francisco. Juan also left legacies to religious and charitable establish
ments all over western Spain and the Indies, and made a donation to all
the inhabitants of La Zarza, the Pizarro family domain near Trujillo. I f
we add to this the directions he left not to trouble his debtors overmuch
and not to quibble over debts he owed under fifty pesos, we must admit
that Juan was indeed unusually magnanimous and considerate for a
Pizarro.
In the conquest o f Peru, Francisco Pizarro placed Juan in positions
o f responsibility almost from the beginning. I f Juan did not at first re
ceive the title of captain or a permanent command, this was more be
cause o f the surplus o f captains than because o f his greenness. H e led
groups o f horsemen on various missions, on the island o f Puna and
during the march south on the mainland. Often he was in Hernando
170 THE MEN
de Soto’s vanguard, to try to rein in the excessive independence that the

Pizarros deplored in Soto. Juan was a natural choice for the role; his
own dash, impetuosity, and popularity made him more like Soto than
any o f his brothers.
Juan ’s role in the events o f Cajamarca is in doubt. According to one
version, he had a very important place. Pedro Pizarro claims that Fran
cisco Pizarro divided the main body o f foot into two equal groups, with
Juan in charge o f one of them. W hen the Spaniards were about to at
tack, Francisco was unable to tell which o f two chiefs being carried in
litters was Atahuallpa, so he sent Juan and his men toward one o f
them, while he himself went toward the other. However, no other
chronicler reports this. Pedro Pizarro was not at Cajamarca himself,
and his version of what went on there diverges from all others in some
aspects. It is not at all likely that the Spaniards still could not tell who
Atahuallpa was after his interview with fray Vicente de Valverde. Most
reports fail to mention Juan at Cajamarca; Agustin de Zarate says that
he shared responsibility for the cavalry with his brothers Hernando and
Gonzalo. Whatever his exact role, Juan’s place on the roll of Cajamarca
is very high. H e stands fourth in order and in the size o f his share, after
only his two older brothers and Hernando de Soto; all the other cap
tains, even Benalcazar and Candia, are well behind and below him.
This is more a testimony to Pizarro hegemony than to Juan’s personal
qualities, o f course, but it does serve to measure his position.
By the time the expedition reached Cuzco, in 1 5 3 3 , Juan was being
called Captain Juan Pizarro. H e sat on the council of Cuzco in the year
o f its Spanish founding, and he was for some time top representative
of the Pizarro interests in the Cuzco area, since Francisco traveled about
so much, inspecting the country and founding cities, and Hernando re
turned to Spain after Cajamarca. In 1 5 3 5 Juan was the protagonist o f
the first great Pizarro-Almagro clash. Hernando de Soto was in charge
in Cuzco, in the position called alternately corregidor or lieutenant gov
ernor, when Francisco Pizarro sent Almagro there to take over and re
allot the city’s encomiendas. Just at this time Almagro got word that
the crown had made him governor o f the area to the south, and, instead
o f governing Cuzco in Pizarro’s name, he made an attempt to claim it
for his own. Soto’s attitude was equivocal. Juan Pizarro gathered the
whole Pizarro faction into the Inca palace he shared with his brother
Gonzalo and from there resisted Almagro. Francisco Pizarro soon sent
orders revoking Alm agro’s powers, confirming Soto as corregidor and
LEADERS 171
Juan as ' ’captain general/’ The two camps remained at loggerheads un
til Francisco arrived in person and worked out a reconciliation with
Almagro.
A fter this crisis, Francisco made Juan corregidor o f Cuzco, Soto hav-
ing gone to Spain and Alm agro to Chile. Hernando Pizarro then re
turned to Peru from the king’s court, and promptly directed himself to
Cuzco. But by now Juan was too important a figure to be pushed aside
without ceremony. Though Francisco made Hernando corregidor, and
Hernando immediately took effective command on reaching Cuzco,
Juan kept his title o f captain general. Only after Juan ’s death did H er
nando take that post for himself. B y 1 5 3 5 Juan had his own following
and retainers, and his own large fortune. Fellow Trujillans Alonso de
Toro and Juan de Herrera (q .v.) were very close to him; Herrera took
25,000 pesos to Spain in Juan Pizarro’s name. Don Alonso Enriquez
estimated that Juan was worth 200,000 ducats. The Pizarro brothers
came into conflict with each other more than once. Just before the siege
o f Cuzco, in 1 5 3 6 , Juan and Hernando argued over the imprisonment
o f Manco Inca. In this case Hernando had his way, but when the great
Indian siege began and Hernando planned to evacuate the city, Juan,
Gonzalo, and others protested successfully.
Juan died in the most heroic episode o f the whole Peruvian conquest,
full though it was o f improbable successes at arms. A t the beginning o f
the siege, in 1 5 3 6 , the Indians took over the great fortress o f Sacsahua-
man, which stood above the town with a sheer drop-off on one side and
a series o f three dentated walls o f house-sized stones on the other. Sixty
Spaniards, with Juan Pizarro at their head, took the fortress in a single
nighttime assault. One source says simply that Hernando Pizarro or
dered Juan to command the attack; another would have it that Juan
insisted he must be the one to take the fortress, because it was lost
through his fault (since it was he who had decided that a fortress guard
was superfluous). Juan was already suffering from a jaw wound and
could not put his helmet on over the bandages. Thus he went to battle
bareheaded, meaning to stay with the reserves while his brother Gon
zalo led the actual attack on the walls. But after the first barrier was
passed the Spanish effort flagged, and Juan rushed in with the remain
ing men. W ith this reinforcement the Spaniards penetrated into the
heart of the fortress, but the stones rained down on them, and one dealt
Juan a crushing blow on the head. Even after that he stayed in the
fight, but before long had to be carried back down to the town, where
172 THE MEN
he died within two weeks, leaving his full brother Gonzalo as his prin
cipal heir. H ad he lived, he, rather than Gonzalo, would have explored
the Amazon and led the great rebellion o f the late 1 5 4 0 ’s. Perhaps he
would have conducted himself in a milder fashion, and not have
brought upon the Pizarros their utter removal from the Peruvian scene.
W hen the Inca Garcilaso de la V ega last saw Cuzco, in 1 55 9, Juan was
buried in the cathedral under a great unmarked slab of blue stone.
NOTES. The voluminous legal testimonies of the conquest period,

main source of our knowledge of the Spaniards’ birthdates, apparently
contain no exact statements o f their ages by Juan and Gonzalo; one must
rely on indirect methods and relation of one brother to another, with re
sults that remain very imprecise. There are two lines of evidence.
1. Gonzalo has always been considered the youngest of the Pizarro
brothers, with Juan next older. This is confirmed generally by the order of
preeminence in which they were treated by Francisco and others, and more
specifically by the w ill granted by their father, Captain Gonzalo Pizarro, in
15 2 2 (Revista de Indias 8 [19 4 7 } 18 6 6 -8 7 1). Therein the father urges
Hernando, already a captain himself, to watch over and direct Juan and
Gonzalo. Juan was presumably at least in his early teens, since his father
gave him a mount. Gonzalo was to receive a small legacy and be put in
some gentleman’s service "siendo de edad de doce anos” (being twelve
years old ). This would seem to leave hardly any doubt that Gonzalo was
under twelve in 15 22 , or at least that his father thought he was, and con
versely that Juan was over twelve, but not grown. Don Alonso Enriquez,
an eyewitness, put some upper limit on Juan’s age by his statement that he
was a young man of twenty-five when he died in 15 3 6 ( Vida y costumbres,
p. 1 5 0 ) . Though Porras takes this information as exact (Testamento de
Pizarro, p. 69), it can only be regarded as a general estimate, in the round
est o f numbers. Combining and evening out the two sources, one might
conclude that Juan was about twenty-two or twenty-three at Cajamarca,
and Gonzalo younger, but old enough to bear arms— somewhere between
eighteen and twenty-one. Two recorded statements that Gonzalo had oc
casion to make about his age are both compatible with this conclusion; in
both 154 0 and 13 4 3 he said he was "over twenty-five’’ (A G I, Lima 204,
probanza o f Pedro del Barco; R A N P 114 5 7 ) . Ordinarily a Spaniard would
do this type o f rounding off by fives; if a man was over thirty, he was not
yet thirty-five. But twenty-five was the vaguest of all, since, in asking a
witness how old he was, the purpose was merely to ascertain whether he
was legally of age (twenty-five). If we take Gonzalo to mean in each case
only a little over twenty-five, he might have been born as late as 1 3 1 7 — an
LEADERS 173
impossibility. W e can conclude from his statements only that he was born
sometime before 1 5 1 5 . One last, if uncertain, testimony to Gonzalo’s rela
tive youth is the statement o f Pedro Hernandez Paniagua in 15 4 7 that he
was young and robust and might expect to live forty years more (Perez de
Tudela, Gasca, II, 3 1 5 ) . In this connection one may remember that Her
nando Pizarro lived to be about eighty.
2. I f all the above evidence seems to indicate that Juan and Gonzalo
were in their early twenties or less at Cajamarca, there is also evidence for a
different conclusion. Chronicler Agustin de Zarate, in Peru in the 15 4 0 ’s
and very knowledgeable, judged Gonzalo to be about forty in 154 4 (Histo
r ic II, 5 2 2 ). Calvete de Estrella, basing himself apparently mainly on
Zarate, but conceivably also on information in the Gasca papers that is now
lost, states that Gonzalo was forty-two years old in 1548 (Rebelion de
Pizarro, V, 2 1 ) . Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara agrees, declaring Gonzalo
to have been about forty-five at the time (Quinquenarios, IV , 1 7 1 ) . Gutie
rrez de Santa Clara is often derivative, and in this case his statement is
definitely based partly on Zarate and on Calvete; on the other hand, he is
most original and trustworthy when talking about just this period of the
later 1 3 40’s when he was in Peru himself, and he had many occasions to
see Gonzalo Pizarro in the flesh. If Zarate and Calvete were right, Gonzalo
would have been about twenty-six or twenty-eight at Cajamarca, Juan a
year or two older.
W eighing all this, and considering also that Gonzalo did not begin to
come into prominence on his own until 15 3 6 or 13 3 7 , this writer has de
cided that, until further evidence appears, the probabilities are stronger
for the later birthdates. Gonzalo was most likely born around 1 5 1 2 , Juan
around 1509 or 15 10 .
Juan’s w ill says that his mother’s name was Maria Alonso. His half
brother, Bias de Soto, gave his parents as Bartolomé de Soto and Maria de
Aguilar (A N P , Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f.6 2 7 ). Such alternate names were not
uncommon at the time, particularly for women. The name Aguilar is in
teresting because it was also used by the Pizarros themselves. Hernando
Pizarro’s grandmother and his full sister used the surname Rodriguez de
Aguilar (Munoz de San Pedro, "Dona Isabel de Vargas,” Revista de In-
dias 1 1 [ i 9 5 i ] : 9 - 2 8 ) . Juan’s unnamed and unknown half brothers and
sisters included the just-mentioned Bias de Soto and Isabel de Soto, to
whom Bias donated 1,000 ducats Juan bequeathed him. The money was
doubtless for Isabel’s dowry, since it was she whom Diego de Carvajal, a
former retainer of Juan’s in Peru, married after he returned to Trujillo
sometime before 15 4 1 (A G I, Justicia 10 53, no. 5 ). Juan’s sister Maria de
Aguilar, who died before he did and is mentioned by no one else, was
probably also a maternal relative. The only direct piece of evidence relating
I74 THE MEN
to the social quality o f the Soto-Alonso family is Bias de Soto’s total illiter
acy. Bias came to Peru by the early 15 4 0 ’s, to be well received by his surviv
ing half brother Gonzalo. He married a daughter of an audiencia judge,
received an encomienda, and was beginning to appear in positions of com
mand when he died of dysentery in Cuzco around 15 4 5 (Gutiérrez de
Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, III, 1 0 - 1 1 ) . Juan’s legacy to the people of La
Zarza may indicate that his mother’s family lived there, like the Martin
Alonso (q.v.) who accompanied the Peru expedition.
Juan Pizarro never married, though at home in Trujillo he had had some
clandestine romance that caused him to leave a veiled legacy in his will. In
Peru he left behind at least one mestizo child. Here his magnanimity de
serted him; in his testament he referred only to an unnamed girl, born to
an Inca noblewoman who had served him, and said he did not consider the
child his daughter. Nevertheless, he left her 2,000 ducats for a dowry and
requested Hernando Pizarro to see to her marriage. Presumably this girl
was the same dona Isabel who was accepted by the Pizarros as a daughter
of Juan (A H A , Antonio Ceron, document of December 22, 1548, signed
by Diego Velazquez). In 15 4 7 she was living in Cuzco in company with
the mestizo daughter of Gonzalo Pizarro, dona Inès (Pérez de Tudela,
Gasca, I, 4 4 4 -4 4 5). During much of the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion the two
girls enjoyed the usufruct of an encomienda in Arequipa. A fter the war
Gasca planned to send them to Spain (Calvete, Rebelion de Pizarro, V ,
36 ).
Porras thought that the child Juan referred to in his w ill was a "Fran-
cisca” (doubtless originally dona Francisca), daughter o f Juan Pizarro and
a (dona) Francisca Inquill Coya (T estamento de Pizarro, p. 69). N o doubt
this person existed and claimed to be Juan’s daughter, but she did not re
ceive the recognition given dona Isabel.
Juan Pizarro’s w ill has been published by Luisa Cuesta in Revista de
Indias 8 (19 4 7 )18 7 2 -8 7 8 , along with wills o f his father and Hernando,
taken from Madrid’s Archivo Histôrico Nacional, Consejos, Ejecutoria
3822. W hile mainly reliable, the printed version contains certain errors of
transcription and omits mention of Juan’s sister Francisca Rodriguez. These
faults are remedied in Cuneo-Vidal’s partial transcription ( Vida del . . .
Pizarro, pp. 5 3 9 -5 4 3 ), from an unknown source, yet still other errors make
their appearance. A contemporary copy of the w ill is in A G I, Justicia 10 5 3,
no. 5.
Various writers’ portraits o f Juan Pizarro are in CDIH C, V II, 473;
Garcilaso, Obras, III, 1 3 0 - 1 3 1 ; Herrera, Historia general, X I, 66; Pedro
Pizarro, Relacion, pp. 2 0 0 -2 0 1, 2 1 1 ; Porras, Testamento de Pizarro, pp.
68-69; Prescott, Conquest of Peru, pp. 10 2 6 -10 2 7 ; Zarate, Historia, II,
486.
LEADERS 175
There are references to Juan Pizarro in A G I, Contaduria 1824, records

from Cuzco, March, 15 3 6 ; Justicia 1082, no. 1, ramo 4; Patronato 109,
ramo 4; A N P, PA 149, 669, 798; C D IH C , IV , 199, 207; V, 4 0 9 -4 12 ; V I,
3 1 3 - 3 1 6 ; V II, 4 70 -4 73; R A H C 8 :5 3 ; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio
Peruano 37 (19 5 6 ) :82; 38 (19 3 7 ) .-268; 39 (19 5 8 ) 1584-585; Cieza,
Salinas, p. 19 8 ; Luisa Cuesta, "Una documentacion interesante sobre la
familia del conquistador del Peru,” Revista de Indias 8 (19 4 7 ) 1890; Enri
quez de Guzman, Vida y costumbres, pp. 150, 15 4 ; Gomara, Hispania vie-
trix, I, 225, 237; Loredo, Los repart os, p. 400; Oviedo, Historia, V , 92;
Pedro Pizarro, Relacion, V , 17 5 , 17 7 , 178, 196, 200-204, 2 1 1 ; Porras,
"Jau ja,” Revista Historica 18 ( 19 4 9 - 19 5 0 ) 113 5 ; Porras, "Dos documentos
esenciales,” Revista Historica 17 (19 4 8 ) 19 1-9 2 ; Porras, Testamento de
Pizarro, pp. 68-69, and passim; Zarate, Historia, II, 464, 474-475.
Gonzalo Pizarro
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 20 Place o f origin: T ru jillo, Extrem adura
R ole: Horsem an Paren ts: Captain G onzalo Pizarro
Share: 2 % shares of gold; and M a ria A lonso
2 l/s shares o f silver Extent o f literacy: Could sign
his name
Because o f the great Peruvian rebellion which he headed in the later

1 5 4 0 ’s, an aura of power and swaggering arrogance surrounds the
name o f Gonzalo Pizarro, making it easy to forget that he was the
youngest and long the least prominent of the four Pizarro brothers. It
is largely by analogy with his full brother, Juan Pizarro, that we must
deduce the nature o f Gonzalo’s upbringing. Like Juan he was recog
nized by his father, and presumably he too was taken out o f his moth
er’s hands at an early age and put in the care o f the nurses who looked
after Juan in the Pizarro family home.
However, there may not have been strict parity between the two.
Juan had precedence as the elder, and may have been more in the com
pany o f their father, Captain Gonzalo Pizarro. Captain Gonzalo left a
mount to Juan, and none to young Gonzalo, though probably this
merely reflects the boys’ respective ages. Gonzalo was to be put in some
gentleman’s service at the proper age, a provision omitted for Juan. Y et
once again this could have been merely because the older Juan no long
er needed to have his education furthered by a period as a page; the
service that their father mentioned must be construed as that standard
gentleman’s apprenticeship, not as the performance o f menial tasks.
176 THE MEN
Actual direct evidence as to the education Gonzalo received is mea

ger indeed: a random remark or two in the chronicles, and Gonzalo’s
signature. D iego Fernandez el Palentino, in explaining Gonzalo’s small
aptitude for affairs o f state, emphasizes the point by maintaining that
he could not even read. Gutierrez de Santa Clara, who must have
known Gonzalo at least slightly, agrees, though perhaps he is only re
peating Diego Fernandez, as in other portions of his work. N o other
writers touch on the matter.
But if Gonzalo would appear to be left in the same class as utterly
illiterate Francisco, such is not the case. H e arrived in Peru in 1 5 3 1 able
to sign his name legibly and with complete fluency. H e would have
won no awards for penmanship, and he did not sign with the effortless
ness o f a notary, merchant, or lawyer, but his signature could stand un
noticed among those o f many hidalgos and commoners who were func
tionally literate, though not professional men. There is no doubt that
Gonzalo underwent some sort o f organized instruction during child
hood, as his brother Francisco did not.
Some Peruvian nationalists have been led to assert that Gonzalo not
only could sign, but really knew how to read and write. This appears
dubious. W hile no trustworthy evidence has appeared that would dem
onstrate beyond doubt that Gonzalo was ignorant o f the alphabet, we
can be sure that he made almost no use o f his skills, if he had them. W e
know that he had associates read letters and books aloud to him, though
it is true that this service was commonly performed even for truly liter
ate masters by their secretaries and servants. M ore importantly, a great
deal o f Gonzalo’s correspondence is preserved from the time when he
was rebel governor o f Peru, and nowhere do we find anything in G on
zalo’s hand beyond his signature itself. This may be compared with the
letters o f Hernando Pizarro, o f which most o f the more personal and
important ones are written in his own clear, vigorous script. Hernando
was unusual in this respect; most gentlemen-correspondents roughed
out a first draft and then had a secretary write a final clean version. In
the combined Gasca-Gonzalo Pizarro papers there are many such hand
written first drafts by Licenciado Gasca, but all of Gonzalo’s notes are
in a secretary’s hand. Often the gentleman writer would append to the
final draft o f his letter a few sentences o f purely personal remarks in
his own hand, and almost invariably he would himself write out the
concluding polite formulas. This Gonzalo never did, and one is led to
presume that he was unable to.
LEADERS 177
Gonzalo’s signature is not the only indication that he received some

rudiments o f a gentleman’s education. He lacked his brother Francis
co’s fondness for plebeian companions and pastimes. A ll his life he
showed great concern for living up to chivalric and other codes. G on
zalo’s great passion was for the arts o f hunting, riding, and war, which
he cultivated as sports, in the fashion of the gentry. H e prided himself
on keeping only the finest, most spirited, horses, and he was universally
praised for his horsemanship. An excellent shot with a musket or cross
bow, he may not have been the "best lance in the N ew W orld ,’ ’ as Gar-
cilaso called him, but at least the legend existed. Above all, he loved
the hunt, both shooting and hawking. A fter defeating viceroy Blasco
Nunez Vela near Quito in 15 4 5 , he spent most of four months hunt
ing on a rural property outside the town. Once Gonzalo said (o f course
with only partial truth) that if fate had not forced him into the gover
norship, he would have preferred to spend his time relaxing and
hunting.
On first coming to Peru, Gonzalo, because o f his youth and the prior
claims o f his brothers, existed as much on the sidelines as could be per
mitted a Pizarro. During the whole campaign o f conquest from 1 5 3 1
to 1 5 3 4 , he appears in the records only very infrequently, and never in
a position o f command. H e is reported to have ridden out under Soto
to the interview with Atahuallpa, and to have gone with Hernando P i
zarro to Pachacamac. Cieza does say that Gonzalo, or rather Juan and
Gonzalo, did much in the conquest. But rather than beginning to de
velop a following as Juan soon did, Gonzalo consorted almost as an
equal with a group o f the younger men from the Trujillo-Caceres re
gion. Still, his relationship to the governor gave him a reflected emi
nence. H e appears seventh on the Cajamarca roll, along with the cap
tains, and his share o f the treasure was correspondingly large. A t the
Spanish founding o f Cuzco he was still not called captain, like his
brother Juan, but he did receive a seat beside him on the council.
By the time of the siege o f Cuzco, in 1 5 3 6 - 1 3 3 7 , Gonzalo begins to
emerge as a prominent actor, with his own well-defined personality.
Partly this was because he was coming of age, partly because the death
of Juan Pizarro early in 1 5 3 6 left a position open for him. Hernando
Pizarro made him captain o f horse, and chronicler Pedro Pizarro lists
him prominently among the dozen vigorous young horsemen who were
Cuzco’s main defense.
Almost every reference to Gonzalo at this time gives him the charac
i?8 THE MEN
ter o f an impetuous, imprudent firebrand, a quality exaggerated no

doubt by his youth, but hardly to be tempered as he grew older. Once
during the siege Gonzalo took twenty horsemen far into Indian terri
tory, "with more spirit than prudence,” and had to be retrieved by a
second party at great risk to all. A little later, as the siege ended and
Alm agro’s men approached Cuzco, Gonzalo urged attacking them be
fore they could organize mischief for the Pizarros. After termination o f
the first civil war with Alm agro’s execution, when Hernando Pizarro
was returning to Spain, Gonzalo told him it would be better to stay in
Peru and await what might come, lance in hand. A decade later, G on
zalo would continue to take the same attitude.
It was this perennial adolescence o f sporting, posturing, and bravado
that caused Gonzalo’s reputation for lack o f sense, rather than any truly
subnormal intelligence. The notion that Gonzalo was something less
than wise had wide currency. A ll the standard chroniclers, following
Zarate, who had direct experience o f him, cast aspersions on his intel
lect in one way or another. Don Alonso Enriquez, who was with him at
Cuzco, said he was necio— foolish or dim-witted. O f them all, sympa
thetic Pedro Pizarro was perhaps most nearly right in asserting that
Gonzalo "knew little.’ ’
The chroniclers go on to say that despite his small understanding
Gonzalo declared his ideas well in a crude way. W e find considerable
direct evidence o f this, generally in statements of a blustering nature.
Cieza seems to have caught his tone very well in reporting what he said
when he learned in 1 5 3 9 that the Indians o f Charcas were massing
forces against his small party o f Spaniards. (T h e passage characteristi
cally includes an oath by the Virgin, to whom Gonzalo had a special
devotion, even stronger, or more openly expressed, than Francisco’s .)
By Our Lady, as soon as I ’m mounted on a horse, I don’t care whether

there are a thousand Indians or a hundred thousand; I don’t know what
makes these simpletons want to try their luck against the Spaniards, since
through experience they ought to have learned how little they are worth
against us, since two hundred thousand of them joined together to kill a
hundred and eighty of us in Cuzco, and all they got from that feat that
they thought to accomplish was over eighty thousand of them left dead; so
let them come now, and not think that things will be any different.
In the time when he had seized power in Peru, Gonzalo asked a

messenger from the loyalist forces in Panama how long he thought he
LEADERS 179
could expect to live. The messenger replied forty years, and Gonzalo
said he would rather live ten and be governor. Lest we get an inflated
idea o f his eloquence, a probably far more typical remark o f Gonzalo’s
has come down to us, redolent o f adolescent arrogance. Gonzalo was
told that Emperor Charles had asked who that Gonzalo Pizarro was
that was causing so much trouble, and Gonzalo replied that he would
show him who that Gonzalo Pizarro was. A fter that he repeated this
jewel every day.
In physique, Gonzalo was the most lordly of the Pizarros. H e was
tall as they all were, but where Francisco was hollow-cheeked, leathery,
and sparse-bearded, and Hernando was a massive hulk, Gonzalo was
well proportioned and graceful, with a handsome dark face and a beard
that grew black and full as he matured. So often does one see Gonzalo
thus described that historian Rafael Loredo, after years o f studying the
civil wars, felt sure of only one fact, that Gonzalo Pizarro’s physical
appearance was uncommonly striking.
Gonzalo also had a capacity for camaraderie unusual among the P i
zarro brothers; he was far less insensitive than Francisco or Hernando.
H e developed close friends and strongly felt his duty toward them, as
well as their reciprocal duty toward him; a sense o f outrage and neces
sity for revenge overcame him when they failed him. As governor he
tended to view the whole Spanish Peruvian population as his faithful
friends or personal enemies, with ultimately bad results for his cause.
Y et except for his full brother who died early, he was the only Pizarro
who had much potentiality for true popularity.
Gonzalo’s overdone knightliness, his overconcern with a gentleman’s
duties, and his excessive assertion o f chivalric values, seem to originate
in his social position within the Pizarro family. Whereas Francisco
stood almost outside that family in many respects, an independent-
minded plebeian and man o f the Indies, and Hernando was so firmly
ensconced within its center that he gave no thought to a knightly exte
rior, Gonzalo was in the middle, in an insecure position. H e had no
plebeian side to call upon, yet he was illegitimate, youngest born, and
placed behind both Hernando and Juan. His early reaction must have
been to overcompensate, insisting on what he was not sure of. H aving
to follow after the unusual achievement o f Francisco and Hernando
did nothing to alleviate the condition, so that it became a permanent
marked characteristic.
A s the older brothers fell aside, any bearer o f the Pizarro name was
i8o THE MEN
bound to come to the fore, and Gonzalo, as we have seen, had consid
erable merit and attraction to add to the name. By the time of Juan’s
death it was becoming apparent that Hernando was going to be in
Spain more than in Peru. I f there was any remaining doubt, it was set
tled by his departure in 15 3 9 and his imprisonment in 154 0 . After the
end o f the "W a r o f Salinas” in 15 3 8 , Governor Francisco Pizarro be
gan grooming Gonzalo to take Hernando’s place as his second man.
Gonzalo received command o f the party sent to occupy Charcas, the
mining region o f far Upper Peru, and was the effective founder of La
Plata (Chuquisaca or Sucre). H e took an encomienda there, without
giving up his previous one in Cuzco. By the mid 13 4 0 ’s he held top
rank encomiendas in Charcas, Cuzco, and Arequipa, and he also had a
silver mine, though not as productive as Hernando’s.
In his will, Francisco Pizarro named Gonzalo, in Hernando’s ab
sence, as the person to hold the governorship o f Peru until his own son
should come o f age. In 154 0 , though he had no real right to do so,
Francisco sent Gonzalo to the Quito region, not merely as his lieuten
ant, but as actual "Governor o f Quito.” Francisco had seen that the
whole vast area o f the Inca empire was ungovernable from one center,
and, foreseeing effective division, thought thus to prevent the northern
segment from going out o f the fam ily’s hands, probably to Benalcazar.
A t the same time, Francisco wrote to the Council of the Indies request
ing formal sanction for his move. It was never given, and though Gon
zalo was received in Quito as governor, he actually exercised power as a
subordinate o f Francisco.
The great event o f the Quito period o f Gonzalo’s life was his large-
scale expedition into the Amazon area. Though the ultimate hopeless
ness and adventuresomeness o f the enterprise make it appear in retro
spect well suited to Gonzalo’s imprudent character, it had its origins in
very serious considerations which might have moved the most realistic
Spaniard to action. Persistent Indian reports told o f the Amazonian re
gion’s wealth in gold and spices, and there was no more apparent reason
for disbelief than there had been in the case o f Peru itself. Perhaps even
more important was the prospect that if Gonzalo really found a settled
area, his claim to govern the whole Quito region would be cemented.
Finders keepers was not only the Pizarros’ maxim, but the rule o f life
everywhere in the Indies, repeatedly recognized by the crown itself.
Therefore all the political and economic power o f the Pizarro interests
LEADERS 181
went into organizing an expedition of over two hundred men, far bet
ter equipped and provisioned than the conquerors o f Peru had been in
I 5 3 I ~ I 53 2 *
O f course Gonzalo failed to discover what did not exist, and the Pi-
zarro doggedness with which he long pushed on the search only in
creased the losses from starvation and disease. Nevertheless, the ' 'Cin
namon’ ’ expedition was far from a personal failure for Gonzalo. His
capacity for enduring hardship proved equal to Francisco’s, and he kept
the respect, even in many cases the affection, o f the few survivors.
W hen he finally reappeared near Quito in 15 4 2 , he had become not
only a power, but a legend; he had experienced command, and gained
the elements o f a personal following. W ith his sense for dramatic ges
tures, Gonzalo refused the horses sent him from Quito, and he and his
men entered the city on foot and in their rags.
H e found the situation in Peru transformed, with most o f the ele
ments of his rebellion already given. Francisco Pizarro had been assas
sinated, and governing in his place was the man originally sent to ad
judicate the Pizarro-Almagro disputes, Licenciado Cristobal Vaca de
Castro. The resentments o f a Pizarro, by now a veteran o f the Indies,
on seeing the governorship taken away from his family to be awarded
to an utter greenhorn, are readily imaginable. Against this general
background there were more specific claims which Gonzalo could and
did put forth. The crown had granted Francisco the right to name a
successor, and in his will Francisco had named Gonzalo, in the clearest
o f language. There was also the legally more questionable appointment
o f Gonzalo to the governorship o f Quito. It was o f great subjective im
portance that Gonzalo had for two years been accustomed to acting the
part o f a governor.
Gonzalo made no attempt to hide his feelings, but said openly that
he should have been made governor of Peru. The Peruvian Spaniards
had been pusillanimous to accept Vaca de Castro, and the king had
been ungrateful to name him. Finally, out o f necessity, Gonzalo
brought himself to a surly acceptance of Vaca de Castro’s rule. In his
absence Vaca had already won the allegiance o f the majority o f Peru’s
encomenderos, and on the other hand he had not completed the task o f
putting down the Almagrist rebels, who were still formidable militari
ly. Gonzalo’s offer o f help in the campaign was respectfully declined,
and he moved slowly toward central Peru in great state, his entourage
182 THE MEN
full o f seditious murmuring. W hen he reached Cuzco, after Vaca de

Castro’s victory, tension and incidents ensued, and at last Vaca had to
banish Gonzalo to Charcas under a polite pretext.
Thus the situation simmered until Peru’s first viceroy, Blasco Nunez
Vela, arrived in the country in 15 4 4 with royal ordinances, the N ew
Laws, which, if taken literally, would have come near to destroying the
encomienda system, the social and economic base of the Spanish pres
ence. Blasco Nunez gave every sign o f taking the ordinances literally,
and Peru’s alarmed encomenderos flocked to the indicated person, G on
zalo Pizarro, for help. Their aim was to block the legislation and get
rid o f Blasco Nunez, while Gonzalo’s aim was to be governor; the two
purposes very largely coincided, at least in the early stages. Thus began
the most explosive o f Peru’s long series of civil wars and rebellions. It
was different from the rest, not in being more revolutionary, but in be
ing more serious, for this time the "rebels” were senior and powerful
men— the council members, captains, and great encomenderos. Almost
the only dissenters from the movement, at first, were latecomers, com
patriots o f the viceroy, and Almagrists, or others who had reason to be
hostile to the Pizarros.
Without too much urging from Gonzalo, the Peruvian cities named
him their procurator and captain general. H e quickly organized an
army of enthusiastic Spaniards and marched from Cuzco to Lima,
where he found the viceroy already ejected by the audiencia. In the
face o f his guns, but in any case not very reluctantly, the audiencia
named Gonzalo governor of Peru, and he entered Lima in triumph in
October, 154 4 .
T o do narrative justice to the following segment o f Gonzalo’s life,
and Peru’s history, would require a volume. In brief, viceroy Blasco
Nunez reorganized his forces in the north o f the country; Gonzalo, at
the head o f an army o f Peru’s finest, pursued him, eventually defeating
and killing him near Quito at the end o f 15 4 5 . At this point the inter
ests o f Gonzalo and the Peruvian Spaniards began to diverge, as he
himself saw: "It is best that those in this country should have encomi-
endas granted by me, because these men w ill work to support me in the
time o f necessity, and for the others, once the ordinances are revoked,
it w ill make very little difference whether one man governs or another.”
Nevertheless, despite some uprisings in the south o f Peru, Gonzalc
maintained himself handily until the advent o f royal emissary Licenci-
ado Pedro de la Gasca, bearing effective repeal of the offending laws,
LEADERS IS3
and the offer o f a pardon for all. W ith these inducements he won over
the men Gonzalo had sent to control Panama, then came to Peru late in
15 4 7 to find adhesion almost as general as that previously given to
Gonzalo in 15 4 4 . Gonzalo defeated his enemies once more in the far
south, but when he met Gasca and the main forces o f Spanish Peru
near Cuzco in A pril, 15 4 8 , a battle hardly took place. A fter some skir
mishing almost all o f Gonzalo’s army went over to the king’s side; he
himself surrendered, to suffer execution the next day.
Though he does not appear on the official lists o f viceroys and gover
nors, Gonzalo had ruled Peru for three and a half years, as far as any
one could be said to have ruled it in the first decades o f its existence as
a Spanish possession. The most real power of the governor— granting
and removing encomiendas— he exercised abundantly.
Gonzalo might appear to have been merely a dynastic figurehead. In
some ways he was. Peru’s encomenderos used him, and, in a later
phase, there were rebellious, marginal figures urging him on. Am ong
them was the evil, incomparable Francisco de Carvajal, who took near
ly complete control o f Pizarrist military strategy and fought several im
portant battles all by himself. Throughout, Gonzalo’s more important
policy statements were written by lawyers and notaries who filled their
pages with "just w ar’’ and "natural law ’’ and other terms and argu
ments that would never have entered Gonzalo’s head.
Y et all that held the two successive phases o f the rebellion together
was Gonzalo Pizarro and his desire to govern. H e was as determined to
be governor as had been Francisco, from whom he had without doubt
caught the urge, and he also had Francisco’s tenacity and his rationale
that the conqueror deserved to rule the conquered country. A t the end
of each fancy letter the lawyers wrote he would express this sentiment
— in almost exactly the words Francisco had used— that no one could
take from him what he had gained with such sweat and toil. H e repeat
ed the same thing when he was brought face to face with Gasca the
day before his execution.
I f Gonzalo was no born political manipulator, yet he had a sense for
the political realities, as expressed in the quote from him above. The
support initially given him he accepted in order to achieve his own
ends; if the encomenderos were exploiting him, the opposite was also
true. Know ing that the structure o f his alliance with them would weak
en after the viceroy’s final defeat, he did what he could to strengthen
the connection or find a surrogate. H e took so many magnates with him
184 THE MEN
on his 15 4 5 campaign not so much because he needed them militarily,

but in order to involve them in an extreme, irretrievable gesture of sup
port for him. Gonzalo divided, reassigned, and shuffled encomiendas,
trying to fill the encomendero ranks with men whose rights would de
pend on him alone.
Increasingly he resorted to exemplary punishment, usually execution
o f the unfaithful. This policy started as early as 154 4 , and one can dis
tinguish several o f its ingredients. In part it was the consistent Pizarro
implacability toward enemies, from Alm agro downward; in part it was
the result o f Gonzalo’s neurotic outrage at any betrayal by "friends.”
The reign o f terror was exaggerated by the pathological tendencies o f
Francisco de Carvajal, who accounted for most o f the executions, in
cluding those o f several men of Cajamarca. But we discover in G on
zalo’s correspondence that Carvajal was not acting completely on his
own. Gonzalo did not hesitate to give Carvajal orders, both general
and specific. He often urged him to be strict in the punishment of
wrongdoers. Occasionally he recommended the execution of certain in
dividuals, and even complained o f Carvajal’s over lenience. H e enjoyed
frightening people with Carvajal’s name, and wanted to project an im
age o f himself as a remote and fearsome figure. As the Pizarrist situa
tion grew worse in 15 4 7 and 154 8 , the terror grew, and the various
motives for it melted into habit and desperation.
In other ways too, Gonzalo put his stamp on the movement. The
Spanish Peruvians in general were in a mood of arrogance and over-
confidence in the middle 15 4 0 ’s, but it was Gonzalo’s own brand of
blustering big talk that was the fashion during the whole time he gov
erned, from one end o f Peru to the other. His great concern to fulfill a
Christian gentleman’s duties also emerges clearly in his governorship.
H e put more personal effort than had governors before him into the re
cruiting o f priests to instruct the Indians, and he even tried to investi
gate their actual conduct. His letters are full o f instructions to his lieu
tenants to respect the Indians’ livestock and provisions. Under Gonzalo
a serious attempt was made to observe all the formalities of Spanish le
galism, particularly in respect to the royal treasury. O f course all such
efforts were superficial, just as the sentiments that caused them were
not at the center o f Gonzalo’s psyche. He used more clerics to manage
his estates and support his cause than he ever recruited to teach Indians;
his own campaigns were the greatest destroyer o f Indian life and prop
LEADERS I85
erty, and he even went to the extreme of granting tiny "encomiendas”

o f ten or fifteen Indians, an abusive measure not resorted to by any
other governor. N ot a penny o f the royal revenue left Peru during the
time o f his rule. In his final days he gave up all pretense o f legality, as
when he filled the council of Cuzco with men who were not even
citizens.
H is name and his association with the Pizarro interests had brought
Gonzalo to power, aided by his good presence, his reputation as a war
rior, and his ambition. Once there, his great popularity and the exten
sive congruence o f his interests with those o f the Spanish Peruvians,
if managed flexibly and moderately, might have made him unassail
able and attained the acquiescence o f the crown in his governorship.
A t any time before 154 8 he could have been pardoned, retaining his
economic base and possibly receiving a noble title. But he was inflex
ible, because o f his small education and rash temperament, plus Pizarro
tenacity and the determination to govern that he imbibed from his
brother Francisco. The Pizarro-Extremaduran characteristics did not
serve Gonzalo well in a position that was no longer the overwhelming
dominance of the early period, when Francisco could ride roughshod
over others. Through narrow partisanry and ruthless punishment of
enemies, Gonzalo destroyed the popularity and cohesion so necessary
to him; though he needed to spread benefits to all, and even thought he
was doing so, he was the most parsimonious o f all the Pizarros beneath
his fair and gentlemanly exterior, and in the end he gave little to any
one. These tactics, which brought bad enough results in the 1 5 3 0 ’s,
were utterly inadequate to the complex play o f interests in the quickly
growing, ever more wealthy Peru o f the following decade. Gonzalo’s
support disintegrated and he was left, like the leaders o f the other
Peruvian rebellions, at the head of an easily defeated fringe group.
The personal and family assets Gonzalo possessed, following normal
processes o f continuity, enhancement, and accretion, might have as
sured him and his descendants an informal dominance in Peru sur
passing that o f the Cortes family in Mexico. Instead, through his in
ability to adjust to a changed situation, Gonzalo lost his life and his
estate and brought about the total expulsion o f the Pizarro dynasty
from Peru. Only the name remained. Chronicles and official writings
long pointed to Gonzalo as the most horrible example o f a *'tyrant”
(traitor). Popular legend, on the other hand, picked up the thread o f
186 THE MEN
his form er popularity, and, centering on the scene o f his execution,

m ade o f him a gallant w arrior and conqueror, unjustly brought low
through the ingratitude o f officialdom and the inconstancy o f his peers.
N O T E S . For Gonzalo’s origin and age, see under Juan Pizarro above.
Perhaps in view o f statements by Cuneo-Vidal and more recently by Munoz
de San Pedro ("Inform ation sobre el linaje de Hernando Pizarro," Revista
de Estudios Extremenos 22 [19 6 6 3 :2 0 9 ) that Gonzalo’s mother was Maria
de Biedma, it is necessary to prove in detail that his mother was the same
as Juan’s, Maria Alonso or M aria de Aguilar. Chronicler Gornara says that
Juan and Gonzalo were full brothers ( Hispania victrix, I, 2 2 5 ). Bias de
Soto, whom the chroniclers repeatedly assert to have been Gonzalo’s half
brother, was by his own statement Juan’s brother as well (A N P, Salinas
15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f. 6 27 ). To use only statements by parties directly involved,
Isabel de Soto was sister of both Juan (A N P , Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f. 627)
and Gonzalo (A G I, Justicia 10 53, no. 5, testimony of Diego de Carvajal).
Gonzalo had a mestizo son, don Francisco, who was legitimated through
the influence of Hernando Pizarro around 1344, and a mestizo daughter,
dona Inès, who grew up in the company o f Juan Pizarro’s mestizo daughter,
dona Isabel. Both of Gonzalo’s children were sent to Spain in 1550 , and
dona Inès, in pursuance of Hernando Pizarro’s policy of family consolida
tion, married her cousin don Francisco Pizarro, unlegitimated mestizo son
of Francisco. Garcilaso mentions another son of Gonzalo, don Hernando,
supposed to have been in Cuzco in 1548, but there appears to be no other
notice of him. In 1546 a Spanish woman, Maria de Ulloa, who had been
Gonzalo’s mistress while he was in Quito, bore him a child who died the
day o f its birth. See C D IH C , V ili, 236; Garcilaso, Obras, III, 308; Pérez
de Tudela, Gasca, I, 168, 279-280; Porras, Testamento de Pizarro, p. 75;
Zarate, Historia, II, 534, 540; and the references to Juan Pizarro’s children
in the note above.
Because of the great masses of contemporary chronicles and reports on
the subject o f the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion, there are probably more
sources available for Gonzalo’s life, at least during that time, than for the
lives o f any o f his brothers. Most, however, are in a very diluted form, in
variably mixed with the general history o f the period and seriously dis
torted by the backward reflection of Gonzalo’s ultimate fate. Hardly a
chronicle of Peru, or a general one of the Indies, fails to throw some light
on this phase of Gonzalo’s career. Perhaps the most consistently informa
tive and generally trustworthy chronicler is Zarate, who combines direct
personal experience with good education and judgment. Gutiérrez de Santa
Clara supplies much authentic unduplicated information, along with much
embroidery, plagiarism, and error. By the time o f the rebellion, Oviedo
LEADERS I87
had developed into a hardened enemy of the Pizarros, and his accounts
need correspondingly close scutiny. For the prerebellion period, much
more sparsely documented, the most generous and accurate chronicler is, as
usual, Cieza, in his Tercera parte, Salinas, and Chupas. Particularly see his
account of the Amazon expedition, in Chupas, passim.
The chronicles appear to contain quite a large number of general de
scriptions o f Gonzalo, usually on the occasion of his execution. But the
appearances are deceptive. Many of the later versions are only variations
on two root passages, to which later authors added bits of often untrust
worthy information. One of the originals is Gasca’s report o f Gonzalo’s
capture and execution, really a bare account of events, with little descrip
tion beyond a reproduction of Gonzalo’s remark that he had won Peru. The
second, and more important, is that of Zarate (Historia, II, 5 2 2 ), which
may well be given here not only because other chroniclers copied it, but
because it is such a concise and just portrait, every element of which (except
for Gonzalo’s age) this writer has found confirmed in other kinds of
sources :
G onzalo Pizarro when he began to get into this tyanny w as a m an of about
forty, tall o f body and with well-proportioned members. H is face w as dark
and his beard black and very long. H e w as inclined to the things o f w a r and a
great sufferer o f its hardships; he w as a good horseman in both saddles and a
great musketeer; and while a man of little understanding, he declared his con
cepts well, though in very rough w ords; he could not keep secrets, from which
m uch trouble resulted in his w ars. H e had too much to do with women, both
Indian and Castilian.
Zarate’s account of Gonzalo’s death rests largely on Gasca’s letter, with a

few additions; he does not there repeat his general description. Gomara
(Hispania victrix, I, 272) follows this part o f Zarate, also without a de
scription. Calvete (Rebelion de Pizarro, V , 1 9 - 2 1 ) , takes the capture and
execution straight from Gasca, then appends Zarate’s description almost
word for word. This gives us an opportunity to assess the value of Calvete’s
remark that Gonzalo was forty-two at his death, the most exact statement of
his age that we have; one might well imagine that it came out of the Gasca
papers, Calvete’s main source, and ultimately from Gonzalo’s confession.
Yet since almost every word in this passage comes either from Gasca’s letter
(which does not give Gonzalo’s age) or Zarate’s description, we can give
little credence to Calvete’s estimate.
Diego Fernandez reverts to Gasca’s letter alone ( Historia, I, 228 ),
though he elsewhere includes a slight reminiscence of Zarate (Historia, I,
1 1 7 ) , with the added remark that Gonzalo could not read. Gutierrez de
Santa Clara ( Quinquenarios, IV , 1 7 1 ) repeats Zarate, mainly literally,
with an interpolation or two. Garcilaso gives a romanticized version o f
188 THE MEN
both Gonzalo’s character and his death ( Obras, III, 309, 386, 4 0 2). He
reflects the bias of his father’s political sympathies and the shape oral
legend had taken by the time he wrote; nevertheless, his main description
is structured on Zarate’s. Perhaps even the short and homely description by
Pedro Pizarro (Relation, V, 2 1 1 ) , who knew Gonzalo well, contains some
echo of Zarate (above), or perhaps the justice of both portraits caused
them to coincide. The reader may judge for himself: ''Gonzalo Pizarro was
valiant, knew little, had a good face and beard; a tight man and not
generous, and a very good horseman.” Don Alonso Enriquez’s description
of Gonzalo as necio is in Vida y costumbres, p. 272. Two valuable modern
treatments of Gonzalo are in Perez de Tudela’s prologue to Cronicas del
Peru, and Porras, Testamento de Pizarro, pp. 7 3 -7 3 .
Among more direct documentation, some important pieces are lost or
never existed. Since his estate was confiscated, Gonzalo made no will,
though he is mentioned in the wills of the other brothers and his father
(q .v.). A document of great potential would be the record of the lengthy
confession taken from Gonzalo after his surrender, but it has apparently
disappeared.
Far and away the most important publication concerning Gonzalo Piza
rro is Perez de Tudela, Gasca, a transcription of documents whose originals
are in the Huntington Library. Aside from most of Gasca’s reports to
Spain, it contains dozens of letters Gonzalo sent to his lieutenants and
others during his period of rule, as well as great numbers of hardly less
informative letters sent to him. The most spectacular document in the two
volumes is a letter of Pedro Hernandez Paniagua (II, 300-326 ) telling of
his interviews with Gonzalo and giving a magnificent portrayal of Gonzalo’s
behavior at the height of his power; however, the letter must be used with
some caution, since Paniagua, to impress Gasca, to whom the letter was
directed, overdramatized his account and was probably guilty of making
Gonzalo somewhat more fearsome than the actuality, to emphasize the
danger he was in. Legal testimony by Gonzalo, showing him almost as taci
turn as Francisco, is in A G I, Lima 204, probanza of Pedro del Barco, and
R A N P 1 (19 2 0 ) 1457—459.
Gonzalo’s encomiendas are described in Loredo, Alardes y derramas, pp.
1 18 , 12 7 , and Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 150, 194, 195. Characteristic re
marks by Gonzalo, including those quoted in the text above, will be found
in Cieza, Chupas, p. 290; Cieza, Salinas, pp. 27, 433, 450; Perez de Tu
dela, Gasca, I, 79, 96; II, 1 5 0 - 1 5 1 , 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 , 165, 170, 178 , 1 8 1 , 188, 19 3,
2 0 3 ,3 1 3 ,3 19 ,4 1 3 .
Some valuable miscellaneous references to Gonzalo in the time before
the great rebellion are in A G I, Justicia 10 7 1, no. 1, ramo 8; 1082, no. 1,
ramo 4; A N P, PA 54, 6 34 ; HC 12 , 13 , 274-308 passim; CD IH C, V II, 68;
Cieza, T ere era parte, in M er curio Peruano 38 ( 19 3 7 ) .’ 268; Oviedo, Histo-
rta, V , 92; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 20; Porras, "Dos documentos esen-
ciales,” Revista Histôrica 17 (19 4 8 ) .-91-92; Zarate, Historia, II, 486.
Juan de Salcedo
A g e at C ajam arca: A b o u t 38 to 40 Place o f origin: Cazalegas, near T a la -
R ole: Captain vera de la Reina in N e w Castile
Share: 2 Vs shares of gold ; Extent o f literacy: C ould sign
2 shares o f silver his name
One o f the principal figures o f the Peruvian expedition, Salcedo was

an experienced veteran and proven leader. H e had taken part in the
earliest phases of Pizarro’s explorations, from 15 2 4 to 15 2 7 ; apparent
ly he is the Salcedo who was alferez, or ensign, on the first voyage o f
discovery in 15 2 4 . Around 15 2 8 he was in Nicaragua serving as a
captain under Governor Pedrarias de Avila. A n old Nicaragua com
rade, Captain Cristobal de Mena, said that Salcedo was a prudent man
and skilled in the ruses of war (meaning war with In d ian s). As to his
social background, someone called him a "gentleman o f Talavera” and
he was at least not overtly plebeian. It seems that he had been part o f
the 1 5 3 1 expedition from the time o f its organization in Panama.
Salcedo acted principally as a captain o f foot. He was in charge o f
the rear guard at the crucial time when the expedition was climbing
from the Peruvian coast up steep slopes to the highland plateau.
Whether he actually held command responsibility on the day of Caja
marca is not clear; from most accounts it appears that Governor Pizarro
commanded the bulk o f the footmen himself, though Salcedo may have
been in charge o f some o f the guards posted around the entries to the
plaza.
A fter Cajamarca, Salcedo received license to go home to Spain, leav
ing about the end of July, 1 5 3 3 . The reasons were various. Many o f
the Spaniards were clamoring for permission to return with their un
heard-of wealth, and it was given only to the wounded, the sick, and a
few older men like Salcedo. But Salcedo also, like his colleague Cap
tain Mena, was doubtless resentful over the share allotted him— less
than Soto, Benalcazar, Candia, and all four o f the Pizarro brothers.
The expedition had too many captains, and in the future was likely to
favor men o f the Caceres-Trujillo contingent rather than N ew Casti
lians like Salcedo and Mena. The early departure of these two leaders
190 THE MEN
contained an element o f rejection and exile. Back in Spain, Salcedo

quickly went to the Talavera region. H e was living in the village of
Cazalegas near Talavera in 15 5 4 , still styling himself Captain Juan de
Salcedo. A t that time he testified in favor o f secretary Francisco de
Jerez, whom he had known ever since the two o f them joined Pizarro
and Alm agro’s first ventures.
N O T E S . A comrade calls Juan de Salcedo a native of Talavera de la

Reina in A N P , P A 13 9 : In 15 3 4 Salcedo was a citizen of Talavera, resi
dent in Cazalegas, and said he was over sixty (A G I, Patronato 98, no. 4,
ramo 3, a probanza by Francisco de Jerez ).
Other references are in A N P , PA 1 1 , 99, 138 , 13 9 ; C D IH N , I, 342; II,
3 2 1 ; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 27 (19 4 6 ) 14 15 ; 39
(19 5 8 ) :3 9 , 575, 576, 579; Mena, "L a conquista del Peru,” p. 8 2; Porras,
Cartas, pp. 1 3 1 - 1 3 2 ; Zarate, Historia, II, 475.
Hernando de Soto
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 35 Place o f origin: Jerez de Badajoz,
R ole: Captain of horse in western Extrem adura
Share: 4 shares of gold and silver Parents: Francisco M endez (de Soto)
and Leonor A ria s (T in o co )
D egree o f literacy: Literate
Except for Francisco Pizarro, Soto is better known to world history

than any o f the other men of Cajamarca. In the United States, where
his name has taken on the odd, rather laughable form "D e Soto,” his
fame exceeds even Pizarro’s. There is a mass of contemporary narra
tive concerning his action in the Indies, and several (unsatisfactory)
biographies of him have been written in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. This is not the place to trace his varied career in any detail,
though the task would be challenging and materials for it abound. But
our format provides plenty o f room to discuss the little that is known
about Soto's background.
The most copious reporter of Soto's doings, Garcilaso de la Vega,
knew so little about his subject's antecedents that he gave him the
wrong birthplace. Y et Soto did not rise from the dust like Benalcazar,
nor was his status tainted by illegitimacy, like Francisco Pizarro’s. H e
was the legitimate (apparently second) son o f parents who were plau
sible hidalgos. Though not illustrious, they bore names well known in
LEADERS 191
Badajoz and its satellite, Jerez, and Garcilaso was probably not wrong
in considering Soto an hidalgo "on all four sides.” The circle o f their
acquaintance included a member o f the council o f Badajoz. A relative
o f Soto’s, who later went to Florida with him, was a Dominican friar,
and a more distant connection was a bachelor at law from the Univer
sity o f Salamanca. The women o f the family were not donas; by 15 3 9
the youngest sister had become one, but probably only by virtue of her
relationship to the then governor of Florida. In Spain, Soto was a true
if somewhat marginal hidalgo. In the Indies he always passed for an
hidalgo o f good standing, much the same as Alonso de Medina o f
Badajoz (their families were acquainted). Soto was literate, but if he
had a formal grounding in Spanish legalism or any other professional
training, he did not show the effects o f it. By temperament he was
neither a lawyer nor a manager.
In the English-speaking world Soto has had a reputation as a shin
ing knight, an embodiment o f various imaginary virtues, as opposed
to the unmitigated vices o f other conquerors. Porras Barrenechea has
convincingly destroyed this legend for all who w ill listen. Soto shared
the values o f his fellows. H e never seriously questioned the validity
o f the conquest o f the N ew W orld, or his own right to govern a large
part o f it, and toward this end he killed as many Indians as the next
man, resorting to torture and exemplary mutilation when he thought
necessary. I f he opposed Atahuallpa’s execution, Atahuallpa alive
augured better for him than for the Pizarros. Porras was right in saying
that the Anglo-Saxons engaged in their image-building o f Soto mainly
for the puerile reason that Soto could be considered an explorer o f the
United States. Still, if he was no saint or image o f benevolence, Soto
does stand out as a knight o f sorts, hasty, dashing and gallant. Like
the Pizarros in his inordinate ambition to govern, he lacked their cold
ness, calculation, and vindictiveness. Whereas Hernando Pizarro was
no horseman, Soto performed one feat o f spectacular horsemanship
after another. W e have conflicting evidence as to whether Soto was a
small man or above medium size, but there is no reason to contest
Garcilaso’s assessment that he was one o f the best lances in the Indies.
A s Oviedo and others commented, he was particularly good at the
mobile tactics o f Indian fighting. H is whole tendency was to rush
ahead, to be first to do battle.
N or do Anglo-Saxon distortions o f Soto’s role mean that his impor
tance in Peru is merely a backward projection o f his later fame. H e was
192 THE MEN
the most powerful single independent figure o f the expedition after

Francisco Pizarro, since the other Pizarro brothers were ultimately
Francisco’s creatures, and Benalcazar was clearly not Soto’s equal. As
with Pizarro, Soto’s eminence was a direct carry-over from a long
career in Central America.
He seems to have arrived in the Indies with the great expedition of
Pedrarias de A vila to the Isthmus in 1 5 1 3 - 1 5 1 4 . Then a boy in his
later teens, he was naturally not much heard o f for some time. But
before many years had passed he was being called Captain. Around
1 5 1 7 he entered into a long-lasting universal partnership or "company”
with two other prominent men, also captains and reputedly hidalgos.
Apparently the senior member was Francisco Campanon, o f much the
same type as Soto. Campanon died in Nicaragua around 15 2 7 , but
Soto remembered him long afterward, and ordered masses for him in
his will o f 15 3 9 . The third member was Hernan Ponce de Leon from
Talavera de la Reina, who, though a captain, was less a leader o f ex
peditions than a manager and man o f affairs. Soto and Ponce’s ten
dencies conflicted yet complemented each other, and their association
lasted until after the conquest o f Peru.
Soto first appears in the chronicles of the Panama area around 15 2 0 ,
already with a reputation for swiftness. The episode, given by Las
Casas, shows Soto’s tendencies and abilities fully formed. That is per
haps not surprising, but it is rather flabbergasting to see that the rela
tionship between Soto and Francisco Pizarro was prefigured over a
decade before the conquest o f Peru. As part o f a large expedition,
partly seaborne, under the general command of Licenciado Gaspar de
Espinosa, Pizarro led a hundred men along the coast toward Veragua;
Soto went ahead o f Pizarro with thirty followers to scout out the
countryside. Far in advance o f Pizarro, Soto and his men chanced on
Espinosa’s main body, which had landed and was now sorely beset by
Indians. Soto attacked them by surprise and saved the day. This was
the conquest o f Peru in miniature: commander Pizarro with a column
o f foot, subordinate Soto in the vanguard and performing dashing
feats.
The three partners went with Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba to
the conquest o f Nicaragua in 15 2 4 . They were then, and afterward
remained, among the principal leaders after the governor; Oviedo
names only three captains accompanying Francisco Hernandez, and
Campanon and Soto are two of them. Soto and his partners held some
LEADERS 193
o f the best encomiendas in Nicaragua, with corresponding wealth. By

15 3 0 , the two survivors, Soto and Ponce, were such luminaries that
they were often referred to merely as "the captains.” Soto himself was
alcalde o f Nicaragua’s chief town, Leon, in its very early days. H e did
not repeat in the office, because (according to Sebastian de Benalcazar,
at any rate) he showed little interest in exercising his duties and proved
too hasty and passionate when he did. During the interlude o f the
governorship o f Diego Lopez de Salcedo in 13 2 7 , Soto was captain
o f the new governor’s guard, then leader o f a mutiny against Salcedo
and in favor o f his old master Pedrarias. After Pedrarias came to N ica
ragua to assume the governorship himself, he and Soto fell out; Soto
and Ponce allied themselves with Pedrarias’s rival, alcalde mayor Li-
cenciado Castaneda, against the supporters o f Pedrarias, who included
future men o f Cajamarca as important as Benalcazar and Sebastian de
Torres. In 15 3 0 , Licenciado Castaneda engineered a majority vote for
Soto as alcalde o f Leon, but Pedrarias refused to allow him to take
office.
By 15 3 0 , then, Soto, though only in his mid-thirties, was a senior
man o f unusual prestige, with wealth and a following. His excessive
independent power was at the root of his rivalries with Pedrarias. N ow
he was growing increasingly anxious to acquire a governorship of his
own. W hen Pizarro came back from the south with tales o f riches, Peru
seemed to offer the hoped-for opportunity. Soto and his partner Ponce
explored all the possibilities. W ith a Peruvian expedition in mind, they
began building two ships in company with Licenciado Castaneda. They
conferred with Benalcazar. They negotiated seriously with Pedrarias,
but, according to Cieza, they failed to come to an agreement; Soto and
Ponce were ambitious to rule for themselves, while Pedrarias wanted
to send his representative along with them and keep the new land
under his own jurisdiction. Given Pedrarias’s earned reputation for
cutting down subordinates, these were not attractive terms.
Around 1 5 2 9 - 1 5 3 0 , the Pizarro interests sent to Nicaragua to try
to interest Soto and Ponce in joining them. According to Cieza again,
Hernan Ponce agreed to be in Panama when Pizarro returned from
Spain. H e was, and the two parties hammered out some sort o f in
formal agreement. The informality allowed each side to retain its own
interpretation. That o f the Pizarros is recorded for us in some detail by
Pedro Pizarro. In the Pizarros’ eyes, Soto and Ponce were only con
tributing ships. In return, the Pizarros would pay freight and passage.
I94 THE MEN
They would reward the owners with good encomiendas and, for Soto,
a captaincy and a "lieutenant governorship o f the main city.” From
Coaque, Pizarro sent some money to Soto in Nicaragua; he allowed him
to serve as captain of horse in the conquest, and then made him lieu
tenant governor briefly in Tumbez, Cajamarca, and Cuzco (each at the
time considered the principal city). W ith this the Pizarros considered
the bargain complete. Soto apparently had another view o f the matter.
H e knew that the men and horses he was bringing were essential to
the conquest and that he was their leader and organizer, not merely a
shipper for the Pizarros. H e thought the agreement was that he was to
be Pizarro’s effective and permanent second in command or "general.”
On arrival in Peru he was much offended to find Hernando Pizarro
firmly established in that post. The Pizarros were determined not to
share real power. Unable to attain a position o f truly independent com
mand and unwilling to accept subordination, Soto went through the
conquest in an ambiguous position. It was clear that he would have to
carve out his own province or leave Peru; and Soto’s fate would to a
large extent parallel that of his following, particularly the Badajoz
contingent.
Almost nothing is known about the actual organization o f Soto’s
expedition. Doubtless Hernan Ponce took care o f most o f the details.
Definitive preparations had to wait until March, 1 5 3 1 , and the death
o f Pedrarias, who had effectively opposed the removal o f any large
number o f men from Nicaragua. Personal and factional rivalries kept
Soto and Benalcazar from combining their similar ventures, and, as it
happened, Benalcazar’s improvised expedition arrived before Soto’s.
This may be explained partly by Soto’s stopover in Panama. In chron
icles and other sources, Soto usually appears to have come directly from
Nicaragua. Pedro Pizarro, for example, speaks o f Soto raising about a
hundred men, then arriving with them "from Nicaragua” at the isle
o f Puna. The impression that the bulk o f Soto’s men came with him
from Nicaragua is not false, but some o f them may have joined him in
Panama. The two ships arriving at Puna on December 1 , 1 5 3 1 , regis
tered Panama as their point of origin.
The mission which naturally devolved on Soto in the conquest of
Peru was to lead a mounted vanguard. A ll the anecdotes and crises con
cerning him in Peru are variations on this theme. So many factors in
dicated such a role for him that it does not seem that either Soto or
the Pizarros necessarily invented it for selfish advantage, though it
LEADERS 195
offered that to both parties. Soto had performed in this capacity for
Pizarro before. H e was a renowned rider, scout, and Indian fighter;
he brought fresh horses and a group o f men personally loyal to him,
some from the Badajoz region, who constituted a natural unit. For
Soto, the arrangement satisfied his restless forward urge and his pen
chant for being first; it also gave him an independence in which he
could hatch plans to further his own ambitions, and a chance to look
over new areas which might one day be governed by Hernando de Soto.
First chance at booty was also not to be sneered at. For the Pizarros,
Soto’s vanguard role got him away from the center o f power and out
o f the councils; they were w illing to grant Soto the glory o f going
first, in the transparent hope that he would get killed.
Type-cast as the dashing, untrustworthy, but valuable forward rider,
Soto performed consistently. H e led the advance all the way from
Tumbez to Cuzco. A little south o f Tumbez, he was involved in a near
mutiny, or so says Pedro Pizarro; possibly he hoped to attempt the con
quest of Quito on his own. A fter that the Pizarros leavened his men
with some trusted friends. Soto was first to see something o f the won
ders o f the highland, with the Inca highway and the great llama herds.
A t the head o f a dozen horsemen, he went as the Spanish emissary
into the Inca camp and was the first to meet Emperor Atahuallpa.
Characteristically he tried to impress the emperor by rearing and wheel
ing his horse almost in the Inca’s face. Around this time Pizarro made
Soto temporarily his chief lieutenant, and he was a member o f the
board that determined the allocation o f the treasure o f Cajamarca; but
soon he was back in his accustomed place. (H is position among the
allocators was not enough to get him the second largest share, which
he would seem to have deserved by almost any standards. H e received
a poor third, after Hernando Pizarro, as seen in Part I, chapter 4.)
Most o f the chroniclers and other witnesses, including his enemies,
have asserted that Soto was especially opposed to Atahuallpa’s execu
tion. Garcilaso says that the attachment between the two was mutual,
the emperor taking a fancy to him as the first Spaniard he had seen.
This last is more dubious; the same claim o f Atahuallpa’s special favor
was also raised for Hernando Pizarro. Soto’s actions at the time o f
Atahuallpa’s execution are once again related to his perennial outrider
function. W hen the Spaniards heard reports that Atahuallpa was rais
ing forces at Cajas to attack them, Soto went to establish the truth. Per
haps the Pizarros and others sent him on this mission in order to have
196 THE MEN
him out o f the way while they proceeded against the Inca, for Soto’s
insistence on literal fulfillment o f agreements was one of his best-
known and most authentic traits. At Cajas Soto discovered no sign o f
hostile Indians; for that reason alone he would have opposed the execu
tion, which he found already completed when he returned. Soto’s atti
tude toward Atahuallpa had elements o f fairmindedness, generosity,
and chivalry, but there was also another dimension, even if it should
not be true that, as Garcilaso avers, the emperor showered gifts and
favors on Soto. Atahuallpa alive and free would represent a threat to
the rulers o f Peru, the Pizarros, but for Soto, already in the process of
being pushed out, such a fluid and insecure situation might bring with
it great opportunities. Soto lacked Francisco Pizarro’s long-range view
o f Peru or of the problem o f government in general.
As the Spanish advance southward continued, Soto was the first to
view the great valley o f Jauja. On the final march to Cuzco, Soto and
his men became too impatient to reach the rich Inca capital. For both
worthy and unworthy reasons, and against Pizarro’s orders, they rode
far ahead o f the main party. A near defeat, and the greatest loss o f men
in the whole campaign, came when the Indians ambushed Soto’s
column during its weary ascent o f a slope at Vilcaconga. As usual, Soto
was the first man to reach the top. It is not strange that to so many
authentic exploits a persistent legend added an apocryphal one— that
Soto and a Pedro del Barco were the first emissaries sent to Cuzco,
while Atahuallpa was still alive, to claim the city for Spain and collect
its gold (the three men o f the party actually were Bueno, Moguer, and
Z a rate ).
A fter the campaign reached its goal, Cuzco, late in 15 3 3 , Soto still
continued in his usual role. M ade lieutenant governer and great en-
comendero of Cuzco at its Spanish founding in 15 3 4 , he nevertheless
left almost immediately to pursue the hostile Inca general Quizquiz
northward into unknown territory. Pizarro once again assigned Soto
to the lieutenant governorship o f Cuzco for a time in late 15 3 4 and
15 3 3 , but he could not last in the position. The major problem then
facing the Spaniards in Peru was the question o f who was to conquer
and rule the areas to the south. Soto was intensely interested, and in
many ways he was the man indicated to lead the southern expedition,
if not to govern the area. As things developed, he had to make way
for Almagro, who came on the scene with both royal sanction and
Pizarro toleration for his Chile venture. There was much conflict, how
LEADERS 197
ever, between Pizarrists and Almagrists over the possession of Cuzco

itself, and Soto as local man in charge gave Alm agro partial treatment,
hoping to gain a position o f command or partnership in the Chilean
expedition. For this the Pizarros retracted the conditional support they
had given him.
Soto was exceedingly anxious to get some control o f the Chile expe
dition. He is said to have offered Almagro 200,000 pesos if he would
name him general; apparently Soto understood or hoped that Almagro
would stay in Cuzco and leave the entire undertaking to him. Almagro
seems to have sensed that Soto was too eager for, and capable of, in
dependence. In the end he chose another man as his chief lieutenant
and accompanied the expedition himself.
N o possibilities remained for Soto in Peru unless he was willing to
accept subordination— by now his reputation was such that the Pizarros
probably would not have accepted him as a subordinate in any case.
Accordingly, he decided to take his burning ambition to the Spanish
court. By August, 15 3 5 , he was in Lima on his way home, and he
reached Spain in the spring o f 15 3 6 . In charge of his remaining Peru
vian affairs was his partner Hernan Ponce de Leon. Ponce had fo l
lowed Soto to Peru after the end o f the conquest; he held a large en-
comienda for a time and was caught for a year in the Indian siege of
Cuzco, but he never took root. In Cuzco, in 15 3 5 , Soto and Ponce re
newed and reaffirmed their long-standing partnership, probably at the
initiative of Soto, since the interests o f the two now began to diverge.
Soto’s principal aim was to win the leadership o f some great enterprise
in the Indies; that o f Ponce to enjoy in Spain the fruits of their past
efforts.
Garcilaso asserts that Soto originally meant to return to Peru, but
this is extremely unlikely. Hardly had Soto left when Ponce in his
name relinquished Soto’s Cuzco encomienda to Almagro. W e can
judge Soto’s intention better from a memorandum he wrote to a lawyer
at court in 15 3 6 . He expressed the desire to get the governorship of
Quito, which would be taken away from Pizarro, in order to undertake
an expedition inland (the Amazon venture later attempted by Gonzalo
Pizarro). Failing that, he wanted to govern Guatemala, with license to
explore along the Pacific (the arrangement previously made by the
crown with Pedro de A lvarado). In any case, he wanted the title o f
adelantado and membership in the Order o f Santiago. H e was not
interested then in any specific area, but in a governorship, high honors,
19 B THE MEN
and the opportunity to carry out a major expedition o f conquest and

exploration in the Indies.
Neither o f the commands he desired was available, but Soto had
brought to Spain so much Peruvian treasure (10 0 ,0 0 0 pesos, according
to Oviedo) and such a reputation as a captain in Nicaragua and Peru,
that he was certain to conclude some major agreement with the crown.
In April, 15 3 7 , he acquired the right to conquer "Florida,” stretching
indefinitely into the North American heartland, and also the governor
ship o f Cuba as a base o f operations. Into the bargain Soto received his
title of Adelantado and his cross o f Santiago; a provision for a future
marquisate made him the nominal equal o f Pizarro and Cortes. H e had
reached the pinnacle o f ambition for Spaniards o f the Indies. That
Florida turned out to lack the liquid resources o f Peru and Mexico
was, in a way, a chance circumstance.
Soto’s further career, the best-known part o f his life, need not con
cern us here, except as it relates to his Peruvian interlude. Without
Peruvian wealth Soto could never have negotiated his titles or financed
the Florida expedition, but otherwise Peru hardly touched the vital
center o f his life. The Central American experience which took up all
his young manhood shaped Soto definitively. It is symptomatic that
rather than marrying someone from Badajoz, or some relative o f the
Pizarros, Soto sought an alliance with the daughter o f Pedrarias de
Avila, who dominated Panama and Nicaragua in the fifteen forma
tive years Soto spent there. The characteristics of Soto’s behavior in
North America— erratic forward advance, mobility, military glory,
and little permanent residue o f his action— all tally with his role in
Peru. Ultimately it would seem that Soto in Peru was a free agent,
responding to the dynamics o f his own being, rather than a pawn of
the Pizarros.
Peru, and Cajamarca, were crucial nonetheless. Like the conquests of
Ecuador, Colombia, and Chile, the first exploration o f the southeastern
United States was an offshoot o f the Peruvian expedition and received
much o f its impetus from the events o f November 16 , 15 3 2 , at Caja
marca.
N O T E S . The estimate of Soto's age is a compromise between his state

ments in 1533 that he was about thirty-five (Medina, Descubrimiento, II,
356), and in 1536 that he was about forty (AGI, Justicia 7 19 , no. 9 ).
Soto’s regional origin has been a matter of fiery controversy, based on the
LEADERS 199
local patriotism of several towns in western Extremadura. There is no

doubt, as Porras has shown, that Soto considered himself to be a native of
Jerez de Badajoz (Solar and Rujula, Soto, p. 2 10 ; A G I, Justicia 7 19 , no. 9;
Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 1 ) . But other claims are not without foundation.
The royal officials investigating Soto’s lineage for membership in the Order
of Santiago were under the impression that he was from Badajoz, and
actually carried out their investigation there. In a way their procedure was
not in error. N ot only was Soto’s mother of a Badajoz family; Soto felt
allegiance to a region of which Badajoz was the center. In Peru he was
the rallying point for the Badajoz faction, and his Florida expedition drew
from all over the Badajoz hinterland, stretching into Portugal. The claims
of Barcarrota are harder to substantiate; essentially only Garcilaso pro
nounces in its favor (Garcilaso, Obras, I, 2 5 1 ) . Soto repeatedly expressed
a primary allegiance to Jerez de Badajoz and even to a specific parish within
that town. Y et all that we can assert categorically, given the usage of the
times, is that Soto felt himself to be from Jerez or its environs, which
might include Barcarrota for all we know, however injurious that con
clusion might be to Barcarrota civic pride. The municipal claims are not
mutually exclusive. If Soto was from Jerez, that does not prove that he was
not from Barcarrota.
N o children resulted from Soto’s marriage, in Valladolid, in 1536 , to
dona Isabel de Bobadilla, daughter of Governor Pedrarias de Avila. In
Nicaragua he left an illegitimate daughter, dona Maria de Soto, presum
ably mestizo, who married a Spaniard named Hernan Nieto. She receives
mention in Soto’s 15 39 testament.
In Peru, Soto consorted with a daughter of Huayna Capac called Tocto
Chimbu, and later dona Leonor; she had been one of Atahuallpa’s wives,
and after his death the new Inca gave her to Soto. By her he had a daugh
ter, dona Leonor de Soto. On leaving Peru Soto placed his daughter in the
care of Hernan Ponce de Leon, who soon departed in turn, but not without
finding a new guardian. Soto did not lose sight of dona Leonor; as late as
1540 the crown issued orders at Soto’s petition that she was to be returned
to the guardian he had assigned. Y et he failed to mention her in his will.
In the 13 5 0 ’s dona Leonor was married in Cuzco to Spaniard Garcia Ga-
rrillo, whose only asset seems to have been the prospect of trading on the
memory of Soto’s deeds. Though dona Leonor inherited her mother’s
estate in 1546, the couple lived partly through the charity of don Carlos
Inca, only encomendero among the Indian nobility. Perhaps dona Leonor
and her husband exaggerated their poverty. They did manage to maintain
themselves, and they were alive in Cuzco in 15 7 3 , at which time they were
still being served by some fifteen yanaconas (permanently attached Indi
ans) who had come down to them from dona Leonor’s mother and Soto.
200 THE MEN
The most basic source for Sotos background is Solar and Rujula, E l
Adelantado Hernando de Soto, a mainly documentary publication. The
central piece in the book is a full transcription of the investigation into
Soto’s lineage carried out in Badajoz in 1538 . Also included are Soto’s
will o f 1539 , his dowry agreement with dona Isabel de Bobadilla, the con
firmation of his company with Hernan Ponce, signed in Cuzco, 13 3 5
(original in H C 8 3 ), and much else. The memorandum that Soto wrote
of his ambitions for governorships is in Porras, Cartas, p. 273.
Garcilaso’s flowing reports of Soto’s actions in Florida carry conviction,
but for all that they are often less reliable than earlier accounts; his treat
ment of Soto’s personal characteristics seems nearer the mark. A ll of La
Florida, in a way, is about Soto, but for personal details see particularly
Obras, I, 2 5 1- 2 5 2 , 2 6 9 -2 7 1, 309, 404, 4 4 1, 462, the latter being a general
description. Shorter descriptions of Soto are in Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V,
2 1 1 , and Oviedo, Historia, III, 3 5 1. Contemporary accounts of the Florida
period are in Edward G. Bourne, ed., Narratives of the Career of Hernan-
do de Soto. O f the biographies of Soto, two of the least bad are Theodore
Maynard’s De Soto and the Conquistadores and Francisco Blanco Castilla’s
Hernando de Soto, el centauro de las Indias, but even these are ill-informed
and novelistic, particularly the latter. Porras’s scathing remarks about "Soto
the Good” are in Trujillo, Relation, pp. 9 1-9 3 , 1 1 9 - 1 2 0 .
Further references to the less documented pre-Peruvian phase of Soto’s
life are in C D IH N , I, 13 0 ; II, 1 3 1 - 1 3 8 , 500, 506, 5 15 - 5 16 , 532; IV , 536,
538, 5 4 1, and passim; Las Casas, Historia, III, 392-394 (the episode with
Pizarro and Espinosa); Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36
(19 5 5 ) .*458-459, 464; Gongora, Grupos, pp. 47-4 8 ; Medina, Descubri-
miento, I, 225; II, 292, 3 16 , 356, 360; Oviedo, Historia, III, 208, 302,
3 5 1; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 1 7 0 - 1 7 1 .
Mention of Soto in the records multiplies for the later period of his life.
Some important references to Soto in the Peruvian period and later are in
A G I, Contadurfa 1825, records from Puna, December 1, 1 5 3 1 ; records
from Cajamarca, May, 1 5 3 3 ; Contratacion 576, f.16 4 ; Justicia 11 2 4 , no. 3,
ramo 2; no. 5, ramo 3, testimony of Miguel de Estete; Patronato 109, ramo
4; 185, ramo n ; HC 2, 67, 86, 97; CD IA O , X , 256, 257, 26 9 -27 2;
CDIH C, IV , 199 ; C D IH N , III, 467; R A H C 8 ( 1 9 5 7 ) :68-69; R A N P 1
(19 2 0 ) 1441; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Loredo, Los repartos, p. 387; in M er
curio Peruano 37 (19 5 6 )18 2 -8 4 , 8 7; 38 (1 9 5 7 ) 12 4 9 , 250; 39 ( 1 9 5 8 ) :
566, 58 4 -58 5; Gomara, Hispania victrix, I, 228, 229, 235, 237; Herrera,
Historia General, X , 1 7 1 , 3 5 1 ; Mena, "Conquista del Peru,” pp. 80, 83, 85;
Oviedo, Historia, III, 3 5 1 ; V , 92, 196 ; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, 5 : 1 7 0 - 1 7 2 ,
1 7 4 - 1 7 7 , 188, 189, 19 8 - 2 0 1; Porras, Cartas, pp. 165, 1 6 7 ; Porras, "Dos
LEADERS 201
documentas esenciales,” Revista Histôrica 17 (1 9 48 ) 191- 93 ; Trujillo, Re

lation, pp. 52-54, 57, 60-62; Zârate, Historia, II, 477.
For dona Leonor de Soto and her mother, see A G I, Lima 565, vol. Ill,
May 23, 1540; Patronato 109, ramo 4; A N P, Salinas 1 5 46 -1 5 48 , f f . 1 1 4 4 -
1 1 4 6 ; RAH C 4 ( 1 9 5 3 ) -*125; Solar and Rujula, Soto, pp. 46, 4 9 -5 1, 1 8 5 -
196.
Fray Vicente de Valverde

A g e at C ajam arca: O ver 30 Place o f origin: Oropesa (western N e w Castile)
Role: Chaplain Parents: Francisco de V alverd e and
Share: N o th in g A n a de V allejed a
Extent of literacy: H igh ly literate
O f all the men o f Cajamarca, there is no more familiar figure than

fray Vicente de Valverde, who held the famous parley with Atahuallpa
just before the Spanish onslaught. Y et his is the only name missing on
the Cajamarca roll, for among the participants he alone received no
share o f the treasure. It is quite indicative o f the difference between
regular and secular clergy that another ecclesiastic, the priest Juan de
Sosa, did receive a share, though he was not actually present.
Valverde’s legendary fame produced over the centuries a good deal
o f distorted information about his background, particularly in those
rich mines o f error, the seventeenth-century ecclesiastical chronicles. It
was sometimes claimed, starting in almost contemporary times, that
Valverde was from Trujillo, and, more extravagantly, that he was an
actual relative o f the Pizarros. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that he
was from Oropesa; perhaps his father had been born in Trujillo or
Caceres, or had relatives there, though this is by no means certain. Any
kinship between the Pizarros and the Valverdes remains unestablished
and is highly unlikely, since the Pizarros gave great publicity to their
family ties. The report o f a late chronicler that fray Vicente’s mother
was a cousin o f the Count o f Oropesa is a sheer fabrication. Fray V i
cente’s father, Francisco de Valverde, was a servant o f the Count.
Porras Barrenechea, usually well informed, says that Francisco was the
Count’s chamberlain, and that the family o f fray Vicente’s mother was
reputed to be converso (o f Jewish descent). The servants o f a high
nobleman were in an ambiguous position. Francisco de Valverde
doubtless partook of the attributes of both steward and hidalgo. Fray
202 THE MEN
Vicente’s mother, it appears, was without the "dona.” His sister came
to Peru in 15 3 8 as dona Maria de Valverde, but she may have assumed
the title only on the strength o f fray Vicente’s new position as bishop.
Fray Vicente was by all odds the best educated o f the men o f Caja-
marca, the only one known to have gone beyond the informal school
ing given notaries and hidalgos to actual university training. H e
studied for some years at Salamanca; at least this conclusion can be
drawn with some certainty from the fact that no sooner had he pro
fessed in the Dominican order in Salamanca, in 15 2 4 , than he went to
the Colegio Mayor de San Gregorio in Valladolid and became a
colegid or full-fledged member. San Gregorio was a Dominican insti
tution dedicated to advanced study and the preparation o f university
instructors. For five years fray Vicente studied theology and philosophy
there and also perhaps helped with teaching. A ll the late Dominican
chroniclers say that he received the degree of master o f theology, but
his modern biographer, Alberto M aria Torres, though also Dominican,
remains dubious on this point; indeed, no known contemporary source
confirms the chroniclers. Master or not, fray Vicente de Valverde was
formidably educated and fully cognizant o f all aspects o f the Spanish
tradition, both secular and ecclesiastic. H e understood the total im pli
cations o f the Spanish presence in Peru better than any other member
o f the expedition, with the possible exception o f Hernando Pizarro.
H is letters show us a man with a well-rounded intelligence and emo
tional maturity, though not graced by exceptional elegance, vitality,
or originality.
The capitulations between Pizarro and the crown in 15 2 9 provided
that six Dominicans should accompany the Peru expedition under fray
Reginaldo de Pedraza, receiving a modest royal subsidy. Just how fray
Vicente came to be picked, or offered himself, is not known. O f the six
friars who left Spain with Pizarro, only fray Vicente reached central
Peru; two died, and the rest gave up for reasons that are not clear. The
leader, fray Reginaldo, gave a poor account of himself. From Coaque
he returned to Panama, where he soon died and was found to have a
fortune in emeralds sewn into his clothes. Before long, fray Vicente
was the chief ecclesiastic o f the expedition, cast in a pseudo-episcopal
role, and clearly predominant over the three or more secular priests
who took part in the conquest at various stages. Though it is doubtful
that he exercised great influence on decision making, fray Vicente was
regularly a part o f Pizarro’s high council, along with the royal treasury
LEADERS 203
officials, whether the matter at hand was the founding o f a city or the
execution o f the Inca emperor.
It was natural, then, that fray Vicente rather than the secular priest
Juan de Sosa should accompany the expedition in its climactic phase,
the march to Cajamarca and the encounter with Atahuallpa. That en
counter itself is so overlaid with myth and polemic that unequivocal
statements on the subject become nearly impossible to make. It appears
to the present writer that the purposes o f Valverde’s interview with
the Inca were two: to fulfill the conditions o f just war as provided
through the Requirement, and, more immediately, to entice Atahuallpa
into Pizarro’s power if possible. N ot only have the words o f Valverde
and Atahuallpa been reported in a hundred different versions, they
were in all probability not understood by the distant onlookers at the
time. It is certain that fray Vicente gave Atahuallpa a breviary; A ta
huallpa hurled it down and rose in his litter, whereupon fray Vicente
returned to the Spaniards, agitated and shouting. The shouts, whatever
their actual content, were interpreted by the Spaniards as an exhorta
tion to begin the attack as already planned.
Fray Vicente’s real reward for his part in the events at Cajamarca
was the bishopric o f Cuzco (including all P eru). H e was in any case
eminently qualified, and, given his presence at Cajamarca, there was no
doubt whom the Peruvian conquerors would pick as their candidate.
Valverde departed for Spain in July or August of 15 3 4 , at the same
time as the largest contingent of returnees, but his intention was d if
ferent from theirs. W ith him went letters from the council o f Jauja,
and probably from Pizarro and others as well, requesting that Valverde
be named bishop o f Peru. A compatriot o f fray Vicente’s wrote to the
Count o f Oropesa asking him to intercede at court in favor o f the son
o f faithful servants. W hich o f these various influences worked strong
est on the king and the Council of the Indies is not known, but there
was no reason for the crown to resist the petition, since it had already
accepted far less promising candidates in similar cases. By August,
1 3 3 5 , the crown had presented fray Vicente for the new bishopric.
A fter extensive deliberations with the Council o f the Indies, he re
ceived instructions to investigate and report on all aspects o f Peruvian
life and government, including such delicate subjects as the distribu
tion o f encomiendas, the extent o f tributes, and the management o f the
royal treasury. The Council commissioned him to carry out an actual
audit o f the Peruvian treasury accounts. In general it is clear that the
204 THE MEN
Council, following a classic design, hoped to create in Valverde an

independent arm and check on Pizarro’s government, as well as a
source o f information beyond what the tight-lipped Pizarro was pre
pared to divulge.
N ot until January, 1 5 3 7 , did Pope Paul III finally issue the bulls
creating the new diocese and making Valverde bishop. The crown,
impatient, had already authorized fray Vicente to embark, but the bulls
reached Spain before his departure in the spring o f 13 3 7 . He arrived
in Lima in April, 15 3 8 , at the head of a contingent of Dominicans, to
find the first o f the great civil wars already in progress.
Valverde’s action as bishop was moderate and conscientious; his
very moderation tended to favor the Pizarros, but he was not blatantly
partisan. H e pleaded (though without effect) for the life o f the elder
Alm agro, and he requested (though again unsuccessfully )that Pizarro
give the governorship o f Alm agro’s area to his designated successor,
Diego de Alvarado; he even married his sister to an Almagrist. The
Almagrists, nevertheless, were left with the impression that he was
their enemy. In his overall policies Valverde showed no signs what
ever o f having been influenced by his fellow Dominicans Las Casas
and Victoria. His ideas fell within a more general pattern. H e defended
the church’s jurisdiction, revenue, and privileges against secular en
croachment; he opposed Indian slavery and permanent personal service
( yanaconaje) for broad religious and human reasons; he worked for
peace and against bloodshed. But he accepted as given the encomienda
system and a permanent Spanish presence in Peru. The reports he
sent back on the state o f the land are extensive and full o f a realistic
wisdom. His suggestions for the subdivision o f the area into govern
mental districts anticipated the modern boundaries of Bolivia, Peru,
and Ecuador.
Several contemporaries praised Valverde’s blameless life; Licen-
ciado Gaspar de Espinosa said he was "without covetousness for tem
poral things.” The judgment is essentially correct, but this does not
mean that fray Vicente refrained from practices condoned by all
Spaniards. Though he received no formal share at Cajamarca, he must
have been given something for sustenance and his trip to Spain. P i
zarro granted him an encomienda in Cuzco and another smaller one
near Lima, for his personal service. As an individual he owned farm
land outside Lima as well as a valuable lot next to the site o f the future
LEADERS 205
cathedral. (These things lend substance to an unverified report that

Valverde planned to change the seat o f his diocese from Cuzco to
Lim a.) As was standard practice, he hired a steward and an accountant
for his estate. H e is not known to have undertaken any special entre
preneurial activity, although in one letter to the Council he waxed
enthusiastic about a search for emeralds in the Guayaquil area, the
same interest that was the downfall o f his colleague fray Reginaldo de
Pedraza. His estate did not make him rich. A t his death all he left
behind, aside from the aforementioned land and lot, were numerous
debts and some personal belongings. Am ong them were his books—
theology, Terence, Nebrija.
Like many prominent churchmen, fray Vicente used his position to
advance the welfare o f his relatives. W hen he returned to Peru in
15 3 8 , he brought with him his brother Francisco, his sister dona Maria,
some nephews, and other associates. By 15 4 0 Francisco was an en-
comendero in Guayaquil. W hile in Spain, fray Vicente had arranged
a marriage between dona M aria and Pedro Orgonos, brother o f Rodri
go Orgonos from Oropesa, who was the elder Alm agro’s second in
command and received the exalted title of Marshal. Pedro Orgonos
soon received an encomienda in Lima; when he died, fray Vicente ar
ranged for dona Maria to marry his own associate Dr. Juan Blazquez,
whom he had also brought to Peru. A t the time o f Francisco Pizarro’s
assassination in 1 5 4 1 , D r. Blazquez was serving as Lim a’s lieutenant
governor.
The assassination and the ensuing rebellion o f the younger Almagro
indirectly brought fray Vicente’s career to a close. The news reached
him in the highlands, and he hurried to Lima, where he found his
brother-in-law Dr. Blazquez being held prisoner; he himself was called
on by the Almagrists to negotiate for the surrender o f Cuzco, then in
the hands o f Pizarrists. Fray Vicente refused, publicly opposing the
Alm agrists’ plans to take Cuzco. On A ll Saints’ Day, 1 5 4 1 , he escaped
from Lima by ship, accompanied by Blazquez and a party of friends
and relatives, with the intention o f meeting Vaca de Castro, the new
royal governor, who was then in the Quito area. In Tumbez, fray V i
cente disembarked and wrote a letter to the Audiencia in Panama
(dated November 1 1 ) , before continuing with his following toward
the Guayaquil estuary in some Indian boats or rafts. On the way the
intractable Indians o f the island o f Puna, who caused the Spaniards
20 6 THE MEN
much grief at one time or another, attacked the party and killed them
all. Gory details about fray Vicente’s death, found in late sources, are
probably nothing more than embroidery.
The Valverde family continued to be prominent in Peru. Though
his brother Francisco died before many years, fray Vicente’s nephew
Francisco de Valverde Montalbo became an encomendero o f Quito and
eventually a knight o f Santiago. Doha M aria de Valverde, after the
death o f Dr. Blazquez, married Licenciado Rodrigo N ino from Toledo,
who became one of the great men o f Lima. It also seems reasonable to
suppose that a Pedro de Valverde from the archdiocese o f Toledo, who
came to occupy a canonry in the cathedral o f Lima in 15 5 3 , owed his
position to some kinship with Spanish Peru’s most famous ecclesiastic.
NOTES. Most of the sources for Valverde’s life are brought together
in E l Padre Valverde, ensayo biograpco y critico, by Alberto Maria Torres,
O.P. Torres was able to consult documents from Dominican archives which
the present writer has not seen. Porras in his "'Diego de Silva,” Mar del
Sur 3, no. 15 ( 19 5 0 - 19 5 1) , p. 32, mentions documents proving that fray
Vicente’s father, Francisco de Valverde, served as chamberlain o f the
Court of Oropesa, but was criticized for his marriage to Ana de Vallejeda,
considered to be from a family o f conversos. Porras gives no source, but he
is to be trusted as always when he makes a categorical statement about the
contents of a document. Porras does not specifically say that fray Vicente’s
mother was without the "dona,” but he gives her name without it, while
including the "dona” with other women who indeed had the title. Torres
gives her name as "dona Ana Alvarez de Vallegeda y Toledo,” basing him
self on Marchese’s Sacro diario domenicano, published in Naples in 1681
(E l padre Valverde, p. 3 3 ) . Using the same source, Torres states that fray
Vicente was born "toward the end of the fifteenth century.” More con
vincingly, he reasons that fray Vicente must have been born in 15 0 1 or
before in order to have completed so much study by 1524 that he could
enter the Colegio Mayor de San Gregorio as a colegial.
The evidence reported by Porras makes fray Vicente the most nearly
authenticated N ew Christian among the men of Cajamarca. Certainty in
such a cloudy matter is hardly to be attained. But it is noteworthy that
Rodrigo Orgonos, who was so close to Valverde that they arranged an
alliance through marriage, was also widely considered to be of Jewish
descent, and in his case there is copious court testimony (C D IH C , V I, 1 2 6 -
130).
An important source for Valverde is Porras, Cartas, full of references
which are there indexed. Particularly essential are Valverde’s own letters,
LEADERS 207
pp. 3 0 9 -3 11, 3 1 1 - 3 3 5 , 428-432 and references to him on pp. 73 and 132.

Also instructive are royal directives and appointments in Porras, Cedulario,
II, 104, 1 12 , 1 3 1 , 133, 142, 155-157» 165, 167, 170, 173, 17 7 -18 2 (gen
eral instructions to Valverde), 184, 187, 189, 192, 242, 287-288, 315,
323-324. Porras’s short general discussion of Valverde is in Trujillo, Re
lation, pp. 69-70.
For Valverde’s role in the events of Cajamarca, see R A N P 1:56 7; Jerez,
Verdadera relation, II, 332; Mena, "Conquista del Peru,” pp. 85-86;
Oviedo, Historia, V, 92; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 178; Porras, Cartas,
p. 80; Porras, in Trujillo, Relation, pp. 10 7 -10 9 ; Trujillo, Relation, pp.
58-59. For his worldly affairs, see ANP, Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , ff.3, 10, 1 1 ,
536; HC 438, 451, 623, 630-645. Dr. Juan Blâzquez is mentioned in
CD IH E, X X V I, 195, and Cobo, Obras, II, 304-305; for dona Maria de
Valverde see ANP, Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , ff.3, 49, 16 (2nd series), 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 .
Further references are in AGI, Lima 565, vol. Ill, November 8, 1539;
HC 38, 321, 450; CDIH C, VI, 4 1 1 ; CD IH E, X X V I, 19 5 ; R A N P 1
(19 20 )156 8 ; Cieza, Chupas, p. 129; Cobo, Obras, II, 304-305, 36 1, 386,
387; Egaha, Historia, p. 43; Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, III,
222, 224-226, 228; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 185, 227, 229; Porras,
"Dos documentos esenciales,” Revista Histôrica 17 (194 8) *.90; Porras,
"Jauja,” Re vista Histôrica 18 (19 4 9 -19 5 0 )113 5 ; Vargas Ugarte, Historia
de la iglesia, I, 134.
8. HIDALGOS
t h e m e n included in this chapter were born to
P
erh aps n o t a l l
clear hidalgo status— there is reason for doubt in the cases of

Agiiero, Torres, Mesa, and two or three others. But most were of
demonstrably gentle birth. Even more important, all passed for rather
grand hidalgos in Peru. However hard it is to define the word "hidal
go” or to specify its exact range o f application, by studying the lives
o f such men as these one can acquire a good subjective understanding
o f its meaning. These men and others like them define the word as it
was being used in Peru in the 1 5 3 0 ’s.
N ot all o f the expedition’s hidalgos w ill be found here. Most o f the
leaders (chapter 7 ) were also hidalgos o f good standing, as were some
o f the clerks (chapter 9 ) , and the men o f affairs (chapter 1 0 ) . Very
petty or dubious hidalgos appear in chapter 1 1 , and some famous
names appear among the little-known figures o f chapter 15 .
HIDALGOS 209
Diego de Agüero
Age at Cajamarca: About 22 or 23 Place of origin: Deleitosa (north
Role: Horseman and standard- eastern Extremadura)
bearer Parents: Garcia de Agiiero and
Share: 2 shares of gold and silver Maria de Sandoval
Literacy: Illiterate
Something o f the fame o f Diego de Agiiero came down to the Lima

o f the nineteenth and twentieth centuries as an authentic, almost un
interrupted tradition, borne by generation after generation o f his
illustrious descendants. The stamp o f nobility resulting from such a
process is at the same time indelible and highly suspect. In his lifetime,
Agiiero was indeed a noble, imposing figure and one of the most im
portant men in Peru, but his eminence stemmed more from personal
qualities than from lineage or breeding.
Diego de Agiiero was one o f the men Pizarro recruited in Extrema
dura in 15 2 9 . W ord o f the enterprise o f Peru must have been brought
as far as the little town o f Deleitosa, some twenty miles north o f T ru
jillo— as provincial and isolated a village as there was in Spain. But no
Spanish town was without some leavening o f old and famous names.
Agiieros from various places had been notable in feats o f arms and in
the royal court since the mid-thirteenth century. This the genealogists
have shown beyond a doubt, but they have not shown any definite link
between these noble Agiieros and the Agiieros o f Deleitosa, other than
the name itself. It is true that the name o f D iego’s father, G a rd a de
Agiiero, occurred also in the noble branch. This allows us to presume
some connection, without telling us anything o f its nature. The bearer
o f such a name could have been anything from the head o f an extended
noble house to his Moorish houseboy. The Deleitosa Agiieros may have
been somewhere in the middle; the mere fact that D iego mentioned his
parents in his w ill means that he was not unduly ashamed o f them. As
with all but a few o f the men o f Cajamarca, D iego’s mother was not a
"'dona,” though her name, Sandoval, had a good ring.
The model education which one enthusiast has praised in Diego de
Agiiero did not include the skills o f reading and writing. H e arrived in
Peru unable to sign his name, and did not prove an apt pupil when he
had to learn. This can be compared with the formidable literacy o f the
legitimate son o f the Pizarro family, Hernando. In the first memoran
dum o f his services prepared to be sent to the Spanish court in 15 3 6 ,
210 THE MEN
Agiiero did not claim to be an hidalgo, something never omitted by

oversight, but rather based his whole petition for a coat o f arms on his
own actions. And when that honor was forthcoming, there was no
mention o f any previous family coat o f arms to be incorporated into
the new one, as the Pizarros and some others had. On balance, while
Diego de Agiiero may have had some hidalgo connections, there were
many o f his fellows who could surpass him in degree at birth.
The main quality o f Agiiero was that he was an authentic hero, not
only with the typical Spanish heroism o f austerity, undergoing hunger
and disease and facing great odds, but with the dashing individual
heroism o f the Romans. A t the civil war battle o f Chupas he snatched
away the enemy’s banner; in the conquest o f Quito he dismounted and
attacked a band o f Indians who were fortified on a stone bridge, an
incident depicted on his coat o f arms. Agiiero was one o f the first
three Spaniards to see the valley o f Jauja. A fter the conquest o f Cuzco
he and a companion were the first to explore upper Peru as far as Lake
Titicaca. H e was one o f the very few men present at the conquest of
both Cuzco and Quito. I f some o f the claims in his memorials appear
exaggerated, they receive corroboration from other sources. The most
powerful confirmation o f their general truth was the way Diego de
Agiiero began to become legendary; his name might be supplied for
any heroic act whose real performer had been forgotten. Thus the
chronicler Gutierrez de Santa Clara would have him among the first
advance party o f Spaniards to set eyes on the marvels o f Cuzco.
Another aspect o f Agiiero was his generally upstanding character,
combined with a certain disinclination to the partisanry that so per
meated the Peruvian civil wars. Essentially allied with the Pizarros, he
became the chief messenger between the two camps in the early days
o f the conquest. H e brought the first news of the capture o f the Inca
to Alm agro, and later the news o f Alm agro’s agreement with Pedro
de Alvarado to Pizarro. Each time the mission must have gone beyond
message-bearing to diplomacy; Agiiero was to get the consent o f the
other party to basic policy decisions taken without its knowledge.
W hen royal provisions arrived, outlining the area to be governed by
Alm agro, Agiiero in a now accustomed role rushed ahead with the
news. But this time he went without being sent by the grudging
Pizarros. It is told, without certain foundation, though it would fit
the character o f both Agiiero and Pizarro, that Agiiero not only hailed
the new governor personally, but without authorization offered Alma-
HIDALGOS 211
gro congratulations on behalf o f the Pizarros. In 1 5 3 7 Agiiero spoke

out against the Pizarrist plan to seize Alm agro at a conference. Agiiero
was one o f the few Spanish Peruvians admired and sought after by
both sides in the civil wars. W hen the Almagrists held Lima briefly, in
1 5 4 1 , they took him into custody, but they allowed him to continue on
the town council o f Lima, as they did not some o f their more bitter
enemies, and when they retired to the highlands they took him along,
still hoping to attract him to their side, until he managed to flee. But
the Pizarrists were w illing to put the interpretation on this that the
Almagrists had seized Agiiero as one o f Pizarro’s greatest friends.
Agiiero’s goodness also spawned legends; one still current in the
seventeenth century told o f his maiming a prize horse to prove to his
Indians that he valued human souls above animals.
Agiiero’s qualities earned him recognition from an early date. In the
progress south in 1 5 3 1 he was already leading small groups o f men on
dangerous missions, though because o f his youth and the surfeit of
leaders on the conquering expedition, he was not yet a captain. A t
Cajamarca he was one o f the standard-bearers or ensigns; by 1 5 3 6 he
was being called captain; and in 1 5 3 8 he reached the top o f the ladder
as captain o f cavalry at the battle o f Salinas. H is encomienda o f Luna-
huana was one o f the best in the jurisdiction o f Lima. H e was a regidor
on the council o f Lima from the day o f its foundation to his death, one
o f the three perpetual regidors named by Pizarro and then confirmed
by the crown. H e was one o f only two o f the conquerors to hold a per
manent title as His Majesty’s Captain.
Agiiero’s personal affairs flourished. In 1 5 3 8 he married dona Luisa
de Garay, daughter of Adelantado Francisco de Garay, ill-fated gov
ernor o f Panuco in Mexico. His son and namesake, born in 1 5 4 2 , had
Governor Vaca de Castro for a godfather. H e managed his estate well,
and though he was no accountant himself, he entered into partnership
with another man who was, and amassed holdings o f houses, lands,
and livestock equal to any in Lima.
His whole heritage, both property and aura o f grandeur, passed on
to his son when he died o f an illness in October, 154 4. Diego de
Agiiero the younger held the position o f alcalde in Lima more often
than any other man in Lim a’s history. In the mid-seventeenth century
the Agiiero entail was still held by a namesake, great-grandson o f the
original, and was considered by the chronicler Cobo to be the richest
in Peru, if not in the Indies. B y the eighteenth century most o f the
212 THE MEN
aristocrats of Lima had Diego de Agiiero somewhere among their

ancestors.
NOTES. Agiiero said in 15 3 7 that he was about twenty-eight (A G I,

Lima 1 1 8 , probanza of Sebastian de T orres); in 1 3 4 1 that he was about
thirty (A G I, Lima 204, probanza of Juan de Leon). He declares himself
a native of Deleitosa in his will, published in R A N P 6 (19 2 6 ) .*157-170.
A codicil is in BN P, A 33 , ff. 2 6 0 -2 6 1. Two probanzas de servicios of
Agiiero are in A G I, Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 3; and 92, no. 3.
Other references are in A G I, Lima 565, vol. Ill, Sept. 6, 15 3 8 ; Patronato
93, no. 10, ramo 1 ; 13 2 , no. 2, ramo 1 ; A N P, PA 17 , 72, 108, 162, 168,
248, 689, 690, 738, 795; Salinas 15 3 8 -15 4 0 , ff.79, 4 8 1; Salinas 15 4 2 -
154 3, f.59 5; HC 14, 33, 290, 328, 4 32 -4 34 ; CD 1H C , IV , 198, 4 1 2 - 4 1 3 ,
4 17 ; R A N P 1 1 :2 2 6 ; Borregân, Crônica, p. 43; Busto, "'El capitân Melchor
Verdugo," Revista Hist ôrica 24 ( i9 5 9 ) :3 2 3 ; Cieza, Salinas, p. 186; Cieza,
Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36 ( 19 5 5 ) .*472; 38 (19 5 7 ) 12 6 2 ; 39
(19 5 8 ) 1584; Cobo, Obras, I, 380, 3 8 1; II, 298, 304; Diego Fernandez,
Historia, I, 15 , 33, 35; II, 12 8 ; Garcilaso, Obras, III, 19 3 ; Gutiérrez de
Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, II, 160, 1 7 1 , 17 2 , 247, 2 4 9 -2 5 1, 253, 258,
259, 262, 265, 276; III, 226, 403; Libros de Cabildos de Lima, I, 1 5 ;
Lohmann Villena, "Restitucion por conquistadores," Anuario de Estudios
Americanos 23 (19 6 6 ) .*21-89; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 82, 227; Pedro
Pizarro, Relation, V, 198, 200, 228; Porras, Cartas, pp. 4 12 , 436, 452, 477;
Porras, Cedulario, II, 357, 386; Torres Saldamando, Libro primer0 de
cabildos, I, 388, 389; II, 4 9 -5 0 ; Urteaga, "Don Diego de Agiiero y Sando
val," R A N P 6 ( 1 9 2 8 ) 11 4 9 - 1 5 5 .
Information about Agiiero’s descendants will be found in his will,
above, and in A N P , Gutiérrez 15 4 5 - 15 5 5 , f.78 3; Salinas 15 4 6 -15 4 8 , ff.
1 1 6 3 - 1 1 6 4 ; H C 747, 790; R A N P 1 1 (19 3 8 ) .*226; Libros de Cabildos de
Lima, V I, 1, 332; Torres Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos, II, 33-48.
Hernando de Aldana
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 32 Place of origin: V alen cia de A lc a n
R ole: Footm an tara (western Extrem adu ra)
Share: 1 fu ll share o f silver Parents: M other, M ari Prieto; father
and gold not known, but doubtless an
A ld an a
Literacy : C ould sign w ell, probably
literate
Recruited in Spain in 1 52 9 , Hernando de Aldana was related to a

HIDALGOS 213
prominent family o f Caceres who sent their share o f men to Peru,

including Lorenzo de Aldana, renowned for his high lineage, arrogance,
and ability to govern. Though kept at a little distance by his Caceres rel
atives, Hernando considered himself an hidalgo, and no one disputed
the claim. N ot only was he one o f the very few able to get a personal
royal recommendation at the time of the Toledo agreements, before the
success o f the Peruvian enterprise opened all doors, but the document
contained the key formula "relative o f servants o f ours,” which always
meant good connections, if not gentle birth.
Aldana had a conspicuous part in the events at Cajamarca. Through
varying reports it can be discerned that he had learned to speak a little
Quechua by that time— he was perhaps the first Spaniard to do so.
W hen Atahuallpa halted his procession near the waiting Spaniards and
began to pitch tents, Pizarro sent Aldana alone to persuade him to
come before sunset. During the interview Atahuallpa asked for, or by
some accounts even tried to seize, Aldana’s sword, and Aldana left in a
hurry, having secured a promise that the Inca would come soon.
A t the founding o f Cuzco in 1 5 3 4 Aldana settled there and received
a good encomienda. W ithin a few years he seemed on his way to be
coming one o f the principales or leading men o f Peru. H e performed
well during the year-long siege o f Cuzco by the Indians, and in 1 5 3 7
was on the city council, closely associated with the Pizarro party, as
was normal in view o f his Caceres-Trujillo connections. Y et in the
following years he was little heard of, and he failed to cooperate with
the rebellion o f Gonzalo Pizarro in 1544 . So alienated did he become
that in 1 5 4 6 a lieutenant o f Gonzalo’s hanged him for suspicion o f
plotting against the Pizarro cause. His death, accompanied by pro
longed laments, was a pitiful spectacle that turned many against the
rebellion once and for all.
NOTES. Hernando’s relation to the Aldanas of Caceres is based main

ly on the following evidence: That Francisco de Godoy o f Caceres, whose
mother was an Aldana, gave Hernando a power of attorney in Jauja in
October, 15 3 3 (H C 3 3 ), and that Hernando appeared in the company of
Lorenzo de Aldana in Lima in October, 13 3 7 (H C 278, 28 7 ). The Caceres
Aldanas did not make much of their connection with Hernando, as can be
seen from the way the three most illustrious representatives of the clan,
Francisco de Godoy, Lorenzo de Aldana, and Peralvarez Holguin pub
lished their relationship as cousins and were much in each other’s company,
but left Hernando out of consideration. Lorenzo de Aldana, an informant
214 THE MEN
o f Cieza de Leon, told about his reunion with Perâlvarez when he returned
from Chile, but never mentioned that he knew Hernando de Aldana,
though he was thrown together with him in even more striking circum
stances (Cieza, Salinas, pp. 2 1 - 3 0 ) .
In 134 0 Hernando said that he was about forty (A G I, Lima 204, pro-
banza o f Pedro del B arco). He seems not to have made a direct statement
about his birthplace, though his associations leave little doubt that he must
have been from Extremadura. The money he sent home with Gonzalo de
Pineda in 15 3 5 was listed as belonging to “ Hernando de Aldana, native
o f Valencia” (A G I, Justicia 723, no. 1 ) . Spain has many Valencias, but
the one in closest connection with Câceres was Valencia de Alcantara. A l
dana gives his mother’s name in A N P, P A 119 . Other references are in
A G I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship San Miguel, 15 3 5 ; A N P,
P A 13 8 ; HC 260; CD IH E, X X V I, 2 2 1- 2 3 2 ; D H A , I, 40; Cieza, Quito
(Serrano y Sanz, ed.), p. 203; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano
38 ( 19 5 7 ) :2 5 3 -2 5 4 ; Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, II, 18 6 ;
III, 8 4-85; Oviedo, Historia, V, 86, 17 5 , 280; Pedro Pizarro, Relacion, V ,
178 , 208, 2 1 1 ; Porras, Cedulario, I, 9; II, 1 2 7 ; Porras, in Trujillo, Rela
cion, p. 106; Roa y Ursûa, E l reyno de Chile, pp. 1 1 - 1 2 ; Trujillo, Rela
cion, p. 57.
Pedro Barrantes
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 2 5 Place o f origin: T ru jillo
Role: Horsem an (E xtrem ad u ra)
Share: D ouble share o f gold and D egree o f literacy: G ood signature,
silver probably literate
The Barrantes family was a well-known house o f Trujillo, con

nected with the Pizarros and the Orellanas. W hen an inquiry was held
in Trujillo in 1 5 2 9 into Francisco Pizarro’s lineage for admission to
the Order o f Santiago a Juan Barrantes was among the witnesses, one
o f the very few granted the epithet “ senor.” Pedro Barrantes must
have been this man’s relative, perhaps his son, and he was also related
to Juan Pizarro de Orellana, thought by Porras Barrenechea to be the
noblest representative o f the Pizarros in Peru. H e had blood ties with
the immediate family o f Hernando Pizarro as well. There is little
doubt, then, that Barrantes was an hidalgo, by local standards, and
that he joined the expedition when Pizarro was in Trujillo in 152 9.
Most o f the well-born among the 1 5 2 9 recruits returned home to
T rujillo quickly. Barrantes took part in the conquest through the
HIDALGOS 215
Spanish foundation o f Cuzco; he left in 1 5 3 4 when Pizarro issued a

blanket license for all to return who wished to do so. Back in Trujillo,
his wealth brought him a position on the municipal council, where he
still sat in 1 5 3 0 .
NOTES. In Seville, in 13 3 5 , Barrantes said he was about twenty-five

and also declared himself a native o f Trujillo (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 5,
ramo 2 ). In 1550 , a citizen and regidor of Trujillo, he said he was about
forty-three (A G I, Justicia 1082, no. 1, ramo 4 ). See also A N P, P A 1 2 5 ;
CD 1HC, V II, 15 3 ; Busto, Francisco Pizarro, p. 47; and Porras, "D os docu
mentas esenciales,” Revista Histôrica 17 (19 4 8 )12 9 -3 2 , 52.
Alonso Briceno
A g e at C ajam arca: A bout 26 or 2 7 Place of origin: Benavente, near
Role: H orsem an Zam o ra (L eo n )
Share: 2 shares o f silver; Degree of literacy: Literate
1 8 / 9 shares o f gold
B y now the reader doubtless recognizes the Thirteen, the alleged

heroes o f Gallo Island, who stayed with the Peruvian enterprise when
it reached a low ebb in 1 5 2 7 and who accompanied Pizarro and Barto
lomé Ruiz on the first survey o f the coast o f Peru proper. Though
their names have become synonymous with perseverance, only two ar
rived with Pizarro at Cajamarca— the Greek Pedro de Candia and
Alonso Briceno. Briceno had come to the area o f Panama and N ica
ragua around 1 5 2 5 ; as to his Spanish background we have the testi
mony o f his beautiful and fluent signature and his connection with an
Antonio Briceno o f Benavente, a notary. Also, one o f his fellows con
sidered him an expert judge o f the quality o f silver— but that could be
said o f many o f the conquerors.
It does not appear that Briceno, as a very young man not long in the
Indies in 1 5 2 7 , had at that time developed an independent position or
fortune like some o f the others o f the Thirteen, who were able to
stand somewhat aside from the rigors o f the conquest and profit from it
commercially. That is perhaps the explanation for Briceno’s presence
in the expedition o f 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 2 . As one o f the Thirteen, he was
treated with respect; his name stands high on the roll o f Cajamarca,
just after the captains. Both his background in Spain and his seniority
in the conquest made it natural that he should be appointed to the
216 THE MEN
council o f Jauja in 1 5 3 4 . This could have been the beginning of a

princely career in Peru, but instead Briceno left the country before
serving out even his one-year term as regidor. By September, 1 5 3 4 , he
had arrived in Panama, en route to Spain, with a fortune in gold and
silver, leaving o f the Thirteen only Pedro de Candia, Nicolas de Ribe
ra, and Juan de la Torre to stay in Peru permanently. W hat he did in
Spain is not known. N o doubt he went to his home town, Benavente.
Later, in 1 5 4 5 , probably through his influence, another Briceno from
Benavente was appointed a secretary to the Royal Audiencia o f Peru.
NOTES. Briceno’s portion of gold fell five hundred pesos short of

two full shares and may have been arrived at by arbitrarily taking away
that amount, rather than by using fractions. The reason for the deduction
was probably an accidental or objective factor, such as a lame horse, and
not any displeasure with Briceno.
In 15 3 4 Briceno gave his age three times; twice as thirty (A G I, Patronato
93, no. 4, ramo 1, and Lima 204, probanza of Hernan Gonzalez), and once
as twenty-eight or twenty-nine (A G I, Patronato 150, no. 6, ramo 2 ).
Gregorio de Sotelo, also from the Zamora area, once testified that Briceno
was a native of Benavente (A G I, Patronato 183, ramo 1 1 , or printed in
C D IA O , X , 2 4 3 ). Zarate, Historia, II, 464, also gives Briceno, one of the
Thirteen, as from Benavente.
Other references are in A G I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship
San M iguel, 1 5 3 5 ; Lima 566, vol. V , June 27, 15 4 5 ; Patronato 150, no. 3,
ramo 2; A N P, P A 18, 25, 84, 124 , 13 3 , 13 8 ; HC 37, 38; Busto, "Alonso
Briceno,” Mercurio Peruano 42 ( 1 9 6 1 ) 1479-485; Carlos A. Romero, Los
heroes de la isla del Gallo, p. 4 1; Montoto, Nobiliario, pp. 324-325.
Gines de Carranza
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 22 Place of origin: Probably the
R ole: H orsem an G ran ad a area
Share: D ouble share o f gold Extent o f literacy: G ood signature,
and silver doubtless literate
For a time Carranza had been in the entourage o f Governor Pedra-

rias de A vila o f Nicaragua, along with his good friend Luis Maza, and
he came directly from there to Peru, probably in Hernando de Soto’s
contingent. His career in Peru was brief indeed, but he had one o f the
best horses, and he accompanied Soto on the hazardous first interview
with Atahuallpa, thereby winning mention in one o f the chronicles o f
HIDALGOS 217
the conquest. H e returned to Spain among the first to receive license

in 1 5 3 3 , possibly sick or wounded, since he certainly was not old. In
Spain he proceeded to Granada, where he became a veinticuatro, or city
councilman, a high enough honor anywhere, and all the more so in a
center of the importance o f the old capital o f the Moors. A s veinticua
tro, Carranza called himself "don,” a title eluding all others except
the three adelantados. N o doubt his new wealth acquired him the post,
but a certain degree o f education and the appearance o f good breeding
were prerequisite to eligibility, making it certain that Carranza’s origins
were, at the least, not blatantly plebeian. H is comrade Luis Maza
joined him in Granada around 1 5 3 3 or 1 5 3 6 , and both were there
together in 1 5 3 9 . Carranza remained in Granada into the 1 5 4 0 ’s, when
he gave testimony on behalf o f Hernando Pizarro.
NOTES. Carranza declared in 15 39 that he was twenty-nine (A G I,

Justicia 112 4 , no. 5, ramo 1 ) . His residence and position in Granada at
that time is the basis for assigning his regional origin. Ordinarily such
evidence would be sufficient for practical certainty, but since Granada was
a new area as well as an important one attracting people from various
places, one must leave room for possible doubt. Use of the title "don”
may have been more liberal in Granada than in other places. Luis Maza, as
high constable of the Audiencia of Granada, also appears with the title,
but it is then dropped, whereas with Carranza it is repeated. Other refer
ences are in A N P , PA 34, 1 1 9 ; CD IH C, V II, 15 6 ; Oviedo, Historia, V. 92.
Rodrigo de Chaves
A g e at C ajam arca: A bou t 25 Place o f origin: Ciudad Rodrigo
R ole: Horseman (kingdom o f Leon)
Share: D ouble share of gold Extent of literacy: Excellent signa
and silver ture, doubtless literate
W hile many o f the men o f Cajamarca had experience in Nicaragua

and Panama, Chaves was one of only four or five who had taken part
in the earlier stages o f the discovery o f Peru. H e was not among the
Thirteen o f G allo Island, yet he seems to have been in the good graces
o f the leaders o f the expedition o f 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 2 , for he received a royal
appointment to the council o f Tumbez in A pril, 1 5 3 0 , long before the
Spaniards had reached the Peru o f the Incas. In the end, Tumbez did
not become a Spanish city and Chaves could not occupy his seat.
2l8 THE MEN
This probably disturbed him very little; no sooner had the main
body o f the conquerors returned to Jauja, in 1 5 3 4 , after taking Cuzco,
than Chaves began making preparations to return, and he reached
Seville by 1 5 3 5 . H e may have been influenced in his decision by a bad
leg wound suffered in a skirmish with Indians on the outskirts of
Cuzco. In Spain he returned immediately to his home, Ciudad Rodrigo,
and was on the municipal council there by 1 5 4 1 . That he was able to
do so sheds a certain amount o f light on his social origins, making it
appear that he had at least some connection with the proud Chaves
clans o f the western border country o f Spain.
NOTES. It has often been assumed, as this writer originally assumed,

that Rodrigo de Chaves was from Trujillo, because the Chaveses were an
important family there, close to the Pizarros, and many o f them went to
Peru, including at least one Rodrigo de Chaves. But the name Chaves,
originally Portuguese-Galician, was common from north to south, and there
was a branch in Ciudad Rodrigo. The Chaves of Cajamarca is declared a
native of Ciudad Rodrigo in A G I, Justicia 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1, in a mem
orandum o f Gregorio de Sotelo. In the same legajo Chaves twice declares
himself a citizen of Ciudad Rodrigo. Here and in some other sources he
gives his age in round numbers which would result in a birthdate between
150 6 and 1509; his most exact statement is that he was twenty-six or
twenty-seven in 15 3 4 (Patronato 150, no. 6, ramo 2 ).
There are other references to Chaves in A G I, Contaduria 1825, records
from Cajamarca, May, 1 5 3 3 ; Lima 204, probanza o f Hernan Gonzalez;
Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 1 ; 150, no. 3, ramo 2; A N P, PA 18, 5 2 ; H C 32,
37, 38, 40; Porras, Cedulario, I, 88; Trujillo, Relation, p. 63.
Ruy Hernandez Briceno

A g e at C ajam arca: A b o u t 29 Place o f origin: Bad ajo z (western
R ole: Horsem an Extrem adu ra)
Share: 2 1 / 8 shares o f gold Extent of literacy: V e r y good signa
and silver ture, doubtless literate
Hernandez Briceno had both o f the standard ingredients o f success

in the Indies— good lineage (or fairly good) and long experience. As
to his lineage, in 1 5 3 4 he raised the modest enough claim that he was
an ' 'honored person and hidalgo,” this being not nearly as strong as
the reverse word order, but at the time few of his companions were
HIDALGOS 219
prepared to claim even that much. In the matter o f experience, he had

been in Panama and Nicaragua since the early 1 5 2 0 ’s, and had had an
encomienda in Nicaragua. W hen he left Panama with the 1 5 3 1 expedi
tion, in the company o f his best friend, Alonso de Medina, also a Bada-
joz man, he brought with him a good horse, equipment, and slaves.
These qualities, added, we may assume, to a good presence, achieved
quick recognition. Hernandez Briceno’s name appears near the top o f
the roll o f Cajamarca, among the captains, and he received a larger
share than Captains Mena and Salcedo. It is possible that he had some
position o f command on the day Atahuallpa was taken. W e do know
that immediately afterward he acted as captain o f Governor Pizarro’s
guard. H e was named to the first council o f Jauja, the forerunner of
the country’s capital. But all this was not enough to hold him. Hernan
dez Briceno left Peru in 1 5 3 4 , still accompanied by Alonso de Medina.
On the ship to Seville he registered gold and silver worth some 24,000
pesos; also among his effects was a personal recommendation to the
king from Francisco Pizarro. H e was back in his native Badajoz before
the end o f 1 5 3 5 . There he founded a family that in 1 5 8 9 still looked
back to him and tried to exist on his reputation and services.
NOTES. In 15 3 4 Hernandez Briceno gave his age as about thirty-one

(A G I, Patronato 150, no. 6, ramo 2 ). An acquaintance testified that he
was a Badajoz native (A G I, Patronato 18 5, ramo 1 1 ) , and his associations
confirm this again and again. His probanza de servicios, made in Jauja in
15 34 , is to be found in A G I, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 1.
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 18 25, records from Isle of
Puna, December 1, 1 5 3 1 ; Indiferente General 18 0 1, records o f ship San
M iguel, 15 3 5 ; Justicia 723, no. 1 ; 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1 ; A N P, PA , 1 1 3 ,
139 , 140, 146, 148, 16 9 ; H C 30; Busto, "Ruy Hernandez Briceno, el
guardian de Atahualpa,” Cuadernos del Seminario de Historia del Institu
te) Riva-Agiiero, no. 7, pp. 5 -7 ; Porras, Cartas, p. 1 2 1 . Busto considers that
Ruy Hernandez as captain of Pizarro’s guard was responsible also for
guarding Atahuallpa, which is probably true.
Juan de Herrera
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 19 Place o f origin: T ru jillo
Role: Footm an (E xtrem ad u ra)
Share: % share of gold; Extent o f literacy: G ood signature,
% share o f silver doubtless literate
220 THE MEN
Herrera was so young and new in the Indies, having left Spain
with the Pizarros in 1 5 3 0 , that he stayed very largely within the
bounds o f his T rujillo regional group. Though cast largely in the role
o f a dependent, he was treated with a certain respect, apparently be
cause o f family connections in Trujillo.
A fter Cajamarca, Herrera went on to Cuzco and enrolled as a citizen
there, but by 1 5 3 5 he was on his way to Spain, carrying the then vast
sum o f 25,000 pesos to Trujillo for Juan Pizarro. En route, in Lima,
he took some o f the amount entrusted to him to buy a horse that Juan
Pizarro wanted. But back in Trujillo, Pizarro representative Juan
Cortes sued Herrera for the missing money and collected, despite
crystal-clear proof that the transaction had taken place and that Juan
Pizarro had approved of it. A ll this left Herrera understandably bitter,
and he was henceforth more enemy than friend o f the Pizarro family,
particularly o f Hernando Pizarro. However, even after the conquest of
Peru, Trujillo was more than a Pizarro bailiwick. By 1 5 4 4 Juan de
Herrera was on the T rujillo city council, and he was still holding a seat
in the year o f 1 5 7 7 , having won a lifetime o f honor and importance
by spending some four years o f his youth in the Indies.
NOTES. Herrera’s share of the silver was 158 marks, only a fraction
from 7/8; his exact share o f the gold was 3,385 pesos, 55 pesos more than
3/4. Possibly the amount is a mistake for 3,885, which would have been
7/8, like his silver share, or possibly the distributors started to give Herrera
7/8, then decided it was too much for a mere boy and arbitrarily reduced
it by 500 pesos.
The estimate o f Herrera’s birthdate as c .15 1 3 is based on his statement
in 154 5 that he was thirty-two (A G I, Justicia 117 4 , no. 1, ramo 3 ), ignor
ing his statement in 15 7 7 (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 3) that he was
sixty-one, not only on the general grounds that many Spaniards did not
keep reliable count of their age over fifty, but because this would have
made him about fourteen on leaving Spain and sixteen at Cajamarca; yet
Pedro Pizarro, who was left in San Miguel as too young to fight, was al
ready about seventeen. In Seville, in 15 3 5 , Herrera is called a native of
Trujillo (A G I, Justicia 723, no. 1 ) .
Proceedings initiated by Herrera to recover the money paid for Juan
Pizarro’s horse, with extensive testimony, are in A G I, Justicia 10 53, no. 5.
San M iguel, 15 3 5 ; Justicia 10 52, no. 3, ramo 3; Patronato 109, ramo 4;
HIDALGOS 221
APS, 15 36 , oficio X V , libro II, October 4; A N P, PA 64, 1 18 , 1 2 1 , 12 5 ;

CD IH E, X X V I, 2 2 1- 2 3 2 ; Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales,” Revista
H istorica 17 ( 19 4 8 ): 3 1.
Diego Maldonado
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 26 or 2 8 Place of origin: D uenas, in the
Role: Horsem an district o f Palencia in O ld Castile
Share: 1 % shares o f gold; Parents: Francisco M aldonado and
2 shares of silver Catalina N ieto
Extent of literacy: F u lly literate
Neither of the two Maldonados at Cajamarca was from Salamanca,

where the noble family o f that name had its roots. But though Diego
Maldonado was born in the small Old Castilian town o f Duenas, he
had a connection through his father with the Maldonados o f Salamanca,
and indeed was often thought to be a Salamanca native. Diego had a
good education, and that, added to his identification with an illustrious
lineage, sufficed for him to pass as a very resplendent hidalgo in Peru.
An isolated reference seems to imply that Maldonado had been in
the Indies since about 1 3 2 5 , but no more is known. H e joined the
expedition in Panama, more respected for himself than for the poor
horse he rode, which brought his share o f the treasure o f Cajamarca
down below the normal for a horseman. A better measure o f his posi
tion was his appointment to the first council o f Jauja in 1 5 3 4 . For
some reason he thereafter changed his citizenship to Cuzco, where he
was soon a permanent member o f the council by royal appointment, as
well as repeatedly alcalde. He was not particularly skilled or interested
in war, and he never or hardly ever led a company in Peru’s civil con
flicts, but he did lead some men into an Indian skirmish in the early
period and was ever after styled Captain Diego Maldonado.
Above all he was "Maldonado the Rich.” H e received the encomien-
da o f Andahuaylas, on the northern edge o f Cuzco’s jurisdiction, vari
ously rated from first to sixth in the whole Cuzco district, and by all
odds one o f the best in the country. W ith this base he carried on a
massive and systematic drive to increase his wealth; by 1 5 4 1 he had a
large crew of stewards and tribute collectors working on the encomien-
da, while most o f his fellows were still contenting themselves with
from one to three or four. H e came to own thousands o f llamas, as
222 THE MEN
well as increasing numbers o f Spanish stock, and far-flung lands,

farms, and real estate. Maldonado was one o f the largest dealers in
the supply trade to the mines o f Potosi, which was Cuzco’s lifeline
after the middle 15 4 0 ’s.
In the civil wars Maldonado’s action was mainly nondescript. He
did become important in the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion, more as a
political than a military figure. A t the beginning he was reluctant to
support the movement. W hen Pizarro left him in charge o f Cuzco in
1 544 , he precipitated an abortive counterrevolt and was only grudg
ingly pardoned. Later the Pizarrists tortured him to find out if he had
been spreading defamatory letters against them as rumored. Maldona
do’s defection to the side o f the king in 1 5 4 7 was a major blow to the
rebel cause. In 1 5 5 4 , during the revolt o f Francisco Hernandez Giron,
Maldonado received a leg wound from which he never fully recovered.
Maldonado married a dona Francisca de Guzman, but never had
any legitimate heirs, so he legitimated his two children by an Indian
noblewoman. H e arranged the marriage o f the daughter, dona Beatriz,
to don Martin de Guzman o f Salamanca, with a huge dowry which
don Martin soon dissipated. Dona Beatriz died in Salamanca. The son,
Juan Alvarez Maldonado, became involved in the mestizo revolts of
the i 5 6 o ’s, but eventually settled down, inherited the bulk o f his
father’s estate, and became an important figure in Cuzco. Later in the
decade he led an expedition to explore the eastern lowlands; it was a
disaster o f which he was almost the sole survivor. Diego Maldonado
himself died o f an illness in lea in 1 57 0, on his way from frequently
visited Lima to Cuzco.
NOTES. Maldonado gave his age vaguely several times; his most
definite statement on the subject was that he was about thirty in 15 3 4
(A G I, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 1 ) . His birthplace is given as Duenas, in
his will, in AH C, Antonio Sanchez, 4, ff. 538-549, extracted in R A H C 4
( X953 ) : I I 7 - Garcilaso, in Obras, II, 265, says that he was a native of Sala
manca. His probanza de servicios is in A G I, Patronato 93, no. 1 1 , ramo 2.
Extremely valuable is Busto’s article "Maldonado el Rico, senor de los
Andahuaylas,” Revista Histdrica 26 (19 6 2 -19 6 3 ) .* 113 -14 5 , which fo l
lows Maldonado’s career closely through the conquest and the civil wars,
using several sources not consulted by this writer. However, the psycho
logical interpretation of Maldonado there given borders on flippancy.
Two important points of fact made by Busto require some discussion.
HIDALGOS 223
First, he is wrong in assuming (p. 1 1 4 ) that Diego Maldonado was the

"Maldonado, servant of the Marqués," who was in Cuzco around 13 3 4 or
15 3 5 . As Pedro Pizarro, source of the quote, makes clear later, this man
was the Francisco Maldonado from Ledesma (near Salamanca), who later
served Gonzalo Pizarro as envoy and captain, and was executed in 1548
(Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 196, 205; CD IAO , X X , 5 2 7 ). Second, it is
not positive, indeed it is improbable, that our Maldonado was the one who
distinguished himself, the chroniclers say, on the loyalist side in the battle
of Chupas in 154 2. Busto (p. 1 2 1 ) follows Garcilaso’s comment that the
man was "Diego Maldonado, who later acquired the surname of the Rich"
( Obras, III, 206). This might stand unchallenged, except that Garcilaso
took his list of those prominent at Chupas from Agustin de Zarate ( H hto-
ria, II, 506), making slight changes where he saw fit. Zarate’s original fails
to call this Maldonado either "the Rich" or a citizen of Cuzco, but rather
includes him among those who had previously belonged to the party of
Almagro the elder. This does not seem to apply to our Diego Maldonado.
There were innumerable Diego Maldonados in Peru in the conquest
period. The principal ones: ( 1 ) a veteran of the Isthmus who accom
panied the 1 5 3 1 expedition and at first overshadowed Maldonado the
Rich, but who was not at Cajamarca; (2 ) a man who was prominent in
Almagro’s Chile expedition of 1 5 3 3 - 1 5 3 7 (this was probably the person
mentioned for his action at Chupas); and (3 ) Diego Maldonado de A la
mos, who came to Peru very early and, like Maldonado the Rich, was a
citizen and encomendero of Cuzco. The two sat on Cuzco’s council to
gether for many years. Busto gives further information on these Maldo
nados and others (pp. 1 3 5 - 1 3 7 ) , but it should be noted that Maldonado
de Alamos was from Fontiveros in Old Castile, not from Salamanca as
Busto says (A N P, Alzate, f . 692 ).
For Maldonado’s children, see A N P, Salinas 15 4 6 -15 4 8 , f.280, and
A G I, Patronato 93, no. 1 1 , ramo 2. Dona Beatriz and her husband appear
in A G I, Patronato 102, ramo 5, and A N P, Alzate, f.332 . For Juan Alvarez
Maldonado, who was also called Juan Arias Maldonado, see R A H C , pp.
1 1 5 - 1 1 6 , 122 , 1 4 1 ; Busto, "Maldonado el Rico," pp. 1 3 1 - 1 3 2 ; Garcilaso,
Obras, II, 269-270.
Other references to Maldonado the Rich are in A G I, Contaduria 1824,
records from Cuzco, March, 15 3 6 ; Lima n o , Relation de la ciudad del
Cuzco; 204, probanza of Diego Rodriguez; Patronato 97, no. 1, ramo 1;
109, ramo 4; 1 1 4 , ramo 2 ; 185, ramo n ; 192, no. 1, ramo 4; AH C, Libros
de cabildos de Cuzco, I, ff. 7 5-7 7 , 15 3 ; R A N P 1 (19 2 0 ) 1 5 1 3 - 5 1 8 ; Cieza,
Quito (Jiménez, ed.), pp. 90-92, 93, 98; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio
Peruano 36 ( 19 5 5 ) .*465; Loredo, Alardes y derramas, p. 1 1 6 ; Pérez de
Tudela, Gasca, II, 256, 356; Porras, Cedulario, II, 138.
224 THE MEN
Gonzalo Maldonado
A g e at C ajam arca: In early 2o ’s Place o f origin: A storga, in the
R ole: Footm an kingdom of Leon
Share: i fu ll share o f gold Extent of literacy: Excellent signature,
Though Gonzalo Maldonado chanced to be on foot the day o f the

events o f Cajamarca, he was as well considered as his mounted name
sake, Diego Maldonado. There is no evidence that the two shared any
thing more than their noble-sounding name, even though they both
joined the expedition in Panama and had family connections in the
kingdom o f Leon. Their homes were many miles apart, and there were
many branches o f Maldonados. Gonzalo appears on the roll of Caja
marca near the head o f the infantry and next to Juan de Valdevieso,
who was the clearest hidalgo o f all the conquerors and Gonzalo’s close
friend. A t the founding o f Cuzco, Maldonado received the sought-
after post o f dgu acil mayor, or chief constable. Taken all together, his
name, his signature, his associations, and the treatment accorded him
make it clear that Gonzalo Maldonado was or was thought to be o f
very good birth.
A fter resisting the impulse to return with the wave o f 1 5 3 4 , M al
donado left the country in early 1 5 3 6 , arriving in Seville the same
year, with his mind still not made up completely about his future. In
Spain he went to court, as so many did, but rather than negotiate for a
coat o f arms, he obtained a royal recommendation to the governor of
Peru and a license ex post facto to retain his encomienda while in Spain
for a visit. Such licenses, however, were not worth the ink expended
on them unless the licensee had made clear his intentions at the time
he left Peru. Maldonado, either realizing this or seduced by his home
land, in the end never went back to the Indies. H e settled in Ponfe-
rrada, near Astorga, and was still a citizen there in 1 5 4 1 .
NOTES. Maldonado said in 15 4 1 that he was '’thirty or over” (A G I,

Justicia 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1 ) , which seems to justify placing his birthdate
c. 1 5 0 8 - 1 3 1 1 , making him twenty-one or over at Cajamarca, but not by
very much. Maldonado once said he was a native of Astorga (A G I, Patro-
nato 93, no. 6, ramo 1 ) , and another report concurs (C D IA O , X , 2 8 0 );
his setting in Ponferrada, a somewhat larger center nearby, conforms to a
general pattern.
HIDALGOS 225
Maldonado and Juan de Valdevieso were extremely close friends, per

haps partners. They were from the same region, they appear together on
the roll of Cajamarca and at the founding of Cuzco; Maldonado gave
Valdevieso general powers to act on his behalf, and, when Maldonado left
Peru, Valdevieso sent back a fortune in silver with him.
M ay-July, 15 3 5 ; Justicia 112 4 , no. 2 ; Justicia 1 1 2 3 , suit over estate of
Francisco Martin de Alburquerque; Patronato 109, ramo 4; 18 5, ramo 10 ;
A N P, P A 776; HC 50; Porras, Cedulario, II, 206; Porras, "D os docu-
mentos esenciales,” Re vista Hist orica 17 (19 4 8 ) -*91-93.
Luis Maza
A g e at C ajam arca: A bou t 28 Place o f origin: Probably the
Role: Horseman G ranada area
Share: D ouble share of gold Extent o f literacy: Literate
and silver
Luis Maza had been in the Indies some eight or nine years, since
about 1 5 2 3 or 1 5 2 4 . For most o f that time he had been in Nicaragua
as a retainer o f Governor Pedrarias de Avila. Since he was ubiquitous
as a witness to notifications and statements, one presumes that he acted
as a constable. Perhaps he was connected with the Bernaldino de Maza
who was constable in the town o f Trujillo, Honduras, in 13 2 9.
A fter the death of Pedrarias in 1 5 3 1 , Maza and other dependents of
Pedrarias were left without a patron, at the mercy of Pedrarias’s old
enemy Licenciado Castaneda, who as alcalde mayor succeeded to the
governorship. Maza joined the contingent of Hernando de Soto, ar
riving in Peru at the island o f Puna in late 1 3 3 1 , and from there all
the way to Cuzco he was one o f the horsemen at Soto’s side in the mis
sions o f greatest peril and most honor. Like many others he left the
country in 1 5 3 4 , never having shown any inclination to become in
volved in the affairs o f Peru, though he would have been a good candi
date for a seat on the council o f one o f the main towns. Back in Spain
he went to Granada to join his old friend Gines de Carranza, who had
been with him in Nicaragua and Peru, but had gone to Spain right
after Cajamarca, in 1 5 3 3 , and was now sitting in honor on the muni
cipal council of Granada. Maza exceeded even this degree o f success
by becoming chief constable o f the Audiencia o f Granada. W hile he
doubtless bought the post, no one but a literate, minimally able man
226 THE MEN
could have held it. Apparently Maza was by profession a bureaucrat or

law-enforcer, one o f the very few o f our men who could be so de
scribed. It is extremely likely that he was from the Granada area origi
nally, in the broader sense o f southeastern Spain. N ot only did he
return there, but the name Maza was very rare among Castilians and
common in the region o f Valencia. O f two Mazas in Peru later, one
was from the kingdom o f Aragon and the other from Baena, north o f
Granada. Sometime in the 1 5 2 0 ’s or 1 5 3 0 ’s a don Pedro Maza was
governor o f Alicante.
NOTES. In Granada, in 1539 , Maza said he was "over twenty-five”

(A G I, Justicia 112 4 , no. 5, ramo 1 ) ; in 154 0 he made the more exact
statement that he was thirty-six (A G I, Justicia 1052, no. 6 ). His probanza
de servzczos, made in Panama in 15 34 , is in A G I, Patronato 150, no. 6,
ramo 2. Other references are in A G I, Indiferente General 1204, no. 44;
A N P, PA 85, 93; C D IH N , II, 77, 8 1, 182, 194, 19 5, 504, 505; Oviedo,
Hzstoria, V , 92. See also Gines de Carranza.
For the other Mazas, see A N P, Alzate, f.938; C D IH N , I, 369; Enriquez
de Guzman, Vida y costumbres, p. 19 ; Thayer Ojeda, Formation, II, 226.
Alonso de Medina
A g e at C ajam arca: A b o u t 29 Place o f origin: B ad ajoz
R ole: Horsem an (western Extrem adu ra)
Share: i% o shares o f gold; Father: A lonso de M edina
2 shares o f silver Extent o f literacy: Could sign,
probably literate
In Peru Alonso de Medina twice identified himself as the son o f

Alonso de Medina, citizen o f Badajoz, as though his father were a
well-known figure. Perhaps he was; in 1 5 3 8 Alonso de Medina the
elder was one o f the witnesses called to prove Hernando de Soto’s
nobility o f lineage so that he could be admitted to the Order o f San
tiago. The elder Medina had known Soto’s parents and grandparents,
so it is quite probable that young Alonso and Soto had been acquainted
since childhood. Both seem to have belonged to the same sphere o f
responsible burghers and very minor gentry.
By the time o f Cajamarca, Alonso de Medina was an experienced
and respected man, much like his friend and Badajoz compatriot, Ruy
Hernandez Briceno. H e had been in the region o f Panama and N ica
HIDALGOS 227
ragua since about 1 5 2 4 ; in 1 5 2 7 he was on the municipal council of

the ephemeral city of Bruselas in the Costa Rican area. A fter that he
was in Leon, Nicaragua, where he must have come into contact again
with Hernando de Soto. Y et he did not accompany Soto to Peru, but in
1 5 2 9 went with Bartolomé Ruiz to Panama and was with the 1 5 3 1
expedition from the beginning. H e is seen constantly in the company
o f other Badajoz men, particularly Ruy Hernandez, from whom he was
inseparable. Medina as far as we know held no posts o f honor or com
mand in Peru, but something o f his position can be seen from his in
clusion, along with Pizarro’s brothers and other dignitaries, as a witness
to the Spanish foundation o f Cuzco.
Medina and Ruy Hernandez Briceno left Peru together in 1 5 3 4 ,
Medina carrying 7,300 pesos for Francisco Pizarro, as well as a vast
amount o f his own gold, measured by arrobas rather than pesos. H e
arrived in 1 5 3 5 , and remained in Seville in 1 5 3 6 , but since he then
called himself a citizen o f Badajoz, he apparently still meant to return
to his home.
NOTES. In Jauja, in 1534 , Medina said he was thirty-one years old

(A G I, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 1 ) . His origin and his father’s name ap
pear in A N P, P A 140 and 146, as well as in other places.
Further references are in A G I, Contaduria 1825, records from Cuzco,
March, 15 3 4 ; Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship San M iguel, 15 3 5 ;
Justicia 723, no. 1 ; 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1 ; A N P, PA 1 1 3 ; C D IH N , II, 3 5 -
37; Busto, "Los fugitivos,” Mercurio Peruano 43 ( 19 6 2 ) : 268-270; Porras,
"Dos documentos esenciales,” Revista Hist orica 17 (19 4 8 ) 190; Solar y Ru-
jula, Hernando de Soto, pp. 15 2 - 15 4 .
Alonso de Mesa
A g e at C ajam arca: A bou t 1 8 Place of origin: Toledo ( N e w Castile)
R ole: Footm an Parents: A lonso A lv a re z de Toledo
Share: % share of gold and silver and L u cia Hernandez (de M esa)
Extent o f literacy: Literate
To have arrived so young, Alonso de Mesa must no doubt have been

recruited for the Peruvian venture in his native Toledo while Pizarro
was there negotiating at court. H e was apparently from a family of
modest urban professionals, the kind o f people who became merchants,
notaries, or lower clergy; one o f his brothers was a priest in the cathe
228 THE MEN
dral o f Toledo, and the family planned that another, younger brother
should enter the clergy as well. Though well brought up and literate,
Mesa did not insist on his high lineage, and the chronicler Pedro
Pizarro, who compiled a short series o f descriptions o f his comrades,
fails to call him an hidalgo. The family was proudest o f its connection,
through Alonso's mother, with the Mesas, naming all three sons Mesa,
yet it may have been a somewhat distant relationship, since the mother
was usually called merely Lucia Hernandez.
Despite his youth and inexperience, Mesa began early to attain a
certain prominence. W e are told that he was the second man to lay
hands on Atahuallpa at Cajamarca, though he still received only the
usual three-fourths share allotted new arrivals. H e is said to have per
formed marvels in a fight with the retreating Indians of Quito in 1 5 3 4
after Cuzco was conquered. Herrera says that he was a robust youth,
with a good horse and good arms by that time. H e became a citizen
and encomendero in Cuzco, and his name began to be mentioned often
by the time o f the Indian rebellion o f 1 5 3 6 . W ith his background he
would probably soon have been on the council o f Cuzco along with his
intimate friend, the hidalgo o f Toro, Juan de Valdevieso. But he
showed himself favorable to Alm agro in the first o f the civil wars, and
was thereafter suspect in the eyes o f the Pizarros. They seem to have
reduced his encomienda, which was rated only thirtieth of eighty-three
in Cuzco in the 1 5 4 0 ’s. W hile the details of his action are not known,
he probably did not actually fight on Alm agro's side at the battle o f
Salinas. In that case he would have lost his encomienda altogether. The
reason for his sympathy for Alm agro is not far to seek— the affinity o f
the N ew Castilians with a governor who was their compatriot. In the
second Almagrist war Mesa stayed on the loyal (and Pizarrist) side,
attaining distinction at the battle o f Chupas, but his old tendencies
reasserted themselves in 1 5 4 4 at the beginning o f the Gonzalo Pizarro
revolt. Mesa stayed in Cuzco as Pizarro advanced on Lima, and hardly
was Pizarro gone when Mesa, together with Diego Maldonado the
Rich, led an unsuccessful anti-Pizarrist uprising. Captured and sent to
Lima, Mesa was in great danger o f execution; Gonzalo Pizarro finally
decided to pardon him and restrict punishment to the removal o f his
encomienda.
A fter Gonzalo Pizarro’s defeat in 1 5 4 8 and the fading o f the Piza
rros as a dominant active power in Peru, Mesa began to come into his
own. In 1 3 5 2 he was one o f Cuzco’s alcaldes. H e had always shown
HIDALGOS 229
great ability and interest in managing his estate; already in the 1 5 4 0 ’s

he had large holdings of Cuzco real estate, lands, and black slaves. In
the 1 5 5 0 ’s, and afterward, he was one o f Peru’s wealthiest men.
Around 1 5 5 4 rebels found a fortune in silver bars buried in his garden.
In the 1 5 6 0 ’s he is supposed to have offered to pay the crown over
35,000 pesos to achieve the perpetuity of encomiendas, and by this
time his own encomienda was rated fifth or sixth in Cuzco rather than
thirtieth.
M esa’s personal life was a little out o f the ordinary. Most Spaniards
had a succession o f Indian mistresses and servants; an encomendero
would under normal circumstances eventually marry a Spanish woman
and sire legitimate heirs who could inherit the encomienda. Mesa had
more mistresses and resisted marriage longer than most. In 1 5 4 4 he
had in his house in Cuzco six mestizo children and their six Indian
mothers. By 1 5 5 2 he was still unmarried, and when he did finally
marry late in life his w ife was an Indian noblewoman, dona Catalina
Huaco Ocllo. Probably she had long been his mistress and had already
borne him sons, though the details are not known. Mesa was apparent
ly the only man o f Cajamarca to marry an Indian. His life was also
unusually long under the circumstances. H e died in 15 8 7 , dictating a
long w ill containing the philanthropic gestures toward Indians that
were typical o f latter sixteenth-century Peru.
NOTES. In 1 5 39 Mesa said he was twenty-five years old (A G I, Lima

204, probanza of Diego de Narvaez). Three testaments o f Mesa’s are
known. One, of 154 2, in which he declares himself a native of Toledo, is
in R A N P 5 (19 2 7 ) .*5-12. A second, of 1544, long but incomplete, is in
BN P, A 397, ff. 4 10 - 4 17 . Mesa’s children at that time were Luis de Mesa,
by Ciza; Miguel de Mesa, by Quipi; Antonio de Mesa, by Yugao; Juana de
Mesa, by Paycocha; Lucia de Mesa, by Inès or Tostocollo; and Antonia de
Mesa, by Angay. Another Indian woman, Lucia or Paycocollo, was preg
nant, and Mesa apparently suspected that another boy, Francisquito, by his
black slave woman, Francisca, was his son, though he was not prepared to
recognize him. Mesa’s final will, of 1587, is in the Archivo Nacional de
Chile, Jesuitas, Pern, 372 (ex: 206) ; though not actually seen by this
writer, it has been partially described by Lohmann Villena ("Restitudon
por conquistadores,” Anuario de Estudios Americanos 23 [i9 6 6 ] :8 5 ) .
Some of Mesa’s other children were a legitimate son, don Florencio
Hernandez de Mesa; a natural son, Baltasar Hernandez de Mesa, by Maria
Segura; Alonso Hernandez de Mesa, by Luisa de Balboa; and a Bernardo
230 THE MEN
de Mesa. A ll of these died or made testaments by 1590 ( R A H C 4 [ 1 9 3 3 ] :

1 5 1, 154 , 1 5 5 ) . A mestizo son, called don Alonso de Mesa (whether legiti
mate or not is not known), was living at court in Valladolid in 1603
(Garcilaso, Obras, II, 384).
San M iguel, 15 3 5 ; Lima n o , Relaciôn de la ciudad del Cuzco; 118 , pro
ceedings concerning the encomienda of Alonso de Mesa and petition of
Rodrigo de Esquivel ( 1 5 3 2 - 1 3 3 3 ) ; 566, 5, June 18, 15 4 6 ; Patronato 109,
ramo 4; A N P , Salinas 15 4 6 -15 4 8 , f. 423; A H C, Libros de cabildos, I, f.
169 ; Gregorio de Vitorero, March 1 1 , 1560, February 9, 156 0 ; HC 15 ;
Busto, "Maldonado el Rico," Revista Histôrica 26 ( 19 6 2 - 19 6 3 ) : 12 2 ;
Calvete, Rebeliôn de Pizarro, IV , 405; Cieza, Tercera parte, in M et curio
Peruano 38 (19 5 7 ) 1256; Diego Fernandez, Historia, I, 220; II, 19 ; Garci
laso, Obras, IV , 10 5 ; Herrera, Dêcadas, X I, 42; Loredo, Alardes y derra-
mas, pp. 120 , 13 0 ; Juan de Matienzo, Gobierno del Peru, p. 1 3 ; Pedro Pi
zarro, Relaciôn, V, 17 3 , 205, 208, 2 1 1 ; Porras, in Trujillo, Relaciôn, p.
1 1 8 ; Trujillo, Relaciôn, p. 52; Zarate, Historia, II, 506.
Juan Morgovejo
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 29 Place o f origin: M ayo rga
R ole: Horsem an (western O ld Castile)
Share: D ouble share o f gold Parents: G onzalo M orgovejo and
and silver dona Brianda de Prado
Extent o f literacy: Fully literate
Juan M orgovejo de Quinones was well descended, as close as any

o f the men o f Cajamarca to the higher nobility o f Spain. H e was one
o f only two or three whose mothers were "donas,” and his grand
father had been a council member o f Mayorga. The names o f his line
age, Quinones and M orgovejo, were to be important in Peru; the w ife
o f Licenciado Vaca de Castro, governor o f Peru in 1 5 4 2 - 1 5 4 3 , was a
relative o f his, and so was Vaca de Castro’s chamberlain Antonio de
Quinones, a nephew o f the chief almoner o f Prince Philip. In the sec
ond half o f the sixteenth century, Toribio de Mogrovejo, archbishop
o f Lima and saint o f the church, was o f the same family, a son o f Juan
M orgovejo’s cousin; Francisco de Quinones, corregidor o f Lima and
governor o f Chile, was also a relative.
M orgovejo had been in Nicaragua since 1 5 2 8 or earlier, at times in
positions o f leadership. W hen he came to Peru, with Benalcazar, he
HIDALGOS 231
had formidable advantages o f experience, reputation, and equipment,

along with good education and high lineage. These qualities quickly
made themselves felt. It does not appear that M orgovejo held a posi
tion o f command in the pre-Cajamarca campaign, since Pizarro was al
ready plagued with too many captains. But in October, 1 5 3 3 , when
the main body o f the conquerors advanced toward Cuzco from Jauja,
M orgovejo stayed behind as captain of horse in the garrison left to
protect the king’s treasure. Jauja was founded provisionally as a Span
ish city at this time, and M orgovejo was one o f the first pair o f alcal
des. In 1 5 3 4 a second founding took place, with M orgovejo confirmed
as alcalde of the city that was meant to be Peru’s capital. Then, in 1 3 3 6 ,
he was named alcalde in Jau ja’s successor city, Lima.
Educated for high posts, with the lineage to make his authority re
spected, he seemed destined to be one o f Peru’s great; his position was
buttressed by seniority and the favor o f the Pizarros. But his career was
cut short by the Indian rebellion o f 1 5 3 6 . Governor Pizarro took him
from his judicial post and made him captain o f thirty o f the best horse
men available, to ride through the highlands to the relief o f Cuzco. To
send so few men on such a mission may smack o f insanity, yet the
Spaniards believed from long experience that a body o f as many as
thirty horse was practically invulnerable. Indeed it was, on fiat or roll
ing ground; but the Incas were learning that they could deal with
fairly large groups o f Spaniards if they could catch them in steep
places or narrow passes. This was the fate of M orgovejo’s expedition.
The Spaniards succeeded in driving far along the way toward their goal
before their horses finally tired and they turned aside to try to reach
the coast. In a pass on the way they met an avalanche o f stones from
which only a few escaped. M orgovejo was last seen lying wounded on
the ground with a faithful slave trying to defend him.
NOTES. The form "M ogrovejo” has become so standard that any
other spelling tends to look ridiculous to Peruvians. Nevertheless, the man
of Cajamarca always spelled his name "M orgovejo” ; that this was no
caprice can be seen from the present spelling of the place name related to
the surname— also Morgovejo, a town in the homeland o f the man of
Cajamarca.
Our man at times called himself Juan de Quinones de Morgovejo, but he
was not the attorney Juan de Quinones in Nicaragua or the regidor Juan
232 THE MEN
de Quinones in Lima. Though Juan de Quinones, regidor, was in Lima in

13 3 5 and 15 3 6 at the same time as Morgovejo, their signatures are very
different (Torres Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos, I, Pis. opp. p. 2
and opp. p. 30 ), and in 15 3 6 they appear together as distinct individuals
in the same documents (ibid., p. 69). The other Juan de Quinones was in
Nicaragua at the same time as Morgovejo, in 1529 , but he was still there
in 15 3 5 , when Morgovejo had been in Peru for years (C D IH N , II, 10 9 -
1 1 1 ; III, 36 2 ).
In 15 3 5 Morgovejo said he was thirty-two years old (A G I, Lima 204,
probanza of Juan de Salinas). His regional origin and the names of his
parents are in A G I, Justicia 116 4 , no- 2> ramo 1. Busto’s article "Una rela-
ciôn y un estudio,” Revista Hist Sri ca 27 (19 6 4 ), contains, on pp. 3 14 - 3 18 ,
a well-documented section on Morgovejo, particularly rich in background
information, on which this writer has partly relied. For Morgovejo’s rela
tives in Peru in later times see Busto’s article; HC 466; James Lockhart,
Spanish Peru, p. 47; Lohmann Villena, Americanos en las ôrdenes nobilia-
riasf II, 216 .
Other references are in A G I, Justicia 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1 ; Lima 204,
probanza o f Jeronimo de A liaga; 565, III, September 5, 15 3 9 ; Patronato
192, no. 1, ramo 4; A N P, PA 19, 55, 149, 169, 649; HC 56, 80; Cieza,
Chapas^ p. 256; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36 ( 19 5 5 ) ^470;
Libros de cabildos de Limay I, 7 5-7 6 ; Oviedo, Historia, V , 92; Porras,
CedulariOy II, 142, 206; Porras, in Trujillo, Relation, p. 82.
Gabriel de Olivares
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 22 Place o f origin: A v ila or Segovia
Role: Footm an (O ld Castile)
Share: 1 full share o f gold Extent o f literacy: G ood signature,
H is companions were not quite sure whether Olivares was from

A vila or Segovia, in either case a fine old town in the heart of Old
Castile. Apparently he was born in Segovia, but had connections in
A vila, where his uncle was a canon in the cathedral. One o f his friends
wrote that he was a 'g o o d hidalgo and person who has been held in
esteem here.” That he was indeed held in esteem can be seen from his
portion of the treasure o f Cajamarca, since very few o f the young and
inexperienced men received a full share, as he did. H e would seem to
have been from one o f the many central Castilian urban families who
sent their sons into broadly professional activities— whether as lawyers,
HIDALGOS 233
notaries, churchmen, or merchants— and were marginal hidalgos as

well. Olivares moved in a circle o f young Castilians o f this type, es
pecially close to Juan de Rojas, who was frequently with him from the
time they both joined the Peruvian expedition in Panama.
A t first Olivares apparently considered staying permanently in Peru.
H e resisted the great exodus o f July-A ugust, 1 5 3 4 , when general per
mission to leave was first granted, though his friend Juan de Rojas left
at that time, carrying four thousand pesos for him. H e was still a
citizen o f Jauja when the city was transferred to Lima at the end o f
1 5 3 4 . But almost immediately thereafter he was on his way to Spain,
making such good speed that he arrived in Seville by September, 1 5 3 5 .
H e went to court and petitioned for a coat of arms, which was granted
him in January, 15 3 6 . Then he presumably went home, probably to
A vila rather than to Segovia, since he described himself as a citizen of
A vila at the time o f his arrival in Spain.
NOTES. In Seville, in 13 3 3 , Olivares said he was twenty-five years

old and a citizen of Avila (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 5, ramo 2 ). One fellow
conqueror said he was from Avila (Porras, Cartas, pp. 14 5 - 14 6 ) and an
other that he was a native of Segovia ( C D IA O , X X , 2 5 7 ). His relation to
the canon in Avila is mentioned in Porras, Cartas, p. 232.
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 18 23, records from Jauja,
Nov., 1 5 3 4 ; Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship San M iguel, 15 3 5 ;
A N P, PA 8, 62, 1 2 2 ; H C 5, 36, 52; Libros de cabildos de Lh?ia, I, 8 - 10 ;
Porras, Cedulario, II, 128.
Pedro Ortiz
Role at C ajam arca: Horsem an Place of origin: Probably A m puero
Share: D ouble share o f gold (northern O ld Castile)
and silver
Pedro Ortiz was one o f the men with fast horses who often rode out
under Hernando de Soto on reconnaissance missions, or in the van
guard ahead o f the main body. Soto and Ortiz were the first men to
reach the top o f the slope in the battle, and near defeat, at Vilcaconga.
Ortiz took part in the whole conquest and is last seen in Jauja in June,
1 5 3 4 . A t that time a large contingent was preparing to leave the coun
try for Spain, but there is no definite evidence that he joined them.
H e would seem to be the same man as the Pedro Ortiz de Cariaga
234 THE MEN
who appeared in Jauja in early 1 5 3 4 . In that case he almost certainly

shared the background o f a D iego Ortiz de Cariaga, from Ampuero,
who was named to the council o f Tumbez in 152 9, and who must have
been a person o f consequence in courtly circles, to judge from the un
usually strong royal recommendation he received at that time.
N O T E S . Pedro Ortiz is a name often heard in the Tmjillo region of

Peru, but the person concerned seems to be Bachiller Pedro Ortiz, a physi
cian who came to Pern in 1334, then eventually abandoned his profession
and stopped using his title, hoping to achieve an encomienda. (See Oviedo,
Historia , V, 237-288 fL; Perez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 323, 566, 572; Porras,
Cedulario , I, 198). This is mere conjecture; in any case there was no Pedro
Ortiz among the first encomenderos of Tmjillo (Vargas Ugarte, "La fecha
de la fundacion de Trujillo,” Revista Historica 10 [1936].*234-235), and
there was still none in 1548 (Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 250-258), which
alone excludes the possibility that the Pedro Ortiz of Cajamarca settled
there.
Zarate mentions a Pedro Ortiz who conducted himself well, on the
loyalist side, at the battle of Chupas in 1542, having previously been of the
party of the Almagrists ( Historia , II, 506). It is within the realm of pos
sibility that this was the man of Cajamarca.
For references to the Pedro Ortiz of Cajamarca, see ANP, PA 1 1 7 , 1 4 1 ;
Herrera, Historia general, X , 3 5 1 ; Oviedo, Historia , V, 122. For Diego
Ortiz de Cariaga see Porras, Cedulario , I, 9, 74; and AGI, Lima 565, vol.
Ill, February 8, 1539. The last reference is to a royal cedula relating to
Francisco, an Indian brought back from Pern by Diego Ortiz de Cariaga,
vecino of Ampuero, the latter having died in Spain by that time.
Francisco Peces
Role at Cajamara: Footman Place of origin: Sonseca, near Toledo
Share: % share of gold in New Castile
and silver Extent of literacy: Literate
Peces joined the Peruvian venture in Toledo in 1 52 9 , while Fran

cisco Pizarro was at court negotiating for the governorship. One o f the
first documents in the cedulary o f Peru, issued even before the agree
ment with Pizarro, is a royal recommendation for Peces, with the
formula “ relative of servants o f ours,” which usually meant good birth,
and always good connections. A neophyte in the ways o f the Indies,
HIDALGOS 235
Peces received less than a full share o f the treasure o f Cajamarca,

though more than the three-fourths share that went to most o f the
new men. W ith his court connections, Peces rose quickly to promi
nence; in 1 5 3 4 he was sitting on the council o f Cuzco by virtue o f a
royal appointment, secured probably over the heads o f the Pizarros.
The future o f Francisco Peces would have been assured had it not
been for the accident o f his regional origin. H is home town o f Sonseca
was south o f Toledo, near the domain o f the Order o f Calatrava, the
homeland o f Diego de Alm agro. This regional affinity caused him to
take Alm agro’s side in the Pizarro-Almagro quarrels in Cuzco in 1 5 3 5 ,
a first step toward his downfall. The differences were resolved amicably
for the time being, and Peces decided to stay in Cuzco and keep his
encomienda rather than accompany Alm agro to Chile. W hen Almagro
returned in 1 5 3 7 and seized Cuzco, he found several o f the Spaniards
there thoroughly exasperated with the heavy-handed rule o f Hernando
Pizarro, and prominent among the malcontents was Francisco Peces.
Alm agro named Peces one o f Cuzco's alcaldes, and from this moment
he and the Pizarros were open enemies. H e fought for Alm agro at the
battle o f Salinas in 1 5 3 8 ; afterward Hernando Pizarro took away his
encomienda and ejected him from Cuzco’s council.
Peces obtained royal orders, issued in September, 1 5 4 1 , reinstating
him and granting him a coat o f arms, but the provisions probably never
reached him. By June, 1 5 4 1 , he had joined the rebellion headed by the
younger Almagro, serving for a time as Alm agro’s alcalde in Lima. H e
stayed with the Almagrists until the end, as one o f the leaders, if not
actually a captain, and was executed by royal officials shortly after the
battle o f Chupas in 1 54 2 .
NOTES. Though all existing versions of the roll o f Cajamarca give

his name as Francisco Perez, there is hardly any doubt that Francisco Peces
was the man originally intended. The present writer decided this inde
pendently, then discovered that Porras had already reached the same con
clusion in 1936. (See the valuable biographical note in Porras, Testamento
de Pizarro, p. 55.) N o Francisco Perez appears in any of the original rec
ords of the men of Cajamarca or o f the conquerors o f Cuzco. W e know
definitely that Peces was with the expedition when it left Spain (Porras,
Cedulario, I, 1 2 ) , then at Puna in early 15 3 2 . (This can be deduced from
the cedula of March, 15 3 3 , granting him a council seat in the principal
city of Peru. The royal letters of that time were issued at the petition of
Rodrigo de Mazuelas, who left Pern early in 15 3 2 , from the island of Puna.
236 THE MEN
See Porras, Cedulario, I, 13 6.) Peces appeared then at the founding of

Cuzco in early 15 34 , as citizen and encomendero (Porras, "Dos docu-
mentos esenciales,” Re vista Hist orica 17 [19 4 8 3 :9 2 ). Any man who was
at Puna and then an encomendero in Cuzco was almost ipso facto at Caja-
marca, since practically all o f those with the expedition who were not at
Cajamarca stayed at San Miguel and became citizens there permanently,
with no chance to go on to Cuzco. In addition to all this, there are many
known instances in all kinds of sources where Francisco Peces has been
rendered Perez. The name occasionally appears as Francisco de Peces, but is
far more common without the "de.”
A fellow Toledan, Antonio Tellez de Guzman, said that Peces was a
"native of Sonseca, three leagues from Toledo” (A G I, Patronato 18 3,
ramo n ) . The same statement will be found in CD IAO , X , 260, where
Sonseca is mistakenly given as "Fonseca.”
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 1824, records of levy on citi
zens of Cuzco by Hernando Pizarro; records from Cuzco, 15 3 6 ; Justicia
1054, no* 3> ramo 2 ; Lima 565, vol. I ll, December 29, 13 3 9 ; 566, vol. IV ,
September 22, 15 4 1, November 24, 1 5 4 1 ; Patronato 109, ramo 4; A N P,
PA 4 12 , 489; HC 9 1, 246; C D IA O , X , 249; C D IH C , V I, 302; R A N P
1:5 9 9 ; Cieza, Chupas, p. 284; Gomara, Hispania victrix, I, 248; Oviedo,
Historia, V , 16 3 ; Porras, Cartas, p. 4 12 ; Porras, Cedulario, I, 12 , 13 6 ;
Porras, Testamento de Pizarro, p. 55.
Juan Pizarro de Orellano

A g e at C ajam arca: A b o u t 2 1 or 22 Place o f origin: T ru jillo
R ole: Horsem an (E xtrem ad u ra)
Share: D ouble share o f gold and Parents: H ernando de O rellana
silver, plus a token 10 0 pesos and Ju an a G a rcia Pizarro
The name Orellana was one o f the most illustrious in Trujillo, and
the magnificent signature o f Juan Pizarro de Orellana indicates a man
educated with care. H e was a distant relative of Pedro Barrantes, an
other o f the very well born o f the Trujillo contingent. Without doubt
he was a full-fledged hidalgo, and possibly higher on the Trujillan
scale than the immediate family o f the Pizarro brothers, to which he
also bore some relationship. H e was not a really close relative o f H er
nando and Francisco, or his share would have been even larger than it
was; the genealogists tell us that his great-grandfather was Hernando’s
HIDALGOS 237
great-great-grandfather. Even this was enough to assure that Juan

would be the only man to receive more than the usual horseman’s
double share without holding a post o f command or special responsi
bility.
Coming from Spain with the other Pizarros in 1 5 3 0 , surely without
previous experience in the Indies, Pizarro de Orellana was with the
1 3 3 1 expedition from the beginning. Either a good horseman or the
owner o f a good horse, he was involved in most o f the daring exploits
o f the campaign. H e went with Soto to interview Atahuallpa, then
with Hernando Pizarro to the great temple o f Pachacamac. On the way
south to Cuzco he rode among Soto’s vanguard, and he distinguished
himself in the battle of Vilcas. A fter the conquest he may have enter
tained briefly the thought o f staying in Peru; he was named to the
council of Jauja in 1 5 3 4 , but he left before the end o f the year, car
rying his own fortune and an even larger amount belonging to Juan
Pizarro.
W ith his unique combination o f connections, lineage, education, and
dash he could have had anything he wanted in Peru. But, like the other
Trujillan hidalgos, he preferred honors at home to honors in Peru. H e
reached Spain in 1 5 3 5 and before long was sitting on the town council
o f his native Trujillo. Though he continued to be close to the Pizarro
brothers, by 1 5 5 0 , when last heard of, he had come into conflict with
that tightfisted clan over money. This did not keep his son Hernando
de Orellana from marrying Hernando Pizarro’s illegitimate daughter,
whose descendants were eventually to inherit the Pizarro name and
titles.
NOTES. Porras, through a slight misinterpretation of a statement by

Garcilaso, concluded that Juan Pizarro de Orellana lived past 1560, as he
may well have, but the passage does not say so (Porras, in Trujillo, Rela
tion, p. 1 1 8 ; Garcilaso, Obras, III, 3 7 ).
Gregorio de Sotelo called Juan Pizarro de Orellana a native o f Trujillo
( C D IA O , X , 243, or A G I, Patronato 185, ramo n ) . In 15 3 4 Pizarro de
Orellana said he was twenty-five (A G I, Patronato 150, no. 6, ramo 2) ; in
154 5 that he was thirty-four (A G I, Justicia 117 4 , no. 1, ramo 3 ).
The names of Pizarro de Orellana’s parents, with his genealogy for
some generations back, appear in Munoz de San Pedro, ' 'Francisco Pizarro
debio apellidarse Diaz o Hinojosa,” Re vista de Estudios Extremenos 6
(19 5 0 ) :5 3 1. W hile Munoz de San Pedro is generally reliable as to names
238 THE MEN
and lines of descent, his use o f "don” and dona” is extraordinarily capri
cious. Juana Garcia Pizarro appears in his text without "dona,” and the
present writer intuits that this is correct, because "dona Juana Garcia”
would sound faintly ridiculous in a sixteenth-century context, but there is
no way of being sure.
Other references are in A G I, Justicia 833, letter o f Hernando Pizarro,
June 8, 15 4 9 ; 1082, no. 1, ramo 4 ; A N P, P A 12 5 ; CD 1H C , V II, 1 3 3 ;
Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales,” Revista Histdrica 17 ( 1 9 4 8 ) 1 3 1 ;
Trujillo, Relation, p. 6 1.
Juan de Porras
A g e at C ajam arca: A b o u t 3 1 or 3 2 Place o f origin: Seville
R ole: Footm an Extent o f literacy: Literate
Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold and
silver, plus a token 10 0 pesos
The Sevillian family or group o f families named Porras was closely

connected with municipal government and maintenance o f the peace.
A Diego de Porras was jurado, or district alderman; his son Bachiller
Juan de Porras registered to come to the Indies in 1 5 1 7 and 1 5 2 7 .
Another Juan de Porras, who was in Peru in the 1 5 4 0 ’s, had been the
retainer o f an alcalde o f Seville. A n Antonio de Porras, chief con
stable of Cuzco at one time, was also probably o f this clan. They were
literate, substantial people, no flashing nobles, but still claiming to be
hidalgos.
The Juan de Porras o f Cajamarca was solidly in this tradition. H av
ing been in the conquest o f Honduras around 1 3 2 4 , he, like others,
soon left there for Nicaragua; he came to Peru with the Nicaraguan
contingent o f Benalcazar. Before long he was holding the position o f
alcalde mayor o f the expedition, his main duty being to try minor cases
o f fighting, gambling, swearing, and the like. This post made him one
of the expedition’s leaders even though he happened not to possess
the main appurtenance o f prestige, a horse. A s a gesture o f respect, he
was put at the very top o f the list o f footmen on the roll o f Cajamarca,
and he was one o f only two o f them to receive anything above the
ordinary one share. A fter Cajamarca, Porras was soon on horseback. H e
continued to be the judicial authority o f the expedition, as opposed to
the authorities o f the new municipalities which began to be set up. In
HIDALGOS 239
late 1 5 3 4 or early 1 3 3 3 he left Peru, not tempted by the encomienda he

was given in the silver-poor northern region. H e arrived in Seville by
late 1 5 3 5 and lived there in some state for the rest o f his life, "in the
guise o f a cavalier," displaying the coat o f arms granted him by the
king and sustaining himself from handsome royal annuities. For some
reason Porras does not appear to have acquired any post in Sevillian
municipal government like other returnees, even though his back
ground gave him a special propensity and unusual qualifications. H e
was still living in Seville as late as 15 6 2.
NOTES. Juan de Porras gave his age as thirty-five in 15 3 5 ( C D IH N ,

III, 470, 4 8 1-4 8 3 ) and in 15 3 6 (A G I, Justicia 719 , no. 9 ). In both o f
these references, as in many others, he is called a citizen of Seville. O f
course many citizens o f Seville were born and grew up elsewhere, but since
Juan de Porras fits so perfectly, in name and characteristics, into a known
family of Seville, he may be considered a born Sevillian. After the Gonzalo
Pizarro revolt was defeated, orders went back to Spain to confiscate the
property of a Juan de Porras, native o f Seville, who had been involved.
Authorities thought the man of Cajamarca was that Porras, and they took
action against him. He made no attempt to prove that he was not a native
of Seville, but he did prove his constant residence in Seville since 15 3 5 in
order to establish an alibi. (See Justicia 10 73, no. 1 .) Busto, in a section
on Juan de Porras in his "Una relacion y un estudio,” Revista Historica 27
(19 6 4 ) 1304-309, also believes that Porras was from Seville. Jurado Diego
de Porras and his son are mentioned in Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 182,
243 -
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 1825, records from Cajamarca,
May, 15 3 3 ; Penas de Camara, 15 3 5 ; Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 1 ; 98, no.
4, ramo 3 ; A N P, P A 3 1, 13 5 ; CD IH N , III, 4 15 ; Cieza, Tercera parte, in
Mercurio Peruano 36 (19 5 5 ) 1470; 39 (19 5 8 ) :566; Loredo, Los repartos,
p. 1 3 1 ; Porras, Cedulario, II, n o .
Juan de Rojas
A g e at C ajam arca: A b o u t 23 Place o f origin: Tordesillas or
R ole: H orsem an Segovia, in O ld Castile
Share: D ouble share o f gold Extent o f literacy: Literate
and silver
It would seem that Juan de Rojas was quite new to the Indies, since
240 THE MEN
neither the veterans o f Nicaragua nor the men o f Panama had known
him before about 1 5 3 0 . A s to his background, he claimed even in
Spain itself to be an hidalgo, and a comrade called him a cavalier; he
sometimes used the noble-sounding surname o f Solis. A ll these things
are o f somewhat dubious informative value, but taken together with
his literacy they leave the impression o f origins in very modest gentry
and good townsmen, much the same as such Old Castilian "hidalgos”
as Jeronimo de Aliaga and Melchor Verdugo, with whom he had con
nections.
Rojas joined the 1 5 3 1 expedition before it left Panama, probably at
the same time as his best friend, Gabriel de Olivares from Segovia,
another o f these modest professional people with pretensions to nobil
ity. In the campaign Rojas figured as one o f the first-line horsemen;
he got the good horseman’s full double share, and he was among the
men chosen to accompany Hernando Pizarro on the hazardous trip to
the coastal temple o f Pachacamac. A fter seeing the conquest to its ini
tial conclusion, Rojas availed himself of the general license issued in
1 3 3 4 , leaving Peru in Ju ly o f that year and arriving in Seville in 1 5 3 5 .
H e carried thousands o f pesos for his Old Castilian comrades, Olivares,
Aliaga, and Verdugo, as well as his own fortune. V ery shortly after his
arrival he went to live in Tordesillas, and he was still there in 1 55 4 .
NOTES. In a letter to his family in Avila, Melchor Verdugo says that

Rojas was from Segovia (Porras, Cartas del Peru, p. 2 3 2 ). However, it ap
pears from the context of the letter that Verdugo knew Gabriel de Olivares,
from Segovia, far better than he did Rojas, and indeed Verdugo and Oli
vares may have been related. Rojas’s return to Tordesillas and his long resi
dence there are strong evidence of origin. Verdugo was under the impres
sion that Rojas was going to live in Segovia, which he did not. That Rojas
did have a special tie with Olivares, however, is clear. Perhaps Rojas had
relatives in Tordesillas as well as Segovia, both, in any case, in the heart of
Old Castile.
Rojas said in 13 3 4 that he was twenty-five years old (A G I, Patronato
150, no. 6, ramo 2 ). His belated probanza de servicws, where he appears
as a citizen of Tordesillas in 1540 and 1554 , is in A G I, Patronato 98, no.
4, ramo 6. The connections between Rojas and Olivares appear particularly
in H C 5 and 52, and Porras, Cartas, p. 232.
San M iguel, 1 5 3 3 ; Justicia 723, no. 1 ; 10 52, no. 2; A N P, PA 17 , 105,
1 1 9 , 1 3 3 ; H C 39, 67.
HIDALGOS 24 I
Gregorio de Sotelo
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 24 Place o f origin: Zam ora, in the
Role: Footm an kingdom of Leon
Share: 1 full share o f gold and Extent o f literacy: Literate
silver, plus a token 10 0 pesos
Gregorio de Sotelo had good antecedents both in Spain and the

Indies. A n Alonso de Sotelo from Zamora, comendador of one o f the
military orders, governed the house o f the Duke o f Medina Sidonia in
Seville. Gregorio may not have been a very close relative, for his w ife,
Antonia de Mella, was not a "dona.” But he was trained in accounting
and the management o f affairs, as functionaries o f the great noble
houses usually were. Gregorio came to the Indies by about 1 5 2 6 , in the
footsteps o f his older brother Antonio de Sotelo, an important man in
the area of Panama. By 1 5 3 1 , when he joined Benalcazar in Nicaragua
and came to Peru, Gregorio was a man o f experience, but he was still
without his own independent position.
H is background, connections, and skills brought him to quick
prominence in Peru. Though he was without a horse, Sotelo, along
with Alcalde Mayor Juan de Porras, was lifted almost out o f the cate
gory o f footman at Cajamarca, being placed at the top o f the list and
given an extraordinary share. H e was named to the council o f Jauja
at its founding in 1 5 3 4 ; he moved to Jau ja’s successor, Lima, in 1 3 3 5 ,
and became the first to hold the honorific position o f majordomo o f
the church there.
The conquerors had extraordinary confidence in Sotelo’s capability
and trustworthiness with money and affairs. It was to him that com
rades from his home region and elsewhere often turned, asking him
to collect debts or handle their business when they were absent. In
1 5 3 5 , Bishop Berlanga o f Panama, carrying out an investigation o f the
royal treasury, called on Sotelo to testify, as one most knowledgeable
in such things, and was so impressed with him that he shortly after
ward recommended him to the Council o f the Indies as the best pos
sible appointee for treasurer general o f Peru. W hen Sotelo left Lima
for Spain in January, 1 5 3 6 , he carried more o f his fellow s’ money with
him than any other returnee recorded. Besides really large consign
ments o f thousands o f pesos for two friends, he took the whole re
maining estate o f another man, and small amounts from some twenty
242 THE MEN
or twenty-five other people, most o f them from Zamora or Leon. Sotelo

acquitted himself honorably, but the money did not reach its destina
tion. As his ship was coming within sight o f Spain, French pirates
seized it and took every penny on board.
Another man o f Cajamarca, Juan Garcia de Santa Olalla, was on the
same vessel and decided that the only recourse was to go back to Peru
to mend his fortune. This Sotelo did not do, perhaps because it would
have been hard to face so many disppointed people. What his inten
tions had been originally is not clear by any means. H e had stayed in
Peru while two separate waves o f conquerors had left. A t the time he
went home, he received a royal license to retain his encomienda while
he visited Spain briefly to get married; Bishop Berlanga in 1 5 3 6
seemed to be under the impression that he meant to stay in Peru. Pos
sibly, as so often happened, Sotelo had intended to go back to Peru,
but once in Spain he was overcome by the attractions of home. In any
case, he was not reduced to pauperdom, since he had sent money home
with a friend earlier. He went to his native Zamora to settle and mar
ry, and he was living there in 1 5 3 8 .
Though Sotelo left, several of his relatives followed him to Peru,
two o f whom became important figures. A brother, Cristobal, arrived
while Gregorio was still there, though already too late to get an en
comienda. H e went to Chile as one o f Alm agro’s captains and fought
for Alm agro at the battle o f Salinas. In 1 5 4 1 he joined Alm agro’s son
after the assassination o f Pizarro and was so influential in the rebel
camp that he was almost the de facto leader, until he was himself as
sassinated. Like his brother, he was admired for his prudence and capa
bility, though fate had thrown him into a hopeless venture. Also pre
sumably a relative, since he was from Zamora, was Gaspar de Sotelo,
who was a prominent encomendero o f Cuzco in the 1 5 5 0 ’s and 1 5 6 0 ’s.
NOTES. In 15 3 8 Gregorio de Sotelo said he was thirty years old

(A G I, Justicia 112 4 , no. 6, ramo 3 ) . There, and in A G I, Justicia 758, no.
1, he is called a citizen of Zamora. The most comprehensive source for
Sotelo is A G I, Justicia 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1, which contains much testi
mony relating to Sotelo by other men of Cajamarca. Particularly, there is a
copy of Sotelo’s memorandum of all the money he was bringing home,
from whom it came, and for whom it was destined. Most was to go to the
kingdom of Leon, with some destinations as far afield as Segovia and the
Basque country. Sotelo mentions his brothers, Antonio and Cristobal, as
HIDALGOS 243
well as a cousin, Cristobal de Cisneros. Sotelo’s revealing testimony about

the conduct o f the treasury officials of Peru is in C D IA O , X X , 240-244
and 285, and in A G I, Patronato 185, ramo n .
Other references are in A G I, Lima 204, probanza of Juan de Salinas;
Patronato 192, no. 1, ramo 4 ; A N P, Juzgado, December 30, 15 3 5 ; PA 73,
136 , 148, 149, 678; H C 37, 38, 260; a document o f Dec. 10, 15 3 3 , among
the Peruvian manuscripts of the Lilly Library; C D IH N , II, 3 5 -3 7 ; R A N P
1 ( 1 9 2 0 ) : 4 3 1- 4 3 2 ; Cobo, Obras, II, 283, 286, 295; Loredo, Los repartos,
pp. 4 2 5 - 4 3 1; Porras, Cedulario, II, 1 7 1 ; Porras, Cartas, p. 196 (mention
by Bishop Berlanga).
For Sotelo’s relatives and presumed relatives, see A G I, Justicia 112 6 , no.
2, ramo 1, described above, and for his wife and brother Antonio, A G I,
Justicia 758, no. 1 ; for Comendador Alonso de Sotelo, Oviedo, Historia ,
I, 98; for his brother Cristobal de Sotelo, C D IH C , V I, 272, 290, 300, 304;
Cieza, Salinas, pp. 29 fL; Porras, Cartas, pp. 4 12 , 493, 528; for Gaspar de
Sotelo, Garcilaso, Obras, II, 269-270, 359; IV , 7 3 ; for his cousin Cristobal
de Cisneros, A N P, P A 678.
Sebastian de Torres
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 30 Place o f origin: Chiclana de la
Role: H orsem an Frontera, on the A ndalusian coast
Share: D ouble share o f gold Parents: Hernando de Torres and
and silver Beatriz M o ral (or M u riel)
W hile the knowledge we have about the origins o f Sebastian de

Torres does not define his background precisely, it does place him
within certain bounds. His brother Hernando was an apothecary, that
trade being either at the bottom of the professional world or high in
the ranks of artisanship, depending on the circumstances. But there is
no indication that Sebastian ever learned the family trade, if it was
that, and he certainly did not practice it in the Indies. The only special
ized activity he is known to have engaged in is shipbuilding, which
was natural enough, as Chiclana is at the edge o f the sea. A companion
once testified that Sebastian "built the first ships to be made on the South
Sea.’’ This leaves us unenlightened as to whether Sebastian acted as
entrepreneur, supervisor, or ship’s carpenter. Besides, the claim to have
built the first ships on the Pacific was made for so many individuals
that it must be discounted to some extent. Torres’s knowledge o f ships
may well have been merely that general maritime expertise one would
244 THE MEN
expect o f a coast dweller. A fter achieving prominence in Peru, Torres

began to claim hidalgo status for himself and initiated proceedings in
his home town to make his claim good. The mere obligation o f proof
usually (not always) indicated a very marginal kind o f nobility; on the
other hand, the audacity to bring up the matter at all in one’s place o f
origin points to a claim with a certain verisimilitude.
T o his respectable social origin Sebastian added the advantage o f
seniority. Still a boy, he registered in 1 5 1 2 to come to the Indies in the
company o f his older brother Hernando; later that year two other
brothers did the same. By about 1 5 1 5 he was in the Panama region.
From there he went to Nicaragua like so many others, and became, if
he was not already, a man o f consequence. H e was at various times
alcalde and municipal council member in Leon, Nicaragua’s capital. In
politics he tended to favor Governor Pedrarias de A vila and Benalcazar
over the faction of Licenciado Castaneda and Hernando de Soto, but
this did not prevent him from coming to Peru with Soto.
B y experience and origin, then, Torres was prepared for the quick
advancement which he received in Peru. H e was alcalde in Jauja, first
Spanish capital o f Peru, at its effective founding in 1 5 3 4 , and then
repeated as alcalde in the successor city of Lim a in 1 5 3 7 .
Torres was among the first o f the conquerors to marry in Peru, a
fact he made much o f in representations to the Council o f the Indies.
H e claimed indeed that his w ife was the first Spanish woman to arrive
in the new country, or perhaps the first "honored lady’’ in his am
biguous language. Witnesses, however, merely confirmed that she was
one o f the first honored married women in Peru. The marriage took
place in Jauja, presumably in 1 3 3 4 , and the lady, a widow with the
rather plebeian name o f Francisca Jimenez, was a native of the Carib
bean capital o f Santo Domingo. Torres claimed gentle birth for her,
too, and got a royal cedula "confirm ing” her right to the title "dona,”
though it was a decade and more before conservative local usage could
be brought to comply. Their children, though born by 1 5 3 7 , were ° f
the third Spanish generation in the Indies.
Most close friendships among Spaniards in America rested ultimate
ly on regional or professional ties, or on a history o f shared experiences.
N one o f these things explain why Torres and Jeronimo de Aliaga, the
Old Castilian notary, should have become inseparable companions
within a few months after Torres arrived in Peru. In 1 5 3 4 they re
HIDALGOS 245
ceived, as partners, a joint encomienda in the area o f Huaraz. They

continued to be constant associates in Lima, and A liaga’s legal knowl
edge and connections were useful to Torres in negotiating for honors
at the royal court.
Torres was one o f the principales or important men o f Peru by the
time he was killed in 1 5 3 9 . H e had gone out to inspect his encomienda
and fell victim to a final outbreak o f Indian rebellion that claimed at
least four encomenderos of Lima, including two other veterans of Ca-
jamarca. Torres’s widow was immediately remarried, as was the custom,
to the Sevillian Ruy Barba Cabeza de Vaca. Initially, the encomienda
continued to be held in the name o f Torres’s infant son, Hernando,
but by the late 1 5 4 0 ’s a process o f diplacement or transferral had be
gun. O f the nominal fourteen hundred tributaries, Ruy Barba at that
time held three hundred in his own name, and a nephew of Sebastian’s,
Cristobal de Torres, held seven hundred. Sebastian’s daughter, dona
Juana de Torres, married a council member o f Huanuco in 1 5 5 7 .
N O T E S . In 15 3 0 Torres gave his age once as thirty ( C D IH N , II,

5 0 4 -5 10 ), and once as thirty-five (C D IH N , II, 400), then, in 15 3 5 , as
thirty-two or thirty-three (A G I, Lima 204, probanza of Juan de Salinas).
Although the published calendar of the Harkness Collection gives his
birthplace as Havana (p. 30 ), the original clearly says Chiclana (H C 1 1 7 ) .
His mother’s name is given there as Moral, whereas in the Pasajeros it
twice appears as Muriel. The departure of Sebastian and some of his rela
tives for the Indies is recorded in Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 3, 34, 47.
Torres’s probanza de servkios, made in Lima in 15 3 7 , is in A G I, Lima 118 .
In 15 3 7 Torres empowered his w ife and nephews to make his will, also
naming his children at that time (A N P, Castaneda, reg. 6, ff. 18 - 2 0 ) .
Torres had two mestizo children, Hernando and Isabel de Torres. For
many years after his death Isabel lived with his widow, Francisca Jimenez,
apparently in a servile position (B N P , A 34, ff.9 9 -10 6 ). Two nephews of
Sebastian followed him to Peru, Hernando and Cristobal de Torres. Her
nando was in the country at least by 15 3 5 (A N P , PA 760), Cristobal by
15 3 7 (A N P , Castaneda, reg. 6, f.i8 v ; HC 30 5 ).
The parents of Francisca Jimenez were Martin de Algaba and Marina
Gonzalez; her father owned a house in Santo Domingo when he died
around 15 3 7 . A sister o f Francisca’s, Juana Ruiz, also lived in Lima in 15 3 8 ;
she was the w ife of a Vicente de Bejar. Francisca’s first husband was a
Cristobal Garda, and it is likely she came with him to Peru. She lived into
the 15 5 0 ’s, gradually becoming "dona Francisca de Pineda.’’ (See Lock
246 THE MEN
hart, Spanish Peru, p. 15 4 ) . Children from all three marriages survived.

Other references are in A G I, Lima 565, vol. Ill, September 6, 15 3 8 ;
Patronato 92, no. 3; 192, no. 1, ramo 4; A N P, PA 7, 18, 43, 1 16 , 3 13 ,
508, 744, 749, 7 3 1, 760, 765; HC 64, 105, 1 1 7 , 179, 2 17 , 252, 330, 346,
382; C D IH N , II, 3 13 , 326; R A N P 1 (19 2 0 ) .*439 (referred to unaccount
ably as Sebastian de Castro) ; IV (19 2 6 ), 6; Cieza, Chupas, p. 37; Cobo,
Obras, II, 283, 304; Loredo, Los rep art os, p. 220; Montoto, Nobiliario, p.
383; Porras, Cedulario, II, 196, 3 9 1; Torres Saldamando, Zi&ra primero
de cabildos, I, 329. The Lilly Library at Indiana University has among its
Peruvian manuscripts a document in which Torres grants power to Her
nando de Soto to represent him at the royal court.
For Francisca Jimenez, and more on Torres’s heirs, see A G I, Contaduria
1679, records from Lima, Sept. 1539 , 1 554; Lima 565, vol. Ill, August 9,
15 3 8 ; Patronato n o , ramo 6; A N P, Castaneda, reg. 6, ff. 18 -2 0 ; reg. 7,
ff.2 1- 2 2 ; Salinas 15 3 8 -15 4 0 , ff.200, 4 6 1-4 6 2 ; 484, 555; Salinas 15 4 2 -
15 4 3 , 10 (2nd series) ; 2 7 1, 272; BN P, A 34, ff.9 9 -10 6 (Francisca’s testa
ment), 13 8 ; A 4 19 , f f . 1 1 2 - 1 1 3 ; H C 564, 6 16 ; Loredo, Los repartos, pp.
219 , 220, 2 3 1.
Juan de Valdevieso
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 2 3 or 2 4 Place of origin: Barcial, near Toro,
Role: Footm an in the kingdom o f Leon
Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold Parents: Com endador Ju a n de V a ld e
and silver vieso and dona Isabel de Benavides
Am ong all the men of Cajamarca, Valdevieso is the clearest example

o f a true and well-established hidalgo o f illustrious lineage in all
branches of his family. His mother was a "dona,” his father was a co
m endador o f one o f the military orders; one o f his brothers was on the
municipal council o f Toro, and another was a Franciscan friar. This
background won him quick recognition in Peru. Though he was young
and apparently inexperienced in the Indies, he appears with his com
patriot Gonzalo Maldonado near the top o f the list o f footmen, with a
full share o f the treasure rather than the three-quarters share that went
to most o f the greenhorns.
Apparently from the time he joined the expedition in Panama, V a l
devieso was a retainer or servant o f Governor Pizarro. "Servant” was
one o f the most ambiguous words in sixteenth-century Spanish usage.
HIDALGOS 247
To be the servant o f another was a fate that all Spaniards did their
utmost to avoid, yet in their patriarchal society most men were in some
sense dependents o f others. A ll aspired to be called servants o f the
king, and it was an honor to be chamberlain, treasurer, or usher o f a
high nobleman. Actual houseservants were despised, and yet pages who
in practice functioned as such were only undergoing part o f the stand
ard training o f a nobleman. Most commonly o f all, "servant” meant
steward or manager o f affairs. Valdevieso was a little o f all these things.
In 1 5 3 3 Pizarro empowered him and Pedro Navarro to collect money
and receive shipments in his name. But even more than a steward,
Valdevieso, with his lineage, was the courtier, the chief figure in the
retinue that Pizarro began to build up. As the governor’s chamberlain,
Valdevieso carried Pizarro’s daughter dona Francisca to the baptismal
font at Jauja in 1 5 3 4 .
A man of such parts, who in addition was a respectable figure o f a
warrior, could not be kept long in purely subordinate positions. Piza
rro named Valdevieso to the powerful council o f Cuzco in the year o f
its founding; the intention was to pack the council with Pizarrists, yet
a councilman could not help being an independent figure at the same
time. In 1 5 3 9 Valdevieso was one o f Cuzco’s alcaldes. As a capable
man o f affairs, he built up wealth through his encomienda, property-
owning, and entrepreneurial activity (he had a large company with
Licenciado Gaspar de Espinosa in Panam a). Still, since he was from an
established fam ily in Spain, he kept one eye on his home city o f Toro.
In 1 5 3 5 he sent home large amounts o f money to be invested by his
family in lands and annuities. There is some reason to think he meant
to leave the country permanently when he came to Lima around 1540 .
H e had already sold his houses and slaves in Cuzco to his close friend,
Alonso de Mesa, leaving his mestizo children in Mesa’s care, though it
is true that Valdevieso made Mesa promise to let him buy his property
back if he returned within two years.
Whatever his plans, they were changed when the Almagrists assassi
nated Pizarro. Valdevieso, a Pizarro man, went to join the new gover
nor, Vaca de Castro, who had already arrived in the north. Since
Valdevieso was from the kingdom o f Leon like the governor, and
also o f good birth and with experience, Vaca de Castro made him his
majordomo, or chief executive assistant. From Quito, Valdevieso went
to the coast on a mission to recover royal funds then in San Miguel, in
248 THE MEN
order to finance the oncoming cam paign against the rebels. On the way,
probably late in 1 5 4 1 , he was attacked and killed by the hardy Indians
o f the island o f Puna, w ho had recently dealt in the same fashion with
Bishop V alverde. V aldevieso left a mestizo son by a Canari Indian
woman. A lso named Ju an de Valdevieso, he was legitimized and lived
on in Cuzco until 15 8 8 , m aintaining a modest position.
N O T E S . In 15 39 Valdevieso gave his age twice, once as thirty (A G I,

Lima 204, probanza of Diego Rodriguez), and once as over thirty (A G I,
Lima 1 18 , probanza of Garcia M artin). His place of origin and the names
of his parents and brothers are in A G I, Justicia 112 4 , no. 2; A N P, P A 776;
Castaneda, reg. 4, f.2 1. Valdevieso once used the name o f Juan Hurtado
de Valdevieso (A G I, Contadurla 1825, records from Coaque, May, 1 5 3 1 ) ,
Hurtado being the name of some of the noblest families of Spain (and
others, of course). For Valdevieso’s son, see R A H C 4 ( 19 3 3 ) 1148. Fran
cisco Pizarro’s power to Valdevieso as his servant is in H C 49.
There is some conflicting evidence about Valdevieso’s final days. Pedro
Pizarro, writing many years later and not as an eyewitness, thought Valde
vieso fled Lima with Bishop Valverde and was killed with him ([Relation,
V , 229 ). Cieza, much closer but still not an eyewitness, says Valdevieso
was on his way from Panama to Peru, presumably coming from Spain
( Chupas, p. 16 2 ) . It seems impossible, or at least unlikely, that he had al
ready been to Spain, since he was definitely still in Pem in October, 15 39
(H C 4 4 8 ); conceivably he could have reached Panama and then returned.
For the most basic points, however, we have eyewitness reports. In A G I,
Justicia 1055, a witness reports that Vaca de Castro made Valdevieso his
majordomo, then sent him off on a special mission. The lieutenant governor
o f Guayaquil at the time describes that mission as recovering gold at San
Miguel, and he tells of Valdevieso’s death separate from Valverde’s
(Porras, Cartas, p. 544).
Other references to Juan de Valdevieso are found in A G I, Lima 566,
vol. IV , June 18, 15 4 0 ; Patronato 93, no. 1 1 , ramo 2; 109, ramo 4 ; A N P,
PA 778, 779, 787; Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f.59 5; a document o f 15 3 7 among
the Peruvian manuscripts of the Lilly Library; BN P, A 397, ff.4 10 - 4 17 ; HC
50, 83, 300; C D IH C , IV , 199; R A H C 8 (19 5 7 ) 15 3; R A N P 5 ( 19 2 7 ) .*9;
Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V , 208, 2 1 1 ; Porras, Cedulario, II, 206; Porras,
"D os documentos esenciales,” Revista Historica 17 (19 4 8 ) 192-93; Porras,
"Jau ja,” Revista Historica 18 (19 4 9 -19 5 0 ) :i3 7 - i 3 8 .
A Juan de Valdevieso left Spain for Peru with Hernando Pizarro in late
15 3 4 bearing a royal recommendation. This cannot have been the man of
Cajamarca, who was then in Jauja, though it may well have been a relative.
See Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 363; Porras, Cedulario, II, 67.
HIDALGOS 249
Francisco de Vargas
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 26 Place of origin: L a G u ard ia del
Role: Footm an Arzobispo, in N e w Castile
Share: 1 full share of gold Father: Sancho Hernandez
and silver Extent of literacy: Doubtless fu lly
literate
The family o f Francisco de Vargas maintained a certain position in

the small N ew Castilian town o f La Guardia, since his brother was a
titled professional man, Bachiller Juan de Vargas; doubtless they con
sidered themselves hidalgos, as did most Spaniards o f any prominence.
The extent o f Vargas’s experience in the Indies is not known; veteran
or not, he was from the beginning treated with respect. A fter the con
quest, he became a citizen and encomendero o f Lima. H e was a capable
man o f affairs, once entrusted provisionally with the custody o f a large
shipment o f Hernando Pizarro’s merchandise, but he does not seem to
have been a full-scale Pizarro agent, nor was he as active in commerce
and entrepreneurial ventures as some. H e appeared to be headed toward
the true eminence enjoyed by those who were both senior in the con
quest and wellborn; the chronicler Cieza considered him a vecino prin
cipal or important citizen. In 1 5 3 9 held the honorific post o f major-
domo o f the city o f Lima. Soon he would have been sitting on the
council itself, if Indians had not killed him in a late and final outbreak
o f rebelliousness that cost the lives o f four encomenderos o f Lima.
Vargas left two daughters, one by an Indian servant woman and an
other by the Spanish— or possibly Morisco— woman, Lucia Hernandez.
The mestizo girl survived well into the 1 5 4 0 ’s, at least, under the
guardianship o f Vargas’s comrade from Cajamarca, Jeronimo de
Aliaga.
NOTES. Cieza, usually extremely reliable on origins, states that Var

gas was from Campos, but this must be disregarded against multiple first
hand evidence. Vargas’s origin and the names of his relatives and daugh
ters are given in A G I, Lima 365, vol. Ill, May 23, 15 4 0 ; vol. IV, August
13 , 154 0 ; Lima 566, vol. V I, December 8, 15 5 0 ; BN P, A 3 1, ff.14 9 - 15 1.
In the last, unlike the many Spaniards who sent or tried to send their mes
tizo children to Spain, he says "my daughter Maria de la Cruz is the
daughter of an Indian woman, and since she is mestizo she should not go
250 THE MEN
to a place where she would dishonor my relatives.” In 15 3 5 Vargas gave

his age as twenty-nine (A G I, Lima 204, probanza of Juan de Salinas).
San M iguel, 13 3 5 ; A N P, Juzgado, December 30, 15 3 5 ; PA 246, 596; HC
2 0 1, 363, 44 3; Cieza, Chupas, p. 57; Torres Saldamando, Libro primero
de cabildos, I, 297, 329, 335.
Melchor Verdugo
A g e at C ajam arca: A bou t 1 9 Place o f origin: A v ila (O ld C astile)
R ole: Footm an Parents: Francisco V erdu go
Share: % share o f gold and M arin a de O livares
and silver Extent o f literacy: Fu lly literate
Melchor Verdugo was one o f several Old Castilians among the men
o f Cajamarca who had affinities with the urban professions combined
with certain hidalgo connections. Another such man was Verdugo’s
acquaintance Gabriel de Olivares, who may have been a distant relative
on his mother’s side. Verdugo’s father and his mother bore the names
o f lineages well known in Old Castile, but, as usual in these cases, no
details o f their relationship to more illustrious family members are
known. Conceivably Melchor was in some way related to fray Pedro
Verdugo, comendador mayor o f the Order o f Alcantara, and in all
probability he had family ties with Hernando Verdugo de Henao, a
court functionary and employee o f don Francisco de los Cobos, Charles
V ’s secretary. Both of these Verdugos, at any rate, were from Avila.
In his own fam ily correspondence, Melchor mentions predominantly
such people as a lawyer, a merchant, and a priest. Melchor enjoyed a
reasonable education. H e wrote letters in his own clearly legible hand,
revealing an adequate (though hardly a professional man’s) grasp of
grammar and orthography, and he had a good understanding o f affairs,
both o f business and o f law. Personally he was quite single-mindedly
devoted to his own advancement, a trait he shared with many Spaniards
and human beings.
His father having died, Melchor left home early. H e came to the
Indies and Panama around 1 5 2 9 or 1 5 3 0 , in the service o f Licenciado
Gaspar de Espinosa. Since Espinosa was closely connected with the
Luque interests, it was natural that Melchor should be drawn into the
Peruvian venture. H e was not with the main group leaving Panama,
HIDALGOS 25I
however, but came with the first contingent o f reinforcements that ar
rived in Coaque on the northern coast. In Panama, Melchor had ap
parently been Espinosa’s page, or little better, and on the expedition he
still did not cut much o f a figure. Later, a royal prosecutor asserted that
as a mere boy he did little at Cajamarca, a humiliating charge not
leveled at any o f the other conquerors. The prosecutor found several
veterans who estimated Melchor’s age at the time o f the conquest as
anywhere from eighteen to twenty-two and cast aspersions on his
equipment, capacities, and reputation. It is apparent that he was an
impoverished, poorly equipped, and untried youth, not then ready to
stand on his own. Y et he received the standard three-fourths share o f
the younger and less experienced members, rather than the half share of
the truly incapable or humble.
A t the hands o f the Pizarros, Melchor received ambiguous treatment.
A t first he seems to have been put off with promises; he received a lot
in Cuzco, but no encomienda. Almost all the men of Cajamarca who
stayed in Peru originally held encomiendas in the great central dis
tricts o f Cuzco and Lima; Verdugo was one o f the few pushed off to
northern Trujillo. Only in March o f 1 5 3 5 , at the time o f T ru jillo’s
foundation, did Melchor receive formal title to his encomienda. His
grant was large, well-populated, well-endowed, and bore a famous
name, since it included the town and province o f Cajamarca itself.
This might be taken as an indication o f Verdugo’s great importance,
but there would be little ground for such an interpretation. As transcen
dental as were the events o f November 16 , 1 5 3 2 , Cajamarca as a site
soon sank back into obscurity. It did not become a Spanish town, and
it was not located on a major trade route. Verdugo’s encomienda was
among the largest and best in Trujillo, ranked first in income by some;
yet his occasional complaints about having been slighted were not with
out some validity, as it became increasingly obvious that the best silver
deposits were located far to the south in Upper Peru.
Though Melchor was apparently not on T ru jillo ’s council at the
time o f its foundation, Francisco Pizarro soon made him a perpetual
member, and the crown confirmed the appointment. For a time he was
also chief constable o f Trujillo.
Once his position was established on this basis, Melchor’s activities
went in the conventional directions. H e sent money home to his
mother, and he requested honors at the royal court. A coat o f arms
(with no mention o f previous family arms) was granted him, but a
252 THE MEN
royal captaincy and membership in the Order o f Santiago were not. He

built one o f the finest houses in T rujillo on his lot at the corner o f the
town square. H e had a mestizo daughter legitimated. He developed his
encomienda intensively, including both silver mining in the Spanish
style under European supervision, and extortion o f valuables from the
Indian chieftain (a standard technique o f Panama that faded slowly in
Peru as its long-run incompatibility with steady revenue production
became apparent). H e also exported provisions to Panama. On the
other hand, he had a church built in Cajamarca. The least standard
aspect o f his behavior, and even that was nothing very unusual, was
his affair with the married daughter o f Francisco de Fuentes, also a
man o f Cajamarca.
By sixteenth-century Spanish standards it was not to be expected
that a stripling should distinguish himself in war, either by feats o f
arms or in positions o f command. Verdugo was hardly mentioned in
the civil wars until the "W ar o f Chupas” in 1 5 4 2 . By some accounts
he shirked his duty, as did indeed many encomenderos o f the north,
feeling the Lima-Cuzco rivalries were irrelevant to their vital interests.
Y et by other accounts Melchor stood out at the climactic battle o f
Chupas, near Cuzco.
Verdugo’s fame, or notoriety, came only with the Gonzalo Pizarro
rebellion o f 1 5 4 4 - 1 5 4 8 , and was brought on mainly by considerations
o f Spanish regional origin. The first viceroy o f Peru, Blasco Nunez
Vela, was also from A vila and therefore favored Verdugo in every
way from the moment he arrived in the country. Though Blasco
N unez’s general mission was to cut into the power o f the encomienda
in Peru, and he usually acted the part of the martinet, he left Verdugo’s
tributes untouched. W hen the revolt against Blasco Nunez began to
assume serious proportions, he made Verdugo one o f the loyalist cap
tains (his first such appointment). Verdugo was and remained one of
the viceroy’s few allies among the encomenderos o f Peru. W hen
Gonzalo Pizarro seized Lima and the governorship o f Peru, Verdugo
only pretended to acquiesce. H e excused himself from Pizarro’s Quito
campaign against the viceroy by alleging leg trouble.
Thus he was left at home in Trujillo, in a position to carry out one
o f the most bizarre, spectacular, and ambiguous exploits in the annals
o f the Peruvian civil wars. W hile Pizarro’s army was far to the north
in 1 5 4 5 , he conceived the notion o f organizing a party in T rujillo to
go to the aid o f his compatriot the viceroy. One day in late October
HIDALGOS 253
o f that year he beguiled several prominent Trujillans into his house,

seized them, and put them in irons. Then Verdugo, his immediate
household o f retainers and followers, and a few other loyalists took
possession o f the town. In the name o f viceroy and king, Verdugo
commandeered a passing ship, organized a company o f men, and sailed
from Trujillo. W hile his intentions seemed beyond reproach, Melchor
used the opportunity to settle private accounts with fellow citizens in
his own favor. T o reward his men, he confiscated a large shipment o f
merchandise, including a good stock o f fine stuffs and clothing.
A s his expedition proceeded, its purpose became ever more unclear.
Instead o f going directly to the viceroy, Verdugo sailed to Nicaragua,
where his men did more to disturb the peace than to save the country.
Under pressure to leave quickly, they decided to go to the Caribbean
and try to rejoin the viceroy from the north. Their hazardous trip to the
sea in a fleet o f small boats appears to have been the first navigation o f
the Desaguadero. Once on the Caribbean, Melchor and his men cap
tured a ship and sailed south along the coast. But, hearing o f the vice
roy’s death, they decided to attack the port town o f Nombre de Dios,
then in Pizarrist hands, rather than return toward Peru. In June, 1 546 ,
Verdugo took Nombre de Dios and the ships in its harbor; once again
his action became the pretext for a large-scale confiscation o f goods
and money from merchants, and some o f his men engaged in looting.
Pizarrists from Panama soon arrived to expel Verdugo, and he left for
Cartagena on the coast o f N ew Granada (the present Colom bia).
There his men, in a now familiar pattern, again caused much trouble.
Shortly afterwards a new royal governor, Licenciado Gasca, arrived
at Nombre de Dios to begin the task o f putting down Gonzalo Piza-
rro’s revolt. Verdugo returned to join him, but Gasca, who was to
pacify Peru more by entreaty than by force, had to consider the inter
ests o f the merchants and other groups. H e thanked Verdugo for his
efforts, then ordered him to disband his men and make restitution to
the merchants. This rebuff sent Verdugo off to Spain to protest at court.
His main business did not go very well there; he barely managed to
fend off official accusations that his campaigns were superfluous and
that he had plundered innocent people.
In other ways, however, he had resounding success during his so
journ in Spain in 1 5 4 8 - 1 5 5 0 . Above all, he succeeded in getting the
great honor, earlier denied him, o f membership in the Order o f San
tiago. Probably his personal presence at court was the crucial added
254 THE MEN
factor, rather than his dubious "services.” In any case it was quite an
honor. Only three other men o f Cajamarca became knights o f Santi
ago— Francisco and Hernando Pizarro, and Hernando de Soto. M em
bership eluded as eminent a man as Sebastian de Benalcazar and as
formidable a negotiator as Jeronimo de Aliaga (who also was in Spain
for years). Around this time Verdugo married dona Jordana M ejia,
from Espinar, within a few miles o f A vila; she was the daughter o f a
captain o f Viceroy Blasco Nunez.
A fter this Verdugo lived as a great lord in Trujillo, if possible more
ambitious and pretentious than ever. In 1 5 5 4 he aspired to the posi
tion o f maestre de campo, or second in command, o f the army orga
nized against rebel Francisco Hernandez Giron; the offer o f a cavalry
captaincy merely angered him, and after rejecting it he soon went home
"sick.” In the latter i 5 5 o ,s Verdugo wooed Viceroy Canete, and was
sent back to Spain once more to represent the viceroy’s interests against
the audiencia. This time he had less luck than before. Soon he was
weighed down with lawsuits, both civil and criminal, new and old.
Finally, in 1 56 2, he received a royal pardon, and he was back in Peru
by 1564. H e died in T rujillo in 1 5 6 7 , and since he left no legitimate
children, his w ife succeeded in the encomienda. A nephew became a
council member o f Lima, with a long line o f descendants.
N O T E S . A somewhat cormpt version of the title of Verdugo’s en

comienda is to be found in R A N P 15 (19 4 2 ) : i 3 - i 4 . Around 154 2 G ov
ernor Vaca de Castro gave a fourth o f the encomienda to Hernando de
Alvarado. This did not necessarily imply disapproval, since there was a
general tendency to reduce some of the larger early grants at this time.
Something of Verdugo’s manner of operating his estate can be deduced
from various known details. Verdugo claimed to be the first Spaniard to
work silver mines in Peru. In 154 2 he already had a large house and was
maintaining five or six Spaniards, a priest, and several horses (A G I, Pa-
tronato 97, no. 1, ramo 1 ) . In 1546 he kept a blacksmith in his house, and
he was able to induce a shipmaster to come to see him because he intended
to send some flour, maize, and Indian clothing to Panama (Gutierrez de
Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, III, 4 0 - 4 1) . Around 1549 a commission re
ported that Verdugo’s encomienda yielded some six thousand pesos from
silver mines, with the encomendero supplying a Spanish miner and tools,
and beyond this, the Indians delivered woolen goods, meat, maize, and
wheat and supplied their master’s house abundantly (Loredo, Los rep artos,
pp . 250,255).
HIDALGOS 255
Melchor Verdugo’s relationship to fray Pedro Verdugo is pure specula

tion, tempting because fray Pedro is known to have been friendly with
Viceroy Blasco Nunez Vela, and because such a relationship would offer a
ready explanation for Melchor’s cross of Santiago. (See don Francesillo de
Zuniga, Crônica.) The circumstantial evidence for family ties with Her
nando Verdugo de Henao, notary and majordomo for Secretary don Fran
cisco de los Cobos, is stronger. The latter was in Peru in 15 3 8 - 15 3 9 on
business for Cobos. (See A G I, Justicia 1067, no. 2, ramo 1 ; H C 330, 357,
659; Keniston, Cobos, pp. 294, 3 12 , 3 15 .) N o definite contact between
Melchor and Hernando at that time is established, but at the same time
there appeared in Lima a priest, Alonso de Henao, who in the early 15 4 0 ’$
joined Melchor in Trujillo as an aide or accountant and then accompanied
him on his journey to Nicaragua and Panama. A Sancho de Henao also
went along (Busto, "Verdugo,” p. 380, n .10 5 ).
See Busto’s long article "E l Capitân Melchor Verdugo, encomendero
de Cajamarca,” Revista Histôrica 24 (19 5 9 ) 13 18 -3 8 7 , for a more detailed
account of Verdugo’s activities in war and at court. Though at times using
the coy speculation o f the historical novelist, and arriving thereby at a
literarily sinister picture of Verdugo, Busto has reconstructed Verdugo’s
activity with great accuracy. The present writer has relied on Busto for
materials contained in A G I, Justicia 439, 776, 10 8 1, and 1 12 5 .
Verdugo’s probanza de servi cios of 1542, with much other litigation and
testimony, is in A G I, Patronato 97, no. 1, ramo 1. There some o f his fe l
lows estimate his age as reported above in the text; he himself said in 15 3 6
that he was twenty-three (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 3 ). Among the
many places where he is called a native of A vila are Calvete, Rebelion de
Pizarro, IV , 277, and Zarate, Historia, II, 535. A most enlightening per
sonal letter from Verdugo to his mother is published in Porras, Cartas, pp.
2 3 1- 2 3 3 . Others are in A G I, Justicia 1 12 5 .
Other references may be found in A G I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, rec
ords o f ship San Miguel, 15 3 5 ; Justicia 425, no. 4; 1052, no. 2; Lima 1 1 8 ,
probanza of Sebastian de Torres; 566, vol. IV , May 4, 15 4 2 ; Patronato 109,
ramo 4 ; A N P, PA 78, 134 , 375, 380; Alzate, ff.272, 274; H C 6 55;
R A N P 4 (19 2 6 ) : 18 ; Busto, "Maldonado el Rico,” Revista Histôrica 26
( 19 6 2 - 19 6 3 ) .*115; Calvete, Rebelion de Pizarro, IV , 256; Castellanos,
Elegtas, p. 502; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36 (19 5 5 ) 1468;
Diego Fernandez, Historia, I, 7 8 -7 9 ; Gômara, Hispania victrix, I, 2 3 7 ;
Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, II, 2 8 1; III, 282; Moreyra Paz
Soldân, "Dos oidores del primer tercio del siglo X V II,” Mercurio Peruano
27 (19 4 6 ) .*549-550; Pedro Pizarro, Relaciôn, V , 2 3 3 -2 3 4 ; Porras, Cedu-
lario, II, 349, 385; Vargas Ugarte, "L a fecha de la fundacion de Trujillo,”
Revista Histôrica 10 (19 3 6 ) 1234; Zarate, Historia, II, 506.
256 THE MEN
Antonio de Vergara
Age at Cajamarca: About 23 Place of origin: Oropesa
Role: Footman (western New Castile)
Share: 1 full share of gold Father: Rodrigo de Vergara
and silver Extent of literacy : Literate
Vergara came from one o f the local hidalgo families who made up
the court, servants, and following o f the Count o f Oropesa. H e was
somehow related to Hernando de Soto’s partner, Hernan Ponce de
Leon, and also to the Orgonos family. H e considered himself a cousin
o f Rodrigo Orgonos, the famous captain o f Alm agro; Rodrigo was
illegitimate and may not have been a true member o f the family at all,
but his supposed father, Juan Orgonos, was an acknowledged hidalgo
o f Oropesa. Fray Vicente de Valverde was from yet another such fam
ily, connected with Orgonos through marriage. It is indeed quite pos
sible that Vergara accompanied fray Vicente from Spain in 1 5 3 0 , since
he is not known to have had previous experience in the Indies.
A t any rate, Vergara was very well thought o f by his companions on
the Peru expedition; he was listed near the top o f the footmen at Caja
marca, with the full share that went to less than a third of them. The
only trace he has left o f his activity in the subsequent course o f the
conquest is his cousin Rodrigo Orgonos’s statement that he gave a good
account o f himself. H e circulated mainly among compatriots from the
Talavera-Oropesa region, and was enough o f a man o f affairs to be fre
quently entrusted with the business o f his companions. H e left Peru
in 1 5 3 4 with the main group o f returnees, including fray Vicente; for
Orgonos he carried 20,000 pesos o f gold and 2,000 marks o f silver,
which was rather more than his own fortune. Vergara fell ill in
Panama, but arrived safely in Seville in 1 5 3 5 . Once in Spain he had
regrets, feeling he should have earned even more money and honor,
and thought o f going back, but in the end he did not. Perhaps he
heeded Orgonos’s advice, that he was plenty rich for his age, and that
it was as well to be back in Spain young and rich as older and richer.
Vergara appears to have gone first to his home in Oropesa, but before
long he settled in Seville, where he attained a position almost any o f
his fellows in arms might have envied. B y 1 5 5 2 he was a veinticuatro
on the council o f Seville, the most prestigious municipal corporation
in Spain. His compatriot or relative Ponce de Leon also came to Seville
and obtained a seat on the council. Aside from a life o f splendor, V er
HIDALGOS 257
gara was active in the thriving commerce o f Seville, and he may have
grown richer as he grew older after all. H e was still living in Seville
in 1 5 7 7 , one o f the last survivors o f the men o f Cajamarca in either
hemisphere.
N O T E S . Vergara gave his age in 154 3 as thirty-four (A G I, Patronato

90, no. 1, ramo 1 ) , and in 15 7 7 as sixty-seven or sixty-eight (A G I, Patro
nato 93, no. 4, ramo 3 ) . Lest there should be any doubt that the Vergara in
Seville was the man of Cajamarca, at both of these times Vergara was a
citizen of Seville and specifically testified to his participation in the capture
of Atahuallpa. The Vergara who was veinticuatro was definitely the same
man, as can be seen in his testimony on behalf of Cajamarca man Juan de
Porras (A G I, Justicia 10 73, no. 1 ) . Vergara is called a native of Oropesa
in A N P, PA 79 1. An essential source for Vergara’s connections are the
letters of Rodrigo Orgonos, in Porras, Cartas, pp. 1 3 1 - 1 3 3 , 146, 16 4 -16 8 .
Santa Catalina, 15 3 5 ; A N P, P A 1 1 , 39, 1 1 7 , 124 , 138 , 13 9 ; H C 80; D H A ,
I, 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 ; Porras, "M edina y su contribucion a la historia peruana,” Mer~
curio Peruano 33 ( 19 3 2 ) .*310, 5 13.
9. CLERKS
he notaries and accountants in this chapter require no

T further introduction than a brief mention o f their affinities to the
men in other categories. Many, if not most, were also men o f affairs,
like those in chapter io ; some few were clearly hidalgos (chapter 8 ),
while others could find a place among the marginal hidalgos and upper
plebeians (chapter n ) . On the other hand, some further probable
notaries can be found in the other sections (See Part I, chapter 2,
n .2 2 ) .
Jeronimo de Aliaga
Age at Cajamarca: About 24 Place of origin: Segovia (Old Castile)
Role: Horseman Parents: Juan de Aliaga and
Share: 2 shares of gold; Francisca Ramirez
1 % shares of silver Degree of literacy: Highly literate
Profession: Notary
A great calculator and negotiator, very much in his element in the

labyrinthine processes o f Spanish law, Jeronimo de A liaga was living
CLERKS 259
proof that the first conquerors were not all ignorant fellows, quickly
to be displaced from positions o f power. H e easily adjusted to chang
ing conditions and ultimately achieved the double success o f permanent
high office in Peru and entry into courtly society in Spain.
A liaga was a conqueror by the book. W hen he first arrived in Pana
ma around 1 5 2 9 , he went to the veteran Bias de Atienza to ask what
was needed to go on an expedition. Atienza obligingly wrote down a
memorandum o f the necessary things, which A liaga proceeded to buy.
Thus equipped, he gained experience in some small ventures in the
Panama area before heading for Peru with the first boat o f reinforce
ments arriving at Coaque in 1 5 3 1 . Thereafter he was in all the main
events o f the conquest and civil wars. But while he faced the hardships
o f exploration and the dangers o f battle, the essential lines o f his
career can be seen in his advance as a notary. H e came from Spain with
a permanent title as His M ajesty’s notary, already one step ahead o f the
multitude o f young secretaries in the Indies who had the training but
lacked the money or connections to obtain a title from the royal court.
A liaga was the main practicing notary with the expedition from the
time of the events of Cajamarca until after the conquest o f Cuzco. The
documents he has left— powers o f attorney, loans, sales o f horses— are
the source o f much o f our knowledge o f this period. In 1 5 3 4 he acted
as provisional royal inspector at the division of the treasure o f Cuzco,
and shortly thereafter he was the first clerk o f the municipal council o f
Jauja, predecessor of Lima as the intended capital o f Peru. W ithin a
few months he delegated this post to a deputy and for several months
in 1 5 3 5 held the post o f acting accountant general of all Peru. In 1 5 3 8
Aliaga sent off seven thousand pesos to Juan de Samano, secretary of
Charles V , and in return was named chief government clerk o f the
kingdom of Peru. To this was added the chief secretaryship o f the
Royal Audiencia o f Peru when that court was established in Lima in
J 544-
A liaga’s success was soundly based on training and performance in
his profession, plus tough negotiation at court. But the society in
which he was immersed insisted on prowess at arms and gentle birth
as prerequisites for advancement, so he turned his skill to enlarging
upon his endowment in those respects. As to prowess in war and con
quest, there is no reason to believe Aliaga met the incredible dangers
and hardships o f the time less than adequately. But the exploits
abounding in the life o f a heroic type like Diego de Aguero are lacking,
26o THE MEN
and most o f those alleged by Aliaga himself are suspect. A fter eight
een years in Peru, in his third memorial o f services performed, Aliaga
suddenly recalled that he had personally captured an Indian chieftain
in Panama twenty years earlier. N o one else could remember the in
cident, though one witness thought he might have heard something
about it. The truth is, no doubt, that Aliaga was present— among
others— at the chieftain’s capture. According to Aliaga, he and Martin
de Robles led a dangerous escape from the camp of rebel Gonzalo
Pizarro in 1 5 4 7 , but looking in the chronicles one finds mention only
o f Robles. In his later years Aliaga always styled himself Captain, but
he never held that position in combat until the battle o f Jaquijahuana
in 154 8, famous for never having taken place. His main activity in
this campaign was raising men and organizing supply and finance. The
one truly responsible post o f command Aliaga held was as deputy
governor of the Lima district in 1 5 4 2 just after its evacuation by rebel
forces, a delicate but not a military mission. O f all his boasted exploits,
the most truly genuine seems to have been that he was in the forefront
o f the cavalry at the battle o f Chupas, fiercest fought among the Span
iards o f Peru, for we find his name in the chroniclers’ lists o f those
who distinguished themselves there.
As to that other lubricant o f preferment, good birth, Aliaga was in
a somewhat better position, and he pressed his advantage. That he was
no very resounding nobleman can be deduced from the size o f his
patrimony, a yearly income o f three thousand maravedises, or just eight
ducats. His mother bore the plebeian name of plain Francisca Ramirez,
and Aliaga shied away from her relative Ana Ramirez, who came to
Lima and married off a daughter to old commoner Pedro de Alconchel.
A liaga waited until 1 5 4 3 , when he already had wealth and a coat of
arms, to institute proceedings in Spain to prove that he was an hidalgo,
and the necessity o f doing so at that late date is itself mute testimony.
Nevertheless, he certainly must have been related to some hidalgo
family; he was connected with Rodrigo de Contreras, governor of
Nicaragua, and with the Mercados, one o f whom was later a judge on
the Audiencia o f Lima (possibly through Jeronimo’s influence). The
mere fact of having had a patrimony at all speaks for certain family
pretensions. A t any rate, Jeronimo in his 1 5 3 3 memorial was one of
the first o f the men o f Cajamarca to claim that he was an "hidalgo and
person o f honor.” It is true that the witnesses turned the matter around,
CLERKS 261
replying that he was a "person o f honor and hidalgo," and some left
out the hidalgo part entirely, but the claim was established.
In praise o f his deeds and birth Aliaga obtained more pages o f testi
mony than any two or three o f the other conquerors, hoping to impress
by bulk, for much o f what the witnesses said is actually damaging, if
read carefully. Above all, A liaga secured the testimony o f important
people, including Hernando de Soto and Francisco Pizarro himself.
Aliaga was a past master o f the art o f finagling. A good many o f the
conquerors got a royal license to come to Spain for a year or two;
Aliaga alone got a license for three years. As secretary o f the audiencia,
he managed to play a prominent part in the seizure o f Viceroy Blasco
Nunez Vela in 1 5 4 4 without seriously incriminating himself. It was
this ability that won Aliaga the mission o f procurador, or envoy, o f the
encomenderos o f Peru to the royal court in 1549 , after the Gonzalo
Pizarro rebellion.
The same streak o f calculation and management was dominant in
A liaga’s personal life, but not so much so as to obscure certain very
human qualities. In an elaborate memorandum to Gregorio de Sotelo,
who took money home for him, it can be seen that he wanted half o f
his income in Spain to be spent on charity. H e appears to have married
his first wife in Lima in the i 5 3 o ’s for love rather than high lineage,
though he soon transformed the girl from Beatriz Vazquez into dona
Beatriz de Medrano. It is needless to say that he was one o f the great
encomenderos o f Lima, and very rich in houses and lands. H e insti
tuted an entail for his heirs by dona Beatriz, but his favorite was his
mestizo son don Jeronimo (all his sons were called d o n ) , to whom he
bequeathed the lucrative secretaryship o f the audiencia. In the elabo
rateness o f his provisions he overstepped the bounds o f clarity, and
even made mistakes, omitting the name o f his son don Juan at one
crucial place. The result was a century o f litigation among his heirs.
W hen Aliaga left for Spain in 155 0 , ostensibly to return soon, he
had made a lasting mark on Peru. H e may have known already that he
would never come back; he took his favorite, don Jeronimo, with him,
and left his legitimate sons in Lima to inherit the encomienda. Once in
Spain, he had to go as far abroad as Flanders and Innsbruck to see the
Emperor. Dona Beatriz had died in Peru while the Aliaga family was
fleeing from Gonzalo Pizarro, and Aliaga soon married dona Juana de
Manrique, daughter o f the Count o f Paredes. They retired to live at
262 THE MEN
the count’s residence o f Villapalacios, though Aliaga was still in close

touch with the royal court and the Council of the Indies. For a long
time he maintained at least the pretense that his stay in Spain was
temporary. This he dropped in 1 5 6 5 , when he received royal permis
sion to exercise his offices through deputies. H e died in Villapalacios
in 1569, but in many essentials he should be counted among the set
tlers rather than the returnees. H is heirs maintained the position in
Lima that he had won for them. The only family o f the men of Caja-
marca to reach the twentieth century still intact and bearing the same
name, they still possess their ancestral home, on the lot across from
the governor’s palace that was granted to Jeronimo de Aliaga in 1 5 3 5 .
N O T E S . Aliaga said he was about twenty-eight in 15 3 6 (A G I, Patro-

nato 93, no. 6, ramo 3 ) , and in 134 8 gave his age both as thirty-eight
(A G I, Lima 204, probanza o f don Juan de Sandoval) and as forty (A G I,
Patronato 92, no. 3 ). Several sources make him a native of Segovia; for
example, the royal grant of arms (Porras, Cedulario, II, 200). Aliaga’s
testament of 154 7 is in R A N P 14 ( 1 9 4 1 ) : 1 6 5 - 17 2 ; that of 1569 is in
Loredo, "Documentos sobre el conquistador Aliaga,,, Revista Historica 12
(19 3 9 ) .*183-203. The foundation of A liaga’s entail is in R A N P 2
( 1 9 2 1 ) .*137-154. His three probanzas de servicios are in R A N P 1 (19 2 0 ) :
423-604. A remarkable memorandum Aliaga wrote to Gregorio de Sotelo
reveals much about his connections, plans, and ambitions (Loredo, Los re-
partos, pp. 4 1 1 - 4 3 1 ) . A liaga’s obligation to Secretary Samano is in HC
330; his power to institute proceedings to establish hidalguia is in A G I,
Justicia 10 52, no. 1.
There are other references in A G I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of
the ship San M iguel, 15 3 5 ; Justicia 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1 ; Lima 177 , pro
banza of Lorenzo de A liaga; Lima 565, vol. Ill, November 8, 15 3 9 ; Pa
tronato 185, ramo n ; 192, no. 1, ramo 4 ; A N P, PA 20, 138 , 248, 419,
650, 667, 678, 725, 735, 744, 745, 749, 759, 764; Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f.28 ;
BN P, A 556, ff.2 7 -2 8 ; H C 67, 150, 330, 382, 3 8 3; C D IH C , V I, 424;
CD IH E, X X V I, 20 2-20 3; D H A , I, 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 ; R A N P , 4 (19 2 6 )16 , 2 0 1;
6 (19 2 8 ) .*164; 7 (19 2 9 ) .*20i; 10 (19 3 7 ) :22o; 1 1 ( 19 3 8 ) : 2 27 ; 14
( 1 9 4 1 ) .*89; Angulo, "E l capitan Geronimo de Aliaga,” R A N P 2 ( 1 9 2 1 ) :
1 3 1 - 1 3 6 ; Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 373; Calvete, Rebelion de Pizarro,
IV , 390, 407; V , 13 , 98, 1 1 3 ; Cieza, Salinas, p. 1 0 1 ; Cieza, Tercera parte, in
Mercurio Peruano 36 ( 19 5 5 ) '-468; Cobo, Obras, II, 303; Diego Fernandez,
Historia, I, 33, 42; Garcilaso, Obras, III, 506, 5 7 2 ; Gutierrez de Santa
Clara, Quinquenarios, II, 17 3 , 235, 247, 2 52-254 , 258, 262, 269, 275, 287,
CLERKS 263
288; IV, 108, 14 3, 1 5 1 ; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 12 5 , 219 , 227, 2 3 1;

Montoto, Nobiliario , p. 20; Pérez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 352, 353, 423,
430; Porras, Cartas, pp. 1 3 1 , 196 ; Porras, Cedulario , II, 17 6 ; Porras, in
Trujillo, Relation, p. 94; Torres Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos,
I, 205; Zârate, Hïstoria, II, 506, 572.
Nicolas de Azpeitia
Age at Cajamarca: About 25 or 26 Place of origin: Azpeitia (Biscay)
Role: Horseman Degree of literacy: Fully literate
Share: 2 shares of gold and Profession: Accountant or secretary
1 % shares of silver
His full name, as he used it in Spain, was Nicolas Saenz de Evola,

but like many Basques he took the name of his home town as a sur
name in the Indies. H e probably joined the expedition in Coaque in
1 5 3 1 with the first reinforcements sent by Almagro, since he worked
for the royal treasurer, Riquelme, writing account books, and Riquelme
arrived at that time. In Jauja in 15 33 he was named provisional royal ac
countant in the place o f Antonio Navarro, who was going on to Cuzco.
His personal life was defined by Basque connections, starting with his
Basque partner, Gaspar de Marquina. W hen his fellow Basques Ana-
del and Aguirre went home, in 1 5 3 3 , he was left in charge of winding
up their affairs. For a time he lived with Francisco de Calahorra, factor
o f the Basque merchant Domingo de Soraluce, and it is more than
possible that he was involved in their ventures himself, as commerce
and accounting used one and the same technique. Azpeitia left Peru in
the latter part of 1 5 3 4 , arriving in Spain in 1 5 3 5 , and returning soon
to his birthplace, Azpeitia, in the Basque country, where he was still
living in 1 5 4 1 .
N O T E S . The name Saenz also appears as Sanchez, and Evola as He-

vola; our man also called himself just Nicolas de Evola. Azpeitia gave his
age in 15 3 4 as twenty-five (A G I, Lima 204, probanza of Hernan Gonza
lez), in 15 3 8 as thirty-two (A G I, Justicia 112 4 , no. 5, ramo 1 ) , and in
15 4 1 as thirty-six (AGI, Justicia 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1 ) . In the latter two
statements he appears as a citizen of Azpeitia. Information on his work
for Riquelme is in AGI, Patronato 28, ramo 55. Further references are in
ANP, PA 10, 19, 4 1, 1 1 7 ; HC 33, 43, 59, 66.
264 THE MEN
Pedro de Barrera
A g e at C ajam arca: A bou t 26 Place o f origin: M adrid
R ole: Horseman D egree of literacy: H igh ly literate
Share: D ouble share of gold Profession: N o ta ry and attorney
and silver
A s early as 1 5 2 2 , if the memory o f the chronicler Oviedo is cor

rect, Pedro de Barrera was officiating as a notary in Panama; he also
dabbled in merchandise. Around 1 5 2 4 or 1 5 2 5 , he moved to the
newly settled area o f Nicaragua. There he seems to have acquired an
encomienda, at the same time continuing to work as a notary and advo
cate. There is no evidence, however, that Barrera practiced his trade in
Peru.
Though he outstayed his Madrid compatriot Francisco de Baena,
who left in 1 5 3 3 , Barrera was even then thinking o f home. W hen
Baena left he apparently took with him his friend’s petition to be al
lowed to come to Spain for a year and a half without losing his en
comienda; the petition was granted by the crown in Toledo in March,
1 5 3 4 . Whether Barrera actually had an encomienda, or had any seri
ous intention o f returning to Peru, is not known. A t any rate he left
the country in Ju ly or August o f 1 5 3 4 , long before the royal license
had time to reach him. Back in Spain, he went to court and obtained an
elaborate coat o f arms. W hile he never made any attempt to return to
Peru, he did not lose touch completely; in 1 5 5 2 he was a solicitor in
the Royal Council o f the Indies.
N O T E S . As indicated in the section o f Francisco de Baena, Barrera

and Baena may well have been partners. Barrera’s name also appears as
Pedro de la Barrera and Pedro de Barreda.
In 15 3 5 Barrera said he was twenty-eight or twenty-nine ( C D IH N , III,
4 1 4 ) , and in 15 5 4 that he was forty-eight (A G I, Patronato 98, no. 4,
ramo 6 ). Both times he described himself as a citizen of Madrid, and the
chronicler Oviedo makes the flat statement that he was from Madrid
(Historia, V , 9 2 ). Barrera’s position as solicitor emerges in A G I, Justicia
10 73. A very brief statement of his career in the Indies is in A G I, Lima
365, vol. Ill, November 20, 1539 .
Other references are in A G I, Indiferente General 1204, probanza of
Pedro Catano; Justicia 7 19 , no. o; 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1 ; A N P, PA 1, 3, 39,
CLERKS 265
124 , 13 8 ; C D IH N , II, 2, 5, 9, 128 , 218 , 225, 246, 3 2 1 ; III, 50; R A N P 4

(19 2 6 ) .*194; Oviedo, H istoric III, 276, 278; Porras, Cedulario, I, 14 6 ; II,
4 14 .
Miguel Estete
A g e at C ajam arca: A bout 24 or 25 Place o f origin: Santo D om ingo
Role: Horseman de la C alzada (mountains
Share: D ouble share o f gold of O ld Castile)
and silver, plus a token amount Extent of literacy: H ighly literate
o f 100 pesos Profession: Accountant, secretary,
or notary
Both o f the Estetes at Cajamarca came to the Indies in the train of

Martin Estete, a notary and secretary who had long served Governor
Pedrarias de Avila, first in Panama and then in the later 1 5 2 0 ’s in
Nicaragua, where Pedrarias made him captain o f some minor expedi
tions. A fter Cajamarca, when the riches o f Peru became known, Martin
Estete came there himself and settled in Trujillo.
M iguel Estete was doubtless trained as a notary like his relative
Martin. H is profession shines through not only in his beautiful and
elaborate signature, but also in his activity as a treasury official and his
authorship o f a chronicle— almost all the chronicles o f Peru were
written by notaries, from Francisco de Jerez and Pedro Sancho to
Diego Fernandez el Palentino. W hen he got back to Spain and was
rich, Estete claimed he was o f very noble birth, an hidalgo notorio de
solar conocido. It is hard to get at the truth o f such a sweeping asser
tion; his better-known relative, Martin, certainly did not have the kind
o f reputation that would corroborate the claim, yet Estete did have con
nections, and he had an education that enabled him to circulate in the
Spanish royal court with ease.
M iguel had been in Nicaragua with Martin Estete since about 1 5 2 6
or 1 5 2 7 , and came to Peru under Hernando de Soto. H e went on most
o f the hazardous missions o f the campaign, with Soto and with others.
Just after Cajamarca, Hernando Pizarro and a few men went to the
coastal temple o f Pachacamac to gather treasure, and Estete went along
as treasurer and recorder, with the title o f veedor. The journal he wrote
o f the trip was incorporated into two chronicles, those o f Oviedo and
Jerez. Estete also helped to arrange the general division o f the treasure,
266 THE MEN
having been chosen probably more for his expertise in accounting than
to give substantive advice.
A fter seeing the conquest o f Cuzco, he left Peru in 1 5 3 4 with many
others. Since he was by now an influential man, as well as knowledge
able in accounting and the ways o f government, many o f the other
returnees asked him to register money for them, so that he arrived in
Seville responsible for over 28,000 pesos of gold, aside from much
silver. His knowledge and influence, however, failed to keep officials
from seizing the whole amount. Estete soon settled in Valladolid, a
court town within traveling distance o f his birthplace o f Santo D o
mingo de la Calzada. A t some time not long after his return he wrote
a vivid chronicle o f the conquest o f Peru, unusual among contemporary
accounts in its incipient understanding (not always approval) of Inca
culture and Peruvian geography. H e lived on in Valladolid until 15 5 0 ,
at least.
N O T E S . The name Estete often occurs in the variant Astete. Miguel

Estete seems to have been enamored of the age twenty-seven. He was twenty-
seven in 15 3 4 (A G I, Patronato 150, no. 6, ramo 2 ), twenty-seven in 1 535
( C D IH N , III, 4 1 3 - 4 1 4 and A G I, Justicia 7 19 , no. 9 ), and still twenty-
seven in 15 3 7 (A G I, Justicia 112 4 , no. 6, ramo 3 ) . A t that rate he would
have been twenty-seven in 15 3 2 also, but the writer decided to disregard his
last testimony and estimate his birthdate according to the other two as
c . i 30 7-15 0 8 . Porras Barrenechea opines that he was born in 1507.
On the testimony of Diego de Molina, one of the men of Cajamarca, the
chronicler Oviedo says that Miguel Estete was a native o f Santo Domingo
de la Calzada (Historia, V, 9 2). W e may be sure that the man referred to
is not the other Estete, because on the day before Cajamarca he was on
horseback, riding with Soto to meet Atahuallpa.
Estete’s principal chronicle is published under the title Relation de la
Conquista del Peru in the Coleccion de libros y documentos referentes a la
historia del Peru, vol. V i l i (2nd series), edited by Horacio H. Urteaga.
Estete’s account of Hernando Pizarro’s trip to Pachacamac is included in
Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 338 -34 3. Another version is in Oviedo,
Historia, V , 68-78. Porras discusses Estete’s life and writings in Cronistas,
pp. 10 6 -10 8 .
Other references are in A G I, Indiferente General 1204, no- 44j I 8 o i,
records of ship San Miguel, 1 5 3 5 ; Justicia 112 4 , no. 5, ramo 3; A N P, PA
34; Salinas 15 3 8 -15 4 0 , f.10 7 ; CD IH C, V II, 1 5 3; C D IH E, X, 3 1 2 ;
C D IH N , I, 57; Altolaguirre y Duvale, Vasco Nunez de Balboa, p. 189;
Medina, Descubrimiento, II, 390; Porras, Cedulario, II, 7 1 ; Porras, Rela-
CLERKS 267
clones prlmitivas, p. 98; Porras, in Trujillo, Relacion, p. 83; Lee, "Algunos

documentos sobre los primeros conquistadores,” Revista Hlstorlca 8
( 1 9 2 5 ) :i9Ö .
See also Miguel Estete de Santo Domingo in chapter 1 1 .
Gabriel Félix
A g e at C ajam arca: 26 or more Extent of literacy: F u lly literate
R ole: Horsem an T ra d e : A ccountant
Share: 2%o shares o f silver; no gold
G abriel F é lix was accountant o f the "com pany” (the expedition

taken as a private venture, distinct from the royal treasury officials
w ho also accompanied the con quest). H old in g this job was tantamount
to w orking fo r the Pizarros, and F é lix may have been an acknowledged
Pizarro retainer, like his counterpart, G onzalo de Pineda, "com pany”
treasurer. G iven this connection and the responsibility o f his position,
it is quite surprising to see that his share was worth no more than the
lowliest footm an’s. W ith some o f the other men w ho apparently re
ceived no share o f the gold, one m ight suspect that their names were
omitted by mistake (in the copying process) but in this case w e have
F é lix ’s later testimony that he got "a share o f the silver” at Cajamarca.
Perhaps his horse was to blame, fo r he soon bought a better one. W ith
a tiny share, relegated to the end o f the list o f cavalry, he seems to
have been in disgrace o f some kind. H is position was in no serious
jeopardy, however, since he again acted as accountant in the division
o f the equally large treasure o f Cuzco. A fte r that he quickly returned
to Jau ja, and he arrived back in Spain in 1 5 3 3 . In 1 5 4 1 he was still in
Seville, a resident and citizen, m aking it probable, though by no means
certain, that he had originally come out o f the w orld o f Andalusian
commerce.
N O T E S . The name Félix was extremely rare. Possibly Gabriel Félix

was in some way connected with Alonso Félix de Morales, an early enco-
mendero o f Trujillo, who was from Cordoba.
In 1 5 4 1 Gabriel Félix was a citizen of Seville in the district of San V i
cente and declared his age as over thirty-five (A G I, Justicia 1 1 1 2 , no. 2,
ramo 1 ) . Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 1825, records from
Jauja, Nov. 1 3 34 ; A N P , PA 16, 37; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 96; Porras,
Relaclones prlmitivas, p. 98.
268 THE MEN
For Alonso Félix de Morales see AG I, Patronato n 6 , no. 2, ramo 3,

and Cabero, "El corregimiento de Sana,” Revista Histôrica 1 (1906) :486-
489, 510.
Francisco de Jerez
A g e at C ajam arca: A b o u t 3 4 or 35 Place of origin: Seville
R ole: Horseman Father: Pedro de Jerez
Share: D ouble share o f gold and silver Extent of literacy: F u lly literate
plus 1/4 share for secretarial w ork T ra d e : N o ta ry
Jerez was one o f the most experienced o f all the men o f Cajamarca
and certainly the one longest associated with Francisco Pizarro in the
Peruvian enterprise. H e came to the Indies in 1 5 1 4 with the armada
o f Governor Pedrarias de Avila, when he was still in his teens. A p
parently he already had practical training as a notary, but not an offi
cial notary’s title, probably being too poor to negotiate for a title at
court. For almost twenty years he held notarial positions o f all kinds,
including that of notary public and council clerk in Acla on the Isth
mus and that o f registrar o f mines in Panama, until finally, in 1 5 3 3 ,
when he was already on his way home to Spain, he received a royal
appointment as notary. Jerez never presumed o f high lineage, and
was probably from a modest if not humble family, since in litigation
he was once called "low , vile and o f little account," terms usually re
served for plebeians.
In 1 5 2 4 he went on the first voyage Pizarro made toward the " L e
vant," in the combined positions o f the captain’s secretary and notary-
registrar for the whole expedition. N ot deterred by the poor results
o f the first trip, he continued in the same post on the second voyage,
by now a trusted confidant o f the captain, or so we may judge by
Jerez’s credible statement that Pizarro "told me his secrets and every
thing he meant to do." H e did not stay behind with Pizarro and the
Thirteen on the Isle o f Gorgona in 1 5 2 7 , but returned to Panama
"destitute and ill." It is by no means certain that all those returning to
Panama were actually deserting the venture. Jerez did not sign the
well-known general letter o f complaint to Panama that expedition
members wrote from G allo Island in August, 1 5 2 7 ; a little later he
showed solidarity with the Thirteen by testifying to the magnitude o f
their accomplishment.
CLERKS 269
W hen the conquering expedition o f 1 5 3 1 sailed from Panama, Jerez

was not aboard, but it seems that he must have planned to help with
arrangements for outfitting the first relief ship, and then to go with it
to join the main body. This he subsequently did, arriving before the
Spaniards had moved beyond their first halting place at Coaque. Jerez
was closely identified with Pizarro even during the time when he was
still in Panama. In A pril o f 1 3 3 1 D iego de Almagro, who was under
standably resentful and suspicious o f Pizarro after having been left out
o f any position o f honor in the government o f Peru, prepared a me
morial to the crown to prove how important he had been in the dis
covery. One o f the witnesses called was Francisco de Jerez, who made
friendly statements about Alm agro and said he deserved any honor
that could be given him, but was noncommittal about Pizarro’s neglect
o f his partner, and, in response to a query about whether Alm agro
persuaded Pizarro to continue when the latter was discouraged, denied
that such a thing had happened, saying that "Captain Pizarro never
could be convinced to return, nor ever had any such thought, but said
he would die in the attempt rather than turn back.”
From Coaque on to Cajamarca Jerez acted as Pizarro’s secretary once
again; perhaps it had been understood from the beginning that he
would occupy his familiar position on arrival, though there was also a
Juan Alonso who was "notary o f the armada.” A t Cajamarca, Jerez had
the misfortune to break his leg and was left lame for life. For this
reason he returned to Spain without accompanying the conquest to its
conclusion. H e left Peru at the end o f July, 1 5 3 3 , charged with carry
ing back to Spain the first full-scale official report o f the expedition
from Panama to Cajamarca, written by himself. (It is possible that
Pizarro, who in Peru showed a tendency to change advisors and secre
taries frequently, dismissed Jerez from his post. But Jerez had been
with him for nine years, was loyal, and did not represent any threat
o f independent power, so it remains most probable that his physical
condition really was the primary reason for his quick return.)
A month after Jerez arrived in Seville in 1 5 3 4 , his report was pub
lished as a chronicle, and such was the public’s interest in Peru that it
was republished in 1 5 4 7 , included in other chronicles, and also trans
lated into Italian. Oviedo says that it "does not proceed with good
style.” It is certainly not in Oviedo’s own vein o f chatty journalism with
humanistic overtones, but in its terseness and austerity it is far more
270 THE MEN
expressive o f the character o f the conquerors o f Peru than Oviedo’s

work, even if in some ways admittedly less informative.
W ith his wealth and notoriety, Jerez had considerable success in
rising in Sevillian society. In the late 1 5 4 0 ’s he held the honorific
municipal office o f fiel ejecutor for two years, and, after the death o f his
first w ife (o f whom nothing is know n), he made a good marriage to
dona Francisca de Pineda. The Pinedas were prominent in the upper
reaches o f the notarial profession in Seville and considered themselves
very noble; Jerez’s children bore the impressive names of Pineda and
Ponce de Leon. Jerez was active for a time in commerce with Panama
and Peru, maintaining a factor on the Isthmus. But in the long run
he lost more than he gained, and in 1 5 5 4 , alleging poverty, he an
nounced his intention to return to the Indies, and petitioned for royal
recommendations and grants o f offices. The crown issued only a very
mild recommendation to the viceroy o f Peru to favor him, so it is not
likely that he ever went back; at any rate there is no certain notice o f it.
N O T E S . Some years after returning to Seville, Jerez started calling

himself Francisco Lopez de Jerez, and finally by 1 5 54 merely Francisco
Lopez, without using the Jerez at all. Pedro Pizarro, in his Relation, V ,
198, says that Jerez was a native of Seville, and the assertion is repeated in
Jerez’s Verdadera relation, II, 346. An anonymous poem appended to the
chronicle (p. 348) says that his father was Pedro de Jerez, an "honored
citizen." In 1 5 3 6 Jerez said that he was thirty-nine (A G I, Justicia 719 , no.
9 ), and in 1 5 3 4 that he was fifty-five (A G I, Patronato 98, no. 4, ramo 6 ).
The quotes from Jerez given above, with much other interesting testimony
about the discovery period, are in A G I, Patronato 150, no. 3, ramo 2, and
CD IH C, 4:70, 1 2 8 - 1 3 1 . Jerez’s extensive probanza de servitios of 1 554 is
in A G I, Patronato 98, no. 4, ramo 3.
The report or chronicle written by Jerez, entitled Verdadera relation de
la conquista d el Peru y pro vincia del Cuzco, llamada la Nueva Castilla,
is in Vedia, Historiadores primitivos, II, 3 1 9 -3 4 9 . Another version of it is
inserted in Oviedo, Historia, V , 30-8 3. Oviedo makes certain omissions,
adds many remarks of his own, and takes great liberties with Jerez’s style.
The "Relacion Samano-Jerez," Jerez’s short account of Pizarro’s early voy
ages, is in Porras, Relaciones primitivas. An indispensable discussion of the
writings and also of the life of Jerez is in Porras, Cronistas, pp. 87-92.
Other references are in A G I, Justicia 724, no. 6; C D IH C , V II, 1 5 6 ;
Gongora, Grupos, pp. 124, 12 7 ; Otte y Maticorena, "L a isla de la Magda
lena," Mercurio Peruano 4 1 (i9 6 0 ) 1260; Oviedo, Historia, V, 83, 84;
Porras, Cartas, pp. 9 - 10 ; Porras, Cedulario, I, 1 33.
CLERKS 271
Diego de Narvaez
Age at Cajamarca: About 21 to 23 Place of origin: Probably Navarre
Role: Footman Extent of literacy: Fully literate
Share: % share of gold; % share of silver Trade: Notary
D iego de Narvaez claimed to be an hidalgo, and the claim may have

had much substance, since his brother-in-law Felipe de Atienza held
the courtly sinecure o f usher or lodger (aposentador) o f the Infantas
o f Spain. Despite his youth, he had already been in the N ew W orld
for several years. It was common for a young notary to arrive in the
Indies in his middle or late teens as part page, part amanuensis, in the
following o f some important man. Narvaez accompanied Pedro de los
Rios in that capacity when he came from Spain in 1 5 2 6 to be governor
o f Tierra Firme, or Panama and surrounding area.
In Peru, Narvaez never played the role for which his good birth and
experience had prepared him. A t Cajamarca he got even less than the
three-fourths share given to most o f the very young or uninitiated. H e
never became a political or military leader, he does not seem to have
sat on a municipal council, and he was not even very rich; his en-
comienda in Cuzco ranked halfway down the long list o f more than
eighty. H e was the first clerk o f the Cuzco council, but he retired from
the post around 1 5 3 7 or 1 5 3 8 , since it was not the practice in Peru for
encomenderos to serve actively as notaries. Narvaez also acted for years
as deputy accountant o f the royal treasury in Cuzco, a post with a cer
tain marginal prestige, but more avoided than sought after because o f
the technical nature o f its duties. T o the notary Narvaez there was no
difficulty in such a task, and indeed accounting may have been his
specialty. H e acted as provisional treasurer at the distribution o f gold
and silver in Cuzco in 1 5 3 4 , and he took care o f the accounts o f his
more prominent friend and citizen o f Cuzco, Alonso de Mesa.
Narvaez had more success at the royal court than in Peru. There he
garnered two separate grants o f coats o f arms and a royal recommenda
tion; when he died the news hardly had time to reach Spain before the
court was ordering the recovery o f his estate for relatives. The explana
tion for Narvaez’s comparative obscurity no doubt is to be found at
least partly in purely personal qualities, but his lack o f close association
with any faction, party, or regional group strengthens the probability
that he was from Navarre or one o f the other marginal and semi-
foreign Basque provinces.
2J2 THE MEN
In 1 5 4 5 Narvaez collaborated in an incipient uprising in Cuzco

against rebel governor Gonzalo Pizarro, following the lead o f his as
sociate Alonso de Mesa. The next year the threat to the Pizarro revolt
grew more serious, and Pizarrist captain Francisco de Carvajal came
to Cuzco to deal with the trouble. H is first act was the summary execu
tion o f Narvaez and three or four other encomenderos on suspicion of
further conspiracy. K illed with Narvaez was another man o f Cajamar-
ca, Hernando de Aldana, both victims o f the war that saw more execu
tions o f first conquerors than any other. Rodrigo de Narvaez, D iego’s
mestizo son by an Indian noblewoman named dona Magdalena, lived
in Cuzco until 1 5 7 1 .
N O T E S . The name Narvaez originated in and remains associated with

Navarre. O f course with demographic movements there came to be people
bearing that name in other parts of Spain, but in the sixteenth century there
was still a very strong presumption that a Narvaez actually was from N ava
rre. Two other Narvaezes were in Pem in this period, one definitely from
Navarre and the other almost certainly so, since he was among the heavily
Basque group under Juan de Herrada that assassinated Francisco Pizarro
(Cieza, C hup as, p. 10 8 ). That our Diego de Narvaez also was from N ava
rre becomes a near certainty when we find him testifying in Cuzco in 1542
on behalf of an Andres de Narvaez who had served in Navarre in the royal
guards (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 12 , ramo 2 ). O f the ten witnesses, two
were there because they had known Andres de Narvaez in New Spain, and
two because they were in the siege of Cuzco; o f the six remaining, no less
than four were from Navarre or the Basque country, leaving Diego de N ar
vaez and one other.
Diego de Narvaez’s share of silver, 1 3 1 % marks, is a little under a true
% share, which would be 133% . His share of the gold was exactly %, and
since a % share of silver would have been 1 1 3 % marks, it appears likely
that a straight % share was originally intended and then revised upward
slightly by arbitrarily altering 1 1 3 to 1 3 1 . One other man, Francisco de la
Torre, also got exactly this augmented % share.
Narvaez declared his age several times; the upper and lower limits are
represented by statements that he was twenty-eight in 1540 (A G I, Patro
nato 93, no. 9, ramo 7 ) , and that he was twenty-nine or thirty in 1 539
(A G I, Lima 1 1 8 , probanza o f G ard a M artin). A probanza de servicios
made by Narvaez is in A G I, Lima 204. Mention of his courtly relative is
in A G I, Lima 566, vol. V, April 23, 1548. His son appears in R A H C 4
( i 953) :i20.
CLERKS 273
March, 1 536; Lima 204, probanzas o f Diego Rodriguez and Pedro del
Barco; Lima 566, vol. IV , August 20, 134 0 ; vol. V , March 27, 154 3,
April 22, 1 545; BN P, A 397, 4 1 0 - 4 1 7 ; C D IH C , IV , 399; D H A , II, 4 9 -
50; R A H C 8 ( 1 9 5 7 ) .*55; R A N P 5 ( 1 92 7) : j ; Calvete, Rebelion de Piza-
rro, IV , 277; Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, III, 8 4 -8 5 ; Loredo,
Alardes y derramas, pp. 122, 1 3 2 ; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 4 0 1; Oviedo,
Historia, V, 280; Pérez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 527; Porras, "Dos documen
t s esenciales,” Re vista Historien 17 (19 4 8 ) 193.
Garcia de Paredes
Age at C ajam arca: A bout 32 to 36 Place o f origin: Medina del Campo
Role: Footman (O ld C astile)
Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold Extent o f literacy: Literate
and silver T rade: Probably accountant
or m erchant
Garcia de Paredes’s home region o f Medina del Campo had the

reputation o f a strongly commercial orientation, and this, taken to
gether with his ability in accounting, might w ell indicate a mercantile
background.
Paredes was a veteran, with six or seven years o f experience in
Panama and Nicaragua, where he may have held an encomienda, and
at Cajamarca he got a veteran’s full share o f the treasure. H e must
have joined the expedition with one o f the contingents arriving direct
ly from Nicaragua, probably with the earlier one under Benalcazar,
since he owed Benalcazar money for freightage. For a time Paredes
functioned as provisional royal treasurer o f the expedition, when
Treasurer Riquelme was absent, having argued with the Pizarros. The
respect in which he was held is reflected on the roll o f Cajamarca,
where he appears near the top o f the infantry, next to Pedro Sancho,
Pizarro’s new secretary, and Juan de Porras, alcalde mayor. W hat part
Paredes played in the rest o f the conquest is not clear, bur he did stay
in Peru until after the founding of Cuzco. In 1 5 3 5 he and a goodly
fortune crossed the Atlantic from the Isthmus to Seville. Soon after
his arrival in Spain he went to Medina del Campo and he still was a
citizen there in November, 1 5 3 8 .
N O T E S . The evidence for Paredes’s place o f origin is his citizenship

in Medina del Campo and his statement that he came there directly from
274 THE MEN
Seville after arrival in Spain, indicating that he had already known his des
tination. He may, of course, have come originally from the surrounding
hinterland. Together the two items make a very strong case, which there
would be little need to discuss so explicitly if it were not that Busto, in
"Los presuntos peruleros," Mercurio Peruano 50 (19 6 5 ) 1322-326 , as
sumes that Paredes was from Caceres. The name Garcia de Paredes was
famous in Caceres, particularly because o f Diego Garcia de Paredes, the
"Samson of Extremadura." Finding someone of this name in an expedition
with a strong Caceres-Trujillo bias, one naturally makes the connection.
Y et there is no basis for doing so. With the man o f Cajamarca, Garcia was
a first name and a very common one, here added to the also common sur
name of Paredes, which was found all over Spain. Garcia de Paredes
did not come from Spain with the Pizarros, but from Nicaragua, and very
few, if any, of the men of Nicaragua were from the Caceres-Trujillo re
gion. Then too, Garcia de Paredes did not associate with the numerous
Caceres people in Peru, but with veterans of Nicaragua and men from
Leon and Old Castile, as one would expect. Finally, the Caceres-Trujillo
region was the last place in the world to spawn accountants, whereas ac
counting skills were very much in keeping with origin in Medina del
Campo.
A Diego Garcia de Paredes, from Caceres, was in Peru in the later
15 4 0 ’s. This was neither the hero of Caceres nor the man of Cajamarca.
Numerous references to him w ill be found in Perez de Tudela, Cronicas
del Peru. Busto’s speculation in "Los presuntos peruleros" that the man of
Cajamarca might have been on Hernando de Soto’s Florida expedition need
not be taken seriously, since Busto hardly does so himself. In any case,
Garcia de Paredes was in Medina del Campo in November, 1 338, when
Soto’s fleet had already left Spain.
Garcia de Paredes gave his age as thirty in 1 5 30 (C D IH N , II, 5 3 0 -5 3 4 )
and as forty-two in 1 538, when he was a citizen of Medina del Campo
(A G I, Justicia 1 1 2 4 , no. 6, ramo 3 ). Other references are in A G I, Indife-
rente general 18 0 1, records of ship Santa Catalina, 1 535; Justicia 1 1 2 4 , no.
6, ramo 3 ; A N P, PA 66, 67, 10 7 ; C D IH N , II, 184, 504.
Gonzalo de Pineda
Role at Cajamarca: Horseman Place of origin: Cordoba
Share: 2% shares of gold; Extent of literacy: Fully literate
2 Yg shares of silver Trade: Apparently accountant or notary
One o f Pineda’s companions called him a cavalier, a high-sounding

word o f very loose meaning; in any case he was an educated man,
CLERKS 275
treated with respect by his fellows. Perhaps he was connected in some

way with the Pineda family o f Seville, who were high in municipal
government as notaries and councilmen, and sent some o f their number
to Peru. Gonzalo had accounting skills, often a part o f notarial train
ing. Nothing is known o f his experience in the Indies; on the 1 5 3 1
expedition he acted as treasurer o f the ' 'company,’’ or band o f men,
and was in charge o f assembling the treasure o f Cajamarca prior to
distribution. H e was also involved in the distribution itself, though
probably mainly as a technical expert. A t the same time, Pineda was
a personal retainer of Francisco Pizarro.
A ll o f this added up to a great deal o f influence and responsibility,
reflected in Pineda’s position on the roll of Cajamarca, where he stands
just below the captains, and in his share, which was actually larger than
that o f three o f the captains. Pineda presumably continued in the same
functions in the conquest o f Cuzco and the distribution o f treasure
there. Then he left Peru with the exodus of July-A ugust, 1 5 3 4 , arriv
ing in Seville in 1 5 3 5 . As a man knowledgeable and trustworthy in
financial matters, he carried large sums for several prominent people,
the largest being ten thousand pesos for his employer Francisco
Pizarro. Pineda soon settled in his native Cordoba and acquired the
office o f jurado, or district councilman, a seat on the general municipal
council o f Cordoba being so prestigious and expensive that it was
possibly beyond his reach.
N O T E S . Though Pineda never appears as anything more definite than

a citizen o f Cordoba, his origin is clear from the fact that he called himself
that while still in Peru, and he and others knew that he was going straight
to Cordoba and nowhere else (A G I, Justicia 112 4 , no. 6, ramo 1, where
Pineda is called jurado\ A N P, PA 12 0 ; Salinas 15 3 8 - 13 4 0 , ff. 1 1 8 - 1 2 0 ) .
Other references are in A G I, Indiferente general 18 0 1, records o f ship
San M iguel, 15 3 5 ; Justicia 723, no. 1 ; A N P , PA 1 19 , 12 2 ; Lee, "Algunos
documentos sobre los primeros conquistadores del Peru,” Re vista Histdrica
8 ( 19 2 5 ) 119 6 ; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 72; Porras, Cartas, p. 12 0 ; Porras,
Relaciones primitivas, p. 98.
For some of the Pinedas of Seville see A G I, Justicia 10 53, no. 5 (Bachi-
ller Francisco de Pineda) ; Enriquez de Guzman, Vida y costumbres, pp.
150, 273.
27 6 THE MEN
Pedro Sancho
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Place of origin: Probably near
Share: i full share of gold and Medina de Rioseco (Old Castile)
silver, plus % share for Extent of literacy: Highly literate
secretarial work Profession: Notary
A s author o f one o f the standard chronicles o f the Peruvian con

quest, and later, in many accounts, chief villain of the conquest o f
Chile, Pedro Sancho de Hoz is a well-known historical figure. Y et
most aspects o f his life are surprisingly obscure. His birthdate appears
nowhere. Even so basic a piece o f information as his regional origin in
Spain has to be deduced in a roundabout fashion. Again and again he
was connected with people from the kingdom o f Leon and western
Old Castile, centering on the town o f Medina de Rioseco; Medina or
its environs can be assumed with much probability to have been his
birthplace. A s to his social origins, little is known beyond the perim
eters set by his notarial profession. A late chronicler calls him an im
portant hidalgo, and his relative success at the Spanish court would
indicate that he had the bearing o f an hidalgo, if not actual good birth.
During the conquest o f Peru he was known as plain Pedro Sancho;
only after returning rich to Spain did he assume the additional surname
o f Hoz, which he used consistently thereafter.
I f Sancho had any previous experience in the Indies, nothing is
known o f it. H e joined the Peru expedition in Panama, and by the
time o f Cajamarca he had become an important member. Though still
on foot, he was almost at the top o f the list o f footmen on the roll o f
Cajamarca. Indeed he probably had a hand in compiling the list, since,
along with Francisco de Jerez, he was paid for paperwork connected
with dividing the treasure.
W hen the injured Jerez left Peru with the first contingent o f re
turnees in 1 5 3 3 , Sancho succeeded him as Pizarro’s secretary and chief
government clerk for the whole province. In this capacity he served as
clerk at the execution o f Atahuallpa, recorded the auction of the king’s
share o f the treasure o f Cajamarca, and was officiating notary at the
founding of Cuzco as a Spanish city. H e wrote an official chronicle,
signed by Pizarro, reporting on events up to July, 1 5 3 4 ; together with
the chronicle o f Jerez, to which it is the sequel, it forms the backbone
o f the narrative history o f the conquest o f Peru. In its style, the work
is midway between the utterly laconic Jerez and the more discursive
CLERKS 277
M iguel Estete. Sancho also drafted that first series of encomienda titles
which were in a real sense Peru's constitution.
Despite this crucial role, it is not clear that Sancho had much in
fluence in substantive matters, as his successor Antonio Picado did.
W hile Francisco Pizarro’s illiteracy made him very dependent on his
secretaries and retainers, it also made him very suspicious o f them. A n
example o f what was perhaps standard operating procedure is pre
served in Sancho’s own account o f how Pizarro’s reply to a complaint
by the council o f Jauja was drafted. Pizarro and Treasurer Alonso
Riquelme first conferred on the substance o f the reply, then went to
Sancho’s dwelling and told him in detail what to write; Sancho read
the finished draft aloud to Pizarro and Riquelme, and they gave their
approval. There is some reason to think that Pizarro had a low opinion
o f Sancho. Sancho’s relinquishment o f his post in early 1 5 3 5 , after
two years, was doubtless not wholly voluntary. N o r was the parting
amicable. During an inquiry into management o f the royal exchequer
in Peru, carried out by Bishop Berlanga o f Panama, in Lima in 1 3 3 3 ,
Sancho gave the extremely damaging testimony that Pizarro had not
paid the king’s fifth on silver used to buy Pedro de Alvarado’s fleet of
ships.
However, Sancho may have been thinking for some time of return
ing to Spain. Though he resisted the exodus o f 1 5 3 4 , he sent at that
time for a royal license to visit Spain for a year and a half, retaining
his encomienda in Cuzco. This license was granted in April, 1 5 3 5 , but
it could not have reached him before he left Peru around November
o f that year. For that reason, and because Sancho did not leave the
surety required in such cases, Pizarro soon felt free to give the en
comienda to someone else.
W hile in Peru Sancho showed considerable interest in financial and
entrepreneurial activity. H e bought up the share o f the treasure o f
Cajamarca that the priest Juan de Sosa (though not present) received,
plus some debts owed to Sosa, and made a good profit on the trans
action. H e also undertook to collect the tithes o f the district o f Lima,
apparently even after he left Peru, but this venture brought him
nothing and the treasury officials confiscated the deposit he had left.
A t any rate, he was apparently a very wealthy man when he reached
Seville in 1 53 6 . His stay in Spain has been reported only from a great
distance, and possibly not reliably. H e seems to have made quite a dis
play at the royal court, before settling down in the court town o f
278 THE MEN
Toledo, marrying there the allegedly very noble dona Guiomar de

Aragon, and acquiring a seat on the Toledo municipal council. His
long-range intentions were never clear. W hile he gave every indication
o f staying in Spain permanently, he continued to secure extensions of
the royal license to retain his Peruvian encomienda.
Before 1 5 3 9 , possibly reduced to penury by his social high flying,
Sancho had decided to return to the Indies. H is intention was still
ambiguous. Though he had never held a captaincy and was low on
funds, he negotiated an agreement with the crown whereby he would
outfit two ships or more to explore south along the Pacific coast of
South America, in return for the interim governorship o f any lands he
should occupy south o f the Strait o f Magellan. A t the same time, per
haps realizing he lacked the resources for this venture, Sancho but
tressed his position in Peru itself. Once more he had his encomienda
confirmed by the crown and acquired the office o f chief notary of
mines for Peru.
Arriving in Peru late in 1 5 3 9 , Sancho got a very mixed reception.
H is Cuzco encomienda was still occupied by someone else, and Pizarro
had no mind to return it to him. On his own authority, Pizarro had
already entrusted to Pedro de V aldivia the conquest of Chile, an enter
prise in almost direct competition with Sancho’s. In December, 1 5 3 9 ,
in Cuzco, Pizarro arranged for the two ventures to be combined, San
cho and Valdivia becoming partners. Pizarro’s reasons were probably
those surmised by Bernardo de Mella, a witness; by sending Sancho
on, he could avoid giving the encomienda back and he could give his
friend and compatriot Valdivia the advantage o f arms and supplies that
Sancho, always inclined to big talk, claimed he could procure. Pizarro
certainly did not do this in a spirit o f friendliness to Sancho. One w it
ness, whose partiality to Valdivia renders him somewhat suspect, re
ports remarks by Pizarro which nevertheless ring true. Pizarro was sup
posed to have said that "Pero Sancho had come back from Spain as
stupid as he went,” and, on hearing that Sancho was plotting against
Valdivia, he expressed in pithy terms his confidence that Valdivia
would easily be able to handle so unmanly and inept a person.
A t any rate, in 1540, Valdivia started out toward Chile with a party
o f men, while Sancho, styling himself "Captain Sancho de H oz,” re
turned to Lima with an ambitious plan to acquire two ships, supplies,
fifty horses, and two hundred breastplates, and then to catch up with
Valdivia along the coast. The plan was strikingly similar to the opera
CLERKS 279
tions o f Pizarro and Alm agro in the original conquest o f Peru. But
Sancho’s talent for getting credit was not equal to Alm agro’s; before
long he was in jail in Lima for debts. H e managed to obtain his free
dom on condition o f leaving immediately for Chile, which meant that
he was unable to fulfill his part o f the bargain with Valdivia. W hen he
finally arrived at V aldivia’s camp be brought nothing more than a few
horses and a very small band o f followers, mainly compatriots and his
w ife ’s relatives.
From this point on, much more information about Sancho is avail
able, but it all comes from his enemies. In the works o f the historians
o f the conquest o f Chile, and in the testimony by V aldivia’s allies
which is their source, Sancho figures as an incarnation o f the evil spirit
o f rebellion, constantly plotting to overthrow V aldivia and assume
the governorship. However, Sancho’s role was determined not so much
by his personal character as by his possession o f a royal patent. This
rendered him the inevitable head o f any revolt, yet made V aldivia re
luctant to execute him, lest Sancho’s death prove as damaging to him
as Alm agro’s was to the Pizarros.
On arrival at V aldivia’s camp Sancho was promptly accused o f
plotting to kill Valdivia, though all that follows with certainty from
testimony is that he desired to share in the command. Valdivia exiled
Sancho’s associates to Peru, but allowed Sancho himself to stay, yielding
to his pleas not to be sent back to a debtor’s prison. T o assure his
position, V aldivia forced Sancho to annul their partnership and agree
to accompany the expedition as an ordinary member under V aldivia’s
leadership. Sancho was kept in irons until, after the founding o f
Santiago, he proved useful in Indian fighting.
Around 1 5 4 2 a new plot to overthrow Valdivia came to light, lead
ing to the execution of some six Spaniards, of whom at least two were
close associates o f Sancho. From much conflicting testimony it appears
that, though the plotters meant to give the governorship to Sancho, it
was not proved that Sancho had originated the plan, and indeed, by
one statement, he may have been in custody already when it was con
ceived. In any case, Sancho was pardoned, or found innocent, and
Valdivia gave him an encomienda in the Santiago district at the time
o f the general distribution.
Before 1546, however, Sancho had lost his encomienda. Once again
he was suspected o f a plot on V aldivia’s life, and only the special en
treaty o f a friend dissuaded Valdivia from having him executed. By the
280 THE MEN
time Valdivia went to visit Peru in early December, 1 5 4 7 , Sancho was

living in enforced rustication some fifteen miles from Santiago, ap
parently engaged in building a mill. On hearing o f V aldivia’s de
parture he hastened to town and began planning to take command; he
was indeed in a way the indicated person to do so. His plans became
known through an incriminating letter he wrote, and V aldivia’s lieu
tenant, Villagra, seized him, finding in his dwelling a staff o f justice he
had made to be used in the uprising. Since the discontent with V ald i
via was great and the situation was explosive, Villagra had Sancho
executed— decapitated by a slave— within an hour of his arrest. His
head and body were briefly displayed in Santiago’s plaza, and then he
was buried near the church. A certain number o f Sancho’s allies came
soon afterward to Peru to bring complaint, with little result. Plotter or
not, Sancho was no match for Valdivia as a man o f action and leader of
men.
N O T E S . The evidence for Pedro Sancho’s regional origin is purely

circumstantial. First of all, one must deal with the prima facie evidence of
Sancho’s possible origin in the Toledo region. Since returning Spaniards
almost always went to the area of their birth, Sancho’s citizenship in T o
ledo would seem to point to that area, but in fact the court towns of
Valladolid and Toledo, along with the southern metropolis of Seville, on
occasion drew returnees from areas far outside their respective local hinter
lands.
It is a fact that can be confirmed repeatedly that Spaniards in the Indies,
whether in matters of business, conquest, or rebellion, chose partners by
preference from their own area, first from their actual home town or vil
lage, then from the broader region. Though certain individual associates of
Sancho’s were from Extremadura or Andalusia, many tended to be from
western Old Castile or the kingdom o f Leon. The examples follow.
In 1540 Sancho, on his way to Chile, stopped at Acari, the encomienda
o f Pedro de Mendoza (q .v.), who was from Sahagun, in the province of
Leon (D H A , I, 6 8). He and Mendoza made joint plans to outfit the Chile
expedition; in pursuance o f this they gave their power to Gaspar de Villa-
rroel, from Sahagun (A G I, Lima 566, vol. V I, cedula of September 28,
154 9 ) ; and Alonso de Chinchilla, from Medina de Rioseco, thirty miles
from Sahagun (see below, following paragraph). Also present was Diego
Garcia de Villalon, from Villalon de Campos, halfway between Sahagun
and Medina de Rioseco (A G I, Patronato 12 3 , ramo 9; C D IH C , V ili,
364).
CLERKS 281
The grand plot of c.1542 in favor of Sancho included men of various

origins, but the leaders were Chinchilla (above) and his father-in-law, A n
tonio de Pastrana, from Medina de Rioseco. (For Pastrana, see C D IH C ,
V ili, 3 1 2 ; Thayer, Valdivia, p. 50; Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, II, 60.
Chinchilla is said by the late and relatively corrupt chronicler Marino de
Lobera [ Cronica, p. 262], to have been from Medina del Campo. Given
Marino’s relative unreliability, the close connection between Chinchilla and
Pastrana, and the fact that the two Medinas were often confused in this
way, the present writer is sure that Chinchilla was actually from Medina de
Rioseco. A source more nearly contemporary than Marino [C D IH C , V ili,
3 1 2 ] , says merely that Chinchilla was from Old Castile.) When Sancho
was in danger of execution a little later, he was saved by the intercession of
Juan Bohon, from Medina de Rioseco. (Thayer, Valdivia, p. 36; Bermudez
Plata, Pasajeros, I, 34; CDIH C, X X II, 6 27 ).
In the last years before his death Sancho had a servant and accomplice,
Juan Romero, who was executed with him and who was said by many to
have been from Sancho’s region {tierra). (See CD IH C, X X II, 470, 537.)
This man almost certainly must have been the Juan Romero from Zamora
who came from Spain with Hernando Pizarro in 1 5 3 4 - 1 5 3 5 and was in
Lima in 15 3 6 (A G I, Justicia 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1, memorandum of Grego
rio de Sotelo; Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 3 7 1 ) . W hile Zamora and M e
dina de Rioseco were rather far apart— some forty miles— to be compre
hended within the same tierra by sixteenth-century Spanish notions, their
respective jurisdictions reached much closer, perhaps touched. (It is impos
sible that, as Thayer Ojeda asserts, the Juan Romero in Chile should have
been the man in Pasajeros, II, 28 1, who was from Cazorla [Jaen ], because
that Romero was going to Florida with Hernando de Soto and could not
have accompanied the Chile expedition of 1540 as our Romero did. See
Thayer, Valdivia, p. 53.) Hernan Rodriguez de Monroy, main coconspira
tor in Sancho’s last plot, was from Salamanca, in the kingdom of Leon but
considerably off to the south (A G I, Justicia 1082, no. 1, ramo 1 ) .
Thayer Ojeda opines that Sancho was probably from Calahorra (Lo-
grono), the son of Juan de Hoz and Juana Sanchez (Thayer, Valdivia, p.
54 ). He gives no source for his conjecture, but the present writer believes
Thayer’s guess was based on an entry in Pasajeros, I, 3 3 1. Thayer first saw
the Pasajeros in his old age, and he used it like a new toy. The entry states
that a Martin de la Hoz, son of Juan de la Hoz and Juana Sanchez, vecinos
of Calahorra, registered on September 14, 15 34 , to go to the Strait of M a
gellan with Simon de Alcazaba. One sees why Thayer was tempted, but
there is no reason whatever to make any connection between this man and
Pedro Sancho.
According to Thayer, Sancho left a legitimate daughter and a mestizo
282 THE MEN
son. Thayer estimates Sancho’s age as thirty-three in 1547. There is no

source for this estimate, which would make him about eighteen at Caja-
marca. Y et Sancho’s youth aroused no known comment, and such extreme
youth is hardly compatible with the position of high responsibility that
Sancho held at the time. Until presented with firmer evidence, the present
writer is not prepared to place much confidence in Thayer’s estimate.
Some testimony in the trials o f Villagra and Valdivia seems to assert that
Sancho kept his encomienda to the end and that in 15 4 7 he was living in
the Indian village of his own encomienda. But a list of the encomenderos
o f Santiago in July, 1546, does not include Sancho ( CD IH C , V ili, 1 2 5 -
12 6 ) . In 15 4 7 Sancho was called estante rather than vecino (CD IH C,
V ili, 1 5 5 ) . The place where he was staying was the "madera de Flores,”
apparently a lumberyard or lumberpile o f the German carpenter Bartolomé
de Flores (C D IH C , V ili , 16 9 ).
Statements found in many histories that Sancho married dona Guiomar
de Aragon in Toledo apparently originate in passages in Gongora Marmo-
lejo (p. 88) and Marino de Lobera (p. 286), both of whom were sadly
confused about essentials of Sancho’s life. They thought, for example, that
Sancho was recently arrived in Chile in 1547. Porras ( Cronistas, p. 10 0 )
goes slightly beyond the two chroniclers to assert that Sancho was a regidor
of Toledo. As usual, he gives no source, but Porras’s high general relia
bility adds to the authenticity of the Toledo episode in Sancho’s life.
For the Chilean phase o f Sancho’s career, the main source is CDIH C.
Volume V i l i contains cedulas relating to Sancho’s expedition (pp. 1 3 - 3 6 ) ,
testimonials and inquiries about Valdivia that bear importantly on Sancho
(pp. 15 4 - 17 2 , 2 5 8 - 3 10 ) , and scattered references (particularly pp. 95,
12 5 - 12 6 , 324, 3 6 3 -3 6 4 ). Volumes X X I and X X II, with litigation con
cerning Francisco de Villagra who executed Pedro Sancho, contain hun
dreds of references. O f particular interest is the testimony of secretary Juan
de Cardenas, who reports Pizarro’s opinions of Sancho, in vol. X X I, pp.
467-468.
Testimony by Sancho in Lima in 15 3 5 , revealing his attitudes toward
Pizarro and the royal officials, as well as his modus operandi, is in CD IA O ,
X , 262-268, 2 8 1-2 8 2 , 30 2 -30 3 (from A G I, Patronato 185, ramo 1 1 ) .
Litigation with the priest Juan de Sosa in Seville is in A G I, Justicia 7 19 ,
no. 9. Sancho’s chronicle has been published, retranslated from the Italian
by Joaquin G arda Icazbalceta, as Relation de la conquista del Peru. Porras’s
comments are in Cromstas, pp. 9 9 - 10 1.
Other references can be found in A G I, Lima 565, vol. I ll, May 3 1,
15 38 , May 23, 154 0 ; Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 1 ; 109, ramo 5; A N P,
PA 7 14 , 7 16 ; H C 26, 30, 33; Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, III, 14 ; Calvete,
Rebelion de Pizarro, V , 4 4 -4 7 ; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano
CLERKS 283
38 ( 19 5 7 ) *.262; 39 (19 3 8 ) 1569, 579; Gôngora Marmolejo, Historia, p.

88 passim; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 12 7 ; Marino de Lobera, Crônica, p.
286 and passim; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V , 198 ; Porras, Cedulario, II,
87, 262; Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales,” Revista Histôrica 17
(19 4 8 )19 0 -9 3 ; Porras, "Jau ja,” Revista Histôrica 18 (19 4 9 -19 5 0 ) *.134-
1 35 -
Pedro de San Millan

A g e at C ajam arca: A b o u t 2 3 Place o f origin: Segovia, in O ld Castile
R ole: Footm an Extent o f literacy: F u lly literate
Share: % share of gold and silver T ra d e : N o ta ry , perhaps merchant
Tw o different chroniclers of Peru report that Pedro de San M illan

belonged to the family o f the Bocudos, important merchants o f Se
govia. Y et Pedro himself was apparently brought up to be a notary,
since he practiced that trade briefly in Jauja in 1 5 3 4 . H e had been in
Nicaragua for five or six months, and presumably came from there to
Peru with Soto or Benalcazar.
W ith his background, San M illan could have been expected either
to return to Spain with a fortune second to none, or to rise quickly in
Peru. H e did neither, because, perhaps in overreaction against his com
mercial heritage, he was an inveterate spendthrift, en extremo gastad or,
in the phrase o f Cieza de Leon. During the conquest he is seen con
stantly in debt, for horses, slaves, loans, or clothing, though he also
had the ability to recoup his losses; perhaps something o f the merchant
can be glimpsed in his sale of a horse for three thousand pesos, one of
the highest prices recorded. H e took citizenship in neither Cuzco nor
Jauja. In late 1 5 3 4 he came to coastal Pachacamac as if he meant to
leave for Spain, but no Spaniard would have left voluntarily without a
fortune, and San M illan had reduced himself to near pennilessness
again.
Restless and impoverished, San M illan returned to Cuzco, and he
was one o f the very few men o f Cajamarca to go with Alm agro’s dis
astrous expedition to Chile in 1 5 3 5 - 1 5 3 7 . Almost all o f Alm agro’s
men, whatever their previous experience or background, found them
selves on his side in the ensuing civil wars, whether through circum
stance or conviction, and San M illan was no exception. A relative,
Luis de San M illan, also joined the Alm agro faction.
Pedro fought for Alm agro in the battle o f Salinas in 1 5 3 8 , and
284 THE MEN
afterward the victorious Pizarrists robbed him o f his last possessions

in Cuzco. Those few veterans o f Cajamarca who had chosen Chile,
Alm agro, and poverty instead o f a rich encomienda in Peru must have
felt a very special bitterness. Three are definitely identified; all were
implacable enemies o f the Pizarros, and Pedro de San M illan most o f
all, since he became involved in Francisco Pizarro’s assassination. A fter
Salinas, San M illan managed to make a living somehow, even to thrive,
perhaps through commerce; by 1 5 4 1 he was in Lima. There seems no
room for doubt that he did indeed participate in the assassination, since
he was accused o f it not only in several chronicles, but in the official
interrogatory o f the royal prosecution. According to Pedro Pizarro, San
M illan had a crucial role. In his version, the plotters had almost de
cided to give up their project, when San M illan, though ordinarily
weak o f resolution and not valiant, was seized by the devil (more likely
by bitterness and hate) and rushed shouting into the street, forcing
the assassins to action because they were now discovered in any case.
A fter this, San M illan was prominent, though not a captain, in the
forces o f the younger Almagro. H e was somehow rich again; according
to Cieza, he spent and gave away over 80,000 pesos, an incredible
amount, and in Cuzco he paid for a lavish general banquet. H e was on
Alm agro’s side at Chupas, in 1 54 2 , and survived that hardest fought
o f all the civil war battles; but afterward Governor Vaca de Castro
summarily executed the remaining assassins o f Pizarro, San M illan
among them, and his body was quartered and displayed on stakes in the
field.
N O T E S . So few of the men o f Cajamarca went to Chile that the chain

of evidence for San Millan needs to be brought into the open. The Pedro
de San Millan with the expedition in 1 5 3 3 - 1 5 3 4 contracted a debt of nine
hundred pesos to Pedro de Leon (A N P, P A 1 4 5 ) . Leon then left Pern and
asked Gregorio de Sotelo to collect the money for him. In a memorandum,
Sotelo said (A G I, Justicia 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1 ) that he had collected part
o f the nine hundred pesos; his brother would collect the rest in Almagro’s
jurisdiction of N ew Toledo, because Pedro de San Millan was there.
San Millan said in 15 3 9 that he was thirty (D H A , II, 58 ). Cieza ( Chu
pas, pp. 229, 283) and Pedro Pizarro (Relation, V , 228) both say that he
was from Segovia, and his relative Luis de San Millan is called a native of
Segovia in A G I, Justicia 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1, memorandum of Sotelo. That
San M illan acted as a notary rests on notary Jeronimo de Aliaga’s mention
CLERKS 285
( C D IA O , X , 247, or A G I, Patronato 185, ramo n ) of "San Millan, que

a la sazon era escribano de Jauja.” This must be Pedro; no other San Millan
appears in any record, except Luis, who was in Spain as late as September,
15 34 , and therefore could not have been in Jauja, which ceased to exist in
December o f that year (Porras, Cedulario, II, 44 ).
Busto, in his article "Tres conversos,” Revista de Indias 27 (19 6 7 ) :4 3 8 -
442, asserts that San Millan was of Jewish descent. His evidence is circum
stantial— that Segovia was full of N ew Christians, that the San Millan or
Bocudo family were merchants and lived in a district particularly renowned
for its new converts, and that the name itself was taken from a Christian
saint, like many of the names the Jews assumed on conversion. W hile these
are cogent reasons, they are far from sufficient to make a definite attribu
tion. The name San Millan was not necessarily new; there are several vil
lages with that name in Old Castile and the Basque country.
Further references are in A N P, P A 16, 98, 13 2 , 223, 705; CDIH C, V ,
235; V I, 284, 399; D H A , II, 58 -39 ; Cieza, Chupas, pp. 10 8 -10 9 , 2 2 9 -
230, 283-284; Gomara, Hispania victrix, I, 244; Gutierrez de Santa Clara,
Ouinquenarios, III, 230; Pedro Pizarro, Relacion, V , 228; Porras, Cedula
rio, II, 39-40.
Zarate
Role at C ajam arca: Footm an Place o f origin: O rduna (Basque country)
Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold Extent o f literacy: F u lly literate
and silver T ra d e : N o ta ry and accountant
Zarate (and that is in fact what the Spaniards called him, hardly ever
using his first name, Juan) shared the common fate o f the Basques, to
perform essential tasks and yet be ignored. H e was the key man,
though not the leader, o f the party o f three sent from Cajamarca in
1 5 3 3 to carry out a preliminary survey o f Cuzco and gather treasure.
The later chronicles give credit for this episode to well-known heroes
like Hernando de Soto. Even Pedro Pizarro, almost an eyewitness,
leaves out Zarate’s name. The official chronicler Jerez comes closer by
saying that the party consisted o f two footmen and a notary, though
with characteristic terseness he omits the names. Only Cieza de Leon
(with Herrera following him) gives the names o f all three: Moguer,
Bueno, and Zarate. Since the Andalusians M oguer and Bueno were
illiterate, the notary can only have been Zarate. This is confirmed by a
document in which Zarate is associated with the royal treasurer and the
286 THE MEN
accountant o f the expedition, indicating in all probability that, like his

Basque colleague, Nicolas de Azpeitia, he had been keeping accounts
for the treasury officials.
From Inca Cuzco, Zarate brought back a record o f how he had taken
possession o f the city in the name o f the Spanish king, and another
report on the towns along the road between Cuzco and Cajamarca.
Both must rank high among the lost documents and chronicles o f the
conquest period. Zarate then took part in the rest o f the conquest. H e
started to settle in Cuzco in 1 5 3 4 but changed his mind and returned
to Spain, probably by 1 5 3 3 . In 1 5 3 8 he was back in his native Basque
country.
N O T E S . In March, 1333, the crown ordered that the estate of “ Juan

de Zarate violero,” who had died in Pem, be recovered for the benefit of
his widow, Mari Alvarez, and their children (Porras, Cedulario, I, 1 2 9 ) .
The presumed widow obtained the order on information given by Rodrigo
de Mazuelas, who had left Pem in early 1532, before Cajamarca. It is hard
to believe that there were two Juan de Zarates on the expedition. Perhaps
Zarate had been dsperately ill or missing when Mazuelas left. This writer
thinks it most probable that there was but one Juan de Zarate, who there
fore would have been a mature man, with w ife and children in Spain.
There is also the intriguing word ’ violero,” meaning “ maker of stringed
instruments,” but this is not unequivocal, since rare or skilled crafts such
as embroiderer (bordador) and coiner ( monedero) were beginning to ap
pear at this time as surnames.
Busto thinks that the Zarate of Cajamarca was a Pedro de Zarate who
was a tailor in Panama ( “ Los innominados,” pp. 9 3 -9 6 ). Nevertheless, no
man of this name appears in the expedition records. The only Zarate there
is Juan, who is seen in Coaque in 1 5 3 1 (H C 24) and at Cajamarca in May,
1 5 3 3 (A G I, Contaduria 18 2 5 ). Then, in 1538 , Juan de Zarate, from
Orduna, testifies, along with several other men of Cajamarca, whom he
knows, about the estate o f Juan de Beranga, for whom he brought money
home (A G I, Justicia 112 4 , no. 3, ramo 3 ) .
Further references are in A G I, Patronato 109, ramo 4; Cieza, Tercera
parte, in M er curio Per nano 38 ( i9 5 7 ) :2 6 3 , 266; Herrera, Historia, X ,
16 8 ; Jerez, Verdadera relacion, II, 343.
IO. M EN OF A F F A IR S
N this vague category have been placed several men whose prob
I able merchant origins are betrayed by their continuing activities or
family connections, as well as some o f the principal business managers
for the Pizarros. N early all Spaniards in the Indies were men o f affairs
and entrepreneurs to some extent. Most o f the clerks (chapter 9)
would fit here very well; some o f the most active managers are to be
found among the clear hidalgos (see Part I, chapter 2, n. 2 2 ) . Also
many o f the lesser figures in chapter 1 1 would probably appear mark
edly entrepreneurial if we knew their activities in more detail. Only the
illiterates and lower plebeians were badly handicapped in this respect.
Thus the following thirteen men far from exhaust the expedition’s
commercial-managerial capabilities. On the other hand, though they
embody the managerial impulse more clearly than most, they too are
versatile; at least three o f them could reasonably claim hidalgo standing.
288 THE MEN
Martin Alonso
Role at Cajamarca: Horseman Place of origin: La Zarza, near Trujillo
Share: Double share of gold (Extremadura), now called La Conquista
and silver Extent of literacy: Could sign,
probably literate
La Zarza, Martin Alonso’s birthplace, was the patrimony and part-

time residence o f the Pizarro family. W hen we add to this the fact that
the mother o f Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro was named M aria Alonso and
apparently lived in La Zarza, we may surmise that when Martin Alonso
came to the Indies with the four Pizarro brothers in 1 5 3 0 he was on
the fringe o f the family entourage as a henchman or poor relative. The
Alonsos were humble people, and Martin w ill have been no exception.
Like the higher-level Pizarro representative Juan Cortes, Martin re
turned to Spain right after Cajamarca in 1 5 3 3 an<3 became a citizen of
Trujillo (not incompatible with residence in La Z arza), retaining his
close Pizarro connections. In 1 5 4 5 he participated in a ruse to try to get
some o f Hernando Pizarro’s money past the officials in Seville during
the rebellion o f Gonzalo Pizarro. Sometime in the 1 5 4 0 ’s Martin testi
fied in court in favor o f Hernando; the opposing party objected to his
testimony on the grounds that he was a person o f low extraction and
Hernando’s servant, solicitor, and rent collector.
W hile most men o f Cajamarca sooner or later aimed for independ
ence, Martin Alonso stayed under the wings o f the Pizarros. Probably
having been born their dependent, he found it undesirable or impossi
ble to pull away. This continuing relationship led to another unusual
development, for around 1 5 5 1 , when Francisco Pizarro’s daughter
dona Francisca was sent to Spain, Martin Alonso went back to Peru to
manage the encomienda that dona Francisca still held in the Lima area.
The position entailed great influence, since it made Martin Alonso a
major representative o f the remaining Pizarro interests in Peru, and he
acted in effect as an encomendero o f Lima, yet for a veteran o f Caja
marca to appear publicly as a majordomo at so late a date is unparal
leled. B y 1 5 6 0 Martin had moved to Potosi in the same capacity, with
authority over the Pizarro representative in Cuzco. H e held this post
until around 156 4, when the Pizarros replaced him, along with other
stewards in Peru. Whether he stayed in Peru after that or returned to
Spain is unknown.
MEN OF AFFAIRS 289
N O T E S . Porras, usually correct, asserts (in Trujillo, Relation, p. 1 2 1 )

that the Martin Alonso of Cajamarca was from La Zarza, but gives no
source. In confirmation of Porras’s finding, there is mention of a debt owed
to Martin Alonso, citizen o f Trujillo, born in La Zarza, in the will o f
Diego de Agiiero, who is known to have had dealings with the Martin
Alonso of Cajamarca ( R A N P 6 [ 1 9 2 8 3 :1 6 1 ; A N P, PA 10 8 ).
The evidence definitely identifying the Martin Alonso of Cajamarca
with the majordomo of the 15 5 0 ’s and 15 6 0 ’s is as follows: when dona
Francisca’s Peruvian majordomo, Martin Alonso, citizen o f Trujillo, ren
dered accounts, he transferred to her, in compensation for debts he had
incurred, 100,000 maravedies of annuities from taxes in Seville, the privi
lege o f which had been granted him on November 20, 15 34 , just the time
when most o f the early returnees’ fortunes were seized in return for Se
villian annuities. (Lohmann Villena, "Documentos interesantes a la histo-
ria del Peru,” Revista Historica 25 ( 1 9 6 0 - 1 9 6 1 ) ^ 5 7 ; see also pp. 4 5 2 -
453 -)
Further references are in A G I, Justicia 833, letter of Hernando Pizarro,
June 8, 15 4 9 ; CD IH C , V II, 1 5 5 ; R A H C 4 (19 5 3 ) .‘ 33; and Libros de ca-
b'tldos de Lima, V, 1 2 2 - 12 3 .
Juan de Barbarân
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 3 1 or 32 Place of origin: Illescas (between
Role: H orsem an M adrid and T o le d o )
Share: D ouble share o f gold Parents: Pedro de B arbarân and
and silver M a ria de San Pedro
Extent of literacy: F u lly literate
Juan de Barbaran became one of the great men of Peru. Though he

never made such insistent claims to gentle birth as certain companions
o f his, like Jeronimo de Aliaga, he had respectable antecedents in
Spain. He inherited property there, as Aliaga did, and he had his rec
ognized family coat o f arms incorporated into his personal arms, as
Aliaga did not. H e was the first o f all the conquerors o f Peru to receive
this honor, negotiated for him by his Madrid compatriot Gonzalo Fer
nandez de Oviedo, the chronicler. Barbaran’s affinity for business and
accounts points to the possibility of a mercantile background, not les
sened by the fact that one o f his w ife’s relatives was a merchant.
Barbaran appeared in Panama in the early 1 5 2 0 ’s, then soon moved
on to Nicaragua. During this time he married Maria de Lezcano, from
the Madrid area like himself, and a relative o f the archpriest o f the
290 THE MEN
church o f Panama. In 1 5 3 1 Barbaran came to Peru from Nicaragua

under Sebastian de Benalcazar, but he did not remain Benalcazar’s man.
Francisco Pizarro appointed him to the council o f Jauja at its first pro
visional founding in 1 5 3 3 , and he became alcalde o f Jau ja’s successor,
Lima, in 1 5 3 8 . The chronicler Zarate says that Barbaran was Pizarro’s
"servant” or retainer, and the statement rings true.
Barbaran managed his business affairs well and with enthusiasm. H e
was as rich as any o f the men o f Cajamarca, but with more emphasis on
liquid assets than on houses and lands. H is activity in lending money
was so extensive as almost to make him a banker or pawnbroker. W hen
he made a w ill in 1 5 3 9 , more than thirty people owed him debts large
and small. In that same year, after having been municipal custodian o f
the property o f the deceased the year previous, he is seen prepared to
make settlements with some o f the heirs. Reading between the lines,
one may suspect that Barbaran had been lending out the "property” of
the deceased— most or all o f it money. H is main function with the Pi-
zarros, too, seems to have been as a keeper o f valuables.
It was left to Barbaran, very much in line with the rest o f his efforts,
to bury Francisco Pizarro, at a time o f great danger when no one else
came forward. Accounts o f the burial vary in every particular except
that Barbaran was the protagonist. A throng o f supposed well-wishers
later claimed credit, but their claim, reduced to its essence, was that
they aided Barbaran. Beyond dispute is the fact that Barbaran was the
first guardian o f Pizarro’s children, once again the faithful custodian.
B y this time Barbaran’s position was strong enough to survive the
death o f his patron. He was soon alcalde in Lima again, and fought at
the ensuing battle o f Chupas in a spirit o f vengeance, distinguishing
himself; he won the grant o f the encomienda o f Lambayeque in the
T rujillo district, where his w ife had many relatives, without having to
give up his citizenship in the capital, Lima. This was a privilege for
which many clamored, but which no others achieved.
Barbaran, while brave and formidable, had never been the man for
positions o f command in battle. In 1 5 4 3 he stayed behind in Lima
while the great captains o f Peru went north under Gonzalo Pizarro to
fight the viceroy. So it happened that Barbaran was named head o f a
party sent to root out a community of runaway N egro slaves, estab
lished in a canebrake on the coast not far away. H e accomplished his
object, but not without such hard fighting that several Spaniards lost
their lives, and Barbaran himself got a leg wound o f which he shortly
MEN OF AFFAIRS 291
died. H e left several heirs, and his w ife, M aria Lezcano, though she
never became a "dona,” did become a matriarch and a legendary figure.
The Lezcanos continued to be a power in Trujillo and Lima for a cen
tury at least.
N O T E S . In 15 4 1 Barbarân gave his age as over forty (A G I, Justicia

432, no. 2, ramo 3 ). A w ill of 13 3 9 and codicil of 1542 are in R A N P 4
(19 2 6 ) .-191-205. There Barbarân declares himself a native of Illescas. A
posthumous probanza de servicios exists in A G I, Patronato 1 1 3 , ramo 8; it
is partly published in D H A , II, 3 16 -3 2 4 . There is an extensive biographi
cal note on Barbarân in Porras, Testamento de Pizarro, pp. 76-77.
Other references are in A G I, Lima 565, vol. Ill, March 7, 1539 , Octo
ber 24, 1539; Patronato 93, no. 10, ramo 1 ; no. 1 1 3 , ramo 8; A N P, Cas
taneda, reg. 7, ff.4 1- 4 2 ; PA 486; Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , ff.48-50 (2nd se
ries) ; 143, 160, 662, 673; HC 52, 53, 174 , 330, 443, 444, 447, 455 , 49 ^>
5 1 4 ; a document of Nov. 22, 15 35, among the Peruvian manuscripts of the
Lilly Library; R A N P 1 (19 2 0 )14 4 9 , 450, 452, 45 3 ; Cabero, "E l corregi-
miento de Sana," Revista Historica 1 (19 0 6 ) .'486-489; Cobo, Obras, II,
304; Libros de Cabildos de Lima, III, 3 1 ; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 1 1 5 ,
250, 257; Porras, Cartas, pp. 436, 542; Porras, Cedulario, II, 10 2 ; Torres
Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos, II, 3 1 8 ; Zârate, Historia, II, 497,
506.
For the Lezcanos, see A G I, Contaduna 1680, 16 8 1, 16 8 3 ; Patronato 97,
no. 1, ramo 4; A N P, Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f.216 ; C D IH N , I, 204; Lock
hart, Spanish Peru, pp. 15 8 - 15 9 , 262, n. 10.
Juan de Beranga
Age at Cajamarca: Probably 30 Place of origin: Village of Ballesteros in the
or more valley of Trasmiera (Old Castile)
Role: Footman Parents: Juan Gutierrez de los Corrales
Share: 1 full share of gold and Juana Saenz
and silver Extent of literacy: Could sign,
doubtless literate
Beranga was from the mountains o f Old Castile, as were Pedro de

Torres and M iguel Estete, who took money home for him, and Juan de
Quincoces, his business partner and fellow encomendero o f Lima. His
activity in business affairs suggests that he was at least fully literate, if
not actually a merchant. That he was a man o f some consequence can be
deduced from his good encomienda in the Lima district and from the
fact that he received a vote for regidor on the council o f Lima in 1 5 3 5 .
292 THE MEN
H e intended to go to Spain and bring back his w ife, Mari Saenz de la

Pila, but he died in 1 5 3 6 , apparently a casualty o f the Indian rebellion
o f that year, before the royal license could reach him.
N O T E S . Beranga’s birthdate is estimated as 1302, or before, on the

assumption of approximate parity of age with his wife, who was thirty-six
years old in 1538, as appears in A G I, Justicia 11 2 4 , no. 5, ramo 3. This
document also lists Beranga’s parents and calls him *' vecino del lugar de
Ballesteros, que es en la merindad de Trasmiera.” His connection with
Quincoces can be seen in the list of property of the deceased in A G I, Jus
ticia 1074, no- 9-
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 1825, records from Lima,
1 535; Justicia 1 1 2 5 , proceedings concerning Francisco Martin de Albur-
querque; A N P , P A 30, 4 1, 143, 676, 679, 680; H C 58, 6 1; R A N P 4
( 1 9 2 5 ) .*198; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 2 12 ; Porras, Cedulario, II, 220,
379, 4 1 3 ; Torres Saldamando, U bro primero de cabildos, I, 55.
Rodrigo de Cantillana
Age at Cajamarca: Late 2o’s Place of origin: Sanlucar de Barrameda
Role: Horseman (coast of Andalusia)
Share: 1% shares of silver; Parents: Diego de Jerez de las Islas
no gold and Leonor de Cantillana
Extent of literacy: Literate
Cantillana came to the Indies as an employed agent o f Diego de la

Tovilla, royal treasurer of the province o f Nicaragua. In 1 3 2 7 , still in
Spain, treasurer Tovilla sent Cantillana to Ciudad Real on the responsi
ble mission o f arranging a 2,000-ducat bond. Judging from this, Can
tillana would appear originally to have been a merchant, accountant, or
entrepreneur. Tovilla and his party left Spain late in 1 5 2 7 , and Canti
llana presumably spent the time between then and 1 5 3 1 in Nicaragua.
In Peru Cantillana left hardly a trace; he may have been one o f the
first to leave the country in 1 5 3 3 . H e appears again in 1 5 4 3 as a citizen
o f Seville, holding the honorific office o f jurado, or district alderman,
and to all appearances connected with that city’s thriving commerce.
H e was still in Seville, and still a jurado, in 1 55 4 .
N O T E S . Absolutely unequivocal evidence is not at hand to prove that

Tovilla’s employee, from Sanlucar and with the parents listed above (Ber
mudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 2 41 ; C D IH N , I, 268-276) was the Cantillana at
MEN OF AFFAIRS 293
Cajamarca. Y et the presence of someone with this reasonably rare name in

Nicaragua, place of departure of so many of the men of Cajamarca, at just
the right time, is an extremely strong indication. Furthermore, the Canti-
llana o f Cajamarca went to Seville just as the Nicaraguan Cantillana would
have been expected to. That the jurado of Seville was the man of Caja
marca rests on his direct testimony.
Cantillana said in 1 3 4 3 that he was forty (A G I, Justicia 1067, no. 1,
ramo 4 ) , then in 15 54 that he was forty-five (A G I, Patronato 98, no. 4,
ramo 3 ) . The two being rather too far apart to reconcile by compromise,
the solution has been an indefinite statement, though, since Cantillana was
already carrying on important business by 1527, the earlier birthdate seems
much more probable.
Pedro Catano
A g e at C ajam arca: Probably about 2 8 Place of origin: Cad iz or Seville
R ole: Horsem an Extent of literacy: A p p aren tly literate
Share: D ouble share o f gold and silver
The name Catano, sometimes rendered Castano by the Spaniards,

was originally Italian. In the form Cataneo it was borne by a Genoese
family long important in the commerce o f Seville and Cadiz. In Genoa,
where there was no contradiction between commerce and nobility, the
Cataneos were a recognized house in both respects. In Spain they had
at first been mainly commercial, but by the time o f the conquest o f Peru
there were Catanos o f every description: new and old, nobles and mer
chants, landsmen and sailors, all with some sense o f family identity.
Pedro Catano seems to have belonged to a branch quite thoroughly ac
climated in Spain; at any rate he was born in Spain and possessed for
midable fluency and expressiveness in Spanish. As Jose Antonio del
Busto has already observed, Catano’s sworn testimony on the events at
Cajamarca is so voluminous and vivid that it practically constitutes a
chronicle. A t the same time, one wonders if there is not something of
the Italian in such exceptional effusiveness.
The Catanos were commercially involved in the Indies both before
and after Pedro’s time. One of them lent money to Columbus, and they
were still very active in the African slave trade at mid-sixteenth cen
tury. Pedro may well have been a factor for some firm o f the Catanos
when he first arrived in Santo Domingo around 1 5 2 3 or 1 3 2 4 . But
there was little o f interest to international commerce in the petty con
quests, raids, and sallies he took part in during the rest o f the decade in
294 THE MEN
the areas o f Honduras and Nicaragua. In Peru, Catano was not as ac
tive commercially as some o f the other conquerors, though he does ap
pear once as witness to a large transaction in which a merchant o f Se
ville bought up a conqueror’s silver in return for credit in Spain. His
only known activity for material gain was to beat the royal treasurer,
Riquelme, at cards.
Arriving in Peru from Nicaragua with Hernando de Soto, Catano
and his horse— one o f the better ones— accompanied Soto on all his
exploits. Catano’s partner, Lope Vêlez, from Palos, was also usually
with them. The two had been together ever since they met in Santo
Domingo almost ten years before. Catano may have worked for Soto
in Nicaragua; he was at any rate a great partisan of Soto’s. Perhaps for
that reason he was left behind in Jauja when the main body went south
to conquer Cuzco in 1 5 3 3 . The Pizarros did all they could to clip Soto’s
wings. In late 1 5 3 4 Catano left Peru; he reached Seville in the spring
o f 1 5 3 5 . H e remained very loyal to Soto and proud o f the connection
with him. A t first Catano considered himself a citizen o f Cadiz, but he
ended by settling in the metropolis, where he lived until 1 5 6 2 at least.
H e soon obtained the grant o f an elaborate coat o f arms, incorporating
the arms o f the Catanos, a simple arrangement o f alternating blue and
white stripes. A few years later Pedro further identified himself with
the Catano tradition by investing in the expedition o f don Pedro de
Mendoza to the Plata region, though it brought him nothing but loss
and litigation, and he is not known to have burned his fingers again.
NOTES. Catano gave his age as thirty-two in 1 3 3 6 (A G I, Justicia

7 19 , no. 9 ), over thirty-five in 1543 (A G I, Patronato 90, no. 1, ramo n ) ,
forty in 1552 (A G I, Justicia 1073, proceedings concerning Juan de Po-
rras), and over forty in 1 3 5 4 (A G I, Patronato 98, no. 4, ramo 3 ). His es
timates vary widely; the writer has chosen the earlier indicated birthdate
because Catano on two different occasions claimed that he had served in
the Indies as early as 1523. In the above references Catano states that he is
a citizen of Seville; in the cedula granting him arms (Porras, Cedulario, II,
134 , and Montoto, Nobiliario, p. 7 9 ), he is called a citizen of Cadiz;
Diego de Molina, a fellow man of Cajamarca, considered him a native of
Seville (Oviedo, Historia, V , 92). There were Genoese colonies in both
Cadiz and Seville, and Catano might have been born in either place. This
writer is inclined to think he was originally from Cadiz, since the move of
a successful person to a metropolis was a normal procedure.
Catano’s extensive testimony about Cajamarca is contained in A G I, Pa-
MEN OF AFFAIRS 295
tronato 90, no. 1, ramo 1 1 , and is summarized in Busto’s treatment of Ca-

tano in "Una relacion y un estudio sobre la conquista,” Revista Historica
27 (19 64 ) 1280-288. There Busto refers to some sources that this writer
has not seen. A probanza concerning Catano is in A G I, Indiferente General
1204, no. 44.
There are other references in A G I, Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 1 ; 183,
ramo 1 1 , testimony o f Alonso Jimenez (published in C D IA O , X X , 278 );
A N P, PA 127 ; C D IH N , IV, 3 1 9 - 5 2 1 ; Ruth Pike, The Genoese in Seville,
pp. 2-4, 64, 99.
Juan Cortes
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 40 Place o f origin: T ru jillo
Role: H orsem an Extent o f literacy: Literate
Share: 2 shares o f silver;
2 y8 shares of gold
The Pizarros took Juan Cortes with them from Trujillo in 1 5 2 9 as

a close adviser. One account calls Cortes Hernando Pizarro’s escudero
(*'squire” ), but in fact he was an agent o f all the Pizarros, in approxi
mately the capacity o f a chief steward. H e was almost alone among the
whole Trujillo contingent in having a head for finance and affairs, the
only others being Hernando Pizarro himself, Martin Alonso, and Lu
cas Martinez Vegaso, who in 1 5 3 0 was still an insignificant youth. Cor
tes must have been a fairly substantial citizen o f Trujillo, something
o f an hidalgo and perhaps also an entrepreneur. In the conquest he was
never among the light horsemen who so often rode ahead with Soto or
one o f the Pizarro brothers; but on the roll of Cajamarca he appears
near the top o f the list, among the captains, with more than a horse
man’s ordinary double share of the treasure.
In 1 5 3 3 , before the conquest proceeded beyond Cajamarca, Cortes
was sent home to T rujillo to become the Pizarros’ chief representative
there. Gonzalo Pizarro and Juan Pizarro sent him large sums. H e man
aged Hernando Pizarro’s financial affairs in T rujillo at least into the
1 5 4 0 ’s. H is importance was reflected by his seat on the council of
Trujillo and his marriage to a dona M aria de Ribera. H e was still active
in Trujillo in 1 5 5 0 .
N O T E S . The writer long imagined that the Juan Cortes of Cajamarca

was identical with a man prominent in Lima in the 15 4 0 ’s and 15 5 0 ’s. But
the other Juan Cortes was born around 1 5 1 5 , came to Peru about 1540, and
296 THE MEN
was not well treated by the Pizarros. He became regidor in Lima in 1549,
and later Viceroy Canete named him corregidor of Chachapoyas.
Juan Cortes of Cajamarca was referred to many times as a citizen of
Trujillo; see for example A G I, Justicia 1053, no. 5, or the published ver
sion in Cuneo-Vidal, Vida de Pizarro, p. 543. In 1 3 3 0 Cortes said he was
sixty years old (A G I, Justicia 1082, no. 1, ramo 4 ). Other references are
in A G I, Contaduria 1825, records from Coaque, April, 1 5 3 1 ; Justicia 833,
letter of Hernando Pizarro, June 8, 15 4 9 ; 1 1 7 8 , no. 2, ramo 8; C D IH C ,
V II, 1 5 4 - 1 5 5 ; Busto, Francisco Pizarro, p. 47; Perez de Tudela, Gasca, II,
339; Pedro Pizarro, Relacion, V , 170.
For the other Juan Cortes, see A G I, Justicia 432, no. 2, ramo 2; Lima 92,
account of corregidores of Peru under Canete; Libros de cabildos de Lima ,
IV , 43, 194 ; Oviedo, Historia, V , 279.
Diego Gavilan
A g e at C ajam arca: Probably Place o f origin: G uad alcan al, on the edge
in his twenties o f Extrem adura and A n dalu sia
R ole: Footm an Parents: D iego G onzalez G avilan and
Share: % share o f gold; Leonor Gonzalez
1 fu ll share o f silver Extent o f literacy: Literate
T rad e: M erchant
It is at times hard to identify the merchants among the Spanish pop

ulation in the Indies in the sixteenth century, not because there were
few , but because commercialism pervaded all activity. Generally it is
best to accept the criterion o f the time and call merchants only those
men who accepted the label. Y et after having been at Cajamarca, no
man with an ordinary sense o f propriety would openly use that label,
so that some o f the merchants among the conquerors must escape un
noticed. In a few cases there is evidence o f such strong and sustained
activity o f a specifically mercantile type, even after Cajamarca, as to
leave no doubt that a given man originated as a merchant. One o f the
clearest o f these cases is D iego Gavilan.
Gavilan’s doings first became visible in Lima in 1 5 3 5 . The mer
chants Francisco and Rodrigo Nunez de Illescas were at that time liv
ing in his house, and he had a 2,000-peso investment in merchandise
they were to have brought to Lima from Panama. Soon after that he
invested 4,000 pesos in a company with the merchant Diego de Canti-
llana. In the years 1 5 3 6 to 1 5 3 8 he was very active in lending money
MEN OF AFFAIRS 297
and doing small bits o f business for others, doubtless for a commission.
H e then moved to Huamanga where his day-to-day activity cannot be
followed, but we do know that in 1 5 5 6 he organized a large company
to sell merchandise in Lima, himself investing 12,0 0 0 pesos and turn
ing over active management to his nephew, the declared merchant
Gonzalo de Almonte.
As to other aspects o f his career, Gavilan joined the Peru expedition
with Hernando de Soto. There is little apparent foundation for later
claims by relatives and acquaintances that he was involved in the dis
covery o f Peru, or was one o f the Thirteen. Such legends arose because
Gavilan outlived most o f the other conquerors. H e seems to have taken
care o f some business matters for the Pizarros, and to this he no doubt
owed the seat on the council o f Lima that he occupied during the year
1 5 3 5 , but he was not an out-and-out Pizarro retainer. H e also had con
nections with other people from his home, Guadalcanal, all o f them
heavily involved in merchandise, including two alcaldes o f Lima, Her-
nan Gonzalez and Francisco Nunez de Bonilla. In 1 3 3 9 Gavilan be
came a reluctant citizen o f the new town of Huamanga, in the high
lands, since his encomienda happened to fall within its jurisdiction.
Resentful o f having to leave the center o f Peruvian commerce, Gavilan
protested his transfer, appealing all the way up to the royal court. He
continued to live in Lima for so long that Francisco Pizarro finally took
away some of his Indians. A t last he acquiesced, sold four lots he
owned, and made the move. In Huamanga he was one o f the four or
five most important citizens, the others being men o f Cajamarca also.
His encomienda, even after reduction, was the fourth best in the dis
trict; he was regularly on the town council, sometimes alcalde. B y 1 5 5 0
he had married dona Isabel de Chaves. A fter he had lived out a long
life, until 1569, at least, his son and namesake inherited his encomi
enda.
NOTES. Porras, in Trujillo, Relacwn, p. 94, says that Diego Gavilan

was sentenced for involvement in the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion, but the
man in the sentence is not referred to as a vecino (encomendero), as
would be expected (C D IA O , X X , 5 1 2 ) . Probably this person was one of
two young nephews of Gavilan who took an active part in the Francisco
Hernandez rebellion of 1 5 5 4 - 1 5 5 5 . One o f these, also called Diego Gavi
lan, served as a captain in the rebel forces at that time. Diego Gavilan of
298 THE MEN
Cajamarca did not fight for the rebels, but he was later fined 5,000 pesos
for complicity— which failed to keep him from continuing to harbor his
nephews (A G I, Contaduria 1683, records from Lima, August, 1 5 57 ; A G I,
Lima 1 1 8 , letter of fray Tomas de Santa Maria, May 20, 1555.
Gavilan’s age is calculated merely from the fact that he continued to
function on the council of Huamanga until almost 1570. His origin and
the names o f his parents are given in the w ill he dictated in 1536, in A N P,
P A 791, which tells much about his commercial dealings. The will is pub
lished in R A N P 4 (1 9 2 6) .*25-33. company with his nephew is docu
mented in BN P, A542, ff.29 -32, 202-209, and the relationship between
the two in A G I, Contaduria 1683, records from Lima, August, 1557. Other
business activity is in A G I, Justicia 1053, no. 5, testimony of Francisco
Nunez de Illescas; A N P , PA 272-274, 614; H C 165, 228.
Gavilan’s probanza de servtcios, made in 1540, is in A G I, Patronato 92,
no. 10 , ramo 1 ; it is noteworthy that he does not there claim to be an
hidalgo. Porras, in Trujillo, Relation, p. 94, and Domingo Angulo, in a
note in R A N P 4 ( 1 9 2 6 ) 125, give Gavilan’s w ife as dona Mariana de Ce-
peda. Y et in a probanza instituted by his son and namesake in 1579, it is
stated clearly that Gavilan the conqueror married dona Isabel de Chaves,
mother of the heir, and the younger Gavilan married dona Maria de Sara-
via, daughter of the president of the Royal Audiencia (Barriga, Merceda-
rios, II, 3 4 3 -3 4 5 ). Possibly the older Gavilan married a second time. The
full version o f this probanza, in A G I, Patronato 123, ramo 12 , claims that
Gavilan was one of the Thirteen of Gallo Island.
Other references to Gavilan are in A G I, Lima 1 1 8 , probanza of Sebas
tian de Torres; Lima 204, probanza o f Jeronimo de Aliaga; Lima 566, vol.
IV , May 6, 1 5 4 1 , June 22, 1 5 4 1 ; Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 3; A N P, PA
1 1 7 , 138, 259, 478, 565, 674, 767; BN P, A203, ff.48, 85, 1 16 , 137, 1 4 5 ;
A603, f . 1 3 ; H C 93, 164, 223, 356, 647, 1227, 1547, 1 5 6 1 , 1562; R A N P 1
(1 9 2 0 ) : 4 3 7 ; Cieza, Chupas, p. 238; Cieza, Quito (Jimenez, ed.), p. 109 ;
Cobo, Obras, II, 305; Libros de cabildos de Lima, I, 1 5 ; Loredo, Los repar-
tos, pp. 2 1 1 , 2 1 5 ; Medina, Descubrimiento, II, 390, 394.
More information about Gavilan’s rebellious nephews is in Diego Fer
nandez, Historia, I, 3 2 9 - 3 3 1 , 349, 384; II, 12.
Crisostomo de Hontiveros
Age at Cajamarca: About 21 Place of origin: San Miguel de Serrezuela,
Role: Footman near Avila in Old Castile
Share: % share of gold Parents: Crisostomo de Hontiveros
and silver and Catalina Gomez
Extent of literacy: Fully literate
MEN OF AFFAIRS 299
The immediate reason for Hontiveros’s quick rise to a certain kind

o f prominence was his position as a retainer o f Hernando Pizarro, but
he owed that position in turn to the ability to manage accounts and a f
fairs. Few indeed o f the Pizarros’ Trujillan friends had such skills.
Hontiveros may or may not have been from a merchant family; at any
rate he seems to have come out o f the broad middle range o f society
between the obvious plebeians on the one hand and the established hi
dalgos on the other. H e apparently agreed to work for Hernando Piza
rro at about the time the expedition left Panama; formal arrangements
were not made until May, 1 5 3 3 , when Hernando Pizarro was about to
go to Spain with the first shipment o f treasure for the crown. Until
1 5 3 9 , when Hernando Pizarro left Peru for the last time, Hontiveros
was his chief majordomo in Peru. W hile he had direct management o f
the encomiendas, livestock, and properties Hernando possessed in the
Lim a area, his main function was to coordinate Hernando’s far-flung
interests. H e arranged for the freighting o f Hernando’s ship, the San-
tiago, and hired its master. H e received the large amounts o f merchan
dise that Hernando imported into Peru, and hired people to take it to
Cuzco or Arequipa to be sold. H e kept accounts o f all the debts owed
Hernando in Peru, and collected them in Lima, Peru’s commercial cen
ter and port.
W hile Hernando Pizarro was at the royal court in 1 5 3 4 , he saw to it
that his man Hontiveros was named to a permanent seat on the council
o f Jauja. Know ing that plans for founding a capital at Jauja were in
definite, Hernando prudently had the appointment made good for Jau
ja or its region, so that Hontiveros by 1 3 3 6 was sitting on the council
o f Lima. Initially, he was a creature of the Pizarros rather than a figure
in his own right. But by the late 1 5 3 0 ’s, as a man o f Cajamarca, an en-
comendero and council member o f Lima, now long acquainted with
the exercise of power, Hontiveros had outgrown a purely dependent
position. In 1 5 3 9 he rendered account o f his activity and Hernando
Pizarro discharged him. Apparently the parting was amicable. A t this
same time the city o f Huamanga was founded, and since Hontiveros’s
encomienda fell in its jurisdiction, he became a citizen there. His en-
comienda was one o f the best in the district, and he was repeatedly
alcalde and council member. During the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion he
was in effective charge in Huamanga much of the time; he was reputed
to be an avid Pizarrist partisan, but extricated himself in time, retain
ing his position after Pizarro’s defeat. H e never became a renowned
300 THE MEN
captain or leader, but maintained his local prominence in Huamanga,

where he was still alive and a council member in 156 0.
NOTES. The name Hontiveros is the same as Fontiveros, a village in

the A vila region. Hontiveros’s estimated birthdate of c . 1 5 1 1 rests on his
statement in 1 3 3 6 that he was about twenty-five (A G I, Patronato 93, no.
6, ramo 3 ) , twenty-five being of course the most indefinite of ages. In
A N P , Salinas 1 5 3 8 - 1 5 4 0 , f.528, he declares himself to be a native of San
Miguel de Serrezuela and gives the names of his parents. Hontiveros’s con
tracts with Hernando Pizarro are in H C 220 and 4 1 2 - 4 1 4 .
Other references are in A G I, Contadurfa 1825, records from Cajamarca,
May, 1 5 3 3 ; Patronato 92, no. 3; A N P , Castaneda, reg. 4, f.45; PA 246,
276, 291, 465, 596, 598, 627; Salinas 1 5 3 8 - 1 5 4 0 , f . 4 3 1 ; BN P, A203,
ff.i, 48, and passim; H C 35, 36, 224, 294, 1269, 1425, 1 5 3 1 , 1547, 1 5 5 1 ,
1 5 6 1 , 1562, 15 6 4 -15 6 6 ; Cobo, Obras, II, 304; Cieza, Quito (Serrano y
Sanz, ed.), pp. 35, 279; Ubros de cabildos de Lima, I, 18 0 ; III, 1 5 ; Loredo,
Los repart os, pp. 106, 2 1 1 , 2 1 5 ; Porras, Cedulario, I, 85; 2:30.
Lucas Martinez
A g e at C ajam arca: A b o u t 2 1 or 22 Place o f origin: T ru jillo
R ole: Footm an Parents: Francisco M artinez and
Share: % share o f gold Francisca de V alen cia
and silver Extent o f literacy: F u lly literate
T ra d e : Probably merchant
Lucas Martinez owed his special prominence in Peru to the rare

combination o f two qualities— origin in T rujillo and business ability.
Generally speaking, the Trujillans were sorely lacking in managerial
talent, and, as a result, the Pizarros’ stewards and agents were often
Basques, Andalusians, or Castilians who were suspect in their masters'
eyes. So it was natural that Lucas, even though not cut out for a warrior
or commander, should rise as quickly as his youth permitted.
The only firm evidence that Lucas Martinez might originally have
been a merchant is a slip o f the pen made by a notary in Lima, who
once wrote down, *Lucas Martinez, merchant," at the head o f a docu
ment, then, on being informed that the gentleman in question was an
encomendero, crossed it out and wrote "citizen o f Arequipa” instead.
Lucas never made any direct claim to be an hidalgo. I f not actually a
merchant, Lucas was well acquainted with commercial techniques and
had a bent for financial and entrepreneurial activity. Together with his
MEN OF AFFAIRS 301
inseparable companion and junior business partner, Alonso Ruiz

(q .v .), Lucas sold horses and provisions to outfit expeditions, and lent
out money, mainly to T rujillo compatriots. His most famous entrepre
neurial exploit was to send the first ship with supplies and reinforce
ments to the struggling Spanish settlement in Chile in 1 5 4 3 . He prob
ably kept up this kind o f activity as long as he lived, though it cannot
be documented in detail. Various legal testimony left by Lucas M arti
nez shows him to have had a lively intellect, a retentive memory, and
more curiosity about the world than some o f his fellows.
There is little reason to doubt that Lucas joined the expedition in his
native Trujillo in 152 9. A fter receiving his neophyte’s share o f the
treasure o f Cajamarca, he became a citizen and encomendero of Cuzco.
Though he did nothing o f particular note during the Indian siege, he
was sitting on the Cuzco city council by the time the siege was lifted
in 1 5 3 7 .
Lucas Martinez’s citizenship was transferred to Arequipa when that
city was founded in 1 5 3 9 - 1 5 4 0 . Probably the Pizarros’ intention was
to leaven the citizenship, which was quite strongly Almagrist, with a
dependable Pizarro partisan. A council member from the first year,
Lucas received the large southern encomienda o f Tarapaca and Arica,
the best, or one o f the best, in Arequipa’s jurisdiction. Lucas once
claimed it was worth more than all o f Chile. W ith the help o f many
employees, he exploited his encomienda methodically, working the sil
ver mines o f Tarapaca and running a supply ship back and forth be
tween encomienda and town.
W ith such power in his fingers, Lucas began to be anxious for posi
tions o f command and honor. Gradually, for dignity’s sake, he took an
additional surname, becoming Lucas Martinez Vegaso. Y e t military
leadership and feats o f arms were not for him. In 1 5 4 1 he gained some
notoriety by escaping with his ship from the forces o f the Almagrists,
but achieved no distinction in the ensuing campaign beyond a forehead
wound at the battle o f Chupas. In the later 1 5 4 0 ’s he was an early and
enthusiastic supporter o f the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion. Though Lucas
received no field captaincy, Pizarro finally yielded to his urging to the
extent o f making him lieutenant governor for the Arequipa region
in 1 54 7 .
Lucas gloried in his post. H e did an excellent job as far as raising
money was concerned; he also reported in great detail on his Pizarrist
activities and sympathies in a series o f letters that royal officials would
302 THE MEN
later use against him. But he was unable to stem the tide o f anti-
Pizarrist feeling that swept southern Peru when a loyalist army from
Panama arrived in the north. In June, 1 5 4 7 , hardly a month after he
took office, the citizens o f Arequipa seized Lucas as he was trying to
conduct some o f them to Lima to join Gonzalo Pizarro. The leader o f
the insurrection was Lucas’s compadre, Jeronimo de Villegas, to whom
Lucas handed over his sword without resistance. The loyalists kept him
prisoner for a time, then allowed him to join them. W hile fighting on
the loyalist side at the battle o f Huarina in the highlands, he was re
captured by the Pizarrists. So he maintained later, at least, though it is
far more likely that at the first opportunity he rejoined the Pizarrists
voluntarily. Thenceforth he remained with Gonzalo Pizarro until the
final battle o f the war at Jaquijahuana in 1 54 8 ; when it became appar
ent that a Pizarro rout was taking shape, Lucas Martinez joined the
large numbers going over to the loyalist side. The authorities sentenced
him at first to exile, loss o f his encomienda, and confiscation o f half his
property. The encomienda went as a reward to Lucas’s former friend
Villegas. B y virtue o f a well-financed appeal, the audiencia revoked its
sentence in March, 1 5 5 0 , but Lucas did not regain his encomienda.
For some years Lucas was left adrift. H e still lived in Arequipa and
was far from impoverished, but his name was little mentioned, and he
never appeared on the municipal council as formerly. H e continued to
agitate for the return o f his encomienda, and probably devoted much
attention to business.
In 1 5 5 5 , Jeronimo de Villegas died, leaving neither a widow nor a
male heir to inherit Tarapaca; his daughter did not succeed in making
good her claim. Thus, in 1 5 5 7 , Lucas was able to get his encomienda
back; according to the gossip-mongering royal factor, he achieved his
goal by bribing the new viceroy, Canete. Lucas returned immediately to
his old position in the Arequipa community. In 15 6 0 he was alcalde;
in 1 5 6 1 he was Arequipa’s representative in the negotiations held in
Lima to achieve the perpetuity o f encomiendas.
A ll his life Lucas had spent much o f his time in Lima, and this tend
ency was accentuated in the 15 6 0 ’s. It was in Lima that he married and
ten days later died, in April, 1 5 6 7 . Lucas had once had a noble Indian
mistress, dona Isabel Yupanqui, but he gave her a dowry and married
her off to a small encomendero o f Arequipa around 1 5 4 3 . His young
bride o f 1 5 6 7 , whom he married only so that she could inherit the en
comienda, was dona M aria Davalos Ribera. She was the daughter o f
MEN OF AFFAIRS 303
Nicolas de Ribera, one o f the Thirteen, as rich and business-minded a

man as Lucas Martinez himself. I f Lucas left other heirs, they are not
known. H e had a son, Francisco Martinez Vegaso, illegitimate and
possibly mestizo, who held an encomienda in Chile in 1546 , then dis
appears from the record.
In his final days Lucas was assailed by the wave o f moral and legal
objections to the conquest, combined with demands for restitution, that
swept over Peru in the i 5 6 o ’s. Lucas conceded less to this movement
than most. Some o f the conquerors made the gesture of leaving hand
some legacies to Indian towns or hospitals by way o f restitution. Lucas
wrote into his will a heated statement that he had considered the con
quest to be as justified as any war against infidel Turks or Moors, and
that he had never heard otherwise at the time or long afterward, from
layman or priest. Reluctantly complying with the importunings o f his
spiritual advisors, Lucas made the least restitution conceivably justifi
able. H e added up the exact sums he received at Cajamarca, Jauja, and
Cuzco during the conquest (before inflation), discounted all pious do
nations he had made later (after inflation), and promised restitution of
the modest amount remaining.
N O T E S . Lucas's birthplace and parentage are stated by him in D H A ,

I, 84. He gave his age frequently and variously, but two statements will
suffice for a general idea. In 1334 he said he was twenty-five (AGI, Patro-
nato 93, no. 6, ramo 4 ), in 1539 that he was twenty-eight (DHA, II, 50-
5 1 ) . The name Lucas Martinez appears with great frequency in the variant
of Lucas Martin. Lucas added the "Vegaso” about 1344, but he never used
it consistently.
Only certain fragmentary references indicate how Lucas Martinez ex
ploited his encomienda. He speaks of the several mozos he kept on the en
comienda (DHA, II, 1 7 5 ) ; there are references to his ship supplying the
mines of Tarapaca (Perez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 84); and two of his con
tracts with subordinates are preserved, including one with his chief major-
domo, who was empowered to administer his property and encomienda
and to hire and fire employees, incuding miners and sailors (BNP, A 30,
ff.383-385; ANP, Salinas 1346-1548, ff.257-258). The author presumes
that Lucas proceeded much in the manner of his rival, Jeronimo de Ville
gas, whose activities as encomendero of Tarapaca are better documented.
(See Lockhart, Spanish Peru, pp. 3 1 - 3 3 ) .
There are several mentions of a brother of Lucas Martinez in Peru. One
brother is fully authenticated, an Alonso Garcia Vegaso, who was in Are-
quipa in 1550 (BNP, A 1 7 1 ) . The chronicler Diego Fernandez says that
304 THE MEN
an unnamed brother was in charge of Lucas’s ship in 1547 ( Historia , I,

190). Gutierrez de Santa Clara, probably following Fernandez, says the
same, and identifies him as *' Pedro Martin Vegaso,” but Gutiérrez de Santa
Clara is notoriously corrupt when it comes to the names of obscure people
(Quinquenarios, III, 373-374). Roa y Ursua asserts that an older brother
named Francisco Martinez Vegaso was Lucas’s partner in the conquest and
in mercantile enterprises. (Reyno de Chile , p. 32.) The truth of this is
hard to assess, for though Roa y Ursua is usually a reliable transcriber of
documents, he veils his sources, and often makes false identifications. If an
older brother was involved in any early stage of the conquest, he certainly
would have been a prominent encomendero, but that was not the case. If
there was such a brother at all, he was not the merchant Francisco Marti
nez, from Madrid, who helped finance Pedro de Valdivia’s Chile expedi
tion, as asserted by Pocock ( Conquest of Chile, p. 1 0 1 ) . In 1545 a Fran
cisco Martin Camero was acting as master of Lucas Martinez’s ship, but
does not seem to have been his brother (Pérez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 84;
conceivably this person was identical with Lucas’s son). Another possible
relative is Lucas’s chief majordomo in 1344, Pedro Alonso de Valencia
(BNP, A30, ff.383-385), since Valencia was the name of Lucas’s mother;
but this man would more likely be a cousin or poor relative than a brother.
The only evidence on Lucas’s son is a statement of Pedro de Valdivia
that he gave encomiendas in Chile to Diego Garcia de Villalon and to "a
son of Lucas Martinez” ( CD IH C , V II, 315, 330), combined with the pres
ence together, on a list of encomenderos of Santiago in 1546, of Villalon
and Francisco Martinez Vegaso (CD IH C, V ili, 1 2 5 ) . If born in the In
dies, he could have been no older than sixteen. For dona Isabel Yupanqui
and her husband, Martin Pérez de Villabona, see ANP, RA PC, I, cua-
derno 9, and D H A , III, 126, 300.
There is a mass of documentation concerning Lucas Martinez, much of
it published, though no probanza de servicios, as such, is known to exist.
His will, in AGI, Lima 124, has not been seen by this writer, but is par
tially described in Lohmann Villena, "Restituciôn por conquistadores,”
Anuario de Estudios Americanos 23 (1966) 169-70. Many of the records
of Lucas’s trial for involvement in the Gonzalo Pizarro revolt are published
in CDIH C, V ili, 398-430, including the letters Lucas wrote to Gonzalo
Pizarro and an encomienda grant from Francisco Pizarro in 1540. A slight
ly different selection of the same materials is in D H A , II, 16 3-1 93 . A set
of documents about the partnership between Lucas and Alonso Ruiz is in
D H A , I, 84-89, 1 00-102, 1 07-109.
Other references to Lucas Martinez are in AGI, Contaduria 1824, rec
ords from Cuzco, 1536 and 1337; Justicia 1071, no. 2, ramo 3; Lima 11 8,
probanza of Garcia Martin ; letter of Bernaldino Romani, royal factor, Oc
MEN OF AFFAIRS 305
tober 15 , 15 5 7 ; letter o f Lucas Martinez Vegaso, December 9, 1 5 5 5 ; Pa-

tronato 93, no. 4, ramo 3; no. 8, ramo 4 ; 97, no. 1, ramo 1 ; 109, ramos 4
and 9; 183, ramo 1 1 ; A N P, PA 10 4; Salinas 1 5 4 2 - 1 5 4 3 , f.263 (Lucas
called merchant) ; H C 10, 16, 18, 2 1, 28; C D IA O , X X , 526; C D IH C , IV ,
398; V ili, 62, 89-90, 274; D H A , I, 83; II, 81, 84-86, 267, 287-292,
3 09 -31 3, 3 1 8 - 3 2 1 ; III, 126, 2 9 9 -30 1, 3 0 8 - 3 1 3 ; R A N P 1 : 5 6 5 - 5 7 0 ; Cal-
vete, Rebelion de Pizarro, V , 7 3-7 4 ; Diego Fernandez, Historia, I, 60, 1 1 7 ,
190; Esteve Barba, Crônicas del rehto de Chile, p. 19 ; Esteve Barba, D^u-
cubrimiento y conquis ta de Chile, p. 295 ; Gangotena y Jijon, ''La descen-
dencia de Atahualpa,” Boletin de la Academia Nacional de Historia, Quito
38, no. 9 1 ( 1 9 5 8 ) : 1 1 8 - 1 1 9 ; Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios,
II, 333 ; HI, 3 7 3 - 3 7 4 ; Loredo, Leu repartos, p. 194; Pérez de Tudela,
6 Wjyy*, I, 10 8 -10 9 , 218, 532, 536, 566-567; 2:438, 597; Pedro Pizarro,
Relation, V , 210; Porras, "Dos documentes esenciales,” Revista Historica
17 (1948) .*92 ; Roa y Ursua, E l reyno de Chile, pp. 3 1 - 3 2 .
For Francisco Martinez, merchant from Madrid, see A G I, Lima 566,
vol. 4, August 16, 1 5 4 1 ; Patronato 1 1 3 , ramo 10 ; A N P, Salinas 1 5 4 2 -
1543, ff.204, 205; C D IH C , V ili, 53-62; Esteve Barba, Descubrimiento y
co72quista de Chile, p. 242.
Pedro de Mendoza
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 20 Place o f origin: Region o f Sahagun
Role: Footm an (L eo n )
Share: % share o f gold Extent o f literacy: Literate
and silver T ra d e : M erchant
Pedro de Mendoza is an even clearer example than D iego Gavilan

o f a man whose activity was so strongly mercantile that one does not
hesitate to designate him a merchant. Starting in 1 5 3 2 and continuing
at every opportunity he sold horses, slaves, and stock; he lent money in
large amounts; he engaged in such complicated transactions as the trade
of thousands of marks o f silver for uncollected debts and other assets;
he had large dealings with the Basque merchant Dom ingo de Soraluce;
he collected a series o f debts for the Florentine merchant N eri Fran-
cisqui; he was briefly involved in helping to finance the Chilean expe
dition of Pedro de Valdivia and Pedro Sancho de Hoz in 1540. H e
stopped short only at selling merchandise over the counter.
It is not certain that Mendoza was from a family o f professional
merchants. His relatives, the Escobars, seem to have been mainly tai-
30 6 THE MEN
lors. M aria de Escobar, his sister, had once served the wife o f Governor
Pedrarias de A vila o f Panama. She came early to Peru, where she far
outshone Mendoza; she was married three times, each time to a notable.
Like her brother she was constantly involved in complex business deals,
which, together with the encomiendas and other assets o f her succes
sive husbands, made her one o f the wealthiest people in the country.
Though she never acquired the "dona,” she did marry one o f Peru’s
greatest noblemen, don Pedro Portocarrero.
Mendoza’s blatant commercial activity appears to have exceeded the
bounds o f propriety. H is counterpart, D iego Gavilân, took care to di
lute the flavor o f commerce by the use o f agents and by developing a
seigneurial façade, so that he eventually became a much honored figure
in Huamanga. Mendoza, on the other hand, was his own agent, and
often even the agent o f others. H is manner of living was also eccentric;
a report o f 1 5 5 1 complains that he lived most o f the time among his
Indians— unusual behavior indeed. H e never sat on any municipal
council, and never received mention in accounts o f civil wars. O rigi
nally a citizen o f Lima, he became a founder o f Arequipa in 1539—
1540 because his encomienda o f Acari fell on the northern edge o f the
new town’s jurisdiction; he was still an encomendero o f Arequipa as
late as 1556. But when, in 1575, Arequipa began to become curious
about its history and asked some old-timers to name the early settlers,
only one witness could remember that there was such a person as Pedro
de Mendoza.
N O T E S . The name Mendoza was borne by some of the greatest no

bles of Spain, and also by other families in every part of the peninsula.
Aside from two viceroys who were Mendozas, many of the Mendozas in
Peru were members of an hidalgo family from the Maestrazgo de Santiago,
in southern Extremadura. But our Pedro de Mendoza showed no tendency
to associate with any of these.
Mendoza’s regional origin was established through his connection with
Maria de Escobar. Though only one source says that Mendoza was Maria’s
brother ( C D IH C , X X II, 624), the reference is very explicit, and there is
no reason to doubt it, particularly since the resulting regional attribution
is further confirmed by Mendoza’s associations (see Pedro Sancho, Notes).
While even Maria’s origin has to be arrived at indirectly, it appears certain
that one is justified in giving her the same origin as her uncle Francisco de
Escobar, who was definitely from Sahagun (Gornara, Hispania victrix, I,
254; Garcilaso, Obras, III, 2 31 ; Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios,
MEN OF AFFAIRS 307
II, 250 ). An Antonio de Escobar, hosier, who was in Lima in the 15 5 0 ’s,
was also from Sahagun, and must have been a relative (A N P , Gutierrez
x5 4 5 - 1 5 5 f.79 9 ). Another probable connection was the tailor Pedro de
Escobar, who was in Panama in the 15 2 0 ’s, when Maria was there too; he
was from Villamayor (de Campos), fifty miles down-river from Sahagun
(Medina, Descubrimiento, II, 4 5 2 ). Garcilaso once said that Maria was a
native o f Trujillo, but he was obviously not knowledgeable on the subject,
since he gave the name of her husband as Diego de Chaves instead of
Francisco. The whole surrounding section, in which Garcilaso is purveying
myths about who first introduced European plants and animals to Peru, is
one of the most unreliable in all o f Garcilaso’s writings.
In 15 50 Mendoza said he was thirty-eight years old (A G I, Patronato 97,
no. 1, ramo 1 ) . The 15 7 5 investigation into Arequipa’s history is in D H A ,
II, 3 4 1-3 8 2 , and Mendoza is mentioned on p. 360. Other references are in
A G I, Contaduria 1825, Penas de Camara, 1 5 3 5 ; A N P, Juzgado, Decem
ber 30, 15 3 5 ; PA 59, 78, 8 1, 89, 100, 263, 267, 268, 276, 278, 2 8 1, 283,
304, 380, 6 35-6 37, 647, 679, 680, 755; H C 358, 1 0 1 3 ; C D IH C , V II,
175. Mendoza appears in two documents among the Peruvian manuscripts
of the Lilly Library, once in close conjunction with Maria de Escobar.
For Maria de Escobar, see A G I, Justicia 467; A N P, R A PC, I, cuaderno
3; Salinas 15 3 8 -15 4 0 , f .1 2 3 ; 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , ff.14 , 15 (2nd series); 23, 25,
18 1, 18 3, 206, 207, 2 15 ; Salinas 15 4 6 -15 4 8 , f.7 0 6; BN P, A 33, f.7 2 ; HC
485, 486, 525, 526, 535, 539, 555, 558, 578, 579, 607, 6 12 , 647; Gutié-
rrez de Santa Clara, Ouinquenarios, II, 17 3 , 17 5 , 178, 254 ; Lockhart,
Spanish Peru, pp. 44, 158 , Plate 6; Oviedo, Historia, III, 262; Porras,
Cartas, p. 466.
Pedro Navarro
A g e at C ajam arca: 30 or over Place o f origin: Pam plona (N a v a r r e )
Role: Footm an Parents: Ram on de lies de U rroz
Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold and M a ria de Acedo
and silver Extent o f literacy: Literate
Though his true name was Pedro de Urroz, in the Indies he took the
surname Navarro, indicating his origin in the kingdom o f Navarre. O f
all the Basque provinces N avarre was the most foreign in the sixteenth
century, still new under the crown o f Castile. Y et Navarro was thor
oughly acclimated to Castile, and there is little evidence o f the Basque
or Navarre connection in his career in Peru, beyond one or two ephem
eral transactions. Generations after Navarro lived, a descendant enter
ing the Order o f Santiago ’ proved” that the family had hidalgo origins
308 THE MEN
in Pamplona, but at that distance in time the proof was tenuous at best.
Pedro Navarro was educated and capable, yet he would seem to have
been more nearly an entrepreneur, man o f affairs, or merchant than an
hidalgo. H is experience in the N ew W orld stretched far back, as far as
15 0 8 , according to one vague claim. H e had known Francisco Pizarro
from about 15 2 6 , and may have been on one o f the early voyages of
discovery. Later legend said he had been one of the Thirteen of Gallo
Island.
B y 1 5 3 1 he was in Nicaragua, and it was from there that he came to
Peru with Sebastian de Benalcazar. But no sooner did he arrive than he
detached himself from Benalcazar’s following to become the retainer
or servant o f his old acquaintance Governor Pizarro. His duties ranged
from taking care o f his master’s gear to managing his financial affairs;
whereas Pizarro’s other retainer, Juan de Valdevieso, veered toward
courtly duties, Navarro was more the steward. H is connections and ex
perience put Navarro near the top o f the list o f footmen on the roll
o f Cajamarca.
A fter the conquest Navarro became a citizen o f Lima, with an enco-
mienda on the coast south o f the city. Though not initially on the coun
cil, he was always an important citizen, and he began to advance into
posts o f honor in Lim a: procurador general in 1 3 37 and alcalde in 15 4 3 .
Probably he soon stopped working for Pizarro directly, though he al
ways remained a faithful Pizarrist in the civil wars (in which he was
not prom inent). H e spent most o f his energy on his businesses, includ
ing one o f the first horse-raising enterprises in Peru.
Pedro Navarro married Constanza de Leon, not a "dona” and not a
Ponce de Leon as later genealogists made her, but the natural daughter
o f another conqueror, Anton de Leon. W hen Navarro died around
15 4 4 , he left a minor son, Antonio, who eventually came into his en-
comienda. Antonio then merged fully into the high society of Lima,
marrying the daughter o f a judge o f the audiencia. The family, still re
taining the name Urroz, was important in Lim a’s aristocracy at least
until the end o f the seventeenth century.
N O T E S . Navarro’s estimated birthdate of c.1502 or before is based

on his declaration that he was over forty in 134 4 (A G I, Justicia 46 7),
combined with a statement in a royal cedula issued in 15 38 that he had
been in the Indies thirty years (A G I, Lima 565, vol. Ill, December 6,
1538 ).
MEN OF AFFAIRS 309
Roa y Ursûa (E l reyno de Chile, p. 3) gives Navarro’s birthplace and

also a garbled version of his progeny, dividing his son into two and mak
ing him both son and grandson. Pedro’s son was originally called Juan A n
tonio Navarro but often dropped the Juan and called himself Antonio
Navarro or Antonio Urroz Navarro. He was married twice, first to dona
Mencia de Santillân, daughter of Licenciado Hernando de Santillân, judge
of the audiencia, and second to dona Catalina Manrique de Lara, one of
the noblest ladies in Peru. His son by his first marriage (Pedro’s grandson)
was another Antonio de Urroz Navarro, born in the 13 7 0 ’s. Ignacio de
Alarcon y Urroz, the latter’s grandson, held high office in Lima and entered
the Order of Santiago in 1680 (B N P , A 538, July 8, 15 56 ; Cobo, Obras,
II, 3 18 ; Lohmann Villena, Americanos en las ôrdenes nobiliarias, I, 1 7 ) .
Navarro’s probanza de servicios is in A G I, Justicia 432, no. 2, ramo 3 ;
information on Navarro as servant of Pizarro is in HC 49 and Trujillo,
Relacion, p. 52. Other references: A G I, Justicia 746, no. 5; Lima 563, vol.
III, December 6, 15 3 8 ; Patronato 92, no. 3; 185, ramo 16 ; A N P, P A 85,
374, 378, 485, 784; Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f.76 8 ; HC 47, 48, 329, 369, 469;
several documents of the 15 3 0 ’s among the Peruvian manuscripts of the
Lilly Library; Cobo, Obras, II, 304; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 224; Porras,
Cedulario, II, 17 6 ; Porras, in Trujillo, Relacion, pp. 95, 96.
For Constanza de Leon see A N P, Gutiérrez 15 4 5 - 15 5 5 , f.36 6 ; A H A ,
Gaspar Hernandez, March 8, 15 5 3 ; HC 780.
Pedro Pinelo
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Share: % share of gold and silver
W hile nothing is known of Pedro Pinelo beyond his name and his
modest share of the treasure, the name alone is eloquent, for in the
early sixteenth century the Pinelos (originally Pinelli) were among the
greatest Genoese merchant families of Seville, along with the Spinolas
and the Catanos. ( A Catano was at Cajamarca also.) The Pinelo fam i
ly had a very strong historical association with the Indies, since the
head o f the house, Francisco Pinelo, was one o f the main backers of
the first voyage o f Columbus and helped organize the Casa de Contra-
tacion. By 15 3 2 there were Pinelos at all stages o f assimilation into Se
villian society, some already aristocratic and removed from commerce,
some established merchants, and some fresh from Genoa. There is no
telling where along this continuum Pedro Pinelo’s origins are to be
sought, but there can be little doubt that he in some way came out of
the Genoese colonies o f the Seville-Cadiz area.
3io THE MEN
N O T E S . No reference is known to Pedro Pinelo outside the roll of

Cajamarca. For the family background see Pike, The Genoese in Seville, pp.
2~4-
Juan de Quincoces
Role at Cajamarca: Horseman Place of origin: Hermosilla, in the district
Share: Double share of gold of Burgos in Old Castile
and silver Parents: Pedro de Quincoces and
Isabel Gomez
Extent of literacy: Could sign,
doubtless literate
It is not known whether Quincoces had experience in the Indies prior

to 1 5 3 1 , when he joined the Peruvian expedition in Panama. Some
where, however, he had acquired experience in business affairs. A fter
the conquest was over he imported merchandise into Peru in company
with his friend Juan de Beranga, also from northern Castile, and a Se
villian merchant named Alvaro Caballero. This and other dealings he
had with merchants of Panama lead one to suspect that he may have
been from one o f those families o f "merchants o f Burgos" so impor
tant in the Indies trade in the earlier part of the sixteenth century.
Quincoces was very close to the Pizarros, probably their retainer; at
least he often collected debts and managed affairs for full-fledged Piza-
rro retainers like Crisostomo de Hontiveros. It was probably as a man
expected to represent Pizarro interests that Quincoces received in 1 3 3 3
a royal appointment to the council o f "the city where the governor re
sides." On the basis o f this he sat on the council o f Cuzco in 15 3 5 , then
within the year transferred his citizenship to become a permanent coun
cilman o f Lima.
There was more to Quincoces than merely the manager and mer
chant; he was one o f three horsemen who rode ahead of the main group
and first entered the valley o f Jauja. In 15 3 4 Pizarro chose him for the
important mission o f retrieving the treasure the citizens o f Cuzco had
acquired for themselves against the governor’s orders. A fter initial de
fiance, the men o f Cuzco gave in to Pizarro’s pressure, their capitulation
disguised under a donation o f the whole amount to the king, and Quin
coces conveyed the 30,000 pesos o f gold and 35,000 marks o f silver
back to Pizarro in Jauja. Quincoces would certainly have become one
MEN OF AFFAIRS 311
o f the "principal m en" o f Peru if he had not died in 15 3 6 or 15 3 7 ,

probably a victim o f the Indian revolt o f those years.
N O T E S . Quincoces’s regional origin and parentage are given in Po-

rras, Cedulario, II, 336. His company with Beranga and Caballero is
mentioned in A G I, Justicia 1074, no- 9 > in the accounts o f the estates of
the deceased.
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 1825, records from Lima,
15 3 3 , 15 3 6 ; Justicia 1 1 2 3 , proceedings concerning estate o f Francisco
Martin; 10 7 1, no. 1, ramo 8; Patronato 109, ramo 4; 185, ramo n ; A N P,
Juzgado, December 30, 13 3 5 ; PA 237-239 , 245, 248, 2 9 1, 762; H C 29,
55; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 39 (19 5 8 ) .*584; Libros de
cabildos de Lima, I, 17 4 ; Porras, Cedulario, I, 1 1 3 ; II, 87, 26 1, 4 14 ; Porras,
"Jauja,” Revista Historica 18 (19 4 9 -19 5 0 ) 1129 , 130 , 13 2 , 1 3 3 ; Rivera
Serna, U bro primer0 de cabildos del Cuzco, p. 43.
11. MARGINAL HIDALGOS
AND SOLID COMMONERS
his catch -all category includes several persons who, if we

T knew more about them, might be counted with the true hidalgos
(Ulloa, Solares), the notaries (Castillo, Palom ino), the men o f affairs
(Herrera, T orres), or the artisans (Cornejo, Morales, and many oth
ers) . But these men, all in all, did embody very fully and clearly that
quality o f commonness plus capability which strongly colored the men
o f Cajamarca as a group. Even such an alleged hidalgo as Juan Ruiz
had a strikingly plebeian air. A t the same time, most o f the conquerors
included here were literate, and all had the capacity to rise with time to
the highest ranks o f Peruvian society, or to find a respectable niche in
peninsular Spain.
Francisco de Almendras
Age at Cajamarca: About 23 Place of origin: Plasencia
Role: Footman (northern Extremadura)
Share: 1 full share of gold Extent of literacy: Could sign,
and silver probably could read and write
MARGINAL HIDALGOS AND COMMONERS 313
Almendras was the name of a respected family, neither very noble

nor very humble, of Plasencia, to the northwest o f Trujillo. Given his
age and origin, Francisco must have been with the expedition from its
beginnings in the recruiting in Extremadura. H is full share o f the
treasure at Cajamarca shows him already occupying a certain position.
By 15 3 7 he was sitting on the council o f Cuzco, where he had been a
citizen and encomendero from the city’s founding. W hen the town of
La Plata was established in the silver region to the south, in 15 4 0 , A l
mendras switched his citizenship there as a perpetual council member.
A ll his contemporaries agreed that Almendras had an excess o f what
might be called the Extremaduran temperament; extreme devotion to
relatives, close friends, partisans, and compatriots, combined with
blunt, arrogant language, an uncontrolled temper, and total indiffer
ence to anyone outside the pale. The same complexion can be seen in
Alonso de Toro and Hernando Pizarro. Even sympathetic Pedro Piza-
rro says that Almendras was "ill-dispositioned, cruel, and o f bad con
science, with many other public vices.”
Almendras was so closely allied to the Pizarros that he may have
been one o f their "servants” or retainers in the early days. H e rushed to
the support of the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion as it took shape in Cuzco
in 154 4 . H e was quickly made a captain and managed the crucial act of
commandeering the only artillery in Peru, stored at Huamanga. Short
ly after Gonzalo Pizarro assumed the governorship o f Peru, he sent
Almendras to rule the La Plata region in his name. La Plata was soon
seething with resistance to the Pizarros, partly because o f political sen
timents, but partly because no one in La Plata felt safe from the caprice
of Almendras, who summarily executed the nobleman don Gomez de
Luna for nothing more than words. In June, 15 4 5 , anti-Pizarrists took
over La Plata and decapitated Almendras, after he refused to deny P i
zarro or work for the loyalist cause. W hen the loyalists won final vic
tory in 154 8 , officials confiscated Almendras’s property, but his mes
tizo children, who had been legitimated, were absorbed into the Spanish
population of La Plata, and his nephew Martin took over the Alm en
dras position there.
N O T E S . In 1 3 3 4 Almendras declared that he was about twenty-five

years old, a vague statement at best (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 4 ).
Lists of sentences in the Gonzalo Pizarro revolt say that Almendras was a
314 THE MEN
native of Plasencia ( CDIAO, X X , 334, and Loredo, "Sen tend as,” Mercu-
rio Peruano 22 [19 4 0 ]: 265).
Other references are in AG I, Contadurfa 1824, Cuzco, August, 15 3 6 ;
Lima 365, vol. Ill, February 25, 1540; Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 3; 95, no.
1, ramo 1 ; 109, ramo 4; 185, ramo n ; HC 1 5 1 6 ; CDIHC, IV, 399;
CDIHE, X X V I, 2 2 1-2 3 2 ; Geza, Chup as, pp. 156, 157 ; Cieza, Quito (Se
rrano y Sanz, ed.), pp. 14 2 - 14 3 ; Diego Fernandez, Historia, I, 2 1, 46,
6 1-6 2 ; Garcilaso, Obras, III, 238; Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Quinquena-
rios, II, 186, 195, 338, 380, 383, 384; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 170; Pedro
Pizarro, Relacion, V, 234, 275; Porras, Cedulario, II, 219 ; Relacion de las
cosas del Peru, V, 255. More about Almendras’s participation in the Gon-
zalo Pizarro rebellion can be found in the chronicles and in Pérez de Tu-
dela, Gasca.
For Almendras’s relatives and children see AG I, Lima 565, vol. IV,
April 15, 1 5 4 1 ; Lima 566, vol. V, April 24, 1545, February 26, 1546;
Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, III, 87, 336, 350; Pérez de Tu-
dela, Gasca, I, 216 ; II, 317.
Francisco de Avalos
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Place of origin: Guarena
Share: 1 full share of gold (central Extremadura)
and silver Extent of literacy: Illiterate
Avalos came to the Indies in 15 3 0 , presumably among those re

cruited by the Pizarros in Extremadura. Illiterate and a close associate
o f Pedro Calderon the horseshoer, he no doubt came o f humble ori
gins; but he was a man o f some consequence on the expedition, one o f
the relatively few footmen to get a full share. Like many o f the foot
men at Cajamarca, he soon joined the riders, with a horse bought in
partnership with Calderon. H e returned to Spain in 1 5 3 5 after the
founding o f Cuzco, apparently without ever having asked for an en-
comienda. The fortune he carried was large, 30,000 ducats in his own
possession plus amounts brought for him by others, but it all suffered
the fate o f royal confiscation, in return for 8 percent annuities. N ot
long after arriving home in Guarena he was accused o f murdering his
w ife, Francisca de Ribera, in order to make a better match. The record
fails to show whether he was innocent or guilty, but this crime was not
unprecedented among men o f the Indies, who often found themselves
suddenly rich and still tied to humble wives; Hernando Cortes was ac
cused o f the same thing.
N O T E S . Avalos had a namesake who was a more important man in

Peru. The other Francisco de Avalos was from Ubeda in Andalusia, fully
literate and of fairly good family. He had been regidor on the town coun
cil of Granada, Nicaragua, in 1529 , and came to Peru with Almagro, arriv
ing at Cajamarca just after the events. He was an encomendero in the juris
diction of Lima, and held the office of alcalde there in 15 3 7 . He died in
1 539-
In A G I, Justicia 724, no. 6, the Avalos o f Cajamarca is called a citizen
of Guarena. Other references are in A G I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, rec
ords of ship Santa Catalina, 1 5 3 3 ; Justicia 1082, no. 1, ramo 4, testimony
of Bartolomé Sanchez; A N P , PA 28, 73, 109, 1 1 8 , 130.
For the second Francisco de Avalos, see A G I, Justicia 1052, no. 7, ramo
2 ; Lima 204, probanza of Hernan Gonzalez; 565, vol. Ill, April 18, 15 3 9 ;
566, vol. 6, October 9, 154 9 ; C D IH N , II, 1 7 6 - 1 7 8 ; Torres Saldamando,
Libro primero de cabildos, I, 1 1 3 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 , 349; II, 318; Porras, Cedu -
lario, II, 335.
Francisco de Baena
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 2 7 Place o f origin: M adrid
Role: Horsem an Father: Francisco M arquez
Share: D ouble share o f gold Extent o f literacy: Could sign,
and silver probably literate
Baena came to Peru as a known quantity, with both experience in

the Indies and connections in Spain. H e had been in Nicaragua for five
or six years, and by the time he left for Peru he was a regidor on the
council o f Nicaragua’s chief town, Leon. In December, 1 5 3 2 , a royal
letter was issued in Madrid (probably obtained through Baena’s fa
ther) recommending him to the governor o f Peru, as a relative o f serv
ants of the crown.
Either Baena’s riding ability or his horse was quite highly regarded,
since he was sent out on such hazardous missions as Soto’s ride to inter
view Atahuallpa, and Hernando Pizarro’s expedition to the temple o f
Pachacamac. Baena may have been the partner o f Pedro de Barrera,
also from Madrid, who had been in Nicaragua with him; the two ap
3i 6 THE MEN
pear next to each other on a list o f Soto’s men, and again on the gen
eral list o f the men o f Cajamarca.
Francisco de Baena was in every respect a man who could have gone
far in Peru, but instead he returned with the first group, leaving in
July, 1 5 3 3 . By 1 5 3 4 he was at the royal court in Toledo, giving testi
mony in favor o f a comrade. H e was not heard o f again in the affairs
o f the Indies. N o doubt he settled in Madrid.
N O T E S . In 1 5 30 Baena said he was twenty-five ( C D IH N , II, 33 7).

The Madrid-born chronicler Oviedo, who may have known Baena slightly,
though he thought his first name was Hernando, asserts that he was the
"son o f Francisco Marquez, citizen of Madrid.” (Historia, V , 9 2). See
other references in A G I, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 4; C D IH N , II, 296,
504, 537-54 0 ; Porras, Cedulario, I, n o - i n . In view o f his father’s name,
it seems very likely that Baena is the same person as the Francisco Marquez
who was with Hernando Pizarro in Cajamarca in 1 533 , returned to become
a citizen o f Madrid, and testified there in favor o f Hernando Pizarro some
time in the 15 4 0 ’s. The opposing party in the suit considered Marquez to be
of low extraction. See CD IH C , V , 408, and V II, 153.
Alonso de la Carrera
Role at C ajam arca: Footm an Place o f origin: Fuentes de Ropel
Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold (district of Zam ora, in Leon)
and silver Extent o f literacy: V e ry crude signature,
doubtless illiterate
Carrera was a rather humble and obscure man, though he may have
had relatives who were more pretentious. H e was never a captain or a
member o f a city council. Still he held his own, with a full share at
Cajamarca and a rich encomienda in Cuzco, where he was a citizen
from the day o f foundation in 1 5 3 4 to his death. In 1 5 3 5 he was nomi
nated for the Cuzco council, but he was not elected. In 1 5 4 2 Governor
Vaca de Castro improved his encomienda still further, presumably for
loyalty and aid in the campaign o f Chupas. The highest honor Carrera
attained was that o f appointment as majordomo o f the hospital in
Cuzco for 1 54 7 . Shortly thereafter he died, possibly naturally, but
more likely in the bloody battle o f Huarina.
N O T E S . Carrera’s full name, when he used it, was Alonso Alvarez

de la Carrera. The evidence for his place o f origin is that he sent money in
1 536 to his father living in Fuentes de Ropel (A G I, Justicia 1 12 6 , no. 2,

ramo 1, memorandum of Gregoria de Sotelo). Carrera’s encomienda was
rated ninth o f eighty-three in Cuzco c.i 548 -134 9 . There seems to have
been some dispute as to whether it belonged in the jurisdiction of Cuzco or
Charcas. It included Caquiabo or Caquiabire and Ricaxa (Loredo, Alardes
y derramas, pp. 1 1 6 , 128; Los repartos, pp. 178, 18 6 - 18 7 ) .
Busto (in Francisco Pizarro, p. 222) indicates that Alonso Alvarez, cap
tain of thirty men who intercepted and mistreated Almagro’s envoys on the
coast south of Lima in 1537, was Alonso Alvarez de la Carrera. This may
only be Busto’s shrewd guess. The standard original accounts say merely
"an Alonso Alvarez’’ (C D IA O , X X , 269; Cieza, Salinas, pp. 1 3 8 - 1 4 3 ) .
A far stronger and more prominent Pizarro partisan was Alonso Alvarez
de Hinojosa, from Trujillo and a citizen of Cuzco.
A Sancho de la Carrera appeared at Alonso’s side in Cuzco in 1535 . He
is probably the same as the Sancho de la Carrera from Toro, near Zamora,
who appeared in Quito in 1536. This Carrera seems to have been a man of
a different stamp; he had a beautiful signature, was regidor in Quito in
15 37 and alcalde in 1544, then captain for Viceroy Blasco Nunez V ela at
the battle o f Inaquito in 1546, where he was killed. The relationship is
reminiscent of that between Francisco and Hernando Pizarro, where the
marginal member of the family goes out to try his luck, then with success
quickly draws in the senior branch.
Other references to Alonso de la Carrera are in A G I, Contaduria 1824,
records from Cuzco, M ay-July, 15 35, and M arch-April, 1 5 3 7 ; Patronato
109, ramo 4; 185, ramos 10 and 1 1 ; A N P, PA 777, 778; A H C, Libros de
cabildos, I, f.47; C D IH E, X X V I, 2 2 1 - 2 3 2 ; R A N P 5 ( 1 9 2 7 ) 1 7 ; Perez de
Tudela, Gasca, II, 587.
For Sancho de la Carrera, see A G I, Contaduria 1824, records from Cuz
co, M ay-July, 1 5 3 5 ; Cieza, Quito (Serrano y Sanz, ed.), p. 89; Gutierrez
de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, II, 355; Libros de cabildos de Quito, I,
sect. 1, pp. 194, 201, pi. opp. p. 232; I, sect. 2, p. 144.
Gonzalo del Castillo

Role at C a jam area: H orsem an Place o f origin: Lebrija (near Seville)
Share: D ouble share of gold Parents: H ernando del Castillo and
and silver Isabel Sanchez B arba
Gonzalo was the son o f Hernando del Castillo, notary and attorney
o f Panama, and in the late 1 5 2 o ’s he acted as his father’s factor in the
budding Indian slave trade between Nicaragua and Panama. In all like
318 THE MEN
lihood he also understood something o f his father’s profession. It was

probably through his father, long acquainted with Pizarro and Alma-
gro, that Gonzalo became involved in the Peruvian venture. In Ju ly o f
1 5 2 9 he was in Nicaragua with a ship sent there by Almagro, picking
up slaves for use as auxiliaries and secretly trying to persuade the Span
iards he met to abandon Nicaragua in favor o f Peru. H e must have
been with the 1 5 3 1 expedition from an early stage, taking one o f the
horses he and his father owned in Nicaragua. In the conquest, Castillo
was one o f the first line o f horsemen, along with his partner, Francisco
de Fuentes. A fter the division o f the treasure o f Cajamarca, he re
turned, under Sebastian de Benalcazar, to help maintain security in San
Miguel, and he appears to have started off on Benalcazar’s campaign
toward Quito in 1 5 3 4 . H e died in Peru under unknown circumstances
before 1 5 3 6 .
NOTES. Busto speculates ("L os fugitivos de Nicaragua,” Mercurio

Peruano 43 [19 6 2 ] :2 6 5 -2 6 7 ) , that the Gonzalo del Castillo at Cajamarca
was a man from A vila (Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 128) who left Spain
in 1 5 1 4 . But as Busto says, basing himself on C D IH N , II, 34 -35, and as is
seen elsewhere, Gonzalo’s father was Hernando del Castillo, who appears
in a document o f 1 5 3 1 as Hernando del Castillo de Lebrija (Enrique Otte
and Miguel Maticorena Estrada, "L a isla de la Magdalena,” Mercurio Pe
ruano 4 1 [i9 60].*269 ). Moreover, Gonzalo’s mother was a citizen and
resident o f Lebrija, as was his brother Pedro (A G I, Justicia 720, no. 6 ).
It is nowhere specifically stated that Castillo and Francisco de Fuentes
were partners. But they appear next to each other on the roll of Cajamarca
as do other such sets; they are again listed together on the roster o f those
who went with Soto to Atahuallpa's camp (Oviedo, Historia, V , 92) , and
they are associated in the days just after Cajamarca (A N P, PA 53 ). Both
went back to San Miguel with Benalcazar, after Cajamarca. To this may be
added that both were from the Seville area, had lived in Panama, and were
connected with official circles there.
Further references to Castillo are in A N P, PA 33, 40, 78, 1 1 1 , 154, 159,
16 2, 771, 773; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 9 9-100.
Miguel Cornejo
Age at Cajamarca: Probably Place of origin: Salamanca, in the
in his 2o’s kingdom of Leon
Role: Footman Extent of literacy: Crude signature
Share: % share of gold and silver
B y most indications, Cornejo was a commoner, possibly from an ar

tisan family. H e was not pretentious or arrogant, for the time; he never
presented a memorial o f his numerous services, and when his children
finally did so in 1 5 6 2 , they laid no claim to hidalgo connections either
for themselves or for their father.
Cornejo had at least brief experience in Nicaragua, and he arrived in
Peru with Soto. A fter the conquest he was at first a citizen of Cuzco,
then, with the foundation o f Arequipa in 1540, he had to move there,
with an encomienda that was far from the best. The transfer was in the
nature of a demotion, but in this milieu, much less lordly and brilliant
than Cuzco, Cornejo was able to function at a higher level than before.
From 1 5 4 1 on he was repeatedly alcalde in Arequipa. He held the post
o f local deputy treasurer for eight years, a job most encomenderos shied
away from because o f the trouble and lack o f pay. Cornejo was a con
scientious, sedentary man. Before long he married Leonor Mendez, o f
equally unpretentious lineage, and began to sire a large family.
In the military line Cornejo finally won some local honors. H e had
performed well on horseback in the siege o f Cuzco and the civil war
battles, but he was not the type to be a captain. Finally the weight of
his experience and seniority made itself felt, and when there was a
flare-up in Peru in 1 5 5 4 , the loyalists o f Arequipa named Cornejo
maestre de campo, organizer and field commander. After this he joined
the royal forces raised by the audiencia, as a cavalryman like all enco
menderos. Carried away perhaps by his new prominence, he did more
than his age permitted. On a dangerous scouting mission he was sud
denly confronted by the enemy, and, to escape, he had to ride so far
and hard that he suffocated inside his armor. H e left four legitimate
and three natural children; the eldest inherited the encomienda, though
the family complained o f poverty.
NOTES. Cornejo’s close acquaintance Pedro Pizarro said that he was

a native o f Salamanca (Relation, V , 2 1 1 ) . N o exact indication o f his age
has been seen, but it may be presumed that he was under thirty in 1332 ,
if he was still riding out on hard scouting missions twenty-two years later.
Cornejo’s posthumous probanza de servitios is in A G I, Patronato 105, ramo
9 and was also partly published in D H A , II, 3 0 2 -3 13 .
15 36; Indiferente General 180 1, record of the ship San Miguel, 1 5 3 5 ;
Justicia 1052, no. 3, ramo 2; Lima 1 1 8 , probanza of Martin de Salas; Patro-
320 THE MEN
nato 109, ramo 4; BN P, A 5 1 2 , ff.2 2 2 - 2 2 3 ; CD 1H N , II, 68; D H A , I, 157,

203, 220, 248, 286; II, 140, 194, 2 1 5 ; Diego Fernandez, Historia, I, 97,
354, 355> 376- 378 ; II, 37; Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, III,
96, 98, 99, 108, 1 1 3 , 366; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 195, 20 1; Perez de
Tudela, in Pedro Pizarro, Relacwn, V, 16 4 ; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V,
208; Porras, Cedularto, II, 206.
Miguel Estete de Santo Domingo

A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 25 Place o f origin: Santo D om ingo de la
R ole: Footm an C alzad a (mountains of O ld Castile)
Share: % share o f gold and silver Extent o f literacy: F u lly literate
Estete added "d e Santo D om ingo" to his name to distinguish him

self from his rather more illustrious namesake (chapter 9 ) , whose
whole background he presumably shared. His subordinate position
might indicate that he was something o f a poor relative o f the other
Estete, but he must have had a very similar education, to judge by his
equally superb signature. This Estete, too, had his moment o f promi
nence. According to Cieza, he was the first man to lay hands on Ata-
huallpa, and the substance o f the report is confirmed by other evidence.
The feat is not reflected in his share; perhaps he was the man who acci
dentally wounded Francisco Pizarro while Pizarro was reaching for
Atahuallpa.
Estete was first a citizen and encomendero of Jauja, then o f Lima,
and finally his citizenship was transferred to highland Huamanga at its
foundation in 1 5 3 9 . In that provincial town he was a great man, with
one o f the best encomiendas and repeated terms on the city council. H e
was never prominent in the civil wars; the only mention o f him in the
chronicles is Gutierrez de Santa Clara’s false report that he was exe
cuted in 1546. Around 1 5 5 7 the rebellious Inca, Sairi Tupac, came out
o f his stronghold o f Vilcabamba to make peace with the Spaniards. On
the Inca’s passage through Huamanga, Estete, in a gesture o f friend
ship, presented him with the imperial fringe he had taken away from
Atahuallpa in 1 5 3 2 . Estete married dona Beatriz de Guevara and left
heirs behind. H e was still alive in Huamanga in 1 3 6 1 .
NOTES. N o sooner had Miguel Estete the horseman departed from

Peru than Miguel Estete the footman began to drop the "Santo Domingo"
from his name. It is natural that confusion between the two should arise
(see Domingo Angulo’s introduction to Estete’s chronicle, for one ex
ample) . The essentials of the distinction between them have been worked
out by Porras Barrenechea, though he lacked the concrete data to make
categorical statements. Porras did make the very natural mistake of accept
ing Gutierrez de Santa Clara’s report of the second Miguel Estete’s death
in 1546, thus he assumed yet a third Miguel Estete was living in Huamanga
in the 1 5 5 0 ’s. N o other account of the executions in Cuzco in 1546 men
tions Estete, and even more conclusively, there are three separate refer
ences to the Estete dwelling in Huamanga after 1546 as a first conqueror
(Jimenez de la Espada, Relaciones geo grafleas, I, 196 ; Loredo, Los repar-
tos, pp. 2 1 1 , 216; Garcilaso, Obras, II, 1 4 5 ) .
There is no doubt that the man involved in seizing Atahuallpa physically
was Miguel Estete de Santo Domingo, not Miguel Estete the horseman.
This is probable if only because it was a body of foot under Pizarro which
rushed out to take the Inca, and Cieza makes it definite by identifying the
man as "M iguel Estete, native of Santo Domingo de la Calzada, foot-
soldier” (Tere era parte, in Mer curio Peruano 38 [ 1 9 5 7 3 : 2 5 6 ) . The story
of Estete’s returning the imperial fringe rests on Garcilaso de la Vega, who
is certainly often enough a relayer of legends, but in this case he is telling
about something that happened when he was nearing eighteen and that he
heard discussed shortly after the event (Garcilaso, Obras, II, 1 4 5 ) . There
might seem to be a conflict between Estete’s possession of the fringe and
Cieza’s report that when Atahuallpa was about to be buried with the im
perial fringe on his brow, the priest Francisco de Morales appropriated it,
and that he later took it to Spain with him ( Tereera parte, in M er curio
Peruano 39 [1 9 5 8 3 : 5 7 9 ) . But an imperial fringe, rather than a physical
thing like the crown of a king, would seem to have been an abstraction on
the order of a flag, being merely the right to wear a fringe o f certain dis
position and color, and the Inca could have a new one every day.
The established fact that Miguel Estete of Huamanga was a man of Caja-
marca, and specifically a footman, should serve to cement the identities of
the two Estetes. However, lest any suspicion remain that a single Estete
was shuttling back and forth across the ocean, the documentary proof can
be further strengthened. Miguel Estete, without additional surname, who
by his own testimony there given was at Cajamarca, was in Panama in Sep
tember, 1 5 3 4 (A G I, Patronato 150, no. 6, ramo 2 ) ; in Madrid in Sep
tember, 1 5 35 ( C D I H N , III, 4 1 3 - 4 1 4 ) ; in Valladolid in March, 1 537
(A G I, Justicia 1 1 2 4 , no. 6, ramo 3 ) , and still there in 15 38 (A G I, Justi-
cia 1 12 4 , no. 5, ramo 3 ). Miguel Estete de Santo Domingo, in each case
using the surname, was in Jauja as a citizen in December, 1 5 3 4 (Libros de
cabildos de Lima, I, 8 - 1 0 ) , then in Lima as a citizen in December, 15 35
322 THE MEN
(document in the Lilly Library), in January, 1 3 3 6 (A N P, P A 780), in

June, 1 5 3 7 (A G I, Lima 204, probanza o f Francisco de Ampuero), and in
May, 1 5 38 (A N P, Castaneda, reg. 9, f. 3 3 ) .
Miguel Estete the footman gave his age as thirty in 1 5 3 7 (A G I, Lima
204, probanza of Francisco de Am puero). Other references to him are in
A N P , P A 279, 290; Salinas 1 5 4 2 - 1 5 4 3 , ff.3 3-3 8 (2nd series); BN P,
A 203, ff.i, 6 3 ; H C 156, 1547, 1 5 6 1 - 1 5 6 2 ; Cobo, Obras, II, 304; Diego
Fernandez, Historia, I, 349; Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, III,
84; Porras, Cronistas, pp. 10 6 -10 8 .
Francisco de Fuentes
A g e at C ajam arca: O ver 2 5 Place o f origin: Probably Seville
R o le: H orsem an Extent of literacy: G o od signature,
Share: D ouble share o f gold and silver doubtless literate
Fuentes had lived for some time in the Panama region; it was appar
ently there that he married a natural daughter o f Licenciado Gaspar de
Espinosa, former alcalde mayor, who had much to do with the early
stages o f the discovery o f Peru, both as an actor and as an associate of
Hernando de Luque. Fuentes, o f necessity an indirect representative o f
these interests, was a man to be treated carefully by the Pizarros, yet
held at arm’s length.
Though he had been in Panama and connected with the organiza
tional core o f the expedition, Fuentes also had had much experience in
Nicaragua and appears to have come to Peru directly from there, with
Benalcazar. A fter receiving his horseman’s double share o f the treasure
at Cajamarca, he went back under Benalcazar to help guard San M i
guel, and he therefore got only 1 % shares o f the division made in
Jauja, and 1I/2 shares o f the division in Cuzco.
Pizarro gave Fuentes an encomienda in Trujillo, which was a poor
region compared to Lima and Cuzco, though that was perhaps not so
clear in 1 5 3 5 as later. The grant was respectable in size, but it was lo
cated in a coastal area where Indian mortality was high. By 1 5 4 9 ^ was
rated only seventeenth best o f twenty-nine in the Trujillo area. N ever
theless, Fuentes was always a power in Trujillo; the economy there in
any case rested as much on commerce as on encomiendas. In 1 5 3 8 Pi-
zarro called on the citizens o f T rujillo to join his forces against Al-
magro; the T rujillo contingent was given the assignment o f guarding
the king’s treasure, and Francisco de Fuentes alternated with another
leader as captain o f the guard. Through the 1 5 4 0 ’s and 1 5 5 0 ’s Fuentes

was often a council member or alcalde in Trujillo. Like most o f the
men o f the north, he took very little part in the great civil struggles
which were the concern o f Lima, Cuzco, and Charcas. H e died around
1560, leaving a family. In his final days he was affected by the crisis o f
conscience over the conquest that was beginning to express itself at that
time and left large legacies to the Indians o f his encomienda by way o f
restitution.
NOTES. The lower limit on Fuentes’s age is estimated from the fact
that his daughter was not only married but was having love affairs by 1 5 4 1 ,
so she must have been fourteen at least, and, following Spanish patterns,
Fuentes would hardly have married before the age of twenty— probably
some years later.
It seems very likely that Fuentes was from the Seville region. He mar
ried his daughter to a Sevillian (A G I, Patronato 105, ramo 1 0 ) , his some
time partner Gonzalo del Castillo (q.v.) was a Sevillian, and all his life
he is seen much in contact with people of Seville. Probably he was con
nected with another Francisco de Fuentes, from Seville, who was dispenser
of Francisco Pizarro in 1536, then became an encomendero and council
member in Chachapoyas, adjacent to the Trujillo region; indeed the Fuen
tes o f Cajamarca was called Francisco de Fuentes el Viejo, or the Elder, to
distinguish him from the other one. Fuentes may have been the son of
G arda de Fuentes and Beatriz de Escobar, vecinos of Seville, who left Spain
in 1 527 (Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 2 1 4 ) .
Fuentes’s w ife was named Barbola de Espinosa. Though Guillermo Loh-
mann Villena considers her the legitimate daughter of Licenciado Espinosa
and his w ife dona Isabel, he himself quotes evidence proving that such was
not the case (Les Espinosa, pp. 9 7-9 8 ). In a will of 1 3 2 7 Espinosa made
a small legacy to Barbola, called his ''servant,” toward her dowry, "be
cause she is said to be my daughter.” The latter phrase is a formula used
to fend off possible larger inheritance claims by those o f one’s illegitimate
children whose mothers were o f very low status. Not only was Barbola not
called "dona” like her father’s wife, but even Fuentes’s legitimate daughter
by Barbola was called plain Francisca de Fuentes, unusual for the daughter
of any encomendero, and especially of such an illustrious one. Thus it ap
pears probable that Barbola’s mother had been very low on the social scale,
possibly a Morisca or a mulatto woman. Lohmann believes that Fuentes
married Barbola around 1 5 3 7 or 1538. The age o f their daughter Francisca
precludes such a late beginning of their relationship, though it might well
have been formalized at that time.
3 24 THE MEN
Cieza says (in Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36 [ 1 9 5 5 ] - 4 7 0 ) that

Fuentes was among those arriving in Peru with Benalcazar. Porras, in Tru
jillo, Relation, p. 92, says that he saw (in some unnamed source) testi
mony by Fuentes to the effect that he came with Soto. Fuentes’s probanza
has his participation in the Peruvian conquest begin at Puertoviejo, where
Benalcazar joined the expedition, so the probabilities seem to favor Cieza’s
version.
A posthumous probanza de servicios of Francisco de Fuentes is in A G I,
Patronato 103, no. 1, ramo 9. Busto’s article "E l capitân Melchor Verdugo’’
(in Revista Histôrica 24 [ 1 9 5 9 3: 3 2 9 , 3 7 1 ) gives some further detail on
Fuentes, his daughter, and his relationship to Verdugo, partly based on
sources there given which this writer has not seen.
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 168 1, records from Trujillo,
1 3 3 1 ; Contratacion 198, ramo 1 3 ; Lima i n , letter of cabildo of Trujillo,
December 6, 15 52 ; Lima 565, vol. Ill, April 1, 1539; A N P, P A 9, 10, 53,
65, 1 1 2 , 152, 153, 155, 157, 158, 746; Barriga, Mercedarios, II, 18 1 ; Bo-
rregân, Crônica, p. 49; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 251, 256, 258; Lohmann
Villena, "Restitudon,” Anuario de Estudios Americanos 23 (19 6 6 ) 149-50;
Oviedo, Historia, V , 92; Pérez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 572; Porras, Cartas,
pp. 427, 428, 437, 488; Porras, in Trujillo, Relation, p. 92; Vargas Ugarte,
"Fecha de la fundaciön de Trujillo,” Revista Histôrica 10 ( 1 9 3 6 ) .*234-
235.
For the second Francisco de Fuentes, see A N P, Juzgado, September 1,
1 5 3 6 ; H C 280, 10 9 5; CDIHC, V I, 405.
Francisco Gorducho
Role at C ajam arca: Footm an Place o f origin: San M artin de T revejo
Share: % share of gold (northwestern Extrem adu ra)
and silver Parents: Lorenzo G orducho and
Ju an a M artin G alvan a
Extent o f literacy: Could sign his name
A t home his name had been Francisco Martin Gorducho, but upon
seeing how many Francisco Martins there were in the Indies (at least
three others and a Francisco Martinez on the 1 5 3 1 expedition alone),
he dropped the middle name and used only Gorducho, despite its
inelegance ("F atso ,” approxim ately). H e had been in Nicaragua for
at least two or three years and must have come from there directly to
Peru with Benalcazar or Soto. A fter the main surge o f the conquest he
became a citizen o f Lima, apparently with a coastal encomienda. In
late 1 5 3 5 he took a trip to Cuzco, as many o f Lim a’s citizens were do
ing, partly to investigate stories o f greater wealth to the south, and
partly to sell horses and provisions for the outfitting o f Alm agro’s
great Chile expedition. Gorducho took two slaves to sell, and doubtless
other things, but when he arrived Alm agro had already left, and he
was caught in the siege the Indians threw around the city. H e seems to
have survived it, since he was still paying the king’s fifth in M arch-
April, 1 5 3 7 , when Alm agro returned and ended the Indian threat.
A fter that, Gorducho disappears. H e may have returned to Spain at
that late date, as a few did, or he may have been one o f the many
casualties of the first of the civil wars, the "W ar o f Salinas’’ in 1 5 3 7 -
1 5 3 8 , which began and was largely fought near Cuzco.
NOTES. Proceedings initiated by his mother to recover money G or

ducho sent home (in A G I, Justicia 1 12 4 , no. 6, ramo 3) give his origin,
his full name, and the names of his parents. Other references are in A G I,
Contaduria 1824, records from Cuzco, M arch-April, 1 3 3 7 ; 1823, Penas
de Camara, 1532, 1 5 3 5 ; Lima 1 18 , probanza of Alvaro Munoz; A N P, PA
6, 28, 66, 68, 73, 74, 3 13, 681, 718, 723; Libros de cabildos de Lima, I,
128.
Rodrigo de Herrera
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 25 to 28 Place o f origin: Carrion de los Condes,
R ole: Musketeer (on foot) in the kingdom of Leon
Share: % share o f gold and silver Extent o f literacy: Signature crude
The expedition had already landed on the north coast o f Peru when
Rodrigo de Herrera bought from a comrade the musket he was to use
at Cajamarca. The price was nine pesos, a piddling sum, but perhaps
after all not a great bargain. The musket or harquebus was not a very
effective weapon against Indians who were without number; beyond
this, it was not integrated into the Spaniards’ social values as was the
horse, and it lacked the horse’s capital value. Possession o f a horse
doubled a man’s share whenever profits were distributed— possession
o f a musket had no visible effect. Neither o f the two known musketeers
at Cajamarca got even so much as one full share.
From a very early time Herrera enjoyed the confidence o f the Pi-
zarros. In 1 5 3 3 he received a royal appointment to the council of Turn-
326 THE MEN
bez, originally intended to be the main settlement. But no Spanish

city was ever established there, so in 1 5 3 5 he was named to the council
o f the next projected capital, Jauja; officials at the royal court did not
realize that he had already settled in Cuzco. Finally, in 1 5 3 8 , he was
appointed to the council o f Cuzco, where he had already been sitting on
a year-to-year basis. Herrera was not personally prominent in any way;
he did not achieve such a string o f honors through particularly high
lineage, education, feats o f arms, or standing as a leader. H e almost
certainly was one o f the retainers that the Pizarros tried to place on the
town councils to assure obedience. Another Herrera from Carrion de
los Condes, Alonso, worked for the Pizarros as a majordomo in Cuzco
in the i 5 4 o ’s and was sentenced in 15 4 8 for complicity in the rebellion
o f Gonzalo Pizarro.
Rodrigo de Herrera returned to Spain around 1 5 3 9 , having lived in
Cuzco through the great siege and the first round of the civil wars.
Most o f those who left the country at this late date had some special
reason for doing so. Perhaps Herrera had fallen out with the Pizarros;
back in Spain he was one o f those persistently suing Hernando Pizarro
for money confiscated in Cuzco. H e went to Spain with royal license, re
taining his Indians, but doubtless he already knew he would not return
to Peru. B y A pril, 1540, he had already negotiated the transfer o f his
council seat to another man, and then soon retired to live in the little
village o f Lomas in the jurisdiction o f Carrion.
NOTES. Herrera gave his age as about thirty in 1 5 3 4 (A G I, Patrona-

to 93, no. 6, ramo 4 ) ; over thirty in 1 5 38 (D H A , II, 4 7 -4 8 ); and about
thirty again in 1340 (A G I, Justicia 1 1 2 4 , no. 5, ramo 2 ). The latter has
been disregarded as inconsistent with the others. In the last-mentioned
source and in Justicia 1032, no. 4, ramo 1, he declares himself a citizen of
Lomas, subordinate village o f Carrion de los Condes; in a petition in A G I,
Lima 1 1 8 , he is called a citizen of Carrion.
March, 1 5 3 6 ; Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship San M iguel, 1 5 3 5 ;
Lima 1 1 8 , probanza of Alvaro Munoz; 565, vol. Ill, April 30, 1540, May
3 1 , 15 38 ; Patronato 93, no. 8, ramo 4; 109, ramo 4; 185, ramo 1 1 ; A N P,
PA 10 7, 777; HC 15, 20; CD IH E, X X V I, 2 2 1 - 2 3 2 ; Porras, Cedulario, I,
i n ; II, 94» 4 1 1 -
For Alonso de Herrera, see C D IA O , X X , 532; Loredo, "Sentencias,”
M et curio Peruano 22 (19 40)1268; Perez de Tudela, Gasca, I, 3 1 0 - 3 1 1 .
Confusingly enough, there was also a Rodrigo Alonso de Herrera acting
as a Pizarro majordomo in Cuzco in the 15 4 0 ’s, but he was from Olmedo,

not Carrion. See CD IAO , X X , 330, and Perez de Tudela, Gasca, passim.
Andres Jimenez
A ge at C ajam arca: A bout 28 or 29 Place o f origin: C azalla de la Sierra
Role: Footman (north o f Seville)
Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold and silver Extent o f literacy: Could sign his name
Though he was from Cazalla " o f the mountain," in the hilly wine
growing region north o f Seville, Andres Jimenez seems to have lived
in Seville itself for some time, since he was a parishioner there, and in
his will he endowed a chaplaincy in Seville rather than one in Cazalla.
W ith a w ife, Catalina Martinez, and no less than five children at home
in Spain, he must have been quite new to the Indies in 1 5 3 0 . His
background appears to have been humble. H e put a perfunctory men
tion o f the word "hidalgo" into his petition for a coat o f arms, but no
such claim was made in the accompanying inquiry into his ancestry car
ried out in Cazalla, where the people testifying were all good ordinary
townsfolk. It would seem then that Jim enez’s full share at Cajamarca
can be attributed to maturity and sheer ability rather than to experience
or connections.
A fter the main events o f the conquest, Jimenez got permission to
visit Spain, arriving in 1 5 3 5 . Here, at the royal court, he did more to
advance his career than he had ever done in Peru. H e negotiated for
and received not only a coat of arms, but a permanent seat on the
council o f Lima. H e was also named captain o f a party o f a hundred
men leaving Spain for Peru in early 1 5 3 7 , and thereafter was always
styled Captain Jimenez, though he was never captain of an expedition
or a company in battle. Back in Peru by 1 5 3 8 , he sat on the council o f
Lima for a short time, then became a citizen o f Arequipa when it was
founded in 1540. In 1 5 4 1 he was alcalde there. H e had close connec
tions with a Sevillian merchant in Arequipa, Baltasar de Armenta, who
was not only his partner in exploiting mines on his encomienda, but
also the executor o f his w ill and guardian of his children. Jimenez
was a notable casualty o f the civil war battle o f Chupas in 1 5 4 2 , where
he was on the loyalist side and among the cavalry, but not functioning
as captain. His eighteen-year-old son Andres, who had come to Peru
with his father in 1 5 3 8 , inherited Jim enez’s encomienda and held it
until he too died in 1 54 7 .
328 THE MEN
NOTES. In 1 3 3 4 Jimenez said he was thirty-one (A G I, Lima 204,

probanza o f Hernan Gonzalez), in 1 3 4 1 that he was thirty-six or thirty-
seven (A G I, Patronato 93, no. n , ramo 2 ). His probanza de servicios,
made in 1535 , is in A G I, Patronato 93, no. 5, ramo 2. His agreements with
the merchant Armenta are in A N P, Salinas 1 5 4 3 - 1 5 4 3 , ff.6 1-6 3 , 1 1 9 - 1 2 2 ;
the posthumous w ill Armenta dictated for him is in D H A , I, 1 7 1 - 1 7 6 ;
there he is called a native o f Cazalla. Armenta’s biography may be seen in
Lockhart, Spanish Peru, pp. 92-94.
Other references are in A G I, Indiferente General 180 1, records of ship
Santa Catalina, 1 5 3 3 ; Justicia 467; A N P, P A 1 1 5 , 13 3, 144 ; BN P, A 5 9 1 ,
ff.366, 3 7 1 - 3 7 3 ; HC 347; D H A , I, 122, 1 3 1 , 135, 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 ; II, 89-90;
Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 198, 204; Porras, Cedulario, II, 173, 195, 196,
207, 287-288; Torres Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos, I, 1 9 5 ; Z a
rate, Historia, II, 505.
Pedro de Leon
A ge at C ajam arca: A bout 29 Place o f origin: Ciudad Real
Role: Horseman (N ew C astile)
Share: D ouble share o f gold Extent o f literacy: Good signature,
and silver probably literate
In 1 5 2 9 a Pedro de Leon was in the following o f Treasurer D iego de

la Tovilla o f Nicaragua; it is probably right to identify this man with
the horseman o f Cajamarca, since Nicaragua was the training ground
o f so many o f the conquerors, and in Peru, Leon is seen often in as
sociation with other veterans. H e followed the conquest to its con
clusion, then left Peru in late 1 5 3 4 , at the time o f the general exodus,
arriving in Seville in 1 5 3 5 with wealth even greater than that o f many
o f his comrades. In 1 5 3 5 another Pedro de Leon and his brother
Francisco de Leon left Spain for Peru and were subsequently conquer
ors o f Chile with Valdivia. They were from Santa Cruz de Calatrava
in the Ciudad Real area, and they may have been relatives o f the man
o f Cajamarca, hoping to match his good fortune.
NOTES. There were yet other Pedro de Leons in Pem in the early
period, one of whom was close enough to give rise to possible confusion. A
notary by the name o f Pedro de Leon came to Pem in 1 5 3 4 with Pedro de
Alvarado; he soon went to Cuzco, where he lived through the siege of
1 5 3 6 - 1 5 3 7 , and then functioned as notary public in Cuzco for a time, at

least until 1 5 39 (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 9, ramo 7 ).
The Pedro de Leon of Cajamarca declared in 1 5 35 that he was thirty-
two years old and a native o f Ciudad Real (A G I, Justicia 719, no. 9).
Other references are in A G I, Indiferente General 180 1, records from ship
San M iguel, 1 5 3 5 ; Justicia 1 1 2 6 , no. 2, ramo 1, memorandum of Gregorio
de Sotelo; A N P, PA 97, n o , 145, 149; CD IH N , II, 18 - 19 , 244, 252.
For the Pedro and Francisco de Leon who went to Chile, see Bermudez
Plata, Pasajeros, II, 88, and Thayer Ojeda, Valdivia y sus companeros, p.
47 -
Francisco Malaver
Role at C ajam arca: Horseman Extent o f literacy: Could sign
Share: 1% shares o f gold; his name
2 shares o f silver
Because o f a misdemeanor, a court in Leon, Nicaragua, had at some

time condemned Malaver to a fine o f six pesos (which he never p a i d ) .
In 1 5 3 1 he came with Benalcazar directly from Nicaragua to join the
expedition. A ll that is known o f his career in Peru is that here, too, his
name appears in the accounts o f the perns de cdmara, small fines given
out for fighting, gambling, or drinking. M alaver left the country in
1 5 3 4 . O f eleven men o f Cajamarca arriving in Seville in 1 5 3 5 on the
ship San M iguel, he registered the largest fortune: 30,000 pesos of
gold and 1 ,7 5 0 marks o f silver, besides some odd gold pieces and
emeralds. In Peru in later years, the name M alaver was associated with
a respected family from Zafra in southern Extremadura, but there is no
sure indication that Francisco Malaver was their relative.
NOTES. The name occurs with about equal frequency in two forms,
Malaver and Maraver, either with or without "de.” Among the Malavers
of Zafra in Peru was a Francisco Malaver in the battle of Huarina in 1547
(Garcilaso, Obras, III, 356), and a Pedro Malaver who came to Peru in
1 5 5 1 (A G I, Lima 567, vol. Ill, September 28, 1 5 5 1 ) .
References to Francisco Malaver o f Cajamarca are in A G I, Contadurfa
1825, Penas de Camara, 1 5 3 5 ; Indiferente General 1 80 1, records of ship
San M iguel, 1 5 3 5 ; Justicia 1 1 2 4 , no. 5, ramo 1, testimony of Pedro de
Aguirre; C D IH N , II, 296; IV , 559; Porras, in Trujillo, Relacion, p. 82;
Trujillo, Relacion, p. 48.
330 THE MEN
Gaspar de Marquina
Age at Cajamarca: Early 2o’s Place of origin: Elgoibar, near San Sebastian
Role: Footman in the Basque country
Share: % share of gold; Parents: Martin de Garate and
no silver Mari Ramirez de Altamira
Extent of literacy: Fully literate
Much o f what we know about Gaspar de Marquina comes from a

letter he wrote to his father in July, 1 5 3 3 , the only one that has
reached us o f many personal letters the men o f Cajamarca must have
sent to Spain with the first returnees. (T h e letter, with comment, w ill
be found in Appendix I.) Gaspar, young and impressionable, was
perhaps a bit more amazed at the land o f the Incas than many o f his
fellows, but he was typical o f many in his burning thoughts o f his
homeland and his dreams o f how he could use the new wealth to fur
ther himself and his family if he could only get back to Spain.
Known as Gaspar de Garate at home, he adopted the name o f M ar
quina in the Indies as one that was recognized as Basque and yet
familiar to the other Spaniards. H e was the illegitimate son o f Martin
de Garate, but his father had recognized him, brought him up, and
given him an education that qualified him to become perhaps a mer
chant or a notary. Instead, he left Spain while still a boy. By the late
1 5 2 0 ’s he was serving as a page o f Governor Pedrarias de A vila in
Nicaragua. A t Pedrarias’s death, in March, 1 5 3 1 , Gaspar was left
without prospects, and he came to Peru in the company of some fellow
Basques and other former servants o f Pedrarias, probably under H er
nando de Soto.
In Peru he was soon back in his former occupation, this time as one
o f Governor Pizarro’s pages. A s such, his name appears near the end
o f the roll o f Cajamarca, with no share at all of the silver. Y et the gold
was far more important; his 3, 330 pesos represented a fortune in abso
lute terms and a larger portion relatively than the half shares that some
received. A t some time while in Peru Gaspar became the partner of
Basque Nicolas de Azpeitia. A fter Cajamarca he bought a horse in
partnership with Pedro Navarro, also a retainer o f Francisco Pizarro
and from Navarre, part o f the Basque country. It must have been this
horse Gaspar was riding in Hernando de Soto’s vanguard when he was
killed by Indians on the way south to Cuzco, on the slope o f Vilcaconga
in November, 1 5 3 3 .
N O T E S . AGI, Justicia 1124 , no. 5, ramo 1, contains Gaspar’s letter

and much testimony concerning him. There his comrade, Pedro de Anadel,
says Gaspar was about twenty-four or twenty-five when he died in 1533.
Other references are in AGI, Justicia 1074, no. 9; ANP, PA 93; HC 48;
Busto, "Los caidos en Vilcaconga,” pp. 1 1 8 - 1 1 9 ; Loredo, Los repartos, p.
105; Porras, Cedulario, II, 11 8, 4 1 3 ; Porras, in Trujillo, Relation, p. 1 2 1 ;
Trujillo, Relation, p. 62.
Diego Mejia
Role at Cajamarca: Horseman Place of origin: Probably southern
Share: Double share of gold Extremadura
and silver Extent of literacy: Could sign his name
In 1 5 2 9 Diego M ejia, then living in the area o f Leon, Nicaragua,

was one o f several Spaniards who allowed themselves to be enticed into
the Peruvian venture by the pilot Bartolomé Ruiz. Ruiz took them in
his ship to Panama, and thus Diego M ejia was with the 1 5 3 1 expedi
tion from the beginning. The only measure we have of M ejia’s back
ground is that he was connected with two other M ejias in Peru in the
early period (both named Francisco), one o f whom was alcalde in
Cuzco, while the other was a blacksmith. A fter the division o f the
treasure o f Cajamarca in June, 1 5 3 3 , Diego M ejia disappears; the cir
cumstances make it likely that he was among the immediate returnees
to Spain.
N O T E S . In his prologue to Diego Gonzalez Holguin’s Vocabulario,

p. xxi, Porras says, without indicating source, that the name of the man at
Cajamarca was Diego Ruiz Mejia; in this he is probably right, as usual,
though in Peru the name was always just Mejia. Porras goes on to associate
Mejia generally with several well-known lineages of the Caceres-Trujillo
region, apparently on the basis of name alone, and this is more dubious.
There were many, many different Mejia families in Spain. The present
writer thinks that Diego Mejia was probably from southern Extremadura,
based on the following associations. On June 3, 1333, Diego Mejia lent
530 pesos to a Francisco Mejia, who had just arrived with Almagro, and
who shortly became regidor and then alcalde in Cuzco (AN P, PA 1 1 2 ) .
Then in 1536 another Francisco Mejia arrived, who, without even having
left Lima, sent general powers of attorney to the Francisco Mejia in Cuzco
(ANP, PA 299). This latter Francisco Mejia had been a vecino of Nata
on the Isthmus (HC 1 72 ) ; he was a blacksmith, and he had been born in
332 THE MEN
Segura de Leon on the southern edge of Extremadura (B N P , A 505, August

20, 1 5 4 1 ) .
The indication that M ejia may have left Peru in 1 5 3 3 is that on August
9, 1 5 3 3 Francisco M ejia (the future vecino of Cuzco) declared that he
owed 500 pesos (the amount Diego had previously lent Francisco) to Ro
drigo de Chaves, Chaves having paid that amount for Francisco to Diego
M ejia (A N P , PA 52). I f Diego were staying with the expedition, there
would have been no reason for Francisco to pay off his debt so quickly.
Other references to Diego M ejia are in A G I, Contaduria 1823, records
from Coaque, August, 1 5 3 1 ; H C 27, 30; C D IH N , II, 46; Busto, ''Los
fugitivos,” Mercurio Peruano 43 (1 9 62 ) :2 7 0- 27 1.
Further references to the other Mejias are in A N P, Castaneda, register
13 , f f . 1 - 2 ; PA 347; HC h i , 1 1 2 , 1 1 9 , 326; CD IA O , X L II, 379.
Diego de Molina
A ge at C ajam arca: A bout 25 Place o f origin: Baeza
R ole: Horseman (eastern A n d alu sia)
Share: 1% shares o f gold; Extent o f literacy: Could sign
1 % shares o f silver his name
Diego de Molina must have been a relative o f Alonso de Molina,

one o f the Thirteen with Pizarro on the first coastal reconnaissance of
central Peru, since both men were from the vicinity o f Ubeda, in
eastern Andalusia near Jaen. Alonso de M olina stayed behind in Peru
in 1 52 8, expecting to serve as liaison with the Indians when the con
quering expedition would return, but he died in mysterious circum
stances before 1 5 3 1 . Instead o f his relative, Diego found on the island
o f Puna— or so one old tale-teller informs us— a group o f Indian boys
who ran to meet the Spaniards shouting "Jesus Christ" and "M olin a."
Diego de Molina came to the Indies in 1 3 2 6 . H e seems to have been
literate, but the Molinas did not presume to high lineage, and the
chronicler, Oviedo, who met him and was usually liberal with the word
"hidalgo," called him by the more modest term, hombre de bien.
H aving prior connections with the Peruvian venture, Molina pre
sumably was with the expedition from Panama. H e had a good horse,
and he was with Hernando de Soto at the first interview with Atahuall-
pa, but something kept him from getting a horseman’s usual double
share in the division o f treasure. Perhaps he fell ill or was wounded;
he left Peru in 1 5 3 3 with the first returnees, most o f whom were sick,
wounded, or old veterans, and he certainly was not old. B y December,
1 5 3 3 , he was in Santo Domingo in the Caribbean, where even his

moderate share was enough to impress onlookers greatly, particularly
two great covered golden jars, not to speak o f cups and pots made o f
gold and silver, and woolen Indian clothing o f fine workmanship.
Molina then went on to Seville, where he may have intended to settle,
since he was still there, a citizen, in April, 1 5 3 5 .
NOTES. Diego de Molina, citizen of Baeza, received a license to go to

the Indies in March, 13 26 (Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 199) . Oviedo says
he was a native of Baeza ( Historia, V , 9 0 -9 2 ). In Seville in 1535, Molina
said he was twenty-eight years old (A G I, Justicia 719, no. 9). Other refer
ences are in A N P, PA 36, 79, 94, 109.
For Alonso de Molina, see Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 34
( 1 9 5 3 ) 1314; Romero, Los heroes de la isla del Gallo, p. 48; Tm jillo, Rela
tion, p. 5 1.
Alonso de Morales
Age at C ajam arca: A bout 30 Place o f origin: M oral de C alatrava
Role: Horseman (N ew Castile)
Share: Double share o f gold Extent o f literacy: Could sign
and silver his name
T o make himself more identifiable, expedition member Alonso. L o

pez took an added surname from his home town o f M oral; his fellows
mistook it for the more common name o f Morales, and thus he appears
on the roll o f Cajamarca as Alonso de Morales. Alonso Lopez left
Spain in 1 5 3 0 with the Pizarros, and by the time the expedition reached
Peru, if not earlier, he was acting as a retainer o f Juan and Gonzalo
Pizarro. O f his social background there is a hint in the company he
made with Alonso Jimenez the swordsmith in 1 3 3 1 , to share equally
all they earned from their work and other ventures. The agreement is
not specific about the type o f work, so there is no sure evidence that
Alonso Lopez was a smith, but companies of this type were very com
mon among artisans.
During the conquest, Alonso Lopez considered staying in the San
Miguel area as an encomendero, but he was persuaded to give that up
for the prospect o f a better encomienda farther on in Cuzco. Hardly
was Cuzco taken, however, than he decided to go home to Spain in
stead. First he accompanied his Ciudad Real compatriot Alm agro north
334 THE MEN
to Jauja and beyond, then he left Peru in late 1 5 3 4 , carrying 1,500

pesos for Gonzalo Pizarro as well as his own money. Back in Spain he
had second thoughts; in 1 5 3 6 he declared his intention o f going once
again to Peru, claiming that he had come home only temporarily to
recover from illness and see about his w ife and children. On these
grounds he obtained a royal letter to the officials in Peru, recommend
ing that he be considered favorably for an encomienda. It is in fact
very possible that Alonso Lopez had left the Indies because o f illness,
but hardly likely that at that time he meant to return quickly. A t any
rate, he knew that even with a recommendation he was not likely to be
well received in Peru, so he never went back after all and in 1 5 5 0 was
still living in his native Moral de Calatrava.
NOTES. In most of the references to him while he was in Peru, our

man appears either as plain Alonso Lopez or as Alonso de Morales. In
Spain he is referred to as Alonso Lopez del Moral, and once, in provincial
fashion, as Alonso Lôpez de Benito Lopez (Benito Lopez doubtless being
his father). The last version occurs in A G I, Justicia 1082, no. 1, ramo 4,
which contains testimony about the money Alonso Lopez brought home for
the Pizarros and several other matters of interest. He is seen living in Moral
de Calatrava in 1550, forty-eight years old by his declaration. In Seville
in 15 35, he said he was a citizen o f Moral and thirty-three years old (A G I,
Patronato 93, no. 5, ramo 2 ). His company with Alonso Jimenez is in HC
32.
Other references are in A N P, PA 8 1, 85, 86, 159, 1 6 2 ; HC 19, 32;
Porras, Cedulario, II, 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 ; Herrera, Décodas, X I, 43.
Rodrigo Nunez
A ge at C ajam arca: A bout 35 Place o f origin: Probably
Role: Horseman E xtrem adura
Share: D ouble share o f gold Extent o f literacy: C ould sign
and silver his name
Occasionally Rodrigo Nunez used the added surname Prado, Nunez

de Prado being the name o f a lineage o f local hidalgos with branches
in several parts o f Extremadura. But, since Spanish families had so
many strata, association with a given family does not by itself greatly
clarify an individual’s social standing. Rodrigo Nunez could sign his
name satisfactorily, and he may have been literate, though the chron-
icier Cieza said that he was a man o f "not much knowledge and less
judgm ent/’
Rodrigo Nunez came to the Indies in 1 5 1 4 , with Governor Pedrarias
de A vila o f Panama. A fter participating in marginal or unsuccessful
conquests in Veragua (western Panama) and Honduras, he came to
Nicaragua, and by the late 1 5 2 0 ’s he held an encomienda, though a
small one, in Nicaragua’s chief settlement o f Leon. W hen he arrived
in Peru with Benalcazar, therefore, Rodrigo Nunez was one o f the most
substantial and senior members o f the expedition. A s such, he de
manded a post o f responsibility, and the hard-pressed Pizarros made
him maestre de campo, or fieldmaster, a position o f great honor and
usually o f power as well. The maestre de campo customarily was second
in command, in charge o f daily operations and responsible for tactics
in battle. Nunez took his post so much to heart that it became the chief
glory of his life; it found mention in the royal letter granting him a coat
of arms, and he even began to take his name from it, signing himself,
"Rodrigo Nunez, maestre de campo.’’ But the Pizarros had so many
captains that they had to apportion power very carefully. Hernando
Pizarro as teniente was already acting as second in command, not to
speak o f the inherent power exercised by Soto and Benalcazar. Even
judicial authority was given to another man with the title o f alcalde
mayor. The Pizarros’ conception o f Rodrigo N unez’s function can be
seen in Pedro Pizarro’s reference to him as a man who distributed pro
visions and assigned the guards. Their true evaluation o f the post
came fully to light at the distribution o f the treasure of Cajamarca,
when Rodrigo Nunez received no more and no less than an ordinary
horseman’s share.
T o this downgrading, Rodrigo Nunez responded by gravitating
toward the Pizarros’ rival, Diego de Almagro. H e accompanied Alma-
gro to Quito, and after that he joined Alm agro’s great Chile expedition
of 1 5 3 5 - 1 5 3 7 , one o f only three or four men o f Cajamarca to do so.
Here too he served as maestre de campo, but once again only in the
narrower sense and not as a great captain. On returning to Peru with
the rest, Rodrigo Nunez by circumstance and conviction was Alm agro’s
ally in the civil conflicts that followed. H e fought on the losing side
at the battle o f Salinas in 1 5 3 8 . Later that year the Pizarrist council o f
Lima refused to seat him despite a royal appointment, alleging sophistic
reasons. But since he was a man o f considerable prominence, the
33 6 THE MEN
Pizarros did not feel it prudent to ignore him completely. Instead they
gave him the modest award (which also amounted to exile) o f the
encomienda o f Piscobamba in the new district o f Huanuco; he was one
o f the alcaldes at the town’s provisional foundation in 1540.
These relatively small pickings were not enough to satisfy Rodrigo
Nunez; when Francisco Pizarro was assassinated in 1 5 4 1 , Nunez was
present in Lima, a sympathetic onlooker if not an actual accomplice. H e
then joined the forces o f rebel don Diego de Alm agro the younger, and
was prominent in his councils. Since he by this time was called maestre
de campa wherever he went, it is hard to tell whether or not he held
any post. H e stayed with the Almagrists through the battle o f Chupas
in 1 5 4 2 and was almost the only leading figure among them to escape
death on the battlefield or execution afterward. H e did lose his en
comienda and other property, living in relative poverty until the ar
rival o f Viceroy Blasco Nunez Vela in 1544 . A s the Gonzalo Pizarro
revolt began to develop against the harsh measures o f the viceroy and
most Peruvian Spaniards moved toward Pizarro, it was natural for
Rodrigo Nunez to move toward the viceroy, from personal interest
and from ancient enmity for the Pizarros. The viceroy won over Rodri
go Nunez completely by giving him back his encomienda. N ot long
after the Pizarrists occupied Lima in late 1544 , they hunted down their
old antagonist in the Dominican monastery and executed him as an
incorrigible enemy.
Though Rodrigo Nunez did not marry in Peru, he left a heritage.
Other Nunez de Prados continued to be important in the following
decades. A younger relative was Sebastian Nunez de Prado, council
member of Huanuco in the 1 5 5 0 ’s; Juan Nunez de Prado, conqueror
o f Tucuman, may also have been related.
N O T E S . Busto’s “ Una relacion y un estudio,” Re vista Hist orica 27

(19 64 ), contains a section on Nunez’s life (pp. 2 9 4 -2 9 7). There Busto
gives Nunez’s origin as Trujillo, apparently from the mere fact that there
were Nunez de Prados in Trujillo, closely connected with the Pizarros. But
there were other Nunez de Prados in the area of Llerena-Fuente del Arco-
Guadalcanal, and in Badajoz, Talavera, and Salamanca. The treatment ac
corded Rodrigo Nunez by the Pizarros almost precludes his having been
their compatriot and family friend. To follow other hints, three Nunez de
Prados coming to the Indies in the 1 5 3 0 ’s were from Llerena and Fuente
del Arco (Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, II, 120, 2 5 1, 3 32) . It is noteworthy
that Cieza, from Llerena, has a great deal to say about Rodrigo Nunez.
Nunez received a large loan from Veedor G ard a de Salcedo, who was
from Zafra, a little to the west of Llerena (A N P , P A 664). The Nunez de
Prados of Llerena had connections in Badajoz, since one of them went to
the Indies with Pedro de Alvarado. This leads one by association to Juan
Nunez de Prado, from Badajoz, who became governor of Tucuman. In
deed, a Juan Nunez de Prado was in Huânuco with Rodrigo Nunez in
1 5 4 1 , probably the very same man (see H C 490 and Pérez de Tudela,
Gasca, II, 463). Viewing all of these things together, this writer thinks it
more probable that Rodrigo Nunez was connected with the Llerena-Badajoz
branches than with any others.
Sebastian Nunez de Prado appeared in Peru in 1 536 as "Sebastian
Nunez, son of Rodrigo Nunez." I f the father was our Rodrigo Nunez, then
he must have been born before the c.1497 estimated on the strength of his
statement that he was thirty-seven in 1 5 34 (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo
1 ) . But Sebastian could also have been Rodrigo’s younger brother, or a
more distant relative. References to Sebastian are in A G I, Lima 1 1 8 , papers
from Huânuco, 1357, and in A N P, P A 283-284.
Other references to Rodrigo Nunez are in A G I, Lima 566, vol. IV,
November 24, 1 5 4 1 ; Patronato 93, no. 10, ramo 1 ; A N P, PA 82, 83, 86,
95, 152, 154, 168; HC 416, 427, 428, 663; C D IH N , II, 159, 225; Cieza,
Chupas, pp. 58, 2 19 (quoted above); Cieza., Quito (Jiménez, ed.), p. 29;
Cieza, Quito (Serrano y Sanz, ed.), pp. 66, 99; Cieza, Salinas, pp. 1 8 1 ,
3 1 4 ; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36 ( 1 9 5 5 ) 1470; Gutierrez
de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, II 289, 339, 340; Libros de cabildos de
Lima, I, 272; III, 1 5 ; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 232; Montoto, Nobiliario,
p. 272; Pedro Pizarro, Relacion, V , 174; Pérez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 9 2;
Porras, Cedulario, II, 95, 96, 109, 1 1 6 ; Relacion de las cosas del Peru, V,
269.
Diego Ojuelos
Age at C ajam arca: A bout 29 Place o f origin: Paterna del Campo,
Role: Horseman near Seville
Share: D ouble share o f gold Extent o f literacy: Could sign
and silver his name
A veteran o f the Isthmus, Ojuelos had been in Panama as early as

1 5 2 1 and was a conqueror o f Nicaragua with Francisco Hernandez de
Cordoba in 1 5 2 3 . H e had known some o f the other men o f Cajamarca,
like Hernando Beltran, for as much as ten years. Though he moved in
the same circles as the seamen o f Huelva and Seville, this might have
been from regional affinity alone, since he could sign his name as few
338 THE MEN
sailors could, and his home, Paterna del Campo, was some thirty miles
inland, near the foothills o f the Castilian plateau. One would expect
a first conqueror of Nicaragua to have attained some position there, at
least an encomienda; but if Ojuelos did this, there is no record o f it.
H e must have left Nicaragua by 1530, since he joined the 1 3 3 1 expedi
tion at its starting point in Panama.
O f his action in Peru we know only that he started south from Caja-
marca with the main body in 1533 and must have taken part in the
main events o f the conquest. H e left the country in early 1 5 3 5 , arriving
back in Spain in time to complete negotiations for a royal grant of a
coat o f arms (with two eyes, for 'o ju elo s” ) by December o f that year.
In November, 1536, he was living in the San Andres district o f Seville;
by 1554 he had moved to Paterna del Campo to live, while retaining
citizenship in Seville.
NOTES. The name occurs about as frequently with as without "de.”

The only specific evidence for Ojuelos’s origin in Paterna is his residence
there in 1334, but whereas residence in an urban center can be of somewhat
ambiguous meaning, residence in an obscure village is not. At that time he
was a citizen of Seville and declared he was over fifty (A G I, Patronato 98,
no. 4, ramo 3 ) . In 1536, also then a citizen of Seville, he said he was
thirty-three ( C D IH N , III, 4 7 7 - 4 8 1 ) . His testimony there is particularly
valuable for reconstructing his life.
Other references are in A G I, Contaduria 1825, Penas de Camara, 1 5 3 5 ;
H C 24, 34, 62; Porras, Cedulario , II, 284; Porras, in Trujillo, Relation , p.
83.
Antonio de Oviedo
Role at C ajam arca: Footman Place o f origin: Leon
Share: % share o f gold Extent o f literacy: Could sign
and silver his name
The only indication o f Oviedo's background is his ability to sign his

name; the name Oviedo, and the other surname o f Herrera that he
used at times, were not plebeian, but not specifically noble either. From
the varying testimony o f his comrades, he must have been in Nicara
gua for at least a year or two, coming from there directly to Peru with
Benalcazar or Soto. O f his action in Peru he has left hardly a trace,
except some evidence o f a natural tendency to associate with other men
from the kingdom o f Leon. H e left the country around July or August
of 15 3 4 , without having been a citizen in any town, so far as is known,

and arrived in Seville on the ship Santa Catalina late in 1 5 3 5 . Oviedo’s
fortune was seized by royal officials like the rest, in exchange for an
nuities; some of the money he carried was meant to buy ornaments for
the church o f Jauja, and this was eventually returned. B y 1 5 3 7 A n
tonio de Oviedo was living in the town o f Leon, still in contact with
several of his Cajamarca comrades from that region who had also re
turned to Spain.
N O T E S . The main source for Antonio de Oviedo is testimony about

some money he brought home for Francisco Gorducho, in AG I, Justicia
112 4 , no. 6, ramo 3; there he is called a citizen of Leon. Other references
are in AGI, Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship Santa Catalina, 13 3 5 ;
ANP, PA 16, 13 6 ; Busto, 'L o s presuntos peruleros,” Mercurio Peruano,
50 (1965) 1325; Porras, Cedulario, II, 142.
Melchor Palomino
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 2 3 Place o f origin: T h e Jaén area
Role: Footm an in eastern A ndalusia
Share: % share o f silver Extent o f literacy: Excellent signature,
and gold doubtless literate
The Palominos o f Jaen or Andujar had been important in the

Isthmian region for a long time. One o f them was a founder o f Panama
in 1 5 1 9 , and two or three o f them followed the general movement
from there to Nicaragua in the i5 2 o ’s. They were a very miscellaneous
family, with both plebeian traits and higher pretensions. The original
Palomino in Panama was the son o f an escudero, a squire, member o f
the very minor gentry or attendant o f a high nobleman. Another o f the
Jaen Palominos was a notary. But the Palomino who became most
famous in Peru, Captain Juan Alonso, was illiterate or nearly so. There
was also a Palomino at Cajamarca who was a cooper, though we cannot
assert with absolute certainty that he belonged to the clan from Jaen.
O f all these possible niches, the most comfortable for Melchor
Palomino would be that o f notary, since he had a beautiful signature
and was most closely associated with a Diego Palomino, brother o f the
notary already mentioned. Diego and Melchor joined the expedition
together in Panama; they were doubtless brothers or cousins. Diego,
the senior, had been in Nicaragua, while Melchor must have been a
340 THE MEN
relatively new arrival in the Indies. They were constantly together, with
Diego in the lead, as the expedition worked its way down the Ecua
dorian coast to Tumbez. Y et for some reason Diego stayed behind in
Piura in 15 3 2 . Thus it was only Melchor who received a share at Caja-
marca, and after that an encomienda in central Peru, while D iego was
left stranded in the marginal north.
Melchor received only a three-fourths share, like most o f the young
and inexperienced, and it was some time before he achieved any promi
nence. H e was at first a citizen o f Jauja, but his encomienda must have
been on the southern edge o f Jau ja’s jurisdiction, since he soon after
ward appears as a citizen o f Cuzco. H e changed citizenship once again
when the new district o f Huamanga was carved out o f Cuzco and Lima
in 15 3 9 . Placed in this smaller pool, Palomino came into his own
quickly; his encomienda, the Soras, was Huamanga’s best; he was often
city councilman or alcalde. Melchor was never a major leader in Peru’s
civil wars; he did have the reputation o f being a fast runner, but that
was not the stuff great captains were made of. In the 15 4 8 campaign
against Gonzalo Pizarro he achieved a captaincy o f infantry, probably
through the influence o f his relative Juan Alonso. H e did not, like
Juan Alonso, usually style himself captain. Melchor married in H ua
manga and had children, and his son Hernando inherited his encomien
da when he died sometime in the later 1 5 5 0 ’s.
N O T E S . The evidence locating Melchor Palomino’s origins in the

Jaen region is somewhat complicated. First, because of their constant pres
ence together, there can be no doubt that Diego and Melchor Palomino
were the closest kind of relatives. (See AGI, Contaduria 1825, records
from Cajamarca, May, 15 3 3 ; Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship
Santa Catalina, 15 3 5 ; Lima 565, vol. Ill, August 1, 15 3 9 ; HC 28, 644;
Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36 [19 553:4 6 5.) Diego was
said to be a deudo of Captain Juan Alonso Palomino, who was from Andu-
jar, near Jaen. (Perez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 2 12 ; Lohmann Villena, Ameri
canos en las ordenes nobiliarias, II, 14 2.) The word " deudo” means rela
tive, but could refer to a distant relative or relative by marriage, so that
proof would remain tenuous, except that it is confirmed by yet another
piece of evidence: that when Diego Palomino went in 1549 to head an
expedition into the area behind Piura, he founded a town which he called
Jaen (Perez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 496). We also on occasion find Melchor
Palomino and Captain Juan Alonso mentioned in one breath ( CDIHC,
V II, 89).
Melchor’s estimated birthdate of c.i 509 rests on his statement that he

was forty-three in 1552 (AGI, Patronato 105, ramo 16 ), which is given
preference as more exact than statements that he was forty in 1552 (D H A ,
III, 237-240) and thirty in 13 4 1 (AGI, Patronato 93, no. 1 1 , ramo 2).
There were Palominos from Andujar in Francisco de Montejo’s party
going to Yucatan in 152 7 : Hernando, the chief constable, and a Francisco,
possibly the brother of Diego. This Francisco’s parents were Pedro de Parra
and Catalina Palomino. (See Bermudez Plata, Pasajer os, I, 2 13, 2 18 ). The
Palomino from Andujar who was in Panama in 15 19 had the same name as
Captain Juan Alonso, but must be a different individual (Gongora, Grupos,
p. 7 1 ) .
For Captain Juan Alonso Palomino, see AGI, Patronato 99, no. 1, ramo
3; 97, no. i, ramo 2; Pérez de Tudela, Gasca, I, 406; and the first para
graph above. Many further references will be found in the chronicles of
the civil wars and in Pérez de Tudela, Gasca. For Diego’s brother Fran
cisco, see Loredo, Los repartos, p. 267; Pérez de Tudela, Gasca, I, 296; II,
295; and above, third paragraph.
Additional references to Melchor Palomino are in ANP, PA 20, 42, 75,
246, 239, 262; BNP, A203, f.72, March 28, 1549; HC 13 15 , 137 3, 15 6 1,
1562, 1 5 7 1; Cieza, Salinas, pp. 53, 54; Diego Fernandez, Historia, I, 340,
349; Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, IV, 108; Libros de cabildos
de Lima , I, 8 -10 ; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 2 1 1 , 214 ; Porras, Cartas, p. 406.
Additional references to Diego Palomino are in AGI, Justicia 467; ANP,
PA 40; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 2 7 1; Pérez de Tudela, Gasca, II, 295,
496; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 175.
Gonzalo Pérez
A g e at C ajam arca: A bou t 24 Place o f origin: Jerez de Bad ajo z
Role: Horseman (southwestern Extrem adu ra)
Share: D ouble share o f gold Extent o f literacy: Could sign
and silver his name
Having been in the Indies since around 15 2 7 , Gonzalo Perez was

one o f the veterans who came in two contingents from Nicaragua and
gave the expedition much o f its thrust and staying power. Perez prob
ably arrived with Hernando de Soto rather than with Benalcazar, for
not only is he associated with M iguel Estete, Luis Maza, and Pedro
Catano, all Soto’s men, but he was from Soto’s home town o f Jerez de
Badajoz. N othing is known o f what Perez did in Peru, except that he
got a horseman’s standard double share o f the treasure at Cajamarca.
By May, 1 5 3 5 , he was back in Spain, probably having seen the conquest
342 THE MEN
as far as the taking o f Cuzco. H e was still in Seville in June, 15 3 6 ,

calling himself a citizen, so he may have settled there permanently. This
would have been a very normal thing for him to do, since southern
Extremadura was very strongly oriented toward Seville.
N O T E S . In Seville, in 1533, Perez said he was a citizen of Jerez de

Badajoz (A G I, Indiferente General 1204, no. 4 4 ); in 1536 he described
himself as twenty-eight years old and a citizen of Seville (AG I, Justicia
719, no. 9).
A Gonzalo Perez, factor of Hernando Pizarro in Seville in the 1540’s,
was probably not the same man. (See Calvete, Rebeliön de Pizarro, V, 7.)
Juan Perez de Tudela

A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 2 8 Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold and silver
Role: Footm an Extent o f literacy: C ould sign his name
Juan Perez de Tudela had been in the region o f Honduras and N ica
ragua since about 15 2 5 , gaining experience in the company o f older
relatives. W on over to the Peruvian venture in Nicaragua in 15 2 9 or
15 3 0 , he accompanied the 1 5 3 1 expedition from the time it left Pana
ma. H e was a fairly prominent man, not far from the top o f the list
o f the footmen on the roll o f Cajamarca, with a full share o f the
treasure. Often his fellows asked him to be a witness, and he was able
to judge the quality o f silver, or at least so one o f his companions
thought. So he himself must have thought. A fter seeing the conquest
to its conclusion, he left the country with the large contingent o f re
turnees o f late 15 3 4 and arrived in Spain in 1 5 3 5 with a large fortune.
Unlike most o f his companions, he had far more silver than gold.
Doubtless he was one o f those who had been buying up silver in the
belief that it was grossly undervalued and underassayed in Peru.
N O T E S . Juan Perez de Tudela may well have been from the region
of Navarre. Not only is the large town of Tudela in Navarre, but the
combination of names *‘Perez de Tudela” has long been attached to a
known lineage of that region. Nevertheless, there were other Tudelas in
Spain, particularly Tudela de Duero in Old Castile, and the name could
have spread anywhere.
In Nicaragua, in 1529, when he was reported to be on the ship of
Bartolomé Ruiz, about to go to Panama, Juan Perez de Tudela was called
el mozo, "th e y o u n g e r," to distinguish him fro m som e relative. Bu sto p re

sumes that there w a s a Ju a n Perez de T u d e lael viejo , "th e e ld e r ," and that
it w as the o ld er m an w h o w as to be fo u n d in Leo n , N ica ra g u a , in M a rch
and A p r il, 1530, in association w ith som e u n d erlin gs o f H ern an d o de Soto
w h o also later cam e to C ajam arca. B u t this m an is not specifically called el
viejo , and h e m ay h a ve been the sam e m an o f C ajam arca, w h o did not g o
w ith B arto lo m é R u iz after a l l ; there w e re others w h o disem barked. T im e
still rem ained to g e t to Pan am a b efo re Jan u ary, 13 3 1, w h e n P izarro set sail.
Ju an Perez m ay h ave been called el mozo to distinguish him fro m a Sancho
de T u d e la w h o live d in Leo n , N ica ra g u a , at the tim e, p articu larly since
Ju an Perez at times w as called just Ju a n de T u d e la .
In 1534 Ju a n Perez de T u d e la said he w as th irty years o ld ( A G I , P a-
tronato 93, no. 4, ram o 1 ) . O ther references are in A G I , In d iferen te G e n
eral 18 0 1, records o f ship San M iguel , 153 5 ; Patronato 93, no. 4, ram o 1 ;
A N P , P A 4, 6, 18, 80, 102, 1 4 1; H C 30; C D IH N , I, 4 12 ; II, 35-37; I V ,
31, 218, 535-536, 553-554; Busto, " L o s fu g itiv o s ," Mercurio Peruano 43
(19 6 2 )12 7 1-2 7 3 ; L o red o , Los repartos, pp. 99, 103.
Alonso Ruiz
Age at C ajam arca: A bout 19 Place o f origin: Born in Castronuevo,
or 20 near Zam ora in the kingdom o f Leon
Role: Footman Parents: Rodrigo Ruiz and M aria G utierrez
Share: % share of gold Extent o f literacy: Illiterate
and silver
The origin of Alonso Ruiz remains enigmatic. B y his own statement

he was a native o f Castronuevo. Y et he eventually returned to live out
his life in Trujillo, the home of his partner, Lucas Martinez. This was
a most unusual thing to do. The vast majority o f the returnees from
the Indies to Spain, whether men o f Cajamarca or not, went back to
their birthplaces to live; a few settled in a metropolis at some distance.
But to go to a provincial center not one’s own was almost unheard of,
and that Alonso Ruiz did so arouses the suspicion that wherever he was
born, he might well have grown up in Trujillo. The chronicler Garci-
laso (writing much later) considered him a T rujillo native. Further
more, Ruiz appears to have been a new recruit in 15 3 0 , and Castro
nuevo was far to the north o f Trujillo, well outside the radius o f the re
cruiting effort, although it is true that he could have joined the expedi
tion in Seville or even later in Panama. In 1 5 4 1 Ruiz still called his
parents citizens o f Castronuevo, so that in the end one is driven to
344 THE MEN
assume that he was from Castronuevo and that, despite the rarity o f the
case, Ruiz’s own regional ties were overcome by the strength o f the
new association with Trujillan Lucas Martinez ( q .v .) .
In Peru, also, Alonso Ruiz lived in the shadow o f Lucas Martinez.
The two formed a lasting partnership from a very early time. In 15 4 0
they declared that "ten years ago, more or less, we came to these prov
inces with Marques don Francisco Pizarro, and in all that time we have
been partners, sharing all the hardships that we have passed through in
this country and its discovery, eating and drinking together in the same
house without any argument or contention, and likewise holding our
property together without division or partition." They are listed to
gether on the roll o f Cajamarca, and were together citizens first o f
Cuzco, then o f Arequipa when it was founded (though they did receive
individual encomiendas). They were inseparable, but not quite equal.
Though both were very young, Lucas Martinez was highly literate and
an exceptionally energetic and capable man o f affairs. Alonso Ruiz
was illiterate and doubtless o f a more humble background. H e learned
before long to sign his name, probably having been taught by Martinez,
but the difference remained. Lucas Martinez was frequently mentioned,
Alonso Ruiz little heard of. It was Martinez rather than Ruiz who was
on the council o f Arequipa in the first year o f its existence, and M ar
tinez had the larger encomienda.
In 15 4 0 Alonso Ruiz and Lucas Martinez divided their wealth and
Ruiz set off for Spain. It was very late to be returning; most o f the
returnees had left in 1 5 3 3 and 15 3 4 , with some stragglers going in
1 5 3 8 - 1 5 3 9 . Probably Alonso Ruiz at the time meant to come back to
Peru. The immediate occasion o f the trip was to effect a marriage
between Ruiz and Lucas Martinez’s sister Isabel, living in Trujillo. ( I f
she should have died, Ruiz was to marry his sister M aria instead.)
Also, the new city o f Arequipa needed to send a representative to
court, and Alonso Ruiz could be made to serve this purpose. A fter the
city council and one citizen after another gave him broad powers to ne
gotiate on their behalf, he departed from Arequipa in October, 154 0 .
H is encomienda was left in the hands o f a majordomo and his natural
daughter by a Spanish or Morisca women in the care o f Lucas M arti
nez.
H e was at court by October, 1 5 4 1 , and very efficiently obtained the
standard "favo rs" he had seen sent for— the legitimation o f mestizo
children; the confirmation o f encomienda titles; licenses to return to

Spain for two years; coats o f arms for the city of Arequipa, for many
of its citizens, and for himself. H e then went to Trujillo, married Lucas
Martinez’s sister, and began to settle down. Ostensibly he still meant
to go back to Peru with his w ife. A s late as September, 15 4 3 , he had
his license to stay extended for another year, but the pretense was in
creasingly hollow. Soon he was a citizen o f Trujillo, and by the mid-
1 3 50’s he had attained a seat on T ru jillo’s city council; he was the
only illiterate plebeian to succeed in doing so. Perhaps the extraordinary
wealth and influence o f Lucas Martinez were decisive; perhaps Alonso
Ruiz as a man from outside the immediate area could mask his origins
to a certain extent.
Alonso Ruiz was to all appearances a warm human being with deep
feelings. Something o f this shows in his partnership with Lucas M ar
tinez, not based on the usual pillars o f similar background or common
regional origin, and again in Arequipa’s choice o f him as an envoy
to the court, though he was not o f the social type likely to move there
with ease. Ruiz’s life gave rise to legends which, authentic or not, may
have some truth at the root. Garcilaso tells an anecdote o f how he
halted in the midst o f the sack o f Cuzco to teach Christianity to an
Indian who was desirous o f it. Back in Spain, again according to G ar
cilaso, he fell prey to the crisis o f conscience about the conquest, that
restitution fever that was incubating in Spain long before it reached
Peru in the 15 6 0 ’s. Perhaps Alonso Ruiz was one o f the men who con
sulted with the Dominican fray Francisco de Vitoria in Salamanca and
heard his strange mixture o f prudence and doctrinaire scholasticism.
Fearing his great riches were ill-gotten, he is supposed to have offered
to make restitution to the crown of the whole fortune, leaving it up to
the Emperor how much if any he would allow Ruiz as just reward.
But instead o f reducing him to poverty, Charles granted Ruiz a hand
some annuity o f over a thousand ducats situated in a village near T ru
jillo, a lasting asset that as an entail was still held by Alonso Ruiz’s
grandson in the seventeenth century.
N O T E S . Alonso Ruiz calls himself a native of Castronuevo and gives

his parents’ names in D H A , I, 84. In 1545 he said he was about thirty
(AGI, Justicia 117 4 , no. 1, ramo 3) and in 1545 that he was over forty
(AGI, Patronato 98, no. 4, ramo 6) ; in both cases he was a citizen of Tm-
346 THE MEN
jillo and in the latter a regidor. Much information on Ruiz’s partnership

with Lucas Martinez is in D H A, I, 84-89, 10 0 -10 3, 10 7 -10 9 . Garcilaso’s
anecdotes about Ruiz are in his Obras, III, 91-92.
Other references are in AG I, Contaduria 1824, records from Cuzco,
March, 1536, and April, 13 3 7 ; Justicia 10 7 1, no. 2, ramo 3; Lima 566,
vol. IV, September 22, 15 4 1, October 28, 15 4 1, November 29, 15 4 1,
March 4, 1542; Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 3; 109, ramo 4; ANP, Salinas
I 542~ I 543> f -2<S4; CDIHC, V II, 15 3 -15 4 , D H A I, 91, 93, 97-99, 105,
14 6 - 15 1, 154, 1 6 0 -16 1, 16 3-16 6 , 18 3; Porras, "Dos documentos esen-
ciales,” Revista Historica 17 (1948) :9 i-9 3. See also under Lucas Martinez,
chapter 10.
Juan Ruiz
A g e at C ajam arca: A b o u t 2 5 or 26 Place o f origin: Alburquerque,
R ole: H orsem an in western Extrem adura
Share: 2 shares o f gold; Father: M artin Ruiz (de A rc e )
1 % shares of silver Extent of literacy: C ould sign his
name, probably som ewhat literate
In the Indies he sometimes called himself Juan Ruiz de Alburquer

que, and after he returned rich to Spain he began to assume the name
Juan Ruiz de Arce, but on ordinary occasions he was plain Juan Ruiz,
a storybook conqueror who seems to fit the nineteenth-century stereo
type almost perfectly. H e was from a family o f commoners or very
petty hidalgos who had long fought for the king o f Spain; his grand
father died in a battle against the Portuguese, his father fought under
Ferdinand and Isabel against the Moors in Granada. A rough man, not
well educated (though apparently able to read), he was expert in the
training o f horses, given to moralizing, and convinced o f the superior
ity o f Hispanic values— a fanatic, another generation might have said.
H is grandfather had come out o f northern Old Castile, but Juan Ruiz
himself was from the proverbial Extremadura. Had all the Spaniards
been like Juan Ruiz, there would be little apparent need to add to
Prescott.
Ruiz came to the Indies after his father died, when he was hardly
eighteen, around 15 2 5 . H e tried his luck in the poor areas o f Jamaica
and Honduras without success; then a disastrous expedition inland
from Honduras led him, with other survivors, to Nicaragua around
15 2 9 or 15 3 0 . That area was already well settled, so that when news
came o f the conquest o f Peru, Ruiz had nothing to hold him back, and
he joined the first group to leave with Benalcazar. In Peru he gravitated

toward Hernando de Soto, who was from the same part o f Extrema
dura as himself, and he rode with the expedition’s best horsemen in
Soto’s vanguard. Apparently Ruiz was not tempted to stay in the
country, leaving quickly in 15 3 4 after a general license was issued.
By September, 15 3 5 , he was in Madrid at the royal court. H e now
possessed an income o f 600 ducats in annuities, granted in return for
the fortune in gold and silver the king’s officials seized in Seville. Like
other ingenuous returning conquerors, Juan Ruiz spent too much
money at court, obtained the grant of a coat o f arms, and then went
home to Alburquerque. There he lived out his life in considerable
magnificence and founded an entail which made substantial citizens of
his descendants for several generations. For the edification o f each suc
ceeding heir he left a short account o f his life (showing every sign of
having been dictated), which constitutes one o f the six or seven chron
icles of the conquest o f Peru by eyewitnesses. In it we see a man very
naive and quite pontifical, with little breadth o f perspective, but with a
very good measure of that self-centered strength o f character so typical
o f the conquerors, and perhaps more observant o f the natural surround
ings than most. Juan Ruiz may have lived on in Alburquerque until
about 156 0 .
N O T E S . Juan Ruiz’s elaborate coat of arms did not incorporate, nor

did the royal grant even mention, the Ruiz de Arce family arms (Porras,
Cedulario, II, 1 1 2 ) . Yet Juan Ruiz later told his descendants what those
arms had been, and he apparently made use of them as well as his personal
device. It would be of the greatest interest to know the full facts of this
case. The present writer has the strong impression that all those who had
any family coat of arms made sure that it was incorporated into their per
sonal arms. Here would appear to be a most interesting case proving the
contrary. But the suspicion remains that Juan Ruiz was from a very poor
or illegitimate branch and did not feel entitled to use the Ruiz de Arce arms
until he had already become a great man in his own community. The ex
tremely elaborate genealogy of the Ruiz family really begins only with
Juan Ruiz himself; his father’s name is known only accidentally, and his
mother’s name is not known at all; the woman he married, Maria Gutierrez,
could not have been of very high lineage, to judge by her name. Royal
prosecutor Villalobos once called Juan Ruiz a "persona de baja suerte,” the
standard deprecatory phrase for people of artisan, peasant, or maritime
background ( CDIHC, VII, 13 3 ) .
348 THE MEN
In 1534 Juan Ruiz said he was twenty-seven (AG I, Patronato 150, no.
6, ramo 2) ; in 13 3 3 he said that he was twenty-nine and a citizen of Albur-
querque (A G I, Justicia 719, no. 9 ). A principal source for Juan Ruiz is
his ‘'chronicle,” published by Conde de Canilleros (Miguel Munoz de San
Pedro, ed.), in Très testigos de la conquista del Peru , pp. 7 2 - 119 , under
the title "Advertencias de Juan Ruiz de Arce a sus sucesores.” Particularly
revealing sections on Juan Ruiz personally are on pp. 75-76, 83-85, 90,
95, 107, 1 1 5 . The same work is published by Antonio del Solar y Taboada
and José de Rûjula y de Ochotorena as Servicios en Indias de Juan Ruiz de
Arce , with an elaborate genealogical prologue and excerpts from later legal
proceedings. Porras discusses Ruiz’s life and writing in Cronistas, pp. 10 9 -
1 12 .
Other references are in AG I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship
San M iguel , 15 3 5 ; Justicia 112 5 , proceedings concerning estate of Fran
cisco Martin; C D IH N , III, 4 15.
Juan de Salinas de la Hoz

A g e at C ajam arca: Probably over 30 Place o f origin: Salinas de A n an a,
Role: H orsem an near V ito ria in the Basque country
Share: 1 % shares o f gold Extent of literacy: C ould sign
and silver his name
A n old veteran o f the Indies, Juan de Salinas de la Hoz had been in

the Nicaragua area from the early days o f its occupation, around 15 2 2 ,
and may have come from Spain considerably before that. A s evidence
o f his background, we have only his adequate signature and the back
ward reflection o f the status o f his descendants. A nephew o f his,
called don Francisco de la Hoz, was a veinticuatro ( ' 'councilman” ) o f
Seville in 1 6 1 3 , and petitioned the crown to be named to a governor
ship in the Indies.
In Nicaragua, Juan de Salinas had moved around a great deal, follow
ing the course o f various campaigns, apparently without ever getting
an encomienda. H e came directly from Nicaragua with Sebastian de
Benalcâzar, soon taking his place among the horsemen sent on advance
missions. H is greatest exploit, which gave the m otif for his coat o f
arms, was to go alone on an Indian raft to the isle o f Puna as Pizarro’s
emissary. However, any impression o f unusual daring and skill is some
what belied by Juan de Salinas’s share o f the treasure o f Cajamarca, far
below the standard for a horseman.
Immediately after Cajamarca, Salinas was allowed to return to Spain,

presumably as an older, perhaps married, man. By 15 3 4 he was at the
royal court in Toledo; in October, 15 3 5 , he received a coat o f arms,
and then he must have gone to the north country to live, perhaps to
Burgos, like his relative Pedro de Salinas de la Hoz.
N O T E S . The name also occurs as Juan de la Hoz Salinas and simply

Juan de la Hoz, the form used in the grant of the coat of arms. The estimate
of his birthdate as probably before 1502 rests in part on his ten years or
more of experience in the Indies, and in part on the fact that mainly older
men returned in 1533. It also seems highly probable to this writer that he
was identical with the "Juan de Salinas, hi jo de Juan Sanchez de Salinas
y de Marina su mujer, vecinos de Salinas, que es en la montana cabe Vito
ria/’ who came to the Indies in 1 3 13 , in which case he would no doubt
have been born well before 1300 (Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 10 5 ).
Salinas declares himself a native of Salinas de Anana in AGI, Patronato
93, no. 4, ramo 4. The royal letter granting him arms gives a resume of his
career in the Indies (Montoto, Nobiliario, pp. 18 3 - 18 7 ) . See also Pedro
de Salinas de la Hoz.
Pedro de Salinas de la Hoz

Age at C ajam arca: A bout 30 Place o f origin: Salinas de A nana,
Role: Footman near V itoria in the Basque country
Share: % share o f gold; Extent o f literacy: Could sign quite
7/io share o f silver w ell, probably literate
With little doubt this man was a brother, cousin, or other close rela
tive of Juan de Salinas de la Hoz (q .v .), whose background he must
have shared. H e followed Juan to the Indies by about 15 2 5 , and, after
a time in Honduras, joined him in Nicaragua. From there Pedro came
to Peru, presumably with Benalcazar, as Juan did. Except for bad luck
he would have been, like his kinsman, on horseback; the horse he had
when he left Nicaragua died in the difficult passage, as many must have.
Pedro stayed in Peru when his older relative returned in 15 3 3 , but
hardly with any firm intention o f settling. One can divine his wavering
frame o f mind in the two royal directives Juan negotiated for him at
the Spanish court in July, 15 3 4 , one commanding the governor o f
Peru to allow Pedro to come home at any time, and the other recom
mending that the governor favor Pedro in view o f his services. But
350 THE MEN
before these documents could reach him, Pedro was on his way home,
taking advantage o f Pizarro’s offer, in that same month o f July, o f
license to return to all who wished it. I f he had had any hesitation, his
mind was made up by a wound that disabled his right arm. H e arrived
in Seville in 15 3 5 with a goodly fortune, went to court and obtained a
coat o f arms, then settled in the city o f Burgos, not too far from his
home village o f Salinas de Anana.
N O T E S . Pedro’s name also occurs as Pedro de la Hoz Salinas. The

attribution of his origin rests on his long association with Juan de la Hoz
Salinas and the identity of their surnames, plus the fact that when don
Francisco de la Hoz made his petition in 16 13 he included copies of the
grants of arms of both men as exhibits, indicating close blood relationship
beyond reasonable doubt (Montoto, Nobiliario , pp. 18 3 - 18 7 ). It was
natural enough for Pedro to settle in Burgos, a metropolitan center for the
whole northern mountain region, Basque and non-Basque. Salinas de
Anana is toward the edge of the Basque country, and we cannot be sure
whether Juan and Pedro were true Basques or not. They did have certain
Basque connections. Pedro took home money for the Basque governor of
the Rio de San Juan, Pascual de Andagoya (A G I, Indiferente General
18 0 1, records of ship Santa Catalina, 15 3 5 ).
In 1537 Pedro de Salinas de la Hoz was a citizen of Burgos and gave
his age as thirty-five (AGI, Justicia 112 4 , no. 6, ramo 3). His cedula of
arms tells most of what we know about his career. See also Porras, Cedu-
lario , II, 3, 13, 116 .
Another Pedro de Salinas appeared at Cajamarca in 1533, with a very
crude signature; he seems to be the "Pedro de Salinas color negro” who
was present at the founding of Quito. See ANP, PA 6 1, 128, 13 5 ; Libros
de cabildos de la ciudad de Quito , I, sect. 1, pp. 50-37.
Alonso Sanchez de Talavera

Role at Cajamarca: Footman Place of origin: Cebolla, near Talavera
Share: V2 share of gold and silver de la Reina (New Castile)
Alonso Sanchez and his partner, Pedro de Valencia, were among the
minority getting the rock-bottom share o f one half, definitely a slap at
either the quality o f their participation or their social standing. Sanchez
was born in a village not far from Talavera de la Reina. Later his
fam ily moved to Triana, the maritime suburb o f Seville, but the name
"Talavera” that he took in the Indies shows his roots. The family was
plebeian; in an inquiry held into Alonso Sanchez’s lineage, most o f the
witnesses were artisans, and he himself did not claim to be an hidalgo.
In his petition for a coat o f arms he mentions no services performed
in Panama or Nicaragua, so he must not have been in the Indies long,
another factor congruent with his small share. A fter Cajamarca, San
chez went south with the main body o f conquerors, and in March,
15 3 4 , he became a founding citizen and encomendero o f Cuzco. H e
stayed among the forty men guarding Cuzco when the rest returned
to Jauja, thus missing the exodus o f Ju ly o f that year. Nevertheless,
he then or soon after decided to go to Spain. In November, 15 3 4 , in
Cuzco, he prepared a memorial o f his services; just when he left the
country is not known, but by 1 5 3 7 he was in Seville, and in March,
15 3 8 , the crown granted a coat o f arms to Alonso Sanchez, conqueror
of the province o f Peru. H e lived in Triana at least into the 15 4 0 ’$.
N O T E S . The principal source for Alonso Sanchez’s life is AGI, Patro-

nato 93, no. 6, ramo 4, which contains both a probanza de servicios and a
probanza de limpieza. Other references are in AGI, Patronato 109, ramo 4;
183, ramo 1 ; CDIHC, V II, 15 6 ; Montoto, Nobiliario, p. 363.
Heman Sanchez
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 2 8 Place o f origin: V illa fra n ca de los Barros
R ole: Horsem an (south central E xtrem ad u ra)
Share: 2 shares o f gold; Parents: Francisco Sanchez and
1 % shares o f silver Isabel R odriguez
Extent o f literacy: Could sign his name
As he came to the Indies around 15 3 0 , and his Extremaduran home

was within reach o f Trujillo, Hernan Sanchez may have been one o f
the recruits o f 15 2 9 ; in any case, he was with the 1 5 3 1 expedition
from Panama. From his signature, the names o f his parents and some
incipient entrepreneurial activity he carried on, there emerges the pic
ture o f a man from a very unpretentious background, but capable,
literate, and not an obvious plebeian. Though almost at the end o f the
list o f horsemen o f Cajamarca, he soon made himself respected. A fter
the conquest he became a citizen o f Lima with a coastal encomienda;
352 THE MEN
at the end of the first year o f the city’s existence, he was nominated,
though not selected, to sit on the Lima city council. In 15 3 7 he re
ceived a royal appointment to a permanent seat on the Lima council,
but it was too late. Around October or November o f 15 3 6 he died,
apparently killed on his encomienda in the great Indian revolt o f that
year.
N O T E S . Sanchez’s encomienda was Luringancho, south of Lima. The

evidence concerning his death is as follows: On October 6, 1536, a friend
in Lima assumed he was alive (AN P, PA 7 9 1). On November 12, Piza-
rro gave Luringancho to someone else " because of the end and demise of
Hernan Sanchez, former citizen of this city, who they say has died” (HC
339). If Sanchez had died in Lima itself, Pizarro would not have expressed
himself in this fashion. There is no reason to doubt the fact of his death,
since he is heard of no more and his encomienda was not returned.
Porras and Busto have identified the Hernan Sanchez of Cajamarca with
one Hernan Sanchez Morillo, and Busto has written an article in which the
biographies of the two are persuasively intertwined, but actually they were
two different men (Porras, in Tmjillo, Relation, p. 10 3; Busto, "El herre-
ro, el barbero y el gran volteador,” Mercurio Peruano 43 [1962].*72-78).
The identification arose originally because of a remark in the chronicle of
Diego de Tmjillo that one of just three Spaniards whose life the Indians
meant to spare was Hernan Sanchez Morillo, 'gran volteador” (Trujillo,
Relation, p. 35). Tmjillo was an eyewitness and is generally very reliable,
beyond a certain tendency to shape anecdotes. His one real weakness, since
he was writing forty years after the events, was a bad memory for the
exact form of names, particularly first names. His editor Porras corrects
several mistakes for him. Therefore it is not at all unusual that plain Her
nan Sanchez and Hernan Sanchez Morillo should have merged in Trujillo’s
mind into one.
This reference in Trujillo’s chronicle is the only one known in which
"Morillo” is added to the name of the Hernan Sanchez of Cajamarca.
Otherwise, the man who appears at Cajamarca and then was a citizen of
Lima always signed, and was always called, just Hernan Sanchez. On the
other hand, there was a man who went to Quito with Benalcazar and be
came a citizen there, who invariably was called and signed himself Hernan
Sanchez Morillo. It should be kept in mind that not a single man of Caja
marca, aside from the leader Benalcazar, settled in Quito. Another weak
point in the identification is that since Hernan Sanchez Morillo lived on for
many years in the Quito region, one must assume that the report of Hernan
Sanchez’s death in 1536 was false. Even more conclusive is the physical
trail. The Hernan Sanchez of Cajamarca was in Lima on November 23,

1335 (ANP, PA 6 8 1); also, by implication, on December 24, 1535, when
he was nominated for regidor in Lima for the coming year (Torres Salda-
mando, Libro primer0 de cabildos, I, 35) ; and again definitely present on
March 14, 1336 (ANP, PA 265). Hernan Sanchez Morillo was in far dis
tant Quito most of the year 1535, and specifically on December 27, 1535,
and January 1, 1536 ; he was nominated for regidor in Quito for 1536
{Libros de cabildos de Quito , I, sect 1, pp. 155, 13 6 -15 7 , 16 3 ).
With the two separate identities established, we can return to the ques
tion of which of the two was the 'gran volteador.” This would presumably
be the man of Cajamarca, since the episode occurred after the expedition
was south of San Miguel, with only the group present who would be there
the day Atahuallpa was taken. Yet there can be no certainty. Moreover, we
cannot even be positive what "volteador” means. Porras and Busto assume
it means a tamer of horses, but in Trujillo there is no explanatory context
for the word at all, and the chronicler Oviedo uses the same word to mean
"acrobat” pure and simple (Historia , III, 261, and elsewhere). Porras as
sumed the Indians would admire a skill new to them, but it is just as likely
that they would be impressed with someone proficient in a skill they them
selves admired, acrobatics. From another source, unidentified, Porras re
lates that "Hernan Sanchez Morillo” played ninepins in Cuzco with Alma-
gro’s right-hand man, Rodrigo Orgonos, and lost 11,000 pesos. Once again
the man of Cajamarca is the more likely possibility, since he could very
well have been in Cuzco in late 153 3 and early 1534, while most of the
men destined for Quito got no farther into central Peru than San Miguel
(Piura) in the north.
Hernan Sanchez of Cajamarca gives his birthplace and the names of his
parents in ANP, PA 681. In 1534 he declared he was thirty years old
(AGI, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 1 ) . Further references are in AGI, In-
diferente General 18 0 1, records of ship San M iguel , 1535 (though the
person referred to may not be our Hernan Sanchez); ANP, PA 80, 12 1,
136, 2 31, 232, 688; HC 1 1 , 20; Porras, Cedulario , II, 308, 310, 314.
Further references to Hernan Sanchez Morillo are in Libros de cabildos
de Quito , I, sect. 1, pp. 52, 61, 7 1-7 3 , 77, 81, 83, 87; Oficios o cartas del
cabildo de Quito, 1552 - 1558 , p. 569.
Another person altogether was Hernan Sanchez de Badajoz, who arrived
with Almagro. In AGI, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 1, he and the Hernan
Sanchez of Cajamarca testify as separate individuals; the two also appear
side by side in ANP, PA 1 2 1. Sanchez de Badajoz left the country before
many years passed. Also in Peru at the same time was Hernan Sanchez de
Pineda, who was a steward or mine operator for the Pizarros; see ANP, PA
693, and HC 92.
354 THE MEN
Francisco de Solares
R o le: Footm an Place of origin: Probably Caceres
Sh are: % share o f gold ; or T ru jillo (E xtrem ad u ra)
!/2 share o f silver Extent of literacy: F u lly literate
The best testimony as to Solares’s background is the original o f an

agreement between Juan Pizarro de Orellana and Gonzalo Pizarro,
written in correct form and in a hand as good as a notary’s, by Fran
cisco de Solar es himself. Though his share at Cajamarca showed little
indication of matching prowess at arms, he acquired a horse, and
eventually proved himself very capable in war as well. H e came to be a
respected member o f the dominant Caceres-Trujillo faction in the con
quering expedition, his associations with it being so close and exclusive
as to leave very little doubt that he was from that region in Spain, and
indeed probably from Caceres. A ll in all, he would seem to have been
o f a respectable family, though the name Solar or Solares was not
well known in Caceres or Trujillo.
A fter riding south on a horse owned in common with Gonzalo
Pizarro, Solares became a citizen and encomendero o f Cuzco at its
founding. H e survived the Indians’ siege o f Cuzco in 1 5 3 6 - 1 5 3 7 — an
outstanding horseman in the city’s defense, if we are to believe his
friend the chronicler Pedro Pizarro. In A pril, 1 5 3 7 , Alm agro ended
the Indian threat and started the "W ar o f Salinas’’ among the Spaniards
by entering Cuzco forcibly; Solares was among the men who were
jailed as friends and relatives o f the Pizarros. H ere the trail o f Fran
cisco de Solares is lost; though there is no hint o f his fate, it is most
likely that he was a victim in some fashion of the civil conflict ending
in the bloody battle o f Salinas, near Cuzco, in 15 3 8 .
N O T E S . The agreement in Solares’s hand is in AGI, Justicia 1082,

no. 1, ramo 4. For evidence of his association with men from Caceres-Tru
jillo, see that document and AGI, Justicia 1053, no. 5 (buying a horse
from Juan Pizarro); Lima 204, probanza of Gonzalo de los Nidos (with
Nidos and most witnesses from Caceres) ; ANP, PA 15, 26, 46, 54, 772.
Other references are in AGI, Contaduria 1824, records from Cuzco,
March-April, 15 3 7 ; Patronato 109, ramo 4; ANP, PA 49; CDIHC, IV,
447; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 208, 2 11 , 2 14 ; Porras, "Dos documentos
esenciales,’’ Revista Histdrica 17 (i9 4 8 ):9 3.
Hernando de Sosa
Age at Cajamarca: About 22 Share: % share of gold and silver
Role: Footman Extent of literacy: Could sign his name
Except for his signature, the only clue we have to Hernando de

Sosa’s background is the suspicion that he was closely connected with
the Peru expedition’s Sevillian priest, Juan de Sosa, who was an edu
cated man and entrepreneur, but o f a quite humble family. There is
nothing to indicate that Sosa had any previous experience in the Indies,
and at his age he is not likely to have had very much. In Peru he was
not outstanding in any way, though he seemed destined eventually to
be an important encomendero. H e was a citizen o f Jauja, and then of
Lima, showing a certain interest and ability in encomienda manage
ment and other affairs. Around June, 15 3 9 , he was killed by Indians
while visiting his encomienda, in one o f the last outbreaks o f Indian
rebelliousness.
N O T E S . It is natural to suspect that two members of the expedition

with the same name were related, as were the Toros, and it would also be
natural for young Hernando de Sosa to be in the company of a more mature
relative. However, the two Torreses were unrelated, and there was a Cristo
bal de Sosa unrelated to Hernando. To be considered seriously, any con
nection between Hernando and Juan de Sosa must rest on more than the
name alone, and it does, yet the evidence is so tenuous that this writer does
not consider a relationship between the two definitely established. The
priest Juan de Sosa was definitely connected with a Bernaldino de Sosa, who
came to Peru in 133 7 and later became an encomendero of Humanga. This
Bernaldino occurs in tantalizingly close conjunction with Hernando in a
series of notarial documents written in Lima on June 1, 1537. In ANP, PA
333, Hernando makes an agreement with an employee; on the next page
(PA 354), Bernaldino acknowledges a debt for passage to Peru from
Panama; on the next (PA 355), Hernando is again witness to a document.
It looks very much as if Hernando had come to greet his relative on ar
rival, yet, since he did not actually take over the debt or perform any other
definite act of association, the relationship cannot be viewed as proved.
The Hernando de Sosa who was prominent as the elder Almagro’s secre
tary is a different man altogether from the man of Cajamarca; no connec
tion between the two has been established or is likely.
The Sosa of Cajamarca gave his age as twenty-six in 1536 (A G I, Patro-
nato 93, no. 6, ramo 3 ). Other references are in AG I, Contaduria 1825,
356 THE MEN
records from Cajamarca, June, 15 3 3 ; records from Lima, 15 3 5 ; ANP, PA

30, 353> 355? 777; HC 60, 62, 290; Libros de cabildos de Lima, I, 8 -10 ,
347; Torres Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos, I, 444.
For Bernaldino de Sosa, see AG I, Justicia 1 1 2 3 ; ANP, PA 354; HC
1242, 1425, 1437, 1438, 1574; Cieza, Quito (Jimenez, ed.), p. 134 (show
ing his connection with Juan de Sosa); Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 2 13, 217.
For Juan de Sosa see Appendix II.
Inigo Tabuyo
A g e at C ajam arca: A bo u t 25 Place o f origin: A storga, in the
R ole: Footm an kingdom o f Leon
Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold Parents: M acias T ab u yo and M ari Cornejos
and silver Extent o f literacy: G o od signature
In all probability, many or most o f the men o f Cajamarca followed

relatives to the Indies, but whereas a Sanchez or a Gonzalez is hidden
among the mass, the rare name Tabuyo stands out in the records and
makes it possible to trace antecedents. Inigo Tabuyo had close relatives
in Zamora, three o f whom came to the Indies in 1 3 1 1 . Another went to
Venezuela in 15 3 4 , when Inigo was already on his way home. The
Tabuyos were no great noblemen, but the family has been known in the
Astorga region for centuries.
Inigo himself left Spain in 13 2 7 . W here he spent his time until
1 5 3 1 is not precisely known, but in Peru he associated very much with
the veterans of Nicaragua, specifically with Benalcazar’s men. There
fore he doubtless came to Peru directly from Nicaragua, probably with
Benalcazar. On the roll o f Cajamarca his name is near the top o f the
list o f footmen, among the veterans, with a full share. W ith part o f
that share he bought a white horse, which he rode in Soto’s vanguard,
until it was killed by Indians not far from Cuzco. In June or July of
15 3 4 , the conquest over, he was one of the large contingent o f men o f
Cajamarca leaving for Spain with a fortune in precious metals. A rriv
ing in Seville by 1 5 3 5 , he went to the royal court, and later that year he
obtained a coat o f arms. H e then went to settle in his home town o f
Astorga, where he was still living around 154 0 .
N O T E S . In 1538 Tabuyo said he was thirty (AGI, Justicia 112 4 , no.

6, ramo 3 ), and in 1539 that he was thirty-three (A G I, Justicia 112 6 , no.
2, ramo 1 ) . In both places he declares himself an Astorga citizen, and, in
the latter, a memorandum by Gregorio de Sotelo calls him a native of

Astorga. The names of his parents appear in Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I,
236.
Other references are in ANP, PA 46, 107, 1 1 3 , 12 6 ; HC 65; Porras,
Cedulario, II, 119 ; Porras, in Trujillo, Relation, pp 1 1 8 - 1 1 9 ; Trujillo,
Relation, p. 61. For Tabuyo’s relatives, see Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I,
20, 352.
Alonso de Toro
Age at Cajamarca: About 20 Place of origin: Trujillo (Extremadura)
Role: Footman Parents: Alonso de Toro and Inès Duran
Share: % share of gold Extent of literacy: Could sign his name,
and silver but somewhat crudely
The name Toro was not prominent in Trujillo, and the impression
o f humbleness or obscurity is increased by the fact that the Toro
brothers first appear as direct subordinates or servants o f the Pizarros.
(Their mother’s name, Duran, had a somewhat nobler ring.) Even
many years after the conquest, Alonso’s old friend Pedro Pizarro, when
discussing his origins, made only the noncommittal statement that he
' 'was considered an hidalgo.” Three of the Toros joined the Peruvian
venture in Spain, but one was killed by Indians early in 15 3 2 as the
expedition first entered central Peru at Tumbez. Originally the main
figure among them was the oldest brother Hernando, who as Hernando
Pizarro’s squire was a mounted man. Alonso, though destined to outlive
and overshadow his brother, was at first little noticed. B y more than
one account he too was Hernando Pizarro’s servant.
Toro was a citizen o f Cuzco from an early time. H e and Tomas
Vazquez, a former mariner from Palos, received a combined enco-
mienda and continued to hold much o f their property in common for
as long as Toro lived. By the time o f the siege o f Cuzco in 1 5 3 6 - 1 5 3 7 ,
Toro was beginning to be mentioned as one o f the vigorous young
horsemen who were the city’s main defense. His services as a strong
Pizarro partisan in the "W ar o f Salinas” caused Hernando Pizarro to
make him chief constable of Cuzco in 15 3 8 , and in this capacity he
presided over the execution o f the Pizarros’ archenemy, Diego de
Alm agro the elder. There seemed still to be some question about
whether Toro was really adequate for the post, since Alm agro before
dying taunted him with the name "T orico,” a jab at his youth and
general insignificance.
35« THE MEN
From this time on, Toro was high in the councils o f the Pizarro
family, and increasingly an important figure himself. Hernando Piza
rro, on leaving Peru in 15 3 9 , owed Toro no less than 40,000 pesos. As
his personality matured, Toro gave ever more indication o f that ar
rogance and brusqueness so characteristic o f the Extremadurans, from
Hernando Pizarro down. W hen Gonzalo Pizarro first organized his
rebel forces in Cuzco in 15 4 4 , he made Toro, as maestre de campo, his
second in command, but Toro lasted only a short time in the position
because o f complaints about his overbearing behavior. Though Pizarro
was reluctant to remove him, since he was an old and faithful ally and
had now become rich and influential, the demotion became necessary.
Toro, as a loyal Pizarrist and Trujillan, acquiesced, accepting a simple
captaincy and deflecting his resentment toward the man who replaced
him.
T o recompense Toro for the loss o f face, Pizarro soon afterward
gave him the post o f lieutenant governor o f Cuzco. H e managed to
hold Cuzco for the Pizarros, and he waged energetic, though militarily
not very successful, campaigns against counterinsurgents in the far
southern Charcas region. A s before, there were complaints about his
cruelty and precipitateness. In the spring o f 15 4 5 , Pizarro sent the
nobleman don Pedro Portocarrero to Cuzco as a check on Toro. Deeply
offended, Toro wrote to Pizarro accusing him o f thinking "that I
would not be able to keep this city in peace and quiet just because I am
not called don,” and maintaining that no don had served the Pizarros
better than he. A n even worse crisis arose when Pizarro felt it neces
sary to send Francisco de Carvajal, the very man who replaced Toro
as maestre de campo, to deal with the opponents Toro had failed to put
down. Apparently Toro was on the verge o f resisting Carvajal’s en
trance into Cuzco, but finally the old tie to the Pizarros asserted itself,
and Toro gave Carvajal grudging cooperation.
Though he survived the ill effects o f his roughness and impetuosity
in public affairs, Toro's downfall came through the extension o f these
same traits into his private life. A t some time in the 13 4 0 ’$ Toro and
his partner Tomas Vazquez married daughters o f a Spanish couple
who had recently come to Cuzco, probably with just such matches in
mind. But though he made this move for the honor o f his lineage,
Toro was still enamored o f the Indian noblewoman who had long been
his mistress; even after the marriage he kept her in the house. Toro’s
w ife, dona Francisca de Zuniga, tried to adjust to the situation, but
Toro abused her to the point that late in 15 4 6 his father-in-law, also
part o f the household, became desperate and murdered him. Such at
least is the version given by the chronicler Gutierrez de Santa Clara;
the fact o f the murder and the identity o f the murderer are certain.
The incident seems unrelated to war and politics, except that resent
ment of Toro’s hard rule in the Cuzco community apparently made it
easier than it might otherwise have been for his murderer to find
refuge and eventual reintegration into community life. Since Toro left
no legitimate heirs, his encomienda went to his widow, who quickly
remarried. A fter the final defeat o f the rebels in 154 8 , Toro’s remain
ing property was confiscated, and, as far as is known, this important
fam ily’s fortunes did not revive in Peru.
N O T E S . The accuracy of Gutierrez de Santa Clara’s report (Quinque-

narios, III, 17 7 -17 8 ) cannot be affirmed categorically, even though the
chronicler has a special reliability in respect to events occurring in upper
Peru in 15 4 6 -15 4 7 ; he apparently either was there at the time or had re
ports from someone who was. Yet in this instance he gives wrong names for
all the principals except Toro himself, and his statement that Toro’s mother-
in-law had already died of grief is also inaccurate. (She died in 1557.)
The present writer is of the opinion that the chronicler was actually there
and has reported the substance of the incident correctly, while forgetting
the names and some details, since he wrote many years later. See also Lock
hart, Spanish Peru, p. 2 11 .
Dona Francisca’s title was new in the family. An older sister, who was
the first wife of Juan Fernandez, the plebeian sea captain and great enco-
mendero of Lima, was named plain Isabel de Zuniga. Her mother was Isa
bel Diaz de Zuniga, her father Diego Gonzalez de Vargas. After Toro’s
death, dona Francisca’s hand was given to a Quiros, of whom nothing
more is known than that he betrayed the Pizarrists and was hanged for it
in January, 1547. In 1548 dona Francisca married Pedro Lopez de Cazalla,
secretary of the governor, who became a prominent council member of
Cuzco in the 15 5 0 ’s.
In 1540 Alonso de Toro said he was twenty-eight years old (AGI, Lima
204, probanza of Paullu Inca). He is repeatedly called a native of Trujillo,
for example, in Cieza, Quito (Jimenez, ed.), p. 106, and Pedro Pizarro,
Relacion, V, 2 11 . His parentage is given in AG I, Justicia 117 4 , no. 1, ramo
3. Letters from Toro, including a long and revealing one to Gonzalo
Pizarro, are in Perez de Tudela, Gasca, I, 335-343. Toro is called a servant
of Hernando Pizarro in Enriquez de Guzman, Vida y costumbres, p. 18 1,
and Perez de Tudela, Gasca, I, 454.
360 THE MEN

I 535; Justicia 1082, no. 1, ramo 4 ; ANP, PA 634; AHC, Libros de cabil-
dos de Cuzco, I, f.37; HC 290; CD 1A O , X X , 533; Cieza, Quito (Serrano y
Sanz, ed.), p. 279; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 37 (19 3 6 ):
83; Diego Fernandez, Historia, I, 2 1, 27, 46, 63; Garcilaso, Obras, III, 280;
Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, II, 182, 220 -221, 338, 343; III,
104, 17 7 -17 8 ; Loredo, Alardes y derramas, pp. 1 1 7 , 12 8 ; Perez de Tudela,
Gasca, I, 16 1, 196, 201, 454, 520; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 208, 214,
2 16 ; Relation de las cosas del Peru, V, 277, 278.
For dona Francisca de Zuniga and her relatives, see ANP, Salinas 15 4 2 -
1543, ff.4-5, 1 5 - 18 ; AHC, Libro de difuntos for 155 7-15 6 0 , f.3; Garci
laso, Obras, III, 324; IV, 1 1 , 72-73; Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Quinquena
rios, III, 1 ; Perez de Tudela, Gasca, I, 124, 190, 456.
Hernando de Toro
Role at Cajamarca: Horseman Place of origin: Trujillo, Extremadura
Share: 2 shares of gold; Parents: Alonso de Toro
1 % shares of silver and Inès Duran
Hernando shared the background of his brother Alonso, quite ob

scure, but more nearly plebeian than noble. Though Alonso became
more famous eventually because he lived longer, Hernando was the
elder and originally the more prominent. H e accompanied the Pizarros
from Spain in 15 3 0 as Hernando Pizarro’s squire or personal attendant;
as such his master made sure that he got a horse, whereas young Alonso
stayed on foot. H e apparently served as aide or bodyguard, as opposed
to Crisostomo de Hontiveros, the man o f affairs, who was Hernando
Pizarro’s steward. A s the campaign went on, Hernando de Toro began
to emerge as his own man. H e rode in Soto’s vanguard during the push
south toward Cuzco in 1 5 3 3 , and he was one of the firebrands urging
that since they were exposed to the greatest danger, they might as well
have the greatest gain and honor by hurrying on to take Cuzco them
selves. It was in the course o f this effort that Hernando was killed in
the most serious battle o f the conquest, at Vilcaconga near Cuzco in
November, 15 3 3 . His fortune o f over twelve thousand pesos went
into the hands o f officials, and his heirs in Spain were still litigating
over it in 15 4 5 .
NOTES. Hernando was older than Alonso, but Alonso was so young
(about twenty) that this fact is little help in estimating Hernando's age.
Two full sisters of Hernando and Alonso were alive in Trujillo in 154 5 ;
Leonor de Toro, widow of Pedro Caballero, and Mari Hernandez, wife of
Martin de Padilla (A G I, Justicia 117 4 , no. 1, ramo 3). There Hernando is
called a native of Trujillo. Pedro Pizarro calls him Hernando Pizarro’s
squire in Relation, p. 170.
Other references are in HC 220; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 99; Porras, in
Trujillo, Relation, pp. 119 , 12 0 ; Porras, "Dos documentas esenciales,”
Revista Histôrica 17 (1948) :23~25; Trujillo, Relation, pp. 61, 62. See
also the treatment in Busto, "Los caidos en Vilcaconga,’’ pp. 12 4 -12 5 .
Pedro de Torres
Age at Cajamarca: Apparently Place of origin: Valley of Carriedo,
middle 20’s in the mountains of Old Castile
Role: Footman Extent of liteacy: Fully literate
Torres came to the Indies around 15 2 5 or 15 2 6 , arriving first in

Panama, but soon going to Nicaragua; he had been in Nicaragua since
at least 15 2 7 . There he went to work for the two captains and partners,
Hernan Ponce de Leon and Hernando de Soto. By 15 3 0 he was acting
as their tribute collector and steward on the encomienda o f Tosta in the
jurisdiction o f Leon, Nicaragua’s principal settlement. Though this
kind o f position often fell to those on the very lowest level of Spanish
society, Torres had a certain amount o f education; he may have been
more a steward and estate manager and less the lowly tribute collector
and stockwatcher. Nevertheless, he neither claimed nor was considered
to be an hidalgo, but an honored person, an honest man, and the like.
There can be little doubt that Torres came to Peru with Hernando
de Soto, since even after Cajamarca he continued to function as Soto’s
servant or retainer. H e stayed in the country only until the first surge
o f conquest was completed, then left in later 15 3 4 as many others did,
particularly Soto’s men. On the Isthmus o f Panama, Torres asked
M iguel Estete, a fellow veteran o f Nicaragua and friend o f Soto and a
north Castilian, to register all o f Torres’s gold and silver in his name,
thinking no doubt that it was safer in the hands o f a man who had acted
as a treasury official in Peru. Estete did the favor for Torres, because
Soto had asked him to look out for Torres’s affairs, and thus it was that
362 THE MEN
the Pedro de Torres arriving in Seville in 15 3 5 on the ship Santa Cata

lina was ostensibly destitute. But like the others he went off to the
royal court at Madrid and negotiated for a coat o f arms, which was
granted him in March, 15 3 6 . H e then went back to the northern moun
tains of Castile, and, since his native valley offered no municipality o f
importance, he settled in nearby Burgos.
N O T E S . Busto thinks Torres may have gone on the Florida expedition

with Soto. There was a Pedro de Torres with that expedition, perhaps even
more than one. Garcilaso mentions a man of this name from Badajoz, and
one from Burgos; it is not clear whether they are the same or not. Garcilaso
wrote much later and is not trustworthy on origins. The official register of
the expedition lists only one Pedro de Torres, citizen of Medina del Campo,
son of Alonso Martin and Elvira de Torres. Therefore it does not seem
very probable that the Torres of Cajamarca returned to the Indies. How
ever, Torres as a direct dependent of Soto was the type most likely to join
him if anyone did so.
Torres’s probanza de servicios is in AG I, Patronato 33, no. 2, ramo 1,
and is published in CDIHN, III, 4 12 -4 16 . There he is called "natural del
valle de Carriedo que es en la montana.” In 1537, a citizen of Burgos, he
said he was thirty-six years old (AGI, Justicia 112 4 , no. 6, ramo 3). Yet
in Nicaragua in 1530 a court appointed a guardian for Torres on the
grounds that he seemed to be between twenty and twenty-five (CD IH N,
IV, 538). Torres is called ’’criado de Hernando de Soto” in AG I, Conta-
duria 1825, records from Cajamarca, May, 1533.
Other references are in AG I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship
Santa Catalina, 15 3 3 ; Justicia 112 4 , no. 5, ramo 3; C D IH N , IV, 31, 72,
124, 218, 259, 531-556 , 749; Busto, "Los presuntos peruleros,” Mercurio
Peruano 50 (1965) 13 17 -3 2 1, 325; Porras, Cedulario, II, 149; Solar and
Rujula, El Adelantado Hernando de Soto, p. 296.
Diego de Trujillo
Age at Cajamarca: About 27 or 28 Place of origin: Trujillo (Extremadura)
Role: Footman Parents: Hernando de Trujillo
Share: % share of gold; and Francisca de Ocampo
% share of silver Extent of literacy: Could sign his name
A s might be expected from his name, D iego de T rujillo was among

the contingent recruited by the Pizarros in Trujillo in 15 2 9 . By all
indications he was o f humble background. The Trujillos did not con

stitute a lineage like the Pizarros or Orellanas; there were only scattered,
miscellaneous individuals o f that name. D iego always associated with
plebeians like his friend Alonso Diaz the horseshoer; though he could
make his signature, it is doubtful that he could do much more.
In Peru he was a close and trusted follower o f the Pizarros, in the
manner o f a henchman, though there is no record that he was their
actual retainer. One comrade said o f T rujillo that ‘ wherever he might
be, he would do whatever Hernando Pizarro ordered him.” A fter the
conquest he left Peru with many others in 15 3 4 . H e formed part of
the guard that escorted the disgruntled Pedro de Alvarado back to
Guatemala; then he went directly to Spain and Trujillo.
U p to this point Diego de T ru jillo’s career had nothing extraordinary
about it, given that world in which miracles obeyed rules. But T ru ji
llo’s life now entered a second, more unusual phase. Though he lived
for ten years in his home town, he grew dissatisfied, and finally, around
15 4 6 , he went back to Peru. This might be put down to an addiction
to the exotic, or the squandering o f his fortune, and either explanation
may be partly applicable. But certainly there was also an element o f
social determinism here. The city o f Trujillo could give a royal w el
come to those o f its returning sons who were reasonably well-born,
seating them on the municipal council and marrying them to the
noblest ladies. For a commoner like Diego de T rujillo this was impos
sible, even with a fortune in gold and silver, so he naturally yearned
for Peru, where as a man o f Cajamarca he could hope to achieve such
a position.
Those few who came back, however, soon discovered that it was not
so easy to convert their undoubted prestige into encomiendas in a
country that had changed since they had left it and where great wars
were fought precisely because there were not enough encomiendas for
the qualified claimants. T rujillo was lucky that he arrived when Peru
was under the sway o f rebel governor Gonzalo Pizarro, who was w ill
ing to make some move to gratify a compatriot and old friend o f the
Pizarros. Even so, Trujillo received only the very insignificant, actually
somewhat humiliating, post o f lower constable o f Cuzco. B y 15 4 9
had an encomienda in the Cuzco district, though very small pickings
compared to the holdings o f his old companions who had never left the
country. But with this toehold, T ru jillo’s position improved as time
364 THE MEN
went by; his original seniority loomed larger, his absence smaller. Little
by little he achieved his goals. H e made a good marriage, by 15 5 9
was on Cuzco’s council, and his encomienda was improved until it was
at least respectable, though not enough to make him one o f the great
o f the land. H e was in any case not the type for a magnate or a captain.
Perhaps because o f his peculiar life history, perhaps because of
temperament, T rujillo was forever harping on Cajamarca and the con
quest. H e became an inveterate teller of anecdotes, and as such he
came to the attention o f the viceroy don Francisco de Toledo in 1 5 7 1 ,
when Peruvians were beginning to feel the first symptoms of an anti
quarian interest. The viceroy caused T rujillo’s memories to be set down
in writing, and thus it was that he came to figure among the chron
iclers o f the conquest. Dictated rather than written, his account shows
an untutored mind, manly and direct, magnificently unconcerned with
larger issues, able to see and depict what he experienced in vivid anec
dotal fashion. H e died in 15 7 6 , a legendary figure, though still some
thing o f the plebeian. Garcilaso de la Vega, who knew him in the
1 5 5 0 ’s, thought he was one o f the Thirteen o f Gallo Island and was
unaware he had ever left Peru; yet he cites him near the end o f his list
o f men who did momentous things.
N O T E S . In Seville in 1535 Diego de Trujillo said he was a citizen of

Tmjillo and thirty years old (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 5, ramo 2 ). In 1545
he said he was forty (A G I, Justicia 117 4 , no. 1, ramo 3, which also gives
his father’s name), and in 1559 that he was fifty-seven (AGI, Lima 205,
probanza of Juan Sierra de Leguizamo).
For his edition of Trujillo’s Relation, Porras did extensive biographical
research, the results of which are reproduced there, pp. 17-24 , and in his
Cronistas, pp. 1 1 6 - 1 1 8 ; the present writer has in part relied on this ma
terial even though Porras does not give his sources. Trujillo’s chronicle
also appears in Munoz de San Pedro’s Tres testigos de la conquista. A
manuscript copy, with Trujillo’s original signature, is reported to be in an
institute in Tulsa, Oklahoma. See Chevy Lloyd Strout’s "Literary-Historical
Treasures,” Hispanic American Historical Review 43 (1963) 1267-270. A
letter from Tmjillo to Gonzalo Pizarro is extracted in Perez de Tudela,
Gasca, II, 565; the original is in the Huntington Library.
Other references are in AG I, Lima n o , Relation de la ciudad del Cuzco;
AN P, PA 80; BNP, A542, f.2 1; AHC, Libro de cabildos, I, f.49; II (5 9 -
60), ff.1-3 ; HC 42, 44; CDIHC, V II, 1 55; RAH C 8 (19 5 7 ) 1 71 ; Diego
Fernandez, Histôria, I, 33 3; II, 3-4; Garcilaso, Obras, II, 239; III, 29,
206; IV, 97; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 360; Porras, "Dos documentas esen-
ciales,” Revista Histôrica 17 (1948) :3 i.
Pedro de Ulloa
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Place of origin: Probably Caceres
Share: V2 share of silver; (Extremadura)
no gold Extent of literacy: Could sign his name
In the Peru o f the conquest period the name U lloa was synonymous
with a prominent family o f Caceres (in Extremadura, near T ru jillo ),
the most illustrious representatives being Lorenzo, an early settler in
the Trujillo region (o f P e ru ), and Antonio, a captain in the civil wars.
There is nothing definite to link Pedro de U lloa to this clan, and his
miserable share o f the treasure, the smallest o f all the 16 8 shares if it is
not a clerical error, is hardly evocative of gentle birth and good connec
tions. Even so, he is found in association with men from Caceres and
Trujillo often enough to leave the strong impression that he was in
deed an Ulloa o f Caceres.
Pedro de Ulloa was a founding citizen o f Cuzco in 15 3 4 . H e briefly
returned north to Jauja, as if he intended to join the massive move
ment toward Spain then in progress, but instead he went back to Cuzco
by April, 15 3 5 . Though he vanishes from the records after that, every
thing indicates that he was one o f the few men o f Cajamarca who
accompanied the disastrous expedition o f Diego de Alm agro to Chile.
Ulloa may have resented his small share at Cajamarca, or the influential
Lorenzo de Aldana, who was a relative o f the Caceres Ulloas and a
leader in the Chile venture, may have persuaded him to go. Whether
he died in Chile, was killed in the civil wars like many Alm agro fo l
lowers, or finally reached Spain is unknown.
N O T E S . Pedro de Ulloa took part in the series of transactions in Cuz

co in the spring of 1535 that formed part of the preparations for the Chile
expedition (AN P, PA 19 7 ). While this is not absolute proof that Ulloa
was personally committed, the vast majority of those appearing in these
documents, written by Almagro’s secretary, did in fact go to Chile. From
the debt Ulloa contracted at that time it can be deduced that he had just
bought goods worth 500 pesos from Juan Martin, Almagro’s blacksmith
366 THE MEN
and equipment man. In 1338 Almagro had in his possession a written ob
ligation from Ulloa for 800 pesos; it is listed in the long inventory of
debts owed Almagro at his death, and once again, almost all those men
tioned went to Chile with him (CDIHC, V, 232).
There are other references to Pedro de Ulloa in AGI, Patronato 109,
ramo4; ANP, PA 2 6 ,12 3 , 125, 130, 134, 139, 144, 145, 148, 149; Porras,
"Dos documentos esenciales," Revista Histôrica 17 (1948) 192.
For Lorenzo de Ulloa, see Lohmann Villena, "Documentos intëresantes
a la historia del Peru,” Revista Histôrica 25 (19 6 0 -19 6 1) 1450-476; Loh
mann Villena, Americanos en las ôrdenes nob Hiarias, II, 14 ; Porras, Cedu-
lario, II, 359; Rubén Vargas Ugarte, "La fecha de la fundaciôn de Tru
jillo," Revista Histôrica 10 (1936 ) 1234. Antonio de Ulloa appears fre
quently in the indexed Crônicas del Peru and Gasca, both edited by Pérez
de Tudela. For Ulloa’s namesake, fray Pedro de Ulloa, Dominican, in Peru
by 1536, see Calvete, Rebeliôn de Pizarro, IV, 381 ; Porras, in Trujillo,
Relacion, p. 68.
Pedro de Valencia
Age at Cajamarca: About 2111 Share: V2 share of gold and silver
Role: Footman Extent of literacy: Signature rather crude
Valencia was one o f the expedition’s more insignificant members. As

to his importance in the eyes o f his fellows, he and his partner, Alonso
Sanchez de Talavera, got only one full share between them. As to social
origin, the artisan background o f Alonso Sanchez gives a hint. Though
inseparable, the two had known each other only since the beginning o f
the 1 5 3 1 expedition; neither must have had very long experience in
the Indies.
A fter Cajamarca, Valencia acquired a horse and went south to Cuzco
with the main body o f the expedition. There he and Alonso Sanchez
together enrolled as citizens and received adjoining lots, as if they
intended to stay. But in November o f 1 5 3 4 Sanchez prepared a me
morial o f his services and not long afterward left for Spain. Pedro de
Valencia’s testimony in that memorial is the last we hear o f him, in
Cuzco or elsewhere, but it is at least highly probable that he meant to
accompany his partner home.
N O T E S . In 1534, as a witness in Alonso Sanchez’s probanza, Valencia

said he was twenty-three years old, and also mentioned specifically that he
was Sanchez’s partner (AG I, Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 4 ).
Other references are in AGI, Patronato 109, ramo 4; ANP, PA 75; HC
4 1 ; CD 1A 0 , X , 248-249; Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales,” Revista

Htstôrica i j (1948) :92.
Lope Vêlez
Age at Cajamarca: Probably late 20’s Place of origin: Palos
or over (Andalusian coast)
Role: Horseman Extent of literacy: Could sign
Share: Double share of gold and silver his name
Though Palos usually means the sea, it seems that Vêlez was from
one of the families who provided sea captains and merchants rather
than the lowliest mariners. H e could sign his name, he had the second,
nobler-sounding surname o f Guevara, and his long-time partner in the
Indies, Pedro Catano, was from a commercial-hidalgo family o f Seville.
Vêlez himself did not claim to be an hidalgo (a very rare breed in
P alo s).
Vêlez had been in the Indies since 15 2 4 . A t that time he, Pedro
Catano, and some others who would someday be at Cajamarca joined
the expedition formed in Santo Domingo by G il Gonzalez de A vila to
conquer the Honduras area. The men found there only a poor territory
and endless disputes over jurisdiction by rival governors, so most went
elsewhere, many o f them, like Vêlez and Catano, to Nicaragua. The
two also spent some time in Panama, but it was from Nicaragua that
they came to Peru, among the closest and most trusted followers of
Hernando de Soto. Both were among the dozen picked horsemen who
went with Soto to the first interview with Atahuallpa. A fter the con
quest they went quickly to Spain, like most o f Soto’s men; in Jauja in
June, 15 3 4 , Vêlez was preparing to leave, and he presumably arrived
in Spain in 15 3 5 with Catano. In May, 15 3 6 , he was still in Seville in
the company of Catano, preparing a memorial o f his services which
led to his receiving a coat o f arms in 15 3 7 . Then he disappears, but he
probably went to live out his life in his birthplace, since both his me
morial and the royal grant o f arms refer to him as a citizen o f Palos.
N O T E S . By the name alone one is tempted to suspect there was some

connection between Lope Vêlez and Bachiller Juan Vêlez de Guevara, a
lawyer from Jerez de la Frontera who arrived in Pern shortly afterward
and became alcalde of Cuzco and captain in the civil wars.
Lope Velez’s probanza de servicios is in AG I, Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo
i. There he is called a native of Palos. His age is estimated merely on the
368 THE MEN
basis of his active participation in expeditions since eight years before Ca-
jamarca.
Other references are in ANP, PA 1, 126, 1 4 1; Busto, "Una relacion y
un estudio,” Revista Historien 27 (1964) : 2 8 i , 286; Cieza, Tercera parte,
in Mercurio Peruano 39 (1958) :578; Montoto, Nobiliario, p. 392 ; Oviedo,
Historia, V, 92; Porras, Cedulario, II, 316.
Sancho de Villegas
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Place of origin: Puebla del Prior
Share: % share of gold (south central Extremadura)
and silver Parents: Garcia de Villegas and Elena de Paz
Extent of literacy: Good signature
Puebla del Prior falls within the radius of the recruiting effort in
Extremadura in 15 2 9 , and it is probable that Villegas came to the
Indies in 15 3 0 with the Pizarros. There is no hint o f any previous
experience in the Indies, and he received the three-fourths share that
went to many o f the neophytes. Villegas became a citizen and enco-
mendero o f Cuzco at its foundation and gradually became a man to be
reckoned with, though he seems to have held no posts o f honor. H e
was close to the Pizarros. For one thing, in 15 3 6 he won 2,300 marks
o f silver gambling with Hernando Pizarro. This did not prevent H er
nando from sending him out from Cuzco with three others on the
delicate and dangerous mission o f making contact with Alm agro’s
forces on their return from Chile in 15 3 7 . Villegas seems to have been
one o f those imprisoned when Alm agro seized Cuzco, and for this
reason he was still in Cuzco when Hernando Pizarro approached the
city at the head o f an army in 15 3 8 . Villegas began to organize a mass
flight by Pizarro followers and tried to enlist the Inca chieftain Paullu
in his plans. But the Almagrists discovered the plot and executed
Villegas in Cuzco, shortly before the battle of Salinas in A pril, 15 3 8 .
N O T E S . Villegas’s origin and parentage are given in AGI, Justicia

1035, no. 1, ramo 1, which also mentions his gambling with Hernando
Pizarro.
1536 ; Lima 566, September 16, 154 5; Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 4; 109,
ramo 4 ; ANP, PA 195; Cieza, Salinas, pp. 23, 310, 31 3; Oviedo, Historia,
V, 175, 19 3 ; Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales," Revista Historica 17
(1948) 192; Varias relaciones del Peru y Chile, X III, 105.
12. ARTISANS
ith one or two exceptions, all the men appearing here

W were actually active in their trades in the years 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 2 , and
many o f them were operating in a semiofficial capacity for the expedi
tion. "Artisans” is perhaps too specific a term for them, since they in
clude some musicians and a barber-surgeon, but all had manual skills
and belonged in the current social category o f "mechanics.” One o f the
captains, Greek artilleryman Candla, had a similar skill, though its spe
cial characteristics put him in an unusually advantageous position. Sig
nificantly, his colleague Martin de Florencia, included here, also later
became a captain.
The group’s general flavor is strongly plebeian. Many o f these men
would find their peers among the seamen (chapter 1 3 ) and other lower
plebeians (chapter 1 4 ) . Indeed, one o f the seamen, Anadel, was defi
nitely an artisan. (Though listed under the artisans in Part I, Anadel
was put under seamen in Part II to associate him with his partner
Aguirre.) The cooper Palomino, though put in this section, may well
have been a man o f the sea. The artisans also stretch somewhat toward
370 THE MEN
the higher end o f the scale. W e should not ignore the literacy and re
spectability o f such men as Delgado the mason, Lopez the barber, and
even Paramo the tailor, who are comparable to the upper commoners
in chapter n . Beyond doubt, more than a few men in that section and
elsewhere would prove to have been trained artisans if their back
grounds were known fully.
Pedro de Alconchel
Age at Cajamarca: About 35 Place of origin: La Garganta, near
Role: Footman and trumpeter Bejar (northern Extremadura)
Share: 1 full share of silver and gold Extent of literacy: Illiterate
Trumpets and trumpeters were as invariable a part o f the Spanish

conquest as horses and muskets, and they shared the same mission— to
electrify and overwhelm the Indians with an impression o f unheard-of
power. The Peru expedition had three trumpeters when it left Panama,
and two o f them got as far as Cajamarca. Despite their value, musicians
were not very highly esteemed. Many were from the humblest o f fam i
lies, and Alconchel was a good example. Twice he made his w ill, but
he never cared to reveal who his parents were; he was ignorant o f all
larger affairs and illiterate, though in Spain he had learned to print a
big " P °” (standard for P ed ro ), expecting someone else to write in the
"Alconchel.” H e had no record o f previous experience in the Indies, so
it is likely he arrived with the Pizarros in 15 3 0 .
His moment o f fame came in 1 5 3 3 when the conquering Spaniards
were advancing close to Cuzco. Hernando de Soto, in the vanguard,
had become isolated from the main force and was near defeat at Vilca-
conga, when at midnight the trumpet o f Alconchel sounded from
miles away, warning both Indians and beleaguered Spaniards that help
was coming. This episode won Alconchel a place in more than one
chronicle of the conquest, but it was less cinematic and more typically
Spanish than might appear. Soto’s men had gotten into trouble by rush
ing too far ahead, trying to reach the riches o f Cuzco before the rest.
The rescuers were hurrying, not so much to save their comrades as to
keep them from getting to Cuzco first. And Alconchel was not trying to
signal that help was coming, but to inform some stragglers where camp
had been made for the night.
Alconchel settled down in Lima for the rest o f his life, too set in his
a r t i s a n s 371
ways as an obvious and incorrigible plebeian to play a role among the

great of the capital. His encomienda of Chilca and Mala was far from
the most lucrative, rated thirty-fifth of about forty-five in Lima’s juris
diction, and he never held any post on the municipal council or re
ceived any other kind of honors. Though not poor, he owned only one
house, his own, and his lands could not match those of a magnate like
Diego de Agiiero. His closest associates were people of the stamp of
his co m p a d re , Rogel de Loria, an illiterate old veteran of the Indies
who came to Peru too late to get an encomienda and eked out a living
with carpentry and furniture-making. Alconchel also sheltered in his
house the trumpeter Diego de Segovia, relative of Juan de Segovia, his
fellow trumpeter at Cajamarca.
He did make quite a good marriage in 1 5 4 3 to dona Maria de Alia-
ga from Segovia, a relative of Jeronimo de Aliaga, and through this
avenue his progeny advanced into more aristocratic circles. Both of his
daughters were surnamed Aliaga rather than Alconchel, and one of
them, after a life of some notoriety, married into one of Lima’s great
est families. Alconchel lived on until 15 6 2 in relative obscurity, not in
volved in the civil wars after 1540, devoting some of his time to petty
business ventures like a fishery and an inn, his only recognition the
"street of Alconchel’’ that passed in front of his house.
N O T E S . Alconchel was vague about his age. In 1336, unless some

mistake is involved, he thought he was about fifty-five (AG I, Patronato
93, no. 6, ramo 3) ; in 1549, about fifty ( R A N P 1 [i9 2 o ]:5 2 4 ); and in
1552, again about fifty-five (AGI, Lima 118 , probanza of Licenciado Mer
cado de Penalosa). Since the last two are consistent with each other and
with common sense, the first was disregarded. A will Alconchel dictated
in 1344 ls m BNP, A30, ff.367-372, with a codicil, ff.391-392. Another,
of 1562, is published in R A N P 9 (1936) .* 117 -12 1; there Alconchel de
clares himself a native of La Garganta de Campos in the jurisdiction of
Bejar. Busto’s article "'Pedro de Alconchel, trompeta de caballeria,” M er-
curio Peruano 41 (i9 6 0 ):5 0 5 -5 15 , contains much narrative detail.
Pedro de Alconchel may be at the bottom of the apocryphal "don Fran
cisco de Alconcher” mentioned in the late, extraordinarily corrupt Pero
Lopez, Rut as, pp. 46-47. According to Lopez, this don Francisco de A l
concher, citizen of Lima, gave the Mercedarian friars a site on which to
build their establishment; a few days later, while bullbaiting on horseback
in the square, he was cornered by the bull and took refuge in the church,
horse and all, entering unharmed by a postern gate through which the
372 THE MEN
horse later could not be extricated without unsaddling. The story is full of
inconsistencies and impossibilities, and the donation as described cannot
have taken place, but some such incident may have occurred.
Other references are in AGI, Patronato 92, no. 3; ANP, PA 32, 103,
14 3 ; Juzgado, October 9, 15 3 3 ; BNP, A 33, ff.61-64; HC 14, 18, 26, 35,
599, 747; R A N P 1:509, 524 -535; Domingo Angulo, "El conquistador
Pedro de Alconchel," R A N P 9 (19 36 ) : m - i i 5 ; Busto, "Una relacion y
un estudio sobre la conquis ta," Revis ta Histôrica 27 (1964) .*318; Cobo,
Obras, II, 304; Diego Fernandez, Historia, I, 38-39; Gangotena y Jijôn,
"La descendencia de Atahualpa," Boletin de la Academia Nacional de H i
storia, Quito 38, no. 91 (1958) : i i 2 - i i 4 ; Libros de cabildos de Lima,
I, 8 - 10 ; IV, 170 ; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 228; Pedro Pizarro, Relacion, V,
189; Raul Porras Barrenechea, in Trujillo, Relacion, p. 1 2 1 ; Diego de Tru
jillo, Relacion, p. 62.
Pedro Calderon
Age at Cajamarca: About 27 Place of origin: Trujillo (Extremadura)
Role: Footman Extent of literacy: Illiterate
Share: % share of silver; Trade: Herrador (horseshoer
no gold and veterinarian)
Calderon no doubt came from Spain in 1530; he had no known rec

ord in the Indies, and he was the partner of Francisco de Avalos, who
left Extremadura with the Pizarros at that time. W hy his share of treas
ure was so small we do not know. He took part in the conquest all the
way to Cuzco. Though he did not in the end decide to settle there, a lot
in Cuzco in October, 153 4, was still known as Calderon’s. Perhaps it
was merely the place where he had carried on his trade. He left Peru in
153 4, arriving in Seville by 1 5 3 5 and quickly proceeding to his birth
place of Trujillo. Though a seat on Trujillo’s municipal council proved
beyond the reach of an illiterate artisan, he basked in his prosperity,
and, to emphasize its source, by 1 5 4 5 he was calling himself resound
ingly Pedro Calderon del Pern.
N O T E S . The identification of Calderon’s trade rests on the fact that

Antonio de Herrera, another of the men of Cajamarca, who died before
July 1534, had had dealings with "Calderon herrador" (AN P, PA 1 1 7 ) .
No other Calderon has appeared either among those at Cajamarca or
among Almagro’s contingent, who came shortly afterward. A bit of con
firmation can be found in the association at one point of Pedro Calde
a r t i s a n s 373
ron with the other herrador, Juan de Salinas (ANP, PA 1 1 8 ) . Further

more, Calderon was present as witness at the weighing of the treasure of
Cuzco, where a man knowledgeable with metals would have been in place
(Loredo, Los rep artos, p. 1 1 7 ) .
Busto (in "Los presuntos peruleros,” Mercurio Peruano 50 [19 6 5 3 :3 14 -
3 17 ) associates Calderon with an hidalgo family of Trujillo, but Calde
ron’s trade, his illiteracy, and his failure to become a regidor on his return
all speak most strongly against any such association. It is true that there
was in Trujillo a member of that family called Pedro Calderon, of the same
generation as Calderon herrador, but this certainly would be the man who
was the son of Pedro Calderon Loaysa and dona Aldonza de Orellana, and
who left Spain for Santa Marta in 1536 (Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, II,
142).
Busto further speculates that the Pedro Calderon of Cajamarca may have
been the man of that name who was a captain with Hernando de Soto on
the Florida expedition. This would be conceivable, if somewhat incongru
ous, except that Soto’s Captain Calderon is described as a citizen of Badajoz
by Garcilaso de la Vega and other sources, and he returned to Badajoz to
live by 1558, whereas Pedro Calderon of Cajamarca was a citizen of Tru
jillo in 1545.
The Calderon of Cajamarca said in 1535 that he was thirty (AGI, Patro-
nato 93, no. 5, ramo 2), and in 1545, when he was a citizen of Trujillo,
that he was forty (AG I, Justicia 117 4 , no. 1, ramo 3 ). Other references are
in ANP, PA 28, 147; RA H C 8 (19 5 7 )
Juan Chico
Role at C ajam arca: Footm an Parents: A nton Chico and
Share: % share o f gold and silver Inès Hernandez
Place of origin: Seville Extent o f literacy: Illiterate
T ra d e : T ailo r
Juan’s father was a baker of Seville, and he himself was trained in

the trade of tailoring. What business there was for a tailor in the early
stages of the conquest of Peru is hard to see, yet on the expedition it
self he was still identified with his trade, indeed almost defined by it.
While the Spaniards were still on the north coast he had dealings with
the tailor Juan Jimenez; on the roll of Cajamarca he is listed next to the
tailor Robles, both with small shares. For a time Juan Chico and Sevi
llian mulatto Miguel Ruiz were business partners, investing their first
gains in merchandise to be brought back to the expedition from Pana-
374 THE MEN
ma. The two were probably also partners in the broader sense of being
close friends and constant companions, until Ruiz was killed by Indians
on the way to Cuzco.
Chico became a citizen and encomendero of Jauja, then moved to
the successor city of Lima at its foundation in 1 5 3 5 . With his associate
Ruiz gone, Chico now gravitated to Pedro Navarro, but more as a de
pendent than as a partner; Navarro was a capable, literate man closely
connected with the Pizarros. Chico lived unassumingly in Navarro’s
house with the Indian mistress he had brought from Cuzco. In 1536,
during the Indian rebellion, Chico was killed on an expedition sent to
relieve Cuzco from a protracted siege. Though he died without a will,
his friend Navarro saved his estate from official hands, giving one
fourth to his three mestizo children and sending the rest back to Spain
to his relatives. One senses that, had he lived, Chico would have had
great difficulty in finding a role in the ever more pretentious society his
companions were building up around him.
N O T E S . The most comprehensive source for Chico’s life is the litiga

tion over recovery of his estate contained in AGI, Justicia 746, no. 5. This
document reveals that Chico was born and grew up in Seville, tells the
names of his relatives, establishes their social milieu, and gives much in
formation on Chico in the Indies as well. Other references are in AGI,
Contaduria 1825, records from Lima, January, 1536 ; Justicia 112 6 , no. 2,
ramo 1 ; HC 13, 2 1, 22, 75, 76; Cieza, Chupas, p. 256; Libros de cabildos
de Lima, I, 8 -10 ; Porras, Cedulario, II, 356.
Juan Delgado
Age at Cajamarca: About 25 Place of origin: Salamanca
Role: Footman Extent of literacy: Could sign his name
Share: % share of gold and silver Trade: Stonemason
Stonemasons, with silversmiths, were the aristocrats of artisanship,

so Juan Delgado might be reckoned in the middle range of the men of
Cajamarca as to rank within Spanish society. Delgado was probably
either a new arrival in the Indies or one of those recruited in Spain for
the Peruvian conquest— most likely the latter, since he appears to have
been a direct dependent of the Pizarros from an early time. By 1 5 3 5 he
was a citizen of Cuzco, with an encomienda that brought him a respect
able income but was mediocre compared to others (it was forty-eighth
a r t i s a n s 375
on a list of eighty-three in Cuzco around 1 5 4 8 ) . Even as an encomen-

dero he continued to act as steward for Gonzalo Pizarro, and he never
became one of the great lords of Cuzco. Having worked for Gonzalo
Pizarro, it was natural for him to be drawn deeply into Pizarro’s rebel
lion. For this he received a sentence in 154 8 and lost his encomienda.
He was in Lima in 155 4, and died in Cuzco in December, 1556.
N O T E S . It appears that there may have been another Juan Delgado

from Salamanca in Pem, no doubt a relation of the man of Cajamarca
(Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 306), with some consequent possibilities of
false identifications. However, the main lines are clear, since the man who
was vecino and encomendero in Cuzco in 1539 was, by his own declaration,
at Cajamarca (A G I, Lima 118 , probanza of Garci Martinez), and there is
another contemporary statement that Juan Delgado, vectno of Cuzco, was
Gonzalo Pizarro’s majordomo in 13 3 7 -15 3 8 (AGI, Justicia 1054, no- 3»
ramo 2 ). A letter of 1546 refers to Juan Delgado, vectno of Cuzco, as a
former servant of Gonzalo Pizarro (Perez de Tudela, Gasca, 1:2 9 2 ), and
the man in Lima in 1554 declared he took part in Atahuallpa’s capture
{Bolettn de la Academia Nacional de Historia, Quito 38, no. 91 [19 3 8 ]:
1 1 0 - 1 1 2 ) . He there says that he was godparent of one of Atahuallpa’s
sons, don Juan, who lived in Cuzco.
The Caravantes-Salinas y Cordoba version of the roll of Cajamarca lists
Juan Delgado as "Juan Delgado Monzon,” or "Menzon.” It is not clear
whether this is a mistake, a corrupt version of a trade or position, or a
second surname that never appears again.
Delgado’s trade and origin appear in AGI, Contaduria 1825, records
from Coaque, April, 15 3 1, where he is referred to as a stonemason from
Salamanca. His origin is also given in C D IA O , X X , 524, and R IP IG 10
(1957) :88. Delgado gave his age as over twenty-five in 1539 (AGI, Pa-
tronato 93, no. 9, ramo 7 ), thirty in 1540 (AG I, Lima 204, probanza of
Pedro del Barco), and forty-eight in 1354 ( Bolettn de la Academia Nacio
nal de Historia, Quito 38, no. 91 [ 1 9 5 8 ] :i n ) .
March, 15 3 6 ; Patronato 185, ramo 10; ANP, PA 13 5 ; Loredo, Los re-
partos, pp. 122, 1 3 1 .
Escalante
Age at Cajamarca: About 40 Place of origin: Escalante
Role: Footman (mountains of Old Castile)
Share: % share of gold; Extent of literacy: Illiterate
1 full share of silver Trade: Carpenter
376 THE MEN
Juan de Escalante was the carpenter o f the company, with a modest

salary paid by the royal officials. N o doubt he had had long experience
in the Indies, apparently in Nicaragua, but he was with the expedition
only from the time it left Panama. A fter the conquest proper was over,
Escalante became a founding citizen o f Lima, with a good encomienda
on the southern coast in the region o f lea. H e was too set in his ways
to attempt to hide his identity as Escalante the carpenter, so he became
in effect a test case o f whether a man could be both artisan and enco-
mendero in rich Peru, as had been possible in impoverished Panama
and Nicaragua. For a time he was tolerated in both capacities. In 15 3 6
the city council appointed Juan de Escalante, "carpenter and citizen,"
to inspect carpentry work done in Lima and to assign prices. But before
long Governor Pizarro forced him to relinquish his encomienda in fa
vor o f the well-connected Nicolas de Ribera. H e had to sell his live
stock for less than their real price, and his house and lot in Lima went
to someone else. Such at least was Escalante’s story, which is probably
not far from the truth. The Pizarros would no doubt have replied that
Escalante wanted to go home, and there would be some truth in that
too. H e reached Seville by 15 3 8 , and by 15 4 0 was living in Cartagena,
still protesting to royal officials o f the injustices done.
N O T E S . A man from the mountains of Castile going to a place as out

o f the way as Cartagena is an anomaly that this writer is hard put to ex
plain. Perhaps Escalante was a ship’s carpenter and sought a maritime en
vironment. Escalante said in 1538 that he was over forty-five years old
and was a citizen of Escalante, "que es en las montanas” (AGI, Justicia
734, no. 6 ); in 1536 he said he was forty-five (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 6,
ramo 3 ). AG I, Contaduria 1679, shows that Escalante was paid 13 3 pesos
as his salary as the expedition’s carpenter from April, 1 5 3 1 , to April, 1332.
Other references to Escalante are in AGI, Indiferente General 18 0 1, rec
ords from ship San M iguel , 15 3 5 ; Lima 565, vol. Ill, April 13, 1540, June
10, 154 0 ; ANP, PA 783; HC 2, 23, 46, 48; Busto, ''Los innominados en
el reparto de Cajamarca,” Anales del III Congreso Nacional de la Historia
d el Peru , p. 92; Libros de cabildos de Lima , I, 56, 98; Porras, Cedulario,
11, 30; Torres Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos, I, 90.
Another Juan de Escalante appeared in Jauja in 1534 as notary public
and clerk of the council; he was replaced when Lima was founded at the
beginning of 1535, and is not heard of again, in Lima or elsewhere.
For Juan de Escalante, the notary, see AGI, Contaduria 1825, records
from Jauja, November, 1534 ; Lima 204, probanza of Hernan Gonzalez;
Justicia 112 6 , no. 2, ramo 1 ; Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 1.
a r t i s a n s 377
Martin de Florencia
Role at C ajam arca: Footm an Place o f origin: Barbastro (kingdom
Share: % share o f gold o f A ra g o n )
and silver Parents: M artin de Florencia and
M a ria Leonarda de Santangel
Extent of literacy: Could sign his name
Martin de Florencia was cast in the role o f a foreigner among the

Spaniards o f Peru. Aragon itself was foreign enough to the Castilians;
added to M artin’s Aragonese birth were his Italian name and ancestry.
He was often called Machin, the Basque form o f Martin, which the
Spaniards used as a derogatory nickname for foreigners. Most o f Flo-
rencia’s associates were either Aragonese or such true foreigners as the
Greeks Jorge Griego and Pedro de Candia. And though his father had
been a merchant, Florencia, like Candia, followed the typical foreign
er’s calling o f artilleryman. H is home town o f Barbastro was known
for its crossbow production, in which one o f Florencia’s in-laws was
involved. Florencia had probably been a crossbow expert from an early
age and moved from there into the related field o f artillery. A t Caja
marca he was doubtless one o f artillery captain Candia’s men. During
the siege o f Cuzco by the Indians in 1 5 3 6 - 1 5 3 7 , he acted as chief o f a
contingent o f crossbowmen and musketeers, and at the battle o f Chu-
pas in 15 4 2 he directed the loyalist artillery. That these posts Were cap
taincies is not certain, but by the early 15 4 0 ’s there begins to be a men
tion of Captain Martin de Florencia.
The taint of foreignness (and possibly of Jewish descent as well)
may have held Florencia back a bit, but did not halt his advance toward
a position of importance in Cuzco. His encomienda there, while not of
the very highest order of size and wealth, was better than most ( it was
once rated twenty-third of eighty in the Cuzco district), and he ex
ploited his holdings methodically; before his death he was one of Cuz
co’s richest men. He was granted a coat of arms in 1543 . In time he
certainly would have taken his place on the council of Cuzco, if a con
flict with the rebel forces of Gonzalo Pizarro had not put an end to his
career. In 1544, as the movement of rebellion gathered strength in
Cuzco, Florencia was drawn into it, voluntarily or not, and as a man
useful in war he was high in the Pizarrist councils. But before Pizarro’s
army got far from Cuzco, he and others fled to Lima to support the
378 THE MEN
viceroy. On the triumphant entry of the Pizarrists into Lima in Octo

ber, 1544, they sought out Martin de Florencia and quickly hanged
him, the first of several of the men of Cajamarca to die in Peru’s most
virulent civil war.
N O T E S . In his article "Tres conversos en la captura de Atahualpa,”

Revista de Indias 27 (1967) 1427-442, Busto maintains that Florencia was
one of three conversos, or men of Jewish descent, at Cajamarca. Florencia
is indeed the strongest case of the three. On the basis of published sources
to which he there refers, Busto establishes that a converso family by the
name of Santangel existed in Aragon at the time, and that it had a branch
in Barbastro. There is no known documentary link between this family and
Florencia’s mother, but the concurrence of names, the name’s rarity, and
the small size of Barbastro all add up to a certain probability that Florencia
was of converso origin at least on the maternal side. Busto also points to
the Jewish ring of the Old Testament motto on Florencia’s coat of arms.
Florencia’s foreign connection is more strongly established than his
Jewishness. He appears next to Jorge Griego on the list of founding citi
zens of Cuzco (Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales,” Revista Historica 17
£1948] .*92), near him on the roll of Cajamarca, and as witness for him at
Coaque (H C 16 ) . Florencia’s house in Cuzco stood beside that of Pedro
de Candia, who collected Florencia’s share of the silver of Cuzco in 1534
(Loredo, Alardes y derramas, p. n o ) . Eventually Florencia bought or in
herited Candia’s house (BNP, A 33, f.279 ). See also Busto, "Pedro de Can
dia,” Revista Historica 25 (19 6 0 -19 6 1) 1392, 403. The foreign tie endured
in the second generation. In Lima, in 1367, Florencia’s apparently mestizo
son, also named Martin, married a woman of half-Italian parentage, her
father being from Siena, near Florence. ( R IP IG , 1947, no. 2, p. 44). Given
this, we can hardly doubt in retrospect that the original Martin de Floren
cia, merchant, father of the man of Cajamarca, was himself Florentine.
Even the name Santangel, converso or not, was Florentine. In the 1580’s
there lived in Cuzco a painter and sculptor from Florence named Pedro
Santangel (R A H C 4 [19 5 3 ] -*141, 14 8 ).
Information about Florencia’s regional origin, relatives, and much else
is to be found in the litigation carried on by his sister to recover his estate
(A G I, Justicia 1074, no- 6 ), and in a posthumous testament of 1544, in
corporating his own instructions and a rough inventory of his estate (BNP,
A 33, f.279 ). the latter place Florencia gives his mother’s name as Maria
Leonarda de Santangel; in the other set of documents she is referred to as
Maria Santangel or Maria Santangel Leonardo.
In the will Florencia recognized three mestizo children, Luis and Pedro
de Florencia and Isabelica, by "his” Indian women, Isabel and Tocto. For
a r t i s a n s 379
their sustenance he left them each a thousand pesos to be invested in live

stock. At the time of Florencia’s death Isabelica was living on his enco-
mienda; the boys were presumably in Cuzco. It is quite possible that who
ever raised the children renamed one of them Martin in his father’s mem
ory. The youngest Martin de Florencia might also have been a posthumous
son by Marina Bernaldez, an eighteen-year-old Spanish girl from Huelva
with whom Martin had been having an affair in Lima just before his death.
He left her 150 pesos "to satisfy his conscience.”
The will gives considerable information on the nature of Florencia’s
estate. He owned two, possibly three, houses in Cuzco. Some of his en-
comienda Indians were working the gold mines of Carabaya under the
direction of Antonio de Torres, a barber. Torres was a thousand pesos in
debt to his employer. Florencia owned six Negro slaves, some in the Cara
baya mines and some in his house in Cuzco. One was his trusted henchman,
whom he freed in his will, and one was on long-term loan to a fellow
artilleryman, Captain Pedro de Vergara. On his encomienda in the Cuzco
district, or "at his cacique” as he expressed it, he had (besides his daugh
ter) some cloth or clothing with gold woven into it, a horse, mare, and
colt, and "many” pigs and llamas. Florencia also owned a house and a
mine in the upper Peruvian silver-mining region of Charcas.
In various parts of Peru Florencia had a good amount of liquid wealth
hidden away, a surprising amount of it in the care of Indians. Two thou
sand pesos were in his house in Cuzco, in a place known to his Indian
Callaquiz; another thousand was buried near a llama pen in an Indian
town. In Lima, tailor Domingo de Destre, a fellow Aragonese, had an
emerald of Florencia’s, and an Indian Huaman was keeping a golden chain
and other items of gold that Florencia thought sufficient to pay all his
local debts.
Other references to Florencia are in AGI, Contaduria 1824, records
from Cuzco, March, 1536 ; 1823, records from Cuzco, August 14, 1 5 4 1 ;
Lima 366, vol. V, September 28, 154 3; Patronato 90, no. 1, ramo 1 1 ; 109,
ramo 4; 185, ramo 1 1 ; ANP, PA 23; C D IH E , X X V I, 2 2 1-2 3 2 ; R A N P 1
(1920) .‘ 582; Atienza, Dtccionario nobiliario espanol, 376-377; Calvete,
Rebelion de Pizarro, IV, 256; Diego Fernandez, Historia , I, 25, 45; II,
127 ; Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios , II, 2 8 1-28 3; 384-385; Lo-
redo, Alardes y derramas, pp. 1 0 9 - 1 1 1 , 119 , 129; Pedro Pizarro, Relation,
V, 233-234; Relation de las cosas del Peru , V, 259, 268, 276. Busto’s
"Tres conversos” gives yet more references from the chronicles.
380 THE MEN
Juan Garcia pregonero

Age at Cajamarca: Probably Place of origin: Las Barcas de Albala, near
over 30 Jaraicejo (northeastern Extremadura)
Role: Footman Parents: Garcia [de Xeda?] and
Share: % share of gold; Catalina Clemente
% share of silver Extent of literacy: Illiterate
Trade: Crier and piper
A Spanish social convention demanded that criers (also serving vari

ously as executioners, auctioneers, and constables) should be black or
mulatto. The crier of the expedition that conquered Peru was no excep
tion. He too had auxiliary skills, since he was the company’s piper (as
such often called Juan Garcia g a ite r o ), and he was responsible for
weighing much of the gold and silver of Cajamarca.
Juan Garda was functioning among the expedition’s Spaniards as at
least nominally an equal, though in a lowly function. The records in
which he appears directly contain no reference to his ethnic characteris
tics; however, twice other Spaniards referred to him in litigation as a
n eg ro (Negro, or black). Despite this term, he was probably a dark
mulatto of partially mixed parentage, rather than fully African in ori
gin. Juan Garcia was born in Spain, in the hinterland of Trujillo, as
the product of a legitimate marriage; he had a cousin there who was a
priest, and one can hardly imagine a black man in that position at that
time and place. The mixture might have been on either side of the
family. Juan Garcia’s brothers and sisters bore the maternal and pater
nal surnames equally, and in the Jaraicejo area he acknowledged rela
tives on both sides, some living and some buried in local churches. Juan
Garcia himself had been married and widowed in the locality, and had
two legitimate daughters; his mother-in-law was still living in the area.
Thus it appears that Juan Garcia was integrated in the usual fashion
into the local society of the rural hamlets near Jaraicejo, unless we can
presume the existence of a whole functioning free black community.
A t any rate, Juan Garcia’s Spanish social position was not a high one.
After his return to Spain he was to be referred to once as a "low and
vile person,’’ standard legal terminology for a lower plebeian. His
highest hope for his two daughters’ future, despite the wealth they
might inherit from him, was that they be married to "honorable
people.’’
a r t i s a n s 381
Coming as he did from the Trujillo area, Juan G ard a was presum
ably among those newly recruited there in 1 5 3 0 . In Peru he was with
the expedition all the way to Cuzco, where he continued to act as crier
and to help with the division o f the treasure. A fter having been one of
the founding citizens o f Cuzco and actually residing there for some
months, he decided early in 1 5 3 5 to return to Spain. From August to
December o f that year he was in Lima making various preparations, in
cluding a will, and by February, 1 5 3 6 , he was in Nombre de Dios on
the Isthmus, ready to embark for Spain. A budding inclination to un
fold socially can be seen in his assumption o f a double surname as Juan
Garcia Clemente, an appellation he was to continue to use at least part
of the time after his return to his homeland.
W hile many o f the men needed little urging to be allowed to go
home rich, one wonders to what extent Juan Garcia’s departure was
voluntary. There was at least one other humble old conqueror (Juan de
Escalante) who was pushed out o f his position. Juan Garcia’s share at
Cajamarca was adjusted downward in view o f his social condition (o f
course tailors and other lowly people got the same treatment). In Cuzco
he was one o f the very few citizens not formally assigned a lot. People
had complained about the impropriety o f a man o f his type using the
royal seal to mark precious metals. In short, there probably was no
comfortable place in ever wealthier, ever more conservative Peru for a
black encomendero o f Cuzco. Conditions in Peru permitted the rees
tablishment o f the main lines o f the peninsular order o f society, which
had fallen into some disarray in the impoverished backwoods o f Pana
ma and Nicaragua in the 1 3 2 0 ’s. Juan Garcia was prudent to leave with
his fortune while he had it.
It was Juan Garcia’s intention, whether actually carried out or not
we do not know, to take with him to Spain his natural daughter M ag
dalena and her mother, Isabel, his Peruvian Indian servant woman. H e
reached home, and well into the 15 4 0 ’s he was a citizen of the village
of Casas del Puerto, near Jaraicejo. Still an associate or partisan o f the
Pizarros, he testified on their behalf when the occasion demanded. This
connection makes it likely that he was the same person as an illiterate
Juan Garcia Pizarro who was living at an unidentified place called Las
Pinuelas somewhere in the Trujillo area in 1 5 4 5 .
NOTES. The evidence on the life of Juan Garcia pregonero is a very

tangled skein, and the thought processes applied to it need to be brought
382 THE MEN
out into the open so that future research can confirm them, build on them,
or demolish them, as the case may be, though the writer believes that the
identification will stand. At Coaque, in 1 5 3 1 , there was a Juan Garcia
gaitero, or piper, much in the company of the expedition’s trumpeters (HC
18, 25, 26, 28). At Cajamarca, and at the division of the treasure, there
appears Juan Garcia pregonero, or crier. The prima facie reasons for con
sidering these two as one are ( 1 ) that the two professions were often prac
ticed together, as two ways of attracting the attention of numbers of people,
and (2 ) that the two names never appear together, but always in a way that
fits into a single line. This writer thinks that the name varied with Juan
Garcia’s function of the moment and with the notary writing the docu
ment.
Juan Garcia pregonero is distinguished in the records from Juan Garcia
escopetero and Juan Garcia de Santa Olalla, first at Cajamarca in 1 3 3 2 -
1 533 (roll of Cajamarca; AGI, Contaduria 1825; ANP, PA 10 3 ), and
then in Cuzco in early 1334 (Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 98, 103, 1 3 2 ) . In
Cuzco, Juan Garcia pregonero continued to function as a crier and was
closely connected with the division of the treasure (Loredo, Los repartos,
pp. 98, 1 3 2 ) . In March, 1534, Juan Garcia gaitero became a citizen of
Cuzco; he then stayed among the forty citizens guarding the city in the
second half of 1334 (AGI, Patronato 185, ramo 1 1 , or C D IA O , X , 249;
Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales,’’ Revista Hist orica 17 [19 4 8 3:9 2-9 3;
RAH C 8 [1957].*73). On September 4, 1534, he was mentioned in the
Cuzco cabildo records as the person to receive money from fines for im
proper disposition of horse dung. This confirms once again his identity with
Juan Garda pregonero (Rivera Serna, Libro primero de cabildos de la ciu-
dad del Cuzco, p. 3 1 ) . He then appears no more in Cuzco.
In 1535 Juan Garda pregonero appeared in Lima, paying the royal fifth
(A G I, Contaduria 1825). At the same time, in August-September, 1535, a
Juan Garcia, vecino of Cuzco, going to Spain, a native of Las Barcas de
Albala, testified in Lima during an investigation of the royal treasury offi
cials, saying that he had weighed the gold and silver of Cajamarca. The
fact that this Juan Garcia is a vecino of Cuzco, going to Spain at the same
time that Juan Garcia gaitero, vecino of Cuzco, disappears, is another proof
that Juan Garcia gaitero and Juan Garcia pregonero are one. In this same
investigation another witness complained that he had seen a "Negro" who
was crier in Cuzco carrying around the royal seal to mark gold and silver.
The investigator picked up the charge, and Francisco Pizarro admitted its
validity. Since Juan Garcia acted as a crier at Cuzco and was involved in
weighing gold and silver, he must be the man. In February, 1536, Juan
Garcia Clemente, a native of Las Barcas de Albala, was in Nombre de Dios,
a r t i s a n s 383
and testified that he had personally proclaimed the ordinances on gold and
silver in Cuzco. Another witness there said the ordinances were proclaimed
by Juan Garcia pregonero.
The matter of the preceding paragraph comes from an inquiry into the
functioning of the royal exchequer in Peru, made in 1533 by Bishop Tomas
de Berlanga of Panama. The original is in AGI, Patronato 185, ramo 1 1 .
It has been twice published, though with some mistakes: in CDIAO, X ,
237-332, and in Torres Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos, III, 65-
83*
On December 14, 1535, still in Lima, Juan Garcia, native of Las Barcas
de Albala, near Jaraicejo, issued a will. The document is in the Peruvian
section of the Latin American manuscripts of Indiana University’s Lilly
Library. The will contains many valuable personal details, of which for
the present purpose the most important is that Clemente was one of the
surnames common in Juan Garcia’s family. (An ink blot has obscured part
of the name of Garcia--------- , Juan Garcia’s father. Instead of "de Xeda,"
the reading suggested above, it could conceivably be "texedor" ("w eaver"),
but I have not been able to attain certainty.) Juan Garcia’s age is estimated
on the basis not only of the existence of a wife and children as seen in the
will, but of his probable identity with Juan Garcia Pizarro (see Juan Garcia
escopetero).
Juan Garcia pregonero was capable of making a rubric (Berlanga in
quiry) , though he did not always do so; it is possible that he once tried to
learn at least to write his name. At Cajamarca in June, 1333, Pedro de
Alconchel sold a Nicaraguan slave woman on credit to a Juan Garcia; the
name is unmodified, but we must suspect that it is our Garcia because of
the two men’s close association. The debtor signed with an abbreviated
"Juan Garcia" of consummate crudity, surrounded by rubrics consisting of a
cross inside a circle, with dots in the quarters thus formed (PA 103).
As if there were not enough complications in identifying Juan Garcia
pregonero, during the conquest a certain Juan Clemente was in Peru, and
specifically in Cuzco. Since the man of Cajamarca called himself Juan Gar
cia Clemente, it would be natural to suspect that the two men are one. Yet
they are not. In Jauja in 1534 Juan Clemente testified that he had taken
part in the early stages of the conquest of Peru but was not at Cajamarca.
He was forty years old at this time, and could not write his name (A G I,
Lima 204, probanza of Hernan Gonzalez). Clemente stayed in Peru after
Juan Garcia left; he was in the siege of Cuzco of 15 3 6 -1 5 3 7 , then dis
appears (AGI, Justicia 1071, no. 2, ramo 3; Contaduria 1824, records from
Cuzco, 1 5 3 6 - 1 5 3 7 ; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 205). This Juan Clemente
may well be the sailor of the same name who was in Panama in 1 5 1 4
384 THE MEN
(Medina, Descubrimiento, II, 425). There is no telling whether Juan Gar

cia pregonero and Juan Clemente were in any way connected. The name
Clemente, which sounds Portuguese, was rare among the Spaniards.
Since the social type of the crier seems to have been little described, and
particularly the association with piping is unfamiliar, I will give another
example— illiterate Pedro de la Pena, who functioned as town crier in
Lima during the i54o’s. It is not certain that he was black, though he may
well be identical with "Pedro de color negro,” a crier in Lima in March,
1533 (Libros de cabildos de Lima, I, 19). In 1546 he appears as piper for
a company of musketeers in the forces of rebel Gonzalo Pizarro (Loredo,
Alardes y derramas, p. 104). In 1549 he dictated a will (BNP, A35,
f . 1 1 2 ) , in which it can be seen that his chief income was from auction
fees. Most of his associations were with foreigners and lower plebeians.
Among his possessions was a green case holding some flutes.
Francisco Gonzalez
A g e at C ajam arca: A bou t 2 7 Place o f origin: Z alam ea de la Serena
Role: Footm an (eastern Extrem adu ra)
Share: y 2 share o f gold Extent o f literacy: Illiterate
and silver T ra d e : T ailo r
Since he came from a town some fifty miles south of Trujillo, Fran
cisco Gonzalez may well have been recruited by the Pizarros in 1529.
At Cajamarca he had as low a place and as small a share as the three or
four other practicing tailors. He started to settle in Cuzco in 13 34 , but
changed his mind, and was in Seville by September, 15 3 5 , doubtless on
his way home to Zalamea.
N O T E S . In Seville, in 1535, Francisco Gonzalez testified to his par

ticipation at Cajamarca, gave his age as thirty, and declared himself a citi
zen of Zalamea de la Serena (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 5, ramo 2). He is
called a tailor in a document written at Cajamarca on July 23, 1533 (AN P,
PA 2 ), and in AGI, Contaduria 1825, Penas de Camara, January, 1532.
Other references to him are in AGI, Patronato 185, ramo 1 1 , and ANP, PA
22.
a r t i s a n s 385
Alonso Jiménez
A g e at C ajam arca: Probably 25 Place o f origin: M iajadas
or more (central Extrem adu ra)
Role: Footm an Parents: Ju an Jimenez and
Share: 1 full share o f gold Catalin a A lonso
T ra d e : Swordsm ith
Alonso Jimenez had married in his home town o f Miajadas before

he left Spain in 1 5 2 7 , along with the party o f Francisco de Montejo,
destined for Yucatan. Apparently he deserted Yucatan after a short
time and went to Santa Marta, on the Caribbean coast of South Am eri
ca, since in Peru he was sometimes called Jimenez de Santa Marta.
With this background, he must have already been at least in his m id
twenties by 1 5 3 2 , even though he answered a query about his age in
1 5 3 5 only with the standard formula that he was "over twenty-five."
Jimenez was with the main group of conquerors from the time they
left Panama. His essential skill as a swordsmith explains his full share
at Cajamarca, exceptional for a practicing artisan; he is the only known
blacksmith of the expedition, as opposed to the two herradores (horse-
shoers). He settled in Cuzco at the Spanish founding in 1534. The
next year he went to Lima to arrange to send money home to Spain,
and, while there, he testified in the memorial of services of his friend,
the h errador Juan de Salinas. Then he returned to Cuzco, where he died
well before 1539.
N O T E S . Jimenez’s origin and the names of his parents are given in

Seville’s Archivo de Protocolos, oficio X V , libro II, October 4, and Bermu
dez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 227. The name of his wife, Marina Magana, ap
pears in AGI, Lima 565, vol. Ill, January 31, 1539. Records from Coaque,
May, 1 5 3 1 , in AG I, Contaduria 1825, show Jiménez’s trade.
May-July, 1535; Lima 204, probanza of Juan de Salinas; Patronato 109,
ramo 4; 185, ramos 10 and n ; HC 32, 1 33 ; Porras, "Dos documentos
esenciales,’’ Re vis ta Hist ôrica 17 (1948) 192.
386 THE MEN
Juan Jiménez
Age at Cajamarca: Probably near 30, Place of origin: Probably Consuegra
or over (New Castile)
Share: % share of gold; Trade: Tailor
1 full share of silver
Juan Jimenez the tailor was with the 1 5 3 1 expedition from the time
it left Panama. During the long stay at Coaque on the north coast he is
seen associating with other artisans— his colleague Juan Chico and the
swordsmith Alonso Jimenez. A t Cajamarca he came closer than any of
the other tailors to getting a full share of the treasure. He seems to have
gone on to Cuzco, and may have lived there for some years, but after
Cajamarca he never again called himself tailor. In the post-Cajamarca
period it is very hard to distinguish him from the second Juan Jimenez
who arrived with Almagro in 1 3 3 3 , and the half-dozen others who
were in the country by 1540. He appears to be the same man as a Juan
Jimenez de Consuegra, who had been in the Indies since about 152 2.
N O T E S . As far as is known, only one other Juan Jimenez arrived

with Almagro, thus there were just two of them going south to Cuzco. Two
Juan Jimenezes appear as founding citizens of Cuzco in 1334, called re
spectively Juan Jimenez de Consuegra and Juan Jimenez de Jamaica (Po-
rras, "Dos documentos esenciales," Re vista Hist orica 17 [19 48]: 92). One
of them must have been Juan Jimenez the tailor. Unfortunately, neither of
these names ever appears in this form after 1534.
The Juan Jimenez who arrived with Almagro can be traced fairly well.
He was born around 1498, was illiterate, may have been a carpenter, and
came from Santa Cruz de la Sierra, near Trujillo; he usually styled himself
Juan Jimenez de Trujillo. He was a citizen and encomendero of Cuzco,
lived through the siege of 1 53 6- 1 53 7, and was still there in April, 1540.
Some time after that he went to Spain, and he was living in Santa Cruz de
la Sierra in 1545.
Now since this Juan Jimenez (de Trujillo) was almost certainly one of
the two at the founding of Cuzco, he must have been Juan Jimenez de
Jamaica. He could very well have been on the Caribbean island of Jamaica,
but he was definitely not from the Spanish town of Consuegra. So it ap
pears that Juan Jimenez the tailor was Juan Jimenez de Consuegra, and
hence in all probability actually from the town of Consuegra, south of
Toledo. In the New World for ten years, he must have been about thirty,
at least.
a r t i s a n s 387
One of the two Juan Jiménezes was alguacil menor ("lower constable” )
of Cuzco at its founding (A G I, Patronato 109, ramo 4 ). Either one would
have graced the post, so there is no basis for deciding which one it was,
but regional affinity with the Pizarros and subsequent connection with them
make Juan Jiménez de Trujillo the more likely candidate.
In April, 1540, a Juan Jiménez was in Cuzco, definitely not Juan Jiménez
de Trujillo, because both testified to the same memorial of services (AGI,
Lima 204, probanza of Pedro del Barco). This Jiménez was then about
thirty, was illiterate, and had been in the Indies at least fifteen years. The
man could very well be Juan Jiménez the tailor, except that he is not called
a citizen (encomendero), which any participant at Cajamarca would have
been, under ordinary circumstances. However, if Juan Jiménez the tailor
really was from Consuegra, only some thirty miles from Almagro’s birth
place, he, like others from the Ciudad Real-Toledo area, might have sided
with Almagro in the "W ar of Salinas” in 1 3 3 7 - 1 5 3 8 and have lost his
encomienda as a result.
The Juan Jiménez of the original Peruvian expedition is called a tailor
in HC 13 and 32. Testimony by Juan Jiménez de Consuegra, illiterate, in
Cuzco in 1534, appears in AGI, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 3. Other refer
ences are in AGI, Contaduria 1825, records from Jauja, November, 1534;
ANP, PA 10, 1 1 , 45, 49, 50, 54, 56, 57, 62, 105. It is quite possible that
the man in some of the documents just above is Juan Jiménez de Trujillo,
particularly in ANP, PA 62.
For Juan Jiménez de Trujillo, see AGI, Contaduria, 1824, records from
Cuzco, March-August, 1536, March-April, 1537; Justicia 833, letter of
Hernando Pizarro, June 8, 1549; 1053, no. 2; Lima 204, proba?jza of
Pedro del Barco; ANP, PA 718, 761; Porras, Testamento de Pizarro, p. 17.
In AGI, Lima 11 8, probanza of Garcia Martin, Juan Jiménez de Trujillo
states that he arrived in Peru with Almagro, after the taking of Atahuallpa.
Francisco Lopez
Role at Cajamarca: Horseman Place of origin: Cadiz
Share: 1V2 share of gold; (Andalusian coast)
21/&o shares of silver Extent of literacy: Could sign his name
Trade: Barber
Lopez had been in Nicaragua since perhaps 15 2 5 . In 1 5 2 9 he had an

encomienda there in partnership with an Alonso Lozano who may be
the Lozano of Cajamarca. Both of them joined the 1 5 3 1 expedition in
Panama. Barbers were almost always practical surgeons as well; most
had some education and a capacity for affairs. They were accorded a
388 THE MEN
certain amount of respect, so that it is quite natural to find Francisco

Lopez among the horsemen at Cajamarca. His smaller-than-usual share
is probably more a reflection on his horse than on his calling. While the
expedition was at Cajamarca, Lopez took an active part in the immense
ly lucrative horse-trading going on there, doubtless recouping his share
and more.
He went on with the rest to Jauja, then stayed there while the main
body proceeded to Cuzco. Bachiller Juan de Balboa, with an academic
title, replaced Lopez as surgeon. Lopez left Peru in late 1 5 3 4 and ar
rived in Seville by May, 1 5 3 5 , carrying his own fortune and large
amounts entrusted to him by others.
N O T E S . The 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 2 expedition had a second surgeon-barber,

Alvaro Munoz, who stayed behind in San Miguel instead of going to Caja
marca; he was stricken blind by a disease that affected many Spaniards upon
arrival there.
In Seville in 1335 Lopez said he was a citizen of Cadiz (A G I, Indifer-
ente General 1204, no* 44) • Other references are in AGI, Contaduria 1823,
records from Coaque, May, 1 5 3 1 ; ANP, PA 5 1, 82, 83, 98, 101 , 649, 681;
HC 8, 23, 27, 50, 5 1 ; CD IH N , II, 225; Busto, "El herrero, el barbero y el
gran volteador,” Mercurio Peruano 43 (1962) 170-71; Porras, in Trujillo,
Relacion, p. 102. For the other surgeons, see AGI, Lima 118, probanza of
Alvaro Munoz; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 103; Porras, "Dos documentos
esenciales,” Revista Historica 17 (1948) *.90.
Francisco Martinez
Role at C ajam arca: Footm an T ra d e : T ailo r
Share: ^ share o f gold; Extent o f literacy: Could sign
% share o f silver his name
Francisco Martinez is the only one of the tailors at Cajamarca who

has left any evidence of activity directly connected with his trade. He is
known to have sold a cape to one of his companions, and another man
owed him a small debt, about the price of an article of clothing. He
stayed in Jauja in 1 5 3 3 - 1 5 3 4 rather than going south to Cuzco. After
the main body returned from Cuzco, he went to San Miguel with Al-
magro and then, it seems, accompanied him to Quito in late 153 4.
Probably he returned to Spain after that, though the proof is not defi
nite.
a r t i s a n s 389
N O T E S . The precise evidence needs to be brought to light when the

man being trailed has a name as common as Francisco Martinez. However,
there appears to have been no other of this name either at Cajamarca or
among Almagro’s men. Often Spaniards interchanged Martin and Marti
nez, but the notaries in this case were careful to write Martinez, because
they already had three Francisco Martins to deal with.
The first hint that Francisco Martinez was a tailor comes from his posi
tion on the roll of Cajamarca next to the tailor Francisco Gonzalez. At Ca-
jamarca in May, 1533, we hear that Francisco Martinez has sold a cape and
a dagger to Hernando de Montalbo (AN P, PA 66). In the account of the
estates of the deceased we find that Pedro de Contreras, who died at Caja
marca before the division of the treasure, owed a small debt to Francisco
Martinez (AGI, Justicia 1074, no. 9). On March 1, 1334, Francisco Marti
nez was in Jauja, in the company of a Francisco de Robles who was prob
ably the "Robles, tailor," of Cajamarca (HC 6 1 ) . On June 6, 1334, "Fran
cisco Martinez, tailor," is in the village of Canga near San Miguel (AN P,
PA 1 6 1 ) .
The question of whether or not Francisco Martinez definitely returned
to Spain turns on his identity with a Francisco Martinez, hosier, born
about 1508, who had been in Lima around 1536, and in 1538 was a citizen
of Seville in the district of Santa Maria. Another witness at the side of this
Martinez was Juan de Escalante, of Cajamarca (AGI, Justicia 734, no. 6).
The present writer feels that there is a high probability that this man is the
Martinez at Cajamarca, but can make no stronger statement.
In Lopez de Caravantes’s version of the Cajamarca list it is said that
Francisco Martinez appears on the gold list as Francisco Cazalla. No other
version repeats this, and the name does not appear in any other kind of
contemporary record.
Those experienced in Spanish calligraphy of the sixteenth century realize
that nothing regarding anyone named Martinez is ever clear beyond a
doubt. Even strict contemporaries often confused the name with Nunez
and other names, not to speak of the sins of transcription of a score of later
generations. Therefore this writer feels it his duty at least to mention a man
by the name of Francisco Muniz from La Baneza (Leon), born about 1498,
who took part in the conquest of Cuzco, then left Peru in late 1534. In
Spain he went to the royal court and was granted a coat of arms. The six
men to receive this honor before him were all at Cajamarca, as were the
six immediately after him. In 1538 he was living in La Baneza.
Other homonyms of Francisco Martinez appear in ANP, PA 90;
CDIAO, X X , 500; Porras, Cedulario, I, 138. There are references to Fran
cisco Muniz in AG I, Contaduria 1825, records from Jauja, 15 3 4 ; Justicia
1124, no- 6, ramo 3; ANP, PA 1 3 1 , 133, 144; Porras, Cedulario, II, 119.
390 THE MEN
Palomino tonelero
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Trade: Cooper
Share: i full share of gold and silver
The main business of ton eleros (coopers) in the Indies in the six
teenth century was to make water casks for ships, so that most of them
were men of the sea. This particular man was quite highly valued either
for his craft or for other qualities, since he received a full share of the
treasure of Cajamarca, well above average for the infantry, whether
well-born or plebeian.
One can only be glad that the secretaries of the expedition wrote
down Palomino’s trade, which speaks volumes about his background.
But the price of this inclusion is the loss of his first name, and without
that it is not possible to identify him with certainty among the conquer
ors of Peru. Two seventeenth-century sources mention a Pedro Palo
mino who might have been the man, but the most likely person is an
Alonso Palomino, related to Melchor (above) and doubtless from the
Jaen region. Alonso was on Lima’s city council in the year of its found
ing and alcalde in Lima in 1 5 4 1 and 1544. He was one of Peru’s im
portant men until he left the country because of illness just before
Gonzalo Pizarro occupied Lima, and he died very soon afterward in
Spain, around 1545 .
N O T E S . Salinas y Cordoba’s early seventeenth-century version of the

roll of Cajamarca includes "Pedro Palomino." However, we know that his
source said merely "Palomino tonelero," and we must assume he was simply
guessing, as he did elsewhere. Herrera mentions a "Pedro Palomino" sup
posed to have been in Piura in 1334 (Decada V, lib. IV, cap. X I ) .
Alonso was definitely connected with the other Palominos (A G I, Lima
565, vol. Ill, August i> 1539; PA 728; HC 662, 663, 664). There is no
indication of how long he had been in the Indies. He was apparently liter
ate. By 1342 he had married Beatriz de Rojas, who was a sister of fellow
conqueror Pedro Diaz (de Rojas), a silversmith and assayer who missed
the events of Cajamarca but got there in time to officiate at the distribution.
Palomino was a solid man, active in the community rather than a civil war
leader. Back in Spain he wrote or dictated a report on recent events in Peru
which betrays a shrewd grasp of political and economic essentials and an
admirable directness of expression.
Several pieces of evidence tend to point to Alonso as Palomino tonelero.
ARTIS ANS 391
First, no other candidate appears in the actual contemporary records. Then

there is Alonso’s appointment to the council of Lima for 1535, which
means that he must have been in the country for some time, and establishes
a presumption that he was either a man of Cajamarca or a conqueror of
Cuzco. Also, the relative positions of Alonso, immediately eminent, and
Melchor, obscure at first, correspond well with the relative shares of the
two Palominos at Cajamarca. Finally, there was a noticeable tendency to
refer to Alonso Palomino without his first name, just like Palomino tone-
lero. (See Torres Saldamando, Libro primer0 de cabildos, I, passim, par
ticularly the votes for alcalde.)
Yet there are certain reasons to draw back from a positive identification.
Whereas Diego and Melchor Palomino appear several times in the docu
ments of the 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 2 expedition, Alonso does not. There is no trace
of him in Peru before 1535, except by extrapolation. Perhaps most omi
nously, Alonso, despite his prominence and his easy availability, was, to
this writer’s knowledge, never asked to testify to any of the memorials of
services of the men of Cajamarca, so that we do not have his own state
ment that he was there, as we have for most of those who lived on for any
length of time in Lima. Busto’s rejection of Alonso because he was alcalde
is not decisive ("Los innominados en el reparto de Cajamarca,” p. 93).
Other very humble men, including Martin Pizarro, served as alcaldes of
Lima.
References to Alonso Palomino are in ANP, Salinas 1542 -1 343 , ff.231,
579; Salinas 1546-1548, ff.486, 556; BNP, A 3 1, f. 15 3; R A N P 1 (1 9 2 0 ) :
429-430, 599, 602; 10 : 217 ; 1 1 : 228; Busto, "Una relacion y un estudio,”
Revista Historica 27 (1964) 1299; Cobo, Obras, II, 304; Gutierrez de San
ta Clara, Quinquenarios , II, 178; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 226, 228; Po-
rras, Cartas, pp. 169, 524; Torres Saldamando, Libro primero de cabildos,
I, 1 1 - 1 3 and passim; Alonso Palomino, Relacion sumaria de Io sucedido en
el Peru despues de la llegada del virrey, Appendix III to Diego Fernandez,
His toria, II.
Pedro del Paramo

Role at Cajamarca: Horseman Place of origin: Probably Carrion de los
Share: 1% shares of gold; Condes (Leon)
1V2 shares of silver Extent of literacy: Could sign his name
Trade: Tailor
Tailor Paramo comes last on the list of the cavalry of Cajamarca,

with one of the smallest shares for a horseman. The relative rarity of
his name makes it highly probable that he is the Pedro del Paramo,
392 THE MEN
born in Carrion de los Condes in the kingdom o f Leon, who left Spain
in 1 5 2 8 . In 1 5 3 1 he was working in his trade in the city o f Panama.
Paramo may have been one o f the last o f the men o f Cajamarca to
arrive in Peru. Tw o ships from Panama registered in San M iguel or
Piura in August, 1 5 3 2 , shortly after the city was founded and a month
and a h alf or more before the main body headed south to face Ata-
huallpa’s forces. One o f the larger importers o f merchandise on these
vessels was Pedro del Paramo, who paid duties on some 700 pesos’
worth, a large sum before Inca treasure brought inflation. The ' 'mer
chandise” may have included Paramo’s horse, equipment, and provi
sions. But such an amount implies commercial purposes; Paramo the
tailor very likely brought cloth to be made up or clothing to be sold.
W e cannot be sure that he physically accompanied the ships, but since
he was still in Panama in early March, 1 5 3 2 , there is hardly any other
possibility.
In Ju ly o f 1 5 3 3 Paramo appears for the last time in Peruvian docu
ments, selling an Indian slave. Perhaps he left Peru with the first con
tingent; he is not heard o f again.
N O T E S . Pedro del Paramo, native of Carrion de los Condes, son of

Juan del Paramo and Maria del Campo, received permission to go to the
Indies on February 28, 1528 (Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 249). To in
dicate something of the name’s rarity, there is no other Paramo in the
whole first volume, running from 1509 to 1334; one Paramo occurs in the
second volume, and two are in the third, none of them a Pedro.
Busto’s valuable treatment of Paramo is in his "Tres conversos,” Revhta
de Indias 17 (1967) .-435-438. His source for Paramo’s activity in Panama
is AG I, Justicia 363, which this writer has not seen. Busto assumes that
Paramo was of Jewish descent, apparently for no better reason than that
another man called him a Jew in an argument.
The only known documentary references to Paramo in Peru, aside from
the roll of Cajamarca, are in AG I, Contaduria 1825, records from San
Miguel, August, 1532, and ANP, PA 96, PA 1 1 7 .
Robles sastre
Role: Footman T rade: T ailor
Share: i/2 share o f gold and silver
Only this man’s trade o f tailoring and his correspondingly small re
ward are known to us with certainty. H e was probably the Francisco de
a r t i s a n s 393
Robles seen in the company o f Francisco Martinez, one o f the other

tailors, at Jauja on March i , 1 5 3 4 . I f so, he did not take a direct part
in the conquest o f Cuzco.
N O T E S . The Francisco de Robles who was at Jauja in March, 1334

(HC 6 1 ) , is not to be confused with a Francisco de Robles from Segovia
who left Spain in September, 1534, and was in Peru for many years there
after (Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 335; AGI, Lima 566, vol. IV, August
16,1541).
Among the men recruited for the Peru venture in Nicaragua in 1529 was
a Pedro de Robles, shoemaker; but the Spaniards were not prone to confuse
shoemakers and tailors, and this is no doubt a different man altogether
( CD IH N , II, 33-37, 41, 46, 56, 62). Present at the same time and place as
Pedro de Robles was "a tailor called Rojas,” but there is even less reason to
assume that he is the person sought (CD IH N, II, 33). He is mentioned
only because there has been some uncertainty about the name of the man
at Cajamarca; while three versions of the general list have "Robles,” the
fourth and best known gives "Rodas.” This writer believes that "Robles”
is correct because of the three-to-one preponderance and because a Robles
appears in another contemporary record, whereas no Rodas does. Busto
continues to believe the man’s name was Rodas, and asserts by a further
deduction that he was killed at Vilcaconga on the way to Cuzco in 1533
("Los innominados en el reparto de Cajamarca,” pp. 93-94; "Los cafdos
en Vilcaconga,” I: 1 1 7 ) .
Juan de Salinas herrador

Age at Cajamarca: Probably Place of origin: Born in Cordoba, grew up
over 30 in Jerez de la Frontera (Andalusia)
Role: Horseman Extent of literacy: Could sign his name
Share: Double share of gold Trade: H errador (horseshoer
and silver and veterinarian)
Juan de Salinas was born in Cordoba into a family o f artisans or

other humble people, though he had an uncle who was a friar. W hen
Juan was seven or eight this uncle took him to Jerez de la Frontera,
where he taught him some rudiments o f writing, and put him to the
trade o f herrador or horseshoer. By about 1 5 1 5 Salinas was in the
Indies, and in the early 1 5 2 0 ^ he took part in the conquest of Mexico,
the only one o f the men o f Cajamarca known to have done so. In all
probability he was involved only marginally or in the later phases;
394 THE MEN
otherwise he would never have left Mexico. In 1 5 2 4 - 1 5 2 5 he accom

panied Cortes on his expedition to Honduras, and from that impover
ished and strife-torn region he went to Nicaragua in 1 5 2 7 . From N ica
ragua he came to Peru with Benalcazar.
In the conquest o f Peru, Salinas was a man to be reckoned with,
though there were limits beyond which a practicing artisan could not
rise. H e was one o f the most experienced even among the veterans o f
Nicaragua, and his trade was o f special importance. The herrador, as
both horseshoer and veterinarian, was responsible for the welfare o f
horses, which were an expedition’s principal weapon against Indians
and the individual conquerors’ principal fortune. Juan de Salinas can
not have been the original herrador o f the Peru expedition, since he
was not in Panama when it was organized. (H e was listed as herrador
on the roll o f Cajamarca only to distinguish him from another Juan
de Salinas.) A s an expert on horses, Salinas was a good horseman and
owned a good horse, a fast-running silver-grey mare that kept him at
the front when the Spaniards were engaged in pursuit. A t Cajamarca
he got a horseman’s full double share, though his name comes near the
end o f the list.
Salinas resisted the first urges to return to Spain. H e became a citizen
and encomendero o f Jauja, then moved to Lima at its founding in 1 5 3 5 ,
but no sooner was he there than he started planning to leave. He sold
his mare, prepared a memorial o f his services, and was on his way
home by late 1 5 3 5 or early 1 5 3 6 . On the way across the Atlantic he dis
embarked with all his gold and silver in the Azores in order to enter
Spain through Portugal and avoid having his fortune seized by the
officials in Seville. Apparently he got away with it. B y November,
1 5 3 6 , he was in Cordoba arranging for an inquiry into the orthodoxy
o f his lineage, and in 1 5 3 7 the royal court granted him a coat o f arms.
N othing more is known o f him, but he doubtless settled in Cordoba
or Jerez de la Frontera, if he lived.
N O T E S . The presumption that Salinas was born before 1502 rests

mainly on his assertion in 1535 that he had been in the Indies for twenty
years, or since about 1 5 1 5 . He lived in Cordoba until he was seven or eight,
and he must have been in Jerez de la Frontera for several years, since he
once called himself a native of Jerez (CDIAO, X , 276). Salinas’s probanza
de servicios, made in Lima in 1535, and his probanza de limpieza, made in
G6rdoba in 1536, are in AGI, Lima 204.
a r t i s a n s 395
There were several other people named Juan de Salinas in Peru in the
conquest period, some of them prominent enough and close enough in time
to give rise to confusion. There was Juan de Salinas de la Hoz (q.v.), also
at Cajamarca. Another Juan de Salinas arrived in 1533 with Almagro, be
came a citizen of Cuzco at its founding, then left for Spain in the late
1530’s, having been in the siege of Cuzco; he was sometimes called Juan
de Salinas Farfan. He was an educated man, cousin of a Licenciado Pedro
Farfan, and could write beautifully and fluently. His home was Jerez, but
we do not know which one, because one source names Jerez de Badajoz,
another Jerez de la Frontera; the writer suspects the first is correct. After
living in Madrid for many years, this Juan de Salinas returned to Peru in
1555, now calling himself Juan Pantiel de Salinas. He seems to have held
government posts in Peru, and he was alive in Lima in 1562.
Yet another man of the same name, calling himself at times Juan de
Salinas Loyola, came to Peru in 1535. He was in the siege of Lima and
various civil conflicts until, in the late 1540’s, he had a hand in settling the
inland area of southern Ecuador and northern Peru, containing the towns
of Loja, Zamora, and Jaen. For a time he served as governor of this area,
with Piura as his headquarters. He was still living in Peru in 1565.
Further references to Juan de Salinas herrador are in AGI, Contadurfa
1825, records from Lima, 1533 ; ANP, PA 75, 11 8, 721, 722, 725, 734;
Bus to, "E l herrero, el barbero y el gran volteador,’’ Mercurio Peruano 43
(1962) 167-70; Libros de cabildos de Lima, I, 8 - 1 0 ; Porras, Cartas, p.
219; Porras, Cedulario, II, 354; Porras, in Trujillo, Relacion, p. 102.
For Juan de Salinas Farfan see AGI, Justicia 1074, no- 6; Tima 566, vol.
IV, July 27, 1540; Patronato 90, no. 1, ramo 1 1 ; 105, ramo 9; 109, ramo
4; 185, ramo 10; ANP, PA 58; HC 421; Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, III,
183; Enriquez de Guzman, Vida y costumbres, p. 325; Porras, "Dos docu-
mentos esenciales,’’ Revista Historica 17 (1948) 191-93.
For Juan de Salinas Loyola, see AG I, Patronato 1 1 3 , ramo 7.
Juan de Segovia
Role at C ajam arca: T rum peter Place o f origin: Cogolludo, near G uad alajara
Share: % share o f gold in northeastern N ew Castile
and silver Parents: Ju an de Segovia and
Ju an a de Buruebano
Juan de Segovia was the junior of the two trumpeters at Cajamarca;

his colleague Pedro de Alconchel received a full share o f the treasure
to his three-fourths. The two trumpeters and the black piper and crier,
Juan G arda, were often together, from Coaque on the north coast to
396 THE MEN
Cajamarca, and beyond to Cuzco. Since Juan G ard a and Alconchel

were the most obvious sort o f plebeians, the same may be presumed o f
Segovia. In 1 5 3 3 Alconchel achieved a certain fame at Vilcaconga by
alerting Hernando de Soto and his surrounded vanguard with trumpet
blasts sounding across the miles, that help was on the way. N o one re
corded the name o f the trumpeter o f Soto who replied to Alconchel,
but it must have been Segovia. H e enrolled among the citizens o f Cuz
co at its Spanish foundation in March, 1 5 3 4 , then went back north to
Jauja with the main body o f the conquerors. Perhaps he meant to return
to Spain as other men were then doing, perhaps not; the issue was
settled when he died in Jauja in late 1 5 3 4 .
Since he had not made a w ill, the fortune he left behind went into
the hands o f the custodians o f the estates o f the deceased— notorious
ly reluctant to disgorge what they were so quick to take— and when
Juan's uncle, Diego de Segovia, also a trumpeter, decided to come to
Peru to collect the inheritance, he had little apparent luck. In 1 5 4 4 he
was living in the house o f Juan's old trumpeter companion Pedro de
Alconchel, now an encomendero o f Lima. D iego’s fate was no better
than Juan’s; in 1 5 5 4 his widow sold his trumpets to be used by some
Mexican Indian trumpeters who played in Lima on festive occasions.
N O T E S . Segovia’s regional origin is given in a cedula mentioning

him, in AGI, Lima 366, vol. IV, November 22, 1544. The names of his
parents appear there and in Porras, Cedulario, II, 97.
Other references to Juan de Segovia are in AG I, Contaduria 1825, rec
ords from Coaque, August, 1 5 3 1 ; Justicia 1074, no. 9; Lima 366, vol. IV,
November 22, 1540; HC 19, 26, 28, 58; Porras, "Dos documentos esen-
ciales,” Revista Historica 17 (1948) :9 i-9 3.
For Diego de Segovia, see A G I, Contaduria 1680, records from Lima,
1554 ; BNP, A30, ff.367-372; Porras, Cedulario, II, 97, 100.
13. M E N FR O M THE SE A
W E cannot assert that more than two or three o f the conquer

ors in this section had actually been sailors, either in the Indies
or on the other side of the Atlantic. But they were from maritime re
gions, in most cases had the diagnostic characteristics o f seamen, and
above all lived in close association with each other. O f the eleven men
included here, no less than eight had a partner or constant companion
within the group. The pairs are Aguirre and Anadel, Beltran and Pe
rez, Bueno and Moguer, and Gonzalez and Romero. I f the habit o f
close and long-lasting relationships like this did not originate in the
maritime world, it was at least unusually prevalent there.
Only two o f our men, Peto and Alonso Perez, were in origin much
above the status o f the lowest plebeian, though several eventually rose
beyond that position. Am ong men in other chapters, one o f the expedi
tion’s hidalgos, Sebastian de Torres, was somehow connected with the
sea; so may have been the two Greeks, Candia and Griego, and some of
the artisans, not to speak o f the more obscure figures.
398 THE MEN
Pedro de Aguirre
Age at Cajamarca: About 33 Place of origin: Biscay
Role: Horseman Extent of literacy: Could sign
Share: Double share of silver and gold his name
Am ong the expedition’s Basque contingent were Pedro de Aguirre

and his partner Pedro de Anadel. The two had shared an encomienda
in Leon, Nicaragua, from 1 5 2 9 , if not earlier. They came to Peru to
gether, probably directly from Nicaragua, with Hernando de Soto. A ll
their business dealings were in common, and they were still together
when they left for Spain with the first group o f returnees in July, 1 5 3 3 .
Aguirre and Anadel had broad contacts within their Basque circle of
sailors, merchants, and artisans. O f the Basques on the expedition, the
partners were on close terms with Pizarro’s page Gaspar de Marquina
and the accountant Nicolas de Azpeitia. They also had connections
with Domingo de Soraluce, a merchant important in the discovery o f
Peru, and with Pascual de Andagoya, would-be rival o f Pizarro as hy
pothetical governor o f a district to the north. A fter reaching Seville
in early 1 5 3 4 , the two companions went separate ways, Anadel to the
Basque country and Aguirre to Malaga, where he became a citizen, but
they still talked together whenever Aguirre visited the north. The best
hint we have as to the nature o f Aguirre’s activities is that in the five
years between 1 5 3 4 and 1 5 3 9 he visited Biscay four times. This cir
cumstance suggests he had some connection with the sea, as do for that
matter his residence in M alaga and the fact that his friend Anadel was a
seaman by origin.
N O T E S . In 1539 Aguirre said that he was about forty years old and
that Biscay was his native country (A G I, Justicia 1124, no. 5, ramo 1 ) .
Other references are in AGI, Contratacion 576, f.45; ANP, PA 10, 77;
CDIHN, II, 226.
Pedro de Anadel
Age at Cajamarca: About 46S Place of origin: San Sebastian (Biscay)
Role: Horseman Extent of literacy: Could not sign his name
Share: Double share of goldi Trade: Probably seaman and carpenter
and silver or wood-dresser
Most o f the known particulars o f Anadel’s life— his Basque con-

m e n f r o m t h e sea 399
nections, his residence in Nicaragua, his early return to Spain— are

treated under his partner Pedro de Aguirre, just above. Anadel may
have had even longer experience in the Indies than Aguirre; his name
appears among the conquerors o f Nicaragua in 1 5 2 4 , and there is
good reason to believe that he had been in Panama for several years
before that. His illiteracy points to a humble origin. Apparently one
of the many seamen and artisans the Basque country sent to America,
he can almost certainly be identified with an encomendero o f Panama
who in 1 5 2 2 declared himself a mariner and wood-worker. Like many
Basque names, his had several versions, including Pedro de Oyanader
and Pedro Martinez de Oyanader. N ot long after arrival in Seville,
Anadel went home to San Sebastian, where he was living in 1 5 3 9 .
N O T E S . Chaos reigned concerning Basque names. The Basques them

selves were affected by chronic indecision, and the Castilian notaries made a
hash of all versions. Given this state of things, Pedro de Anadel probably
is identical with a Pedro de Onardes (final "s” is almost indistinguishable
from " 1” ), who was an encomendero in Panama in 1322. This person, who
had come to the Indies around 1 3 1 7 , was Basque, and gave his trades as
man of the sea and hachero, presumably wood-cutter, lumberman, or the
like (Göngora, Grupos, p. 74). The same man is listed in Medina, Descu-
brimiento, II, 455, as Pedro de Lonardes. Another indication of the con
temporary use of hachero can be seen in the description of an Ortuno de
Baracaldo, also in Panama in 1522, as a Basque seaman who had served "as
carpenter and hachero and in making canoes and in other useful trades.”
(Medina, Descubrzmzento, II, 448). The fact that this very Baracaldo, with
the same origin and trades as "Onardes,” appears as a trusted associate of
Pedro de Anadel in Nicaragua, in 1524, is strong circumstantial proof that
"Onardes” and Anadel are the same man (Göngora, Grupos, p. 5 1 ) .
Anadel’s age and origin are given in AGI, Justicia 1124, no. 5, ramo 1.
There Pedro Martinez de Oyanader, citizen of San Sebastian, declares in
1339 that he is about fifty-three.
Other references are in AG I, Contaduria 576, f.45; ANP, PA 10, 67,
77; CDIHN, I, 500; II, 226; IV, 125, 238-239, 277.
Hernando Beltran
Age at C ajam arca: A bout 30 or 35 Place o f origin: The Seville-H uelva
Role: Horseman region, probably T riana
Share: D ouble share o f gold and silver Extent o f literacy: Illiterate
400 THE MEN
There can be little doubt that Hernando Beltran was by origin a

sailor. H is first reported activity in the Indies was helping to build
ships; in Peru he was in constant association with the seamen o f Seville
and Huelva. Back in Spain, he chose Seville’s maritime district o f
Triana for his residence, and most o f the witnesses to the memorial o f
services he prepared in Seville in 1 5 3 6 were sailors. H e was, however,
ambitious to be more than a sailor, as he showed by riding a horse in
the conquest o f Peru. On the basis o f his exploits he obtained an
elaborate coat o f arms, referring to his action in the Quito campaign
o f taking a mountain defended by Indians. In the memorial, one o f his
best friends in Triana told vaguely o f hearing that Beltran’s grand
parents had come from the mountains o f Castile and were hidalgos, but
all the other witnesses described him only as a good and honored per
son or an Old Christian.
Beltran had been on the Pacific Coast since about 15 2 0 , taking part
in all phases o f the discovery and conquest o f Nicaragua. H e came to
Peru directly from Nicaragua with Sebastian de Benalcazar and was
one o f those who went back with Benalcazar to guard the coastal town
o f San M iguel after Cajamarca. H e also followed Benalcazar’s trail
north to Quito, rather than going south like most to Cuzco. A fter the
foundation o f Quito, Beltran returned to Spain in 1 5 3 3 , without ever
having been a citizen of any o f the new towns. H e settled in Triana
immediately, and he was still living there ten years later, in 1546.
N O T E S . In 1543 Beltran was a citizen of Triana, declaring himself to

be about forty (A G I, Patronato 90, no. 1, ramo n ) ; Porras says that in
1546 he was still living Triana, fifty years old (in Trujillo, Relation, p.
82). In the document granting him a coat of arms, he is called a citizen of
Seville (Porras, Cedulario, II, 313, or Montoto, Nobiliario, p. 47). Most
of the references listed below, from ANP, PA, show Beltran consorting
with people from Seville or Huelva. Beltran’s probanza de servictos is in
CDIHN, III, 462-487, and in AGI, Patronato 93, no. 6, ramo 1. There
Beltran claims to be one of thirteen men who rode out with Soto to inter
view Atahuallpa for the first time. His name does not appear on Diego de
Molina’s list of the men (Oviedo, Historia, V, 92), but in the probanza his
partner, Alonso Perez de Vivero, who is on that list, corroborates Beltran’s
claim.
There are references to Beltran in ANP, PA 55, 63, 65, 66, 69, 7 1, 82,
84, 85, 97, 106, 159; HC 65; Gongora, Grupos, p. 50.
Martin Bueno
Age at C ajam arca: A bout 35 Place o f origin: M oguer
Role: Footman (coast o f A n d alu sia)
Share: 1 share o f gold; % share o f silver Extent o f literacy: Illiterate
The chronicler Cieza de Leon was so impressed with the inequities

of the division o f the treasure o f Cajamarca that he refrained from
giving the amounts, in order not to cause his readers trouble o f mind.
The failure to give a full share or better to Martin Bueno might seem
one o f the most striking o f the injustices. Bueno was one o f three men
sent from Cajamarca to Cuzco, while the city was still under Inca con
trol, to survey the riches there and expedite their transportation. Bueno
and his companions made but poor ambassadors, says Cieza, since they
did not respect the sanctities of the Incas, and laughed aloud at the fuss
the Incas made over three such ordinary fellows as themselves. But
they succeeded in their principal mission and escorted untold amounts
of gold back to Cajamarca.
W hile Moguer, Bueno’s home, was synonymous with the sea, and
illiteracy was a badge o f the seaman, there is no specific evidence that
Bueno had been a sailor. Some modest commercial activity that he en
gaged in around the time o f Cajamarca does not serve to distinguish
him from the many others doing the same thing. Bueno arrived in
Peru with Benalcazar, so he must have had some experience in N ica
ragua. H aving seen the conquest through, he returned to Spain in 1 5 3 5
and settled in Moguer, where he was living in 1 5 4 3 .
N O T E S . In 1543 Bueno declared that he was forty-seven years old

and a citizen of Moguer (Patronato 90, no. 1, ramo 1 1 ) . Busto asserts
that the man of Cajamarca was a Pero Martin Bueno, shipmaster, who was
sailing between the Isthmus and Spain in 1326 ("Pero Martin Bueno,”
Mercurio Peruano, no. 478 [March-April, 1969], pp. 746-753). Busto’s
only reasons for thinking so are the name and the fact that the master of
1526 was involved with a sailor named Jorge Griego (like one of the men
of Cajamarca). There is no reason to accept this identification. There must
have been scores of sailors on the Atlantic named Jorge Griego. Moreover,
the Martin Bueno and the Jorge Griego of Cajamarca are never seen in any
kind of association. It would have been most unusual for a shipmaster on
the Atlantic not only to venture onto the Pacific Coast but to accept a lower
position. Also, the Pero Martin Bueno of 1526 seems to have been able to
402 THE MEN
sign his name, which Martin Bueno of Cajamarca could not. Above all,
Busto never faces the question of the difference in name of the two men.
The shipmaster is always called Pero Martin Bueno or Pero Martin. The
name of the man of Cajamarca appears many times in documents drafted
at Cajamarca and in Spain, as well as in chronicles, but never does it as
sume any other form than simple Martin Bueno.
There are references to Martin Bueno in AG I, Indiferente General 1801,
records of ship Santa Catalina, 1535; ANP, PA 14, 48, 56, 57, 80, 1 1 6 ;
Cieza, Tere era parte, in Met curio Peruano 38 (i957):263, 266; Munoz de
San Pedro, Très testigos, 3rd ed., p. 1 2 1 ; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 183;
Porras, Relationes primitivas, p. 82; Porras, in Trujillo, Relation, p. 83.
Pedro Catalan
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Place of origin: Probably Catalonia
Share: share of silver;
% share of gold
From his name alone there is a strong likelihood that Pedro Catalan
was a seaman, like the Luis Catalan who was a sailor on one o f the ships
supplying the expedition o f 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 2 . That Pedro’s name also indi
cates his birthplace (very probable, in any case) is made nearly certain
by a reference to him as “ the Catalan.” A citizen o f Lima at its found
ing, he died there before August o f 1 5 3 6 , leaving behind a fortune.
H is widow, Antonia de Sosa, later came to Lima to try to recover his
estate, but, failing in that, married another encomendero o f Lima.
N O T E S . In Lima on August 14, 1536, Royal Factor Ilian Suarez de

Carvajal asked for the grant of a lot "que era del Catalan” (Torres Salda-
mando, Libro primero de cabildos, I, 93). "Pedro Catalan, vecino desta
ciudad de Los Reyes” figures in a 1535 document among the Peruvian
manuscripts of the Lilly Library. Pedro Catalan is listed on accounts of
the estates of the deceased, written in Lima in 1541 (A G I, Justicia 1074,
no. 9). In Lima, on February 10, 1543, Antonia de Sosa, wife of Francisco
de Talavera, empowered him to recover the estate of her first husband,
Pedro Catalan (ANP, Salinas 154 2-1543, ff. 7 1 3- 7 14 ).
Luis Catalan is mentioned in HC 3, 7, and 1 1 .
Nuno Gonzalez
Age at Cajamarca: Probably about 30 Share: 1 share of silver; no gold
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Extent of literacy: Illiterate
MEN FROM THE SEA 403
Gonzalez was a veteran o f the Indies. H e and his partner, Alonso

Romero, had known each other since the early i5 2 o ,s, when they met
in Santo Domingo. Fortune carried them eventually to Nicaragua, and
from there they came with Benalcazar to Peru. Together they followed
the conquest as far as Cuzco and then in 15 3 4 returned to Jauja, where,
we are told, both were involved in a fight that left a fellow Spaniard
dead. Romero then returned to Spain. A t that point we lose Gonzalez’s
trail; if he lived, he no doubt did the same as his partner. Gonzalez’s
long association with Romero, their illiteracy, and their association
with the earlier, more maritime and Andalusian phase o f the conquest,
arouse the suspicion that Gonzalez was from the H uelva area as R o
mero was, and that both were seamen.
N O T E S . A rough estimate of Nuno Gonzalez’s age is made on the

basis of his long experience alone. In AG I, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 3
(Romero’s probanza de servzczos), Gonzalez directly states that he is Ro
mero’s partner.
In 1550 a man named Inigo Gonzalez testified in Seville in a memorial
of services of Benalcazar (A G I, Justicia 116 0 , no. 1, ramo 1, published in
Quito, Coleccion de documentos relativos a l . . . Benalcazar, pp. 4 18 - 4 2 1).
His record is so much like Nuno Gonzalez’s that it is hard to believe that
the two men are not one. Inigo Gonzalez was a citizen of Seville, forty-sev
en years old in 1550, and illiterate. He came to Peru with Benalcazar, and
in answer to a question about whether Benalcazar accompanied Pizarro in
the whole conquest, until Atahuallpa was taken and the land was under
control, he said he had been present at it all. Inigo Gonzalez then re
mained in Peru proper while Benalcazar conquered Quito, but he returned
to Spain shortly after that and lived in Seville the whole time to 1530.
Since Gonzalez could not sign his name, the officiating notary could very
easily have written down "Inigo” for the very similar name “ Nuno.” More
over, downright lying about participation at Cajamarca was extremely rare.
Nevertheless, since conclusions based on the assumption that contempo
raries made a mistake are extremely dubious, it seems best to leave the
reader to judge the probabilities of the case.
Other references to Nuno Gonzalez are in AGI, Lima 565, vol. Ill, Sep
tember 5, 1539; ANP, PA 19, 118 , 126, 14 6 ; HC 56.
Pedro de Moguer
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Place of origin: Moguer
Share: 1 full share of gold (Andalusian coast)
404 THE MEN
H is full name, which he used more as he became more established

in Peru, was Pedro Martin de Moguer. W hile we cannot be sure o f
his background, there are the congruent signs that his home town o f
M oguer lived from the sea, and he was illiterate as were most seamen.
Pedro de Moguer achieved mention in several o f the chronicles o f
the conquest as one o f three men, along with his companion from M o
guer, Martin Bueno, and the Basque notary Juan de Zarate, who were
sent to Cuzco, before it was occupied by Spaniards, to collect treasure
and take possession in the name o f the king. Moguer seems to have
been the senior man o f the party. Some accounts, including that o f the
contemporary Pedro Pizarro, leave out the notary as a mere adjunct.
O f the other two, Moguer received the larger share at the distribution
o f treasure. Apparently he had a reputation as a good scout or runner,
since he was again chosen (with D iego de Agiiero) to reconnoiter up
per Peru as far as Lake Titicaca after the Spanish foundation o f Cuzco
in 15 3 4 . H e then settled in the town he was one o f the first Spaniards
to see, but he had hardly lived there two years when he was killed by
Sana Indians o f his encomienda, as a massive Indian rebellion began to
take shape in 15 3 6 .
N O T E S . Porras says (in Trujillo, Relation, p. 8 3), without giving a

source, that Pedro de Moguer was from Moguer; this is in any case highly
likely from the very name of Pedro Martin de Moguer, he having doubtless
adopted the name of his home town to distinguish himself from the many
other Pedro Martins in the Indies. A final confirmation of his origin is his
constant association with people from the Huelva-Seville area, and particu
larly the fact that his fellow explorer of Cuzco, Martin Bueno, was from
Moguer.
References to Pedro de Moguer are in AG I, Contaduria 1824, records
from May to July, 15 3 5 ; 1825, records from Cuzco, 15 3 5 ; Patronato 185,
ramo 10; ANP, PA 3, 6, 7, 14, 29, 33, 55, 36, 57, 81, 89, 96; HC 86;
CDIAO, IX , 576; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 38 (19 5 7 ):
263, 266; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 183, 198; Porras, "Dos documentos
esenciales,” Re vista Hist orlca 17 (1948) : 92; Porras, Relatione s primitivas,
p. 92.
Alonso Perez
Age at Cajamarca: About 40 Place of origin: The Seville area,
Role: Horseman possibly Triana
Share: Double share of gold and silver Extent of literacy: Literate
Though listed on the roll o f Cajamarca as plain Alonso Perez, he

had long called himself Alonso Perez de V ivero or Viveros, which in
this case was not a dubious surname added after the man had become
rich and w ell known. Actually, Alonso Perez was already quite well
known among the veterans o f Nicaragua, for he was one o f the oldest
and most experienced o f them all. H e had been in the Caribbean, in
Darien and Santo Domingo, as early as 1 5 1 8 or 1 5 1 9 . H e took part in
the discovery o f Nicaragua under G il Gonzalez de A vila in 15 2 2 , and
returned there the next year with Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba,
both times in the company o f his inseparable friend, Hernando Beltran.
He seems to have shared a maritime origin with Beltran, though he
was more literate. Ever since he had been in the Indies he had known
and at times followed Sebastian de Benalcazar; with Benalcazar he and
Beltran came to Peru.
In Peru Alonso Perez was a man o f consequence, called upon as a
witness to documents much more frequently than most o f his fellows.
He also had one o f the best horses, since he was picked to go on the
most dangerous and prestigious exploit o f the whole campaign, Soto’s
ride with a dozen men into the Inca camp to interview Atahuallpa. H e
did not, as might have been expected, return to Spain immediately in
1 533 with the old veterans, but saw the conquest through before leav
ing with the largest contingent o f returnees in late 15 3 4 , and he ar
rived in Seville on the San M iguel in 15 3 5 . H e carried only gold, ,since
he had already sold his silver to a merchant, payable in Seville, thus
avoiding the risk o f loss and the near certainty o f seizure. In general,
Alonso Perez seems to have been a capable man o f affairs.
Once back in Spain, he settled in Triana, the maritime district o f
Seville, and lived there the rest o f his life. In 1 5 3 7 the king granted
him the coat o f arms to which many returning conquerors aspired.
Alonso Perez was frequently sought out to testify in matters concern
ing Peru; having spent so much o f his life in the Indies, he was not
able to dismiss them from his mind but carried on correspondence
across the sea and questioned fresh arrivals in Seville. H e is last seen
in 15 5 0 , testifying on behalf o f his old companion Sebastian de Benal
cazar.
N O T E S . Alonso Perez’s constant association with men from the Se-

ville-Huelva area leaves no doubt that he was originally from there; more
over, settling in Triana was a very specific act. He is described as a citizen
406 THE MEN
of Triana in AGI, Patronato 90, no. 1, ramo 1 1 ; CD 1H N , III, 469-474;

and Quito, Colecciôn de documentos relativos al . . . Benalcazar, pp. 389-
393. There he declared his age in 1336 as forty-five; in 1543 as fifty-one;
in 1530 as sixty. His testimony there, and particularly in the Benalcazar
collection, is basic for tracing his life.
San Miguely 15 3 5 ; Lima 204, probanza of Hemân Gonzales; Patronato 93,
no. 6, ramo 1 ; ANP, PA 45, 55, 56, 6 9 -71, 77, 85, 97, 106, 127, 13 0 ;
Oviedo, Historia, V, 92; Porras, Cedulario, II, 3 16 ; Porras, in Trujillo,
Relacion, p. 82.
Alonso Peto
Role at Cajamarca: Horseman Place of origin: Palos
Share: 1% shares of gold (Andalusian coast)
and silver Extent of literacy: Could sign his name
Alonso Peto, or Prieto, belonged to one o f several Palos families

prominent in navigation and commerce. The whole maritime region of
Huelva, Palos, and Moguer was strongly plebeian in flavor, with few of
the hidalgo pretensions o f inland Castile, yet the Petos were substantial
people. They were literate, unusual enough in Palos; a namesake o f
Alonso Peto’s was a shipmaster on the route between the Isthmus and
Seville and another relative became a member of the town council o f
Niebla, a few miles from Palos.
Peto had experience in Nicaragua, probably in conjunction with a
kinsman, Alvaro Alonso Peto, who had been there since 1529 at least.
Both men seem to have left active navigation to pursue wealth and
honors on land. Alonso came to Peru from Nicaragua with Sebastian
de Benalcazar. As far as is known he was in no way outstanding among
the conquerors, and his share o f the treasure at Cajamarca was less than
standard for a horseman. Most o f his contacts were with his modest
compatriots of the Andalusian maritime area. A fter staying in Peru
through the main events o f the conquest, he left in 15 3 4 , when general
license was given, and arrived in Seville in 1 5 3 5 , with a large fortune.
Alvaro Alonso Peto followed him to Peru by 15 3 4 , saw the conquest
o f Quito, and then in his turn went back to Spain.
N O T E S . The evidence for Peto’s place of origin and his relationships

is purely circumstantial, but so strong as to be certain. The alternation be
tween the names Peto and Prieto is exceedingly rare, yet it is observed in
both of the Alonso Petos and in Alvaro Alonso Peto. The principals and
witnesses in three documents mentioning Alonso Peto in Peru are heavily
from Palos, Moguer, and Triana (ANP, PA 55, 142; HC 56). When
Alonso returned he carried money for only one other person, Rodrigo A l
varez, a merchant of Palos. (A G I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of
ship San Miguel; Contratacion 2715, no. 1, ramo 2. In the latter, Rodrigo
Alvarez appears as a partner of a Juan Quintero, Quintero being a specific
Palos name.) Alvaro Alonso, when he returned, was a citizen of Palos,
lived in Trigueros, and was regidor in Niebla (AGI, Justicia 734, no. 3;
Patronato 90, no. 1, ramo n ) .
Busto also thinks Alonso Peto was Andalusian, but identifies him with
Alvaro Alonso ("Una relacion y un estudio," Revista Historica 27 [19 6 4 ]:
3 15 ) . This is natural enough, yet Alonso was in Jauja on July 27, 1334,
when Alvaro Alonso was well on his way to Quito (ANP, PA 142, 17 2 ).
And Alvaro Alonso then came back to Lima when it was founded, while
Alonso was already on his way across the sea (PA 692). In AG I, Patronato
90, no. 1, ramo 1 1 , all the men who were at Cajamarca are asked to testify
about it, and Alvaro Alonso is not so asked.
Further references to Alonso Peto are in AG I, Justicia 723, list of gold
and silver seized in 13 3 5 ; Herrera, Decadas, X I, 4 3; Cieza, Tercera parte,
in Mercurio Peruano 36 (19 5 5 ) 1470; the "Diego" Prieto in the latter is
doubtless a mistake or mistranscription for Alonso. Further references to
Alvaro Alonso Peto are in AGI, Patronato 150, no. 6, ramo 1 ; ANP, PA
17 1, 694, 703; CDIHN, II, 225.
Other information about the Petos of Palos is in AGI, Contratacion
2715, no. 1, ramo 1, records of galleon San Salvador, 153 3 (mention of
Alonso Prieto, merchant, vecino of Palos); no. 1, ramo 2, records of
galleon San Anton, 1533 (with passenger Alonso Peto from Palos); and
records of ship San Marcos (whose master, Alonso Prieto, is connected
with Nuno Rodriguez, vecino of Palos); CD IH N , III, 142.
Alonso Romero
Age at Cajamarca: Probably over 30 Place of origin: Lepe (Andalusian
Role: Standard-bearer (and footman) coast near Portugal)
Share: 1 full share of gold and silver Extent of literacy: Illiterate
Romero’s illiteracy and his origin in the seaside town o f Lepe point
to a maritime background, confirmed to a certain extent by his choice
of Seville’s portside district o f San Lorenzo for a residence after his
return to Spain. H e came to the Indies around 15 2 0 or 15 2 2 , and was
408 THE MEN
successively in Santo Domingo, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, and

then in Nicaragua again, most o f the time with his partner N uno G on
zalez ( q .v .) . From Nicaragua the two came to Peru in the contingent
o f Benalcazar. On arrival or thereafter, Romero achieved the distinc
tion o f appointment as ensign or standard-bearer; he claimed to have
been "chief” or c royal” ensign, but we know that Diego de Agiiero, a
horseman and man o f importance, served as ensign too* In the pre-
Cajamarca phase the Pizarros saw themselves forced to lavish often
meaningless titles and posts o f command on their men, particularly the
reinforcements, to keep them satisfied. Since Romero was a footman at
Cajamarca, he must have been the man beside Governor Pizarro who
hoisted his standard as the signal for the onslaught to begin. Romero
is near the top o f the list o f footmen on the general roll, with the full
share that went only to a minority.
A fter Cajamarca, Romero became a horseman and followed the con
quest on to Cuzco, still collecting minor honors. H e was the first man
to enter the great fortress o f Cuzco, Sacsahuaman, and Pizarro made
him its alcaide or warden. H e enrolled as a citizen at the founding of
Cuzco but almost immediately thereafter left for Jauja and then Spain,
arriving in 15 3 5 . In Seville he resumed life with his w ife, whom he
had married before going to the Indies. She was the daughter o f a
merchant, and their children advanced in station, some becoming nuns
and friars; one served as treasurer of the Duke o f Bejar. A fter some
years in Seville, Alonso Romero died, but his children and even his
grandchildren continued to seek favors from the crown on the basis
o f the merit he had acquired in the Indies.
N O T E S . Romero’s estimated age rests on the fact that he was already

married in about 15 2 0 - 13 2 1. A probanza de servicios, made partly in Cuz
co in 1534 and partly posthumously in Spain in 1577, is the main source
for Romero’s life (A G I, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 3 ). There a priest,
Alonso de Jerez, citizen of Lepe, says that he and Romero are from the
same town. See also Busto, "Una relaciôn y un estudio,’’ Re vista Hist ôrica
27 (1964) :3 io - 3 i3 ; Busto there uses certain sources not directly con
sulted by this writer.
Other references are in AG I, Contaduria 1825, records from Jauja, No
vember, 1534 ; Lima 565, vol. Ill, September 5, 1539; ANP, PA 51, 52, 70,
i n ; Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales,” Revis ta Hist ôrica 17 (19 4 8 ):
9 ï -93.
Bartolomé Sanchez marinero

Role: Footm an T ra d e : Sailor
The most revealing bit of information we have about Bartolomé

Sanchez— that he was a man o f the sea— comes from the roll o f Caja-
marca itself. Definite confirmation that marinero was not merely some
kind of epithet can be seen in a list o f fines imposed on various mis
creants in January, 15 3 2 , where "Bartolomé Sanchez, marinero" ap
pears in the midst of a dozen other sailors. From this it would appear
that Sanchez had not been a member o f the expedition proper until
that time, when the Spaniards had reached the island of Puna and were
about to enter central Peru at Tumbez. Sanchez’s calling constitutes a
fairly good definition o f his background, since sailors were mainly
plebeian and illiterate, looked down upon by the inland Castilians.
Almost all of them came from coastal lands, whether o f Iberia or of
the Mediterranean; with an Hispanic name, Bartolomé Sanchez was
most likely from Seville-Huelva, Portugal, or the north coast. H e may
have headed south from Cajamarca with the expedition in 1 3 3 3 ; then
he disappears.
NOTES. There are only two authenticated references to Bartolomé

Sanchez marinero: on the roll of Cajamarca and in A G I, Contaduria 1825,
Penas de Camara, January, 1532.
Surely a different man was Bartolomé Sanchez de Terrazas, usually called
Bartolomé de Terrazas, who first appears in the records of the conquerors
in 1 5 3 3 and would seem to have arrived in Peru with Almagro. He was
from Talavera de la Reina, far inland in N ew Castile, and the son of an
apothecary. A founding citizen of Cuzco and at some point a councilman,
he was associated with Almagro’s side in the civil conflicts, then managed
to recuperate his position to some extent, retaining an encomienda in
Cuzco. Garcilaso knew him in the 1 5 3 0 ’s and thought him a noble, liberal
man with all the virtues of a cavalier. He also thought him a "first con
queror.”
In September, 1533, a Bartolomé Sanchez, definitely not Terrazas, be
cause both appear in the same document, was in Huaylas, between Caja
marca and Jauja (A N P, PA 62). W e cannot be sure that this was the man
of Cajamarca, however, because yet a third Bartolomé Sanchez took part in
the conquest of Peru, a man from Miajadas in Extremadura, who returned
4i o THE MEN
to Spain in 1535 (A G I, Justicia 1082, no. 1, ramo 4 ). Another namesake

in the early period was the Galician Bartolomé Sanchez, who was town
crier in Lima in 15 3 5 -13 3 6 (AN P, Juzgado, December 15, 15 3 6 ; Libro
de cabildos de Lima,, 1:4 7 ) . The regional origin is plausible, but the post
was too lowly for a man who had shared in the gold of Cajamarca.
For Bartolomé de Terrazas, see A G I, Contaduria 1824, records from
Cuzco, March, 1536; Patronato 185, ramo 1 1 ; ANP, PA 50, 62; Bermudez
Plata, Pasajeros, I, 174 ; Garcilaso, Obras, II, 366; Diego Fernandez, H i-
storia, I, 333; Porras, Cartas, 30 1-30 2; Porras, Cedulario, II, 3 1 2 ; Porras,
"Dos documentes esenciales,” Revista Historica, 17 (1948) .*92.
14. LOWER PLEBEIANS
he humble conquerors included here were all illiterate.

T W ith certain notable exceptions, they tended to receive small
shares o f the treasure o f Cajamarca, and few honors and rewards in
after times. Several equally lowly persons, with the same hallmarks,
can be found among the artisans (chapter 1 2 ) and seamen (chapter
1 3 ) . Humbleness or marginality usually expresses itself in a conjunc
ture o f traits rather than in a single specific one. For that reason no
clear line can be drawn between these men and the upper commoners
to be found in chapter 1 1 . I f the full background were known, Juan
Munoz, who appears here, might go in that category, while such men
as the partners Sanchez de Talavera and Valencia might well join the
lower grouping.
Juan Garcia de Santa Olalla

Age at Cajamarca: About 26 Place of origin: Santa Olalla del Cala
Role: Footman (Andalusia, north of Seville)
Share: % share of gold and silver Degree of literacy: Illiterate
412 THE MEN
Though under the jurisdiction o f Seville in the sixteenth century,

the town of Santa Olalla lies inland on the edges o f the Castilian pla
teau, where Andalusia and Extremadura come together. For this rea
son it is hardly likely that Juan Garcia de Santa Olalla was a seaman
as were so many o f the Andalusians from Seville and Huelva. Perhaps
he was the Juan G arda, carpenter, who was present in Cuzco in 15 3 4 .
That he was some variety o f plebeian is beyond doubt; even when un
usual circumstances earned him a royal recommendation, no mention
was made o f his lineage or connections.
Juan G ard a de Santa Olalla followed the course o f the conquest all
the way to Cuzco, where he showed some inclination to take root, since
he enrolled as a founding citizen and received an encomienda. But soon
changing his mind, he joined the last small group o f returnees to
Spain in 15 3 6 . His ship had come within sight o f Spanish territory
when, just outside the harbor o f Sanlucar de Barrameda, French cor
sairs seized it and robbed him o f his whole fortune, some 16,000
ducats in gold and silver. The loss was too much for him to absorb;
unlike the king, who also seized the conquerors’ money, the pirates
gave no compensating annuities.
Thus it happened that Juan G ard a de Santa Olalla was one o f the
only three or four o f the men o f Cajamarca who came back to Peru
after having abandoned it, as they thought, for the rest of their lives.
Sometime in the later i5 3 o ’s Juan Garcia arrived in Lima, equipped
with royal letters recommending that in view o f his great loss he be
treated well and reinstated in his encomienda or an equivalent one.
But when a man once relinquished his claims and left the country, he
broke beyond mending the magic thread o f seniority. Then too, en-
comiendas did not fall vacant every day. So Juan Garcia had to con
tent himself with the grant o f a lot and lands in Lima, where he
stayed, very much on the margin o f things, until a violent episode in
the civil wars allowed him to accumulate new merits and become an
encomendero in the Cuzco district in 15 4 2 . H e thereby recouped much
o f his loss, yet his encomienda was a poor thing compared to the lordly
estates o f some of his old comrades who had never gone back to
Spain.
Perhaps it was the discontent arising from this that caused Juan
G a rd a to commit himself to the great Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion o f
1 5 4 4 - 15 4 8 more deeply than most o f his fellows and to stay with the
movement even as its defeat grew imminent. Juan Garcia died some
l o w e r p l e b e i a n s 413
time before the final battle in 154 8 , but royal authorities later con
fiscated his estate as that o f an unrepentant rebel, putting the final
touches on a life ruined by French pirates off Sanlucar in 15 3 6 .
N O T E S . Juan Garda’s trail can be followed with some confidence as

far as his return to Peru and receipt of an encomienda in Cuzco. His par
ticipation in the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion is somewhat obscured by the
improbable circumstance that there was in Peru at the same time another
Juan Garcia de Santa Olalla, from the Santa Olalla near Toledo, who was
also involved in the rebellion and sentenced for it. Nevertheless, since the
one who died before sentencing was a citizen and encomendero of Cuzco
and the other was not, the main lines are clear enough (Loredo, "Senten-
cias,” Mercurio Peruano 22 [194 0] 1265-266; CD 1A O , X X , 534).
In Seville, in 1536, Juan Garcia said he was thirty years old, and a na
tive of "Santolalla, tierra de esta ciudad de Sevilla” (AGI, Justicia 112 6 ,
no. 2, ramo 1 ) ; back in Lima, in 15 4 1, he said he had been present at Caja-
marca and gave his age as "over twenty-five” (AGI, Patronato 93, no. 1 1 ,
ramo 2 ). Royal cedulas in Porras, Cedulario, II, 222-234, 238-239, tell
the story of how Juan Garcia lost his fortune and planned to go back to
Peru.
Other references are in AGI, Patronato 109, ramo 4; 185, ramo 1 1 ;
ANP, Salinas 15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f.13 0 ; AHC, Libros de cabildos, I, f.5 5 ;
CDIHE, X X V I, 2 2 1-2 3 2 ; Cobo, Obras, II, 304; Loredo, Alardes y derra-
masy pp. 123, 12 7 ; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 103; Perez de Tudela, Gasca,
II, 67.
Gomez Gonzales
Age at Cajamarca: About 33 Share: % share of gold and silver
In March, 15 3 0 , Gomez Gonzalez was living in an Indian village

in the jurisdiction o f Leon, Nicaragua, to all appearances working as a
tribute collector for some encomendero of Leon. This was a position
usually delegated to the lowly, the incapable, or the recently arrived.
Gonzalez seems to have been lowly enough, but by no means recently
arrived, since he had been in Darien to see Balboa go off to discover
the Pacific in 1 3 1 3 .
Am ong Gonzalez’s friends and gambling companions were two
other men o f Cajamarca: Pedro de Torres, an employee o f Hernando
de Soto, and Juan Perez de Tudela. Gonzalez must have arrived in
Peru with one o f the groups coming straight from Nicaragua, either
414 THE MEN
Benalcazar’s or Soto’s— probably the latter, since he was close to Soto’s

circle. But though these facts give a partial understanding o f Gonza
lez’s background, there is not the slightest trace o f his action in Peru
itself.
N O T E S . In Leon, Nicaragua, in 1529, Gomez Gonzalez said he was

about thirty and stated that he had arrived in Darien sixteen years previous
to that time (Medina, Descubrimiento, II, 34 2). Other references are in
CDIHN, IV, 534-533, 545-547, 550. In one document transcribed there,
Gonzalez is referred to as an escribano (notary), a reading roundly contra
dicted by three separate indications that he could not write or sign. The
word should have been estante. See also Busto, "Los presuntos peruleros,”
Mercurio Peruano 50 (1965) :3 i7 ~ 3i8 .
Jorge Griego
Age at Cajamarca: About 28 Place of origin: Probably Greece
Share: 1 full share of gold and silver
"Jo rg e G riego" means "G eorge Greek." Neither element o f the

name sat w ell on a sixteenth-century Spaniard, not even the "Jo rg e ,"
which sounded Portuguese. It was the most popular combination o f
names among the many Greeks in the Spanish Indies, except possibly
"Juan G riego." Therefore a Greek connection for the owner of this
name can be taken as established beyond reasonable doubt. There does
remain the somewhat remote possibility that Jorge Griego was o f the
second generation, with a Greek father and a Spanish mother, though
such people usually adopted Spanish names. Most likely Jorge was a
born Greek, attracted to the enterprise in Panama, where he had been
for a year or two, by his compatriot Pedro de Candia.
Most Greeks in the Indies were seamen or artillerymen. Griego may
well have been both. H e seems to have gravitated to Candia and the
Italian-Aragonese Martin de Florencia, both o f them involved in
artillery. A fter his return to Spain he lived in maritime Triana.
Griego had gained the respect o f the Spaniards. H e was among the
minority o f footmen receiving a full share o f the treasure o f Caja
marca. By the time he reached Cuzco he was on horseback, and his
Spanish companion, Sancho de Villegas, entrusted him with collecting
his share o f the treasure. Back in Jauja he became a full-fledged citizen
and encomendero. H e was still there to cast his vote when the move to
LOWER PLEBEIANS 415
Lima was decided in December, 15 3 4 . Sometime after that he went to

Spain. It is possible, but not probable, that he was the Jorge Griego
who was in Cuzco during the siege o f 1 5 3 6 - 1 5 3 7 . In 15 4 4 he was a
citizen o f Triana, the maritime district across the river from Seville.
Having come up in the world, he had taught himself to sign his name,
though hardly, one would imagine, to read and write.
N O T E S . Torres Saldamando, without giving evidence, asserts that

Jorge Griego was from Crete, but he cannot be taken very seriously, for he
identifies the man of Cajamarca with practically every Jorge Griego in Peru
up to 1570 (Libro pritnero de cabildos, I, 392). Since there were so many
men of this name, it means little that the one sentenced in 1548 for com
plicity in the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion was a Cretan native (Loredo, "Sen-
tencias,” Mercurio Peruano 22 [19403:269; CDIAO, X X , 5 0 1). There is
no reason either to accept Busto’s identification of the man of Cajamarca
with a sailor in Nombre de Dios in 1526 ("Pero Martin Bueno,” Mercurio
Peruano, no. 478 [March-April, 1969], pp. 746-753).
In Seville, in 1544, Jorge Griego declared himself a citizen of Triana,
forty years old (AGI, Justicia 112 5 , proceedings concerning the estate of
Francisco Martin de Alburquerque). Other references are in AGI, Justicia
724, no. 6; ANP, PA 14 3; HC 1, 16; Loredo, Los repartos, p. 105; Po-
rras, "Dos documentos esenciales,” Revista Hist orica 17 (1948) .*92.
The presence of a Jorge Griego in Cuzco is documented by AGI, Conta-
duria 1679, records from Cuzco, 1536, and Contaduria, 1824, records from
Cuzco, March-April, 1537. The action of a Jorge Griego during the Gon
zalo Pizarro rebellion is described in Calvete, Rebelion de Pizarro, IV, 247.
Garcia Martin
Age at Cajamarca: Probably over 25 Share: 1 full share of gold and silver
Garcia Martin was a thorough plebeian who even some years after
the conquest claimed only to be an honored person o f good life and
reputation, qualities far more estimable than high lineage but invari
ably alleged only in its absence. H e had been in the Indies since 15 2 5
or before, in Santo Domingo, Santa Marta, Cartagena, and then Pana
ma. As a veteran and a man skillful with a crossbow, he received a full
share o f the treasure o f Cajamarca.
Martin was at first a citizen o f Cuzco and then o f Huamanga, since
his encomienda was inside the boundaries o f the new district carved out
4i 6 THE MEN
in 15 3 9 . H e was alcalde the first year, and after that perpetual council
member. B y now certain pretensions were emerging; he acquired a coat
o f arms, began to call himself Garcia Martin de Castaneda, and learned
how to sign his name with surprising success, far better than other old
illiterates like Martin Pizarro and Pedro de Alconchel. H is encomien-
da had originally been a good one, but it was near the area where the
rebellious Inca still held out, with consequent desertion o f Indians and
damage, so that by 15 4 8 it was rated seventeenth among the twenty-
two encomiendas o f the Huamanga district. Still, he maintained his
position. H e made a good marriage to dona Leonor de Valenzuela, and
his son, Juan Perez de Valenzuela, characteristically named after his
mother’s lineage, inherited what was left o f the encomienda when
Garcia Martin died around 15 5 5 .
N O T E S . Garcia Martin was often called Garcia Martinez, and it was

this form that he learned to write. The estimate of his birthdate as prob
ably before 1507 rests on the presumption that he was eighteen or over
when he left Santo Domingo for the mainland. His probanza de servicios,
made in Cuzco in 1539, is in AGI, Lima 118 . A posthumous probanza is
in AG I, Patronato 124, ramo 10.
Busto, in Francisco Pizarro, p. 97, says that Pizarro made Garcia Martin
leader of a body of twenty crossbowmen while the expedition was on its
way from San Miguel to Cajamarca. Such a body was formed, as can be
seen in Jerez, Verdadera relacion, II, 325; and Garcia Martin claims in his
probanza that he served as a crossbowman, but this writer knows of no
other evidence, nor does Busto present any. Jerez speaks of a *’captain” of
the crossbowmen, and plebeian Martin, listed far down on the roll of Caja
marca, with a good but not unusual share, does not seem a likely candidate
for the post.
March-April, 15 3 7 ; Lima 566, vol. IV, July 19, 1540; Patronato 109,
ramo 4; 185, ramo 10; HC 34, 4 1, 60, 61, 1209, 1273, 13 15 , 1547, 1570;
Diego Fernandez, Historia, I, 349; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 2 13, 2 15 ;
Pedro Pizarro, Relacion, V, 205; Porras, Cartas, p. 406.
Juan Munoz
Age at Cajamarca: About 24 Place of origin: Quesada
Role: Footman (eastern Andalusia)
Share: % share of gold Extent of literacy: Crude signature,
and silver probably illiterate
l o w e r p l e b e i a n s 417
His blocky signature and the plebeian names o f his brother and
sister, Pedro Perez and Mari Munoz, are sufficient grounds for assum
ing that Juan Munoz was o f humble origin. In the conquest, he went
all the way to Cuzco, and expressed his intention o f becoming a citizen
there, only to leave the area at the first opportunity. In July, 15 3 4 ,
when Governor Pizarro gave general license to those first conquerors
who wished to return and distributed encomiendas to those who were
staying, Juan Munoz chose an encomienda and citizenship in Jauja. In
December, 15 3 4 , he gave his opinion on moving the city to Lima. Y et
almost immediately thereafter he was on his way home. H e may have
been the *'Captain Juan Munoz” that the newly arrived nobleman and
chronicler don Alonso Enriquez de Guzman found in San M iguel, on
the north coast, on Ju ly 3 1 , 1 5 3 3 ; by September he was in Seville,
destined for his home town o f Quesada.
N O T E S . The Juan Munoz of Cajamarca was not, as Porras thought

(Relaciones primitivas, p. 98), a Juan Munoz Cornejo, who was born
c.1500, took some part in the discovery of Peru in the years 13 2 4 -13 2 7 ,
and had become an alcalde ordinario in Seville by 1554; by his own decla
ration (AG I, Patronato 98, no. 4, ramo 3) it can be seen that he was not
present at the capture of Atahuallpa.
In 1534 Juan Munoz, the man of Cajamarca, said once that he was thirty
(AG I, Lima 204, probanza of Hernan Gonzalez) and once that he was
twenty-six (AGI, Patronato 93, no. 4, ramo 1 ) ; in 1535 he declared that
he was twenty-seven and a citizen of Quesada (AGI, Patronato 93, no. 5,
ramo 2).
Other references are in AGI, Contaduria 1825, records from Jauja, De
cember, 1534 ; ANP, PA 30, 47, 91, 144; HC 38; Enriquez de Guzman,
Vida y costumbres, p. 14 3; Ubros de cabildos de Lima, I, 8 -10 ; Porras,
"Dos documentos esenciales,” Revista Historica 17 (1948) .*92.
Martin Pizarro
Age at Cajamarca: About 23 or 24 Place of origin: Trujillo
Share: l/2 share of gold; % share of silver
Contemporaries distinguished between the "good” Pizarros o f E x

tremadura, and the others. Martin, for better or worse, belonged to
the others. H is small share at Cajamarca in itself suffices to prove that
he was no near relative o f the Pizarro brothers. Whether there was
418 THE MEN
some very distant connection remains in doubt. By one piece o f late

and dubious testimony, Martin was Francisco’s deudo, or relative o f
some kind (the term extended to the most tenuous tie s). By the equally
late and dubious Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Martin was not related in
any way to the other Pizarros. The best clue to M artin’s background is
his brother Juan Pizarro, who later came to Lima and ran a shoemaker’s
shop for many years. Martin was, then, o f a humble family o f artisans,
not only illiterate, but unable to learn to sign his name as most others
o f his kind did. Though he had much occasion to sign documents, all
his life he contented himself with a pair o f rubrics, leaving the name
between them to a more practiced hand.
Y et, while not starting on a high level, Martin had certain advan
tages. H e was from Trujillo, he had that special loyalty to the Pizarros,
and dependence on them, of the men who were recruited there in 15 2 9 .
Even if not a relative o f the governor’s family, his name was one to
conjure with. And personally M artin was strong, steady, evenhanded
and likable, without the vindictiveness so pronounced in Francisco and
Hernando Pizarro; perhaps he was also a bit simple-minded. H e be
came a citizen o f Lim a and held the encomienda o f Huamantanga,
with a good income but far from the best in the district. In the first
year o f the city’s existence Martin was made chief constable, an impor
tant post though at that time still a subsidiary one, without a seat on the
town council. Then from 15 4 0 to 15 5 8 he was four times named
alcalde, his seniority and his fairness as a judge outweighing his illiter
acy.
Martin lived much more in the center o f Lim a’s society than the
equally plebeian Pedro de Alconchel, but there were limits to his rise.
H e was not a captain in the civil wars, and though he lived in a lordly
style, he lacked the business acumen to manage and increase his wealth
like some o f his companions. H e was a close friend o f powerful men
such as Jeronimo de Aliaga and Diego de Agiiero, but his marriage
was not as resplendent as theirs. Around 15 4 5 he married Catalina
Cermeno, who was not a "dona” and could not be transformed into
one, though she was connected with an important family of early con
querors.
W hen Martin died, in 15 5 7 , he was already becoming legendary,
and realization o f the distinction between him and the other Pizarros
was receding. H e left numerous heirs— mestizo as well as Spanish, ille
gitimate and legitimated as well as legitimate. Their lives were not al
LOWER PLEBEIANS 419
ways happy, since they were not too wealthy, and a daughter who suf
fered from hallucinations was called "the bedeviled,” but they found
a place in Peru’s aristocracy. One son inherited M artin’s encomienda;
another was among the first Peruvian-born Spaniards to enter the
Jesuit order; and a daughter married the son o f chronicler Pedro Piza-
rro, establishing a link with the "good” Pizarros after all.
N O T E S . Busto, in his good and informative article on Martin Pizarro

("E l conquistador Martin Pizarro/’ Mercurio Peruano 44 [19 6 3 ], part 1,
pp. m - 1 2 5 ) , understands that Martin was a plebeian of some kind, and
extends this to the point of saying that Martin’s wife was of low origin.
However, most of the evidence about the Cermeno women concerns their
bad conduct, a trait as often found in ladies as in peasant women. Actually,
the marriage was nothing to be ashamed of. In Peruvian marriages, the la
dy’s lineage had to be balanced off against the influence, wealth, and repu
tation of her relatives in Peru. Some important men married women of ple
beian background in order to associate themselves with powerful allies.
Martin’s marriage was of this type. His wife Catalina was sister of Cristo
bal Cermeno, a renowned conquerer of Cuzco, though he died in the
13 3 0 ’s, and of Pedro Cermeno, who was Gonzalo Pizarro’s captain of mus
keteers. Gonzalo Pizarro probably arranged the match to cement relation
ships among his followers. The Cermenos were not noble, but they were
not of the lowest origin either; their father was official gunpowder manu
facturer for the Casa de Contratacion in Seville. One of Catalina’s sisters
married Tomas Farel, a Spanish-born Englishman who became an enco-
mendero in Arequipa. Yet another was the wife of Captain Juan Fernan
dez, who was of very humble origin, but became alcalde of Lima; after his
death she married the aristocratic Jeronimo de Silva.
An example of Martin’s open ingenuousness or simple-mindedness may
be found in his testimony in favor of his friend Jeronimo de Aliaga. Alia-
ga in an interrogatory alleged that the followers of rebel Gonzalo Pizarro
had plotted to assassinate him (Aliaga) as their enemy. Martin replied
that it was true: before Gonzalo Pizarro’s army reached Lima, Martin and
Jeronimo strolled out to Pizarro’s camp for a friendly chat; Martin got
wind that some of the men were angry with Jeronimo, warned him, and
the two left hurriedly (R A N P 1 [19 2 0 3:56 4 ).
Martin Pizarro gave his age as forty in both 1548 (AGI, Patronato 92,
no. 3) and 1549 (RA N P, 1:5 5 6 ) . His posthumous probanza de servicios
is in AG I, Patronato 132, no. 2, ramo 1. A will of 1542 is in ANP, Salinas
15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f.775. A substantial biographical note by Porras is in Testa-
mento de Pizarro, pp. 77-78.
Other references are in AG I, Justicia 1082, no. 1, ramo 4; Lima 566,
420 THE MEN
vol. IV, August 23, 15 4 1; Patronato 93, no. 1 1 , ramo 1 ; 97, no. 1, ramo 3;
ANP, PA 123, 128, 253, 404, 571, 576; Salinas 15 4 2 -13 4 3 , flf.656, 70 1;
Salinas 154 6-154 8, ff.578-579; J. Fernandez 155 7 -15 9 8 , f.14 5 ; HC 3 1,
620; R A N P 1 (19 2 0 ) 1460-461, 499, 556-564; 6 (1928) .*164; 13
(1940) .*233; Cobo, Obras, II, 303; Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Ouinque-
narios, IV, 1 7 1 ; Ubros de cabildos de Lima, VI, 1, p. 218 ; Lockhart,
Spanish Peru, pp. 19 -20 ; Loredo, Lor repartos, pp. 1 1 5 , 221, 227; Torres
Saldamando, L/’&fo primero de cabildos, II, 318-320.
For the Cermenos, see Busto’s article and ANP, Alzate, f .554; Salinas
15 4 2 -15 4 3 , f.5 15 ; AHA, Gaspar Hernandez, July 10, 15 5 3 ; HC 8 18 -8 2 1,
R A N P 6 (19 2 8 )116 4 ; Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 246; Jiménez de la
Espada, Relaciones geogrdficas, I, 16 2 -16 3 .
Pedro Roman
Share: V2 share of gold and silver
H is illiteracy and his half share o f the treasure o f Cajamarca would

seem to point to a man humble in more than one respect. However,
some accident may account for his small share; Pedro Roman subse
quently proved to have merit. H e became a citizen and encomendero o f
Cuzco from its founding and distinguished himself as a horseman in
resisting the Indians’ siege o f Cuzco in 1 5 3 6 - 1 5 3 7 . A t the same time,
in Spain, a royal appointment to a seat on Cuzco’s council was being
issued in his favor. It probably never reached him. Roman was one o f
the minority o f Cuzco’s citizens so exasperated by the rule o f Hernando
Pizarro that they joined the forces o f Alm agro when he came back
from Chile in 1 5 3 7 and seized the city. Thus Roman was caught up on
the losing side o f the first major civil conflict and lost his life fighting
for Alm agro at the battle o f Salinas in April, 15 3 8 . H e left behind a
mestizo daughter, Francisca, and 1,8 0 0 marks o f silver that in better
days he had given to a Pizarro retainer to be taken to Spain.
N O T E S . The chronicler Pedro Pizarro, writing forty years later, gives

Roman’s first name as Juan, but there was only one Roman who was en
comendero of Cuzco.
Roman’s place of origin is unknown, but there are two separate, con
flicting hints which might lead to the truth if combined with more infor
mation. First, a Pero Roman, native of Salamanca, son of Pero Roman and
Marta Garcia, registered to come to the Indies in 1527, which would be
LOWER PLEBEIANS 421
about the right time (Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 2 17 ) ; and the Pedro
Roman of Cajamarca chose a man from Salamanca (Miguel Cornejo) as
one of the executors of his will. However, another of the executors was not
from Salamanca (Gonzalo de Zayas; see Justicia 1056, no. 4 ). Second,
pointing in a different direction, Pedro Roman showed a certain tendency
to associate with men from the Huelva-Palos-Moguer region, and the
money he sent home to Spain was destined for Nuno Rodriguez, citizen of
Palos, and Hernan Sanchez, citizen of Seville. The present writer’s instincts
tell him Roman was probably from Palos, but this is unscientific.
The most comprehensive document on Roman is his power to the
executors of his will, contained in AGI, Justicia 1052, no. 3, ramo 2. Other
references are in AGI, Contaduria 1824, records from Cuzco, 1536 and
1537; 1823, Penas de Camara, 15 3 5 ; Patronato 109, ramo 4; ANP, PA 5 1;
CDIAO, X X , 363; CDIHC, VI, 397; Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 208,
2 1 1 ; Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales," Revista Historica 17 (19 4 8 ):
9 I - 93*
Miguel Ruiz
Role: Horseman Place of origin: Seville
Share: D ouble share o f gold Parents: Ju an Rodriguez de Banares
and silver and A rgenta Rodriguez
Extent o f literacy: Illiterate
*’M iguel Ruiz de color loro” was part o f the 1 5 3 1 expedition from
the time it left Panama. "L o ro ” was a term originally used by the
Spaniards to describe a tawny or yellowish cast o f skin as opposed to
the darker mulatto. In practice, however, it was a meliorative synonym
for mulatto; a man’s friends would call him "loro,” his enemies mu
latto. M iguel Ruiz would seem to have been the son o f a Spaniard and
a slave woman, since not only was the name of M iguel’s mother—
Argenta— very common for a slave, but her last name was the same as
that o f M iguel’s father, indicating that she had doubtless adopted her
master’s name, as was the common practice in such cases. Argenta may
have been black, mulatto, or Morisca, since slave women o f all three
types were common in Seville; probably she had been freed, and may
even have married Juan Rodriguez.
It was not uncommon for a light mulatto, particularly if he had been
recognized by his father and given a certain upbringing, to advance to
a position o f respect in the Indies. Such cases are hard to trace, because
the flexibility consisted in a willingness to ignore the ancestry o f a cer-
422 THE MEN
tain individual rather than in a theoretical respect and tolerance for all
mulattoes, and the successful individual was never called a mulatto
again. Such cases were becoming very rare in rich Peru after Caja-
marca, but even there the Pizarros’ captain o f artillery at the battle o f
Salinas in 15 3 8 was a "loro” (though it is true they afterward uncere
moniously hanged h im ).
M iguel Ruiz was functioning within the Peruvian expedition as a
full-fledged member and man o f some weight, far above the level o f
the black crier Juan G arda, with whom, by the way, he does not seem
to have associated. H e did not move in the drcles o f the captains and
hidalgos; rather he was involved in a company with one o f the more
obvious plebeians, his Sevillian compatriot Juan Chico, and on the roll
o f Cajamarca his name comes toward the end o f the list o f horsemen.
But to be a horseman at all put a man in the upper third of the con
querors, and M iguel Ruiz received a horseman’s full double share, as
some did not. The horse he rode was not his own, however, and he had
to divide his share with its owner, the notary Juan Alonso. A fter Caja
marca Ruiz followed the course o f conquest south, now riding usually
in the vanguard with Hernando de Soto. In November, 1 3 3 3 , when
Soto’s men were nearing Cuzco, the Indians attacked them at Vilca-
conga near the top o f a steep slope, causing the heaviest Spanish casual
ties yet suffered. One o f the men killed was M iguel Ruiz.
A t the new distribution o f treasure in Cuzco in 15 3 4 , Ruiz received
a large share posthumously; his associate Juan Alonso collected the
horse’s share, and the rest went to the official custodians o f the estates
o f the deceased. Ruiz left behind a son, M iguel, probably by one of the
Nicaraguan Indian servant women who accompanied the conquest.
Juan Alonso, who settled in Lima, took in mother and son, and was
appointed M iguel’s guardian. A t one time he meant to take both Ruiz’s
son and his estate back to Spain with him, but he appears not to have
done so. Ruiz’s mother in Seville continued to carry on litigation to re
cover his estate until 15 5 0 .
N O T E S . The words "Miguel Ruiz de color loro” appear in Contadu-

ria 1825, records from Coaque, 15 3 1. The names and residence of Ruiz’s
parents are in AGI, Lima 566, vol. IV, July 3 1, 1540, and APS, 1550,
oficio X V , libro II, f.332. His relationship with Juan Chico is seen in HC
13, 2 1, and 22 and his relationship with Juan Alonso in ANP, PA 72 and
Porras, Cedulario, II, 35 1. It is probable that our Miguel Ruiz is the same
LOWER PLEBEIANS 423
as a man of that name who took part in an expedition from Acla on the
Isthmus in June, 1529 (Gongora, Grupos, p. 28).
Other references are in AGI, Justicia 1079, no- 9> accounts of estates of
the deceased; ANP, PA 109; HC 4; Busto, "Los caidos en Vilcaconga,”
pp. 1 2 2 -12 3 ; Busto, Francisco Pizarro, p. 179; Loredo, Los repartos, p.
103; Porras, in Trujillo, Relation, p. 12 0 ; Trujillo, Relation, p. 62 .
Cristobal de Sosa
Age at Cajamarca: Probably early 2o’s Share: % share of gold and silver
Cristobal de Sosa had been in Nicaragua since 15 2 9 or earlier, acting

as a page, though it is not quite clear for whom. H e was acquainted
with the circle o f Hernan Ponce de Leon and Hernando de Soto; prob
ably he accompanied Soto to Peru. A fter Cajamarca he became joint
owner o f a horse with another o f Soto’s men and rode south in the main
body o f conquerors all the way to Cuzco. H e enrolled as a citizen o f
Cuzco at its foundation and stayed there among the few men guarding
the town in late 15 3 4 . Most o f the guards o f Cuzco remained in the
region for the rest of their lives.
Sosa, however, was one o f the very few men o f Cajamarca who gave
up an encomienda in Peru to go with Alm agro’s expedition o f dis
covery and conquest to Chile. The motive o f the four or five men who
did this may have been the expectation (and not a totally unreasonable
one) o f yet greater wealth, but more important in most cases was re
gional affinity with Almagro, or active disaffection with the Pizarros.
This is readily imaginable in one o f Hernando de Soto’s men, most o f
whom left the country very quickly. Soto himself had negotiated with
Alm agro for the position o f field commander o f the expedition, and
Sosa might have taken his interest in the venture from his former
chief. H e may also have been from N ew Castile like his associate,
Vasco de Guevara. A t any rate he was to be seen in A pril and June,
15 3 5 , in the company o f Alm agro’s men, making ready for the
journey.
H e survived the two-year trek, one o f the most disappointing the
Spaniards ever undertook, and returned to Cuzco with the rest in 15 3 7 .
Inevitably he was drawn into the W ar o f Salinas on the side o f the
Almagrists, and though he lived through Alm agro’s defeat, he was
left in Cuzco in 15 3 9 without an encomienda. The repeated disap
424 THE MEN
pointment and injustice must have rankled with him as with the other
men o f Chile, so there is little doubt that he was the Cristobal de Sosa
who was prominent in the rebellion o f the younger Alm agro and died
at the battle o f Chupas in 15 4 2 , shouting defiantly " I killed Francisco
Pizarro.” Some chroniclers say he was among Pizarro’s actual assassins,
but this does not seem likely.
N O T E S . Sosa’s age is estimated first partly on the basis that pages

were invariably young, and second because in 1539 he gave his age with
the formula of “ over twenty-five,” which, though sometimes used by men
up to fifty, was most common for relatively young men. If “ over twenty-
five” is to be taken in a fairly strict sense of about twenty-six, Sosa would
have been born around 15 13 . Luis de Roa y Ursua (E l reyno de Chile, p.
15 ) asserts that the Sosa in Chile was from Benavente (Zamora), identi
fying him with a man of that name who left Spain in 1534 (Bermudez
Plata, Pasajeros, I, 2 8 1). This is impossible if he was the man of Caja-
marca.
Since it was so very rare for a man of Cajamarca to go to Chile, it seems
well to be explicit about the evidence. The Cristobal de Sosa, page in Leon,
Nicaragua, 15 2 9 -15 3 0 (CD IH N , II, 250; IV, 532), is identified with the
man of Cajamarca in the first instance because several of his associates also
came to Pem (Soto, Pedro de Torres, Ponce, and others). Then on arrival,
the Cristobal de Sosa of Cajamarca, illiterate, enters into a deal about a
horse with Luis Maza, who came to Pem from Nicaragua with Soto (ANP,
PA 9 3). This Cristobal de Sosa became a citizen of Cuzco (Porras, “ Dos
documentos esenciales,” Re vista Historica 17 [19 4 8 3:9 2). In Cuzco, in
1535, Cristobal de Sosa, illiterate, engages in a horse trade; the witnesses
are all men going to Chile and among them is Vasco de Guevara (ANP,
PA 2 0 1). In Cuzco, in February, 1539, Cristobal de Sosa testifies in the
probanza of Vasco de Guevara ( CDIHC, V I, 2 7 5 ): Sosa went to Chile
with Almagro, and he has known Guevara ten years, or since 1529 (when
Guevara was indeed in Leon, Nicaragua [ CD IH N , II, 288] as was the
Cristobal de Sosa of Cajamarca). The name Cristobal de Sosa also appears
on a list of Almagro’s debtors, most of whom went to Chile (CDIHC, V,
234)-
As to his possible part in the assassination of Pizarro, the rather distant
Gomara, and Gutierrez de Santa Clara, following Gomara, say that a
Cristobal de Sosa was one of the assassins (Gomara, Hispania victrix, I,
244; Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios, III, 230). Cieza, closer to
the source, mentions no Sosa among the assassins, but says a Sosa “ el
Galan,” or the Gallant (that is, wearing flashy clothes) was part of the
conspiracy ( Chupas, pp. 10 8 -10 9 ). The official interrogatory of the prose
LOWER PLEBEIANS 42 5
cution in 1542, lumping together assassins and principal conspirators, lists

toward the end a Sosa, "caballerizo del Marqués,” or Pizarro’s groom
(CDIHC, VI, 284). That might very well have been Cristobal’s function
around the time of Cajamarca, but hardly in more recent years. The shout
at the battle of Chupas was not a confession, since Martin Carrillo, definite
ly not one of the assassins, joined Sosa in it; rather it was meant to call
down certain death upon men who did not want to survive Almagro’s de
feat (Gomara, Hispania victrix, I, 248; Zarate, Historic II, 505).
Further references are in AGI, Patronato 109, ramo 4; ANP, PA 223;
CDIAO, X , 248-249; Cieza, Salinas, p. n .
Hernando del Tiemblo

Age at C ajam arca: Probably 20 Share: V2 share o f gold;
or less 3/g share o f silver
Role: Footman Extent o f literacy: Illiterate
Hernando del Tiemblo must have been a humble man, of little im
portance in the expedition that conquered Peru. H e followed the
conquest south to Cuzco and may have thought o f settling there, since
he was assigned a lot; but he did not enroll as a citizen, and by 15 3 5
he was on his way back to Spain.
The more unusual part o f his career began after he had reached
home. Possibly having lost his fortune in Spain, he joined the tiny
minority o f the men o f Cajamarca who returned to Peru, once having
left it definitively. H e entered the country around 13 4 7 or 154 8 , and
settled once again in Cuzco. The most exceptional thing o f all about
his life is that the prestige o f a first conqueror did not win him an
encomienda, not even a small one, not even later in the 15 6 0 ’s, when
the men o f Cajamarca had become legendary patriarchs. The only con
clusion one can draw is that Hernando del Tiemblo labored under
some severe personal or social handicap. H e was still alive in Cuzco
in 15 7 0 , having lived there most o f the time since his return.
N O T E S . The estimate of Tiemblo’s age rests partly on the mere fact

of his having lived to 1570, partly on his statement that he was about fifty
in 1570. Taken literally, this would have made him twelve years old at
Cajamarca, but since precision in these statements decreased with age, and
fifty is a good round number, it can be given only the most approximate
value.
Tiemblo’s testimony in Cuzco in 1570 is in Barriga, Mercedarios, I, 15 3 -
154. See also RA H C 8 (19 5 7) :73, and Diego Fernandez, Historia, I, 332.
15. THE O BSCURE
he lives of almost all the men of Cajamarca are obscure, in

T the sense o f not being known in abundant detail. W e do have in
most cases a coherent outline, or at least a few salient traits— enough to
allow us to place the individuals in various groupings. W ith the men
in the following section, even this skeleton cannot be assembled; we
are left with fragments which, though suggestive and capable o f inte
gration into the group’s total statistical picture, lack internal coherence.
Only two or three career outlines w ill appear here, o f men like Fran
cisco Martin and Cristobal Gallego who have not left any certain indi
cation whether we should put them among the upper or the lower
plebeians.
A question that naturally arises is whether these twenty-nine men
who are so little known might not tend to be o f the very humblest
origin and thus perceptibly alter the group characteristics worked out
on the basis o f the members who are better documented. There are
several reasons, however, for thinking that this is not so. First, we can
definitely assign some o f these men to the middle or upper ranks; on
THE OBSCURE 427
the strength o f their signatures alone, Anton Garcia and Hernando de

Montalbo could have been no less than upper plebeians. Second, we
can directly discern that many o f the factors rendering these men ob
scure have little or nothing to do with the status o f the individual. One
of these factors is an early death, which accounts for at least seven
cases. Another is the chance circumstance o f being listed on the roll o f
Cajamarca without a Christian name, often making certain identifica
tion impossible; this applies to four cases. Another reason is that in
dividuals with simple patronymics are hard to trace in the records. A
high proportion o f the men here are named Sanchez, Perez, and the
like. These are not of course noble surnames, at least unless modified,
but those better-known individuals among the conquerors who bore the
names o f Sanchez and Perez were not o f the humblest, by any means.
One might also suspect that most o f the unknowns went quickly
back to Spain, which would significantly change the proportion o f set
tlers to returnees. This is within the realm o f possibility. On the other
hand, most o f those here whose fates are documented died in Peru in
the first years o f the conquest, and presumably such was the destiny o f
several others as well. The two possibilities— early return and early
death— probably account between them for almost all the men. W e can
be reasonably sure that none were in Peru after about 15 3 8 or 154 0 .
Alonso de Alburquerque
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Share: V2 share of silver and gold
A ll that can be offered on the subject o f Alburquerque is a bare de

duction or two. First, according to a general rule formulated by Peter
Boyd-Bowman, there is a probability that a sixteenth-century Spaniard
who bore only a place name for a surname was from that place, par
ticularly if the place name was Andalusian or Extremaduran, as is the
case here. Second, the obscurity o f Alburquerque’s fate and the small
ness o f his share point toward a man o f few connections and little im
portance in the eyes o f his fellows. H e may have returned to Spain, but
it seems more probable that he died very early and no relatives ever
came forward to claim his estate.
N O T E S . The author has found no definite reference to Alburquerque

outside the roll of Cajamarca itself. A possible reference exists in Diego de
428 THE MEN
Trujillo's Relation, p. 62. There Trujillo lists among the dead at Vilca-
conga in 15 3 3 a Juan Alonso who cannot be identified from any other
source. The various Juan Alonsos who are known to have been in Peru
around this time either disappeared before Vilcaconga, or survived beyond
it. Diego de Trujillo’s work has excellent general reliability, since he was
an eyewitness, but his memory was not perfect, and, writing many years
after the events, he made numerous mistakes about the names of individ
uals. The suspicion arises that "Juan Alonso" is one such mistake, and that
the person meant is Alonso de Alburquerque. This would readily account
for his early disappearance. For the present, however, such a hypothesis
remains in the realm of unprovable.
Bonilla
Role at C ajam arca: Footman Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold and silver
Although the identification cannot be regarded as established beyond

all doubt, this man appears to have been Francisco de Bonilla or Fran
cisco Diaz de Bonilla, from Bonilla de la Sierra near A vila (O ld Cas
tile). H e died in Peru sometime before 15 3 9 , leaving enough money
to cause litigation and inquiry from his relatives in Spain. H e would
seem to have been a Lima citizen, probably one of those who had their
encomiendas in the San Gallan area to the south.
N O T E S . Francisco Diaz de Bonilla would appear to be the same per

son as a Francisco Diaz who was with the expedition at Coaque on the
north coast on June 9, 15 3 1 (H C 24). The main evidence for the identifi
cation of Bonilla is simply that a royal cedula was issued in Madrid, August
22, 1539, inquiring into the fate of the estate of Francisco Diaz de Bonilla
who died in Pern, on behalf of his brother in Bonilla de la Sierra (AGI,
Lima 565, vol. Ill, August 22, 15 3 9 ). In this writer’s experience, almost all
such inquiries in the 13 3 0 ’s concerned the large amounts of silver and gold
left by the first conquerors who shared the treasures of Cajamarca and
Cuzco. In Lima in October, 1539, Juan de Barbaran, who had been cus
todian of the property of the deceased, was arranging to make settlements
with the Spanish heirs of three men, one of whom was a Francisco de
Bonilla. The other two men concerned were definitely early conquerors,
and one of them had been at Cajamarca. The others both died in 1538 or
*539 (HC 443, 447)-
Busto speculates that Bonilla might have been a Juan de Bonilla who
was in Nata on the Isthmus, then himself rejects the proposal because this
Bonilla stayed too long in the Panama region. In Busto’s opinion the man
THE OBSCURE 429
of Cajamarca was probably a Juan de Padilla, but since all versions of the
Cajamarca list clearly say *’Bonilla,” this is unacceptable. See "Los inno-
minados en el reparto de Cajamarca," Anales del HI Congre so de la Histo-
ria del Peru, pp. 90-91.
Generally speaking, in Peru the name Bonilla was synonymous with a
family from the area of Guadalcanal, north of Seville on the border be
tween Andalusia and Extremadura. One member of this clan, Francisco
Nunez de Bonilla, was a very important man in the early days of Lima, the
city’s majordomo and procurador in 1537, then alcalde in 1539. But in no
records is he seen to have been in Peru before 1536, and when he does appear
it is as a wealthy entrepreneur in association with Dr. Hernando de Sepul
veda, who arrived in 1336. Though he lived until 1542 and his prominence
would have made him a desirable witness, no one ever asked him to testify
for the many memorials of services presented by the men who participated
in Atahuallpa’s capture. Thus one must assume that he was not the Bonilla
of Cajamarca. There are references to this Francisco Nunez de Bonilla in
ANP, Juzgado, February 24, 1536 ; PA 271, 279, 619; Salinas 1538 -154 0 ,
ff.7-9, 216, 242; HC 99, 133 , 223, 240, 350, 497; Busto, "Una relaciôn y
un estudio,” Revista Historica 27 (1964) .*301; Cobo, Obras, II, 305;
Libros de cabildos de Lima, I, 18 3 ; Porras, Cedulario, II, 2 3 0 -2 3 1; Torres
Saldamando, Ubro primero de cabildos, I, 164, 1 7 1 , 172, 179, 218, 219,
249, 259-260, 299, 318, 320, 326-328.
Juan Borrallo
Role at C ajam arca: Footman Extent o f literacy: Illiterate
Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold and silver
O f Borrallo we can only say that there was a person o f this name
(a name which smacks o f Portugal) at Cajamarca, that his illiteracy
points to a humble origin, and that his full share o f the treasure indi
cates an able-bodied man with a certain amount o f skill, or influence of
some kind. From the horse-trading he engaged in at Cajamarca, one
may deduce that he intended to continue on the conquest o f the main
land. In these dealings he appears in conjunction with four men o f
maritime background from the Seville-Huelva region, making it tempt
ing to speculate that Borrallo might have been a seaman himself, but
both his trade and his fate remain uncertain.
N O T E S . Borrallo figures in documents in ANP, PA 69, 83, 95. A

Juan Borrallo who was in Mexico from the middle 152 0 ’s into the 1540’s
430 THE MEN
can hardly have been our man. This Borrallo was from Braga, Portugal
(Francisco A. de Icaza, Conquistadores y pobladores de Nueva Espana,
II, 204).
Contreras difunto
Role: Footman Place of origin: Talavera de la Reina
Share: % share of gold; (New Castile)
% share of silver
H is full name was Pedro Lopez de Contreras, and he came to the

Indies with Pizarro in 15 3 0 , leaving behind his w ife, Mari Vazquez.
H e was the only Spaniard to die before the division o f the treasure, o f
an illness not further specified. That he did not receive a full share can
perhaps be put down to this circumstance rather than to any moral or
social attributes o f his person. The remarkable thing is that he was as
signed a share at all. His sister in Talavera, M aria de Arevelo, at
tempted to recover his estate, but since Contreras died without a w ill,
the money went first to the official custodians of the property o f the
deceased, from whose hands little emerged.
N O T E S . Most of what we know about Contreras and his origins

comes from proceedings in AG I, Justicia 10 7 1, no. 1, ramo 7. Other refer
ences are in AG I, Contaduria 1825, records from Coaque, August, 1 5 3 1 ;
Justicia 1074, no. 9; Porras, Cedulario, I, 133. See also Busto, "Los inno-
minados en el reparto de Cajamarca,” Anales del III Congreso Nacional de
la Historia del Peru, p. 91.
Diego Escudero
Role: Footman Share: 1 full share of gold; no silver
Escudero was in Leon, Nicaragua, in July, 15 2 9 , having taken refuge

in a church after cutting off another man’s ear in a fight. Opportunely
for him, Bartolomé Ruiz, the pilot o f the Peruvian venture, appeared
in Nicaragua’s port to recruit men for the conquest; he was prepared to
take anyone he could get, whether openly or clandestinely, legally or
illegally. W hen the news reached Escudero, he fled to the ship; from
there he must have gone to Panama, and then from Panama on to
t h e o b s c u r e 431
Peru with the main body o f the 1 5 3 1 expedition. In 1 5 3 3 , not long

after Cajamarca, he died, possibly o f natural causes, since he had time
to appoint Rodrigo de Chaves from Ciudad Rodrigo as executor o f
his will.
N O T E S . AG I, Contaduria 1823, Penas de Camara, 15 3 3 ; Justicia

112 6 , no. 2, testimony of Rodrigo de Chaves; CD IH N , II, 38-39, 6 1-6 2 ;
Busto, "Los fugitivos,” Mercurio Peruano 43 (19 6 2 ): 267.
Cristobal Gallego
Age at C ajam arca: A bout 28 to 30 Share: 1% shares o f silver; no gold
Role: Horseman Extent o f literacy: Could sign his name
Gallego was allowed to return to Spain in 1 5 3 3 because o f a bad

arm wound, possibly received in some skirmish before the events o f
Cajamarca, since certainly the dividers o f the treasure, harsh though
they were, would not have penalized a man for being wounded in the
fighting o f that day. Then, too, there is the widespread report that the
only wound any Spaniard received in the fighting at Cajamarca was a
scratch on Francisco Pizarro’s hand. Conceivably, Gallego is the un
fortunate conqueror who lost an arm in a fight with two fellows in the
days shortly after Atahuallpa’s capture. Back in Spain, Gallego settled
in Seville. In 1 3 3 3 he could not use his right hand for writing, but by
15 5 4 , still in Seville, he had either recovered or had taught himself
to sign with his left hand.
Most people with the name Gallego were either actual Galicians or,
even more frequently, Andalusians, in either case often connected
with the sea; there was no ship without a Gallego on it. Names alone
rarely yield certainty, but, given his long residence in Seville and his
friendship with Francisco de Jerez, a native o f Seville, there is a cer
tain probability that Cristobal Gallego was originally from Seville or
the surrounding area.
N O T E S . In 1535 Gallego declared himself a citizen of Seville, thirty-

two or thirty-three years old (AGI, Justicia 719, no. 9). In 1554 he was
a citizen of Seville in the district of La Magdalena, and said he was fifty
(AGI, Justicia 98, no. 4, ramo 3 ). The incident of the lost arm is described
in Mena, Conqutsta, p. 91.
432 THE MEN
Francisco Gallego
Francisco’s life is as obscure as that of the other Gallego, Cristobal.

There is no particular reason to assume a relationship between the two
of them, since the name (the implications of which are discussed just
above) was reasonably common. Francisco Gallego was a founding
citizen of Cuzco in March, 1534, and was one of the small body of
men staying there in July and August to guard the city. In October,
1 534, like the other citizens, he received a lot for his house. After
that he disappears from Cuzco. There is reason to believe that he went
to Chile with Almagro in 1 5 3 5 , and he must be the Francisco Gallego
who figures in chronicler Zarate’s list of those who distinguished them
selves at the battle of Chupas in 1542. According to Zarate, Governor
Vaca de Castro gave encomiendas to most or all of these men. How
ever, Gallego does not seem to appear among Peru’s encomenderos
after that date, making it likely that he died soon afterward.
N O T E S . The first reason for suspecting that Gallego went to Chile is

his disappearance at the time Almagro’s expedition was being formed. The
possibility is converted into a probability by the fact that Gallego owed
Almagro money. His name appears on a list of Almagro’s debtors, the great
majority of whom accompanied him to Chile (CD/HC, V, 2 33). He prob
ably gave up his Cuzco encomienda in 1535, then on return was on the
losing side of the battle of Salinas in 1538 and maintained a marginal exist
ence until 1542. The Gallego on the loyalist side in the battle of Chupas
would very likely be the man of Cajamarca, in any case, but Zarate adds
to the probability by specifically including him among the former support
ers of Almagro (Historia, II, 506).
Other references to Gallego are in CD 1A O , X , 248-249; RAH C 8
(19 3 7 ): 74; Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales,” Re vista Hist orica 17
(1948) :93.
Anton Garda
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Extent of literacy: Very good
Share: %i share of gold; signature, probably literate
Anton Garcia was part of the 1 5 3 1 expedition from the time it left
THE OBSCURE 433
Panama. He followed the main course of the conquest as far as Jauja,

where he stayed in late 1 5 3 3 and early 1 5 3 4 while most of the men
went on to take Cuzco. He is last seen in Jauja in June, 1534.
N O T E S . In July of 1329 the pilot Bartolomé Ruiz came to the port of

Nicaragua to recruit men clandestinely for the Peru expedition. Officials
ordered an inquiry, and one of the witnesses reported that he had seen
Anton Garcia, shoemaker, on the ship. This would seem, under ordinary
circumstances, to be the Anton Garcia of Cajamarca, particularly since
most of the other men on Ruiz’s ship did indeed join the expedition. But
in this case the officials asked the witnesses to name all the men they could
remember; consequently there was uncertainty with those the witnesses
knew less well, and the accounts varied. Only one witness named Anton
Garcia, shoemaker; the other four omitted him but did name a Cristobal
Garcia, shoemaker. So this hint of Garcia’s origin is dubious at best, though
it still seems likely that there was an Anton Garcia there, even if not a
shoemaker. (See CDIHN, II, 35-37, 41, 46, 51, 56.)
The most widely diffused version of the roll of Cajamarca contains an
Anton Esteban Garcia, but this is an error stemming from confusion with
Esteban Garcia. Cieza and Herrera give Anton Garcia and Esteban Garcia
as two separate individuals, and this is the way they occur in all the records.
Other references are in AGI, Justicia 724, no. 6; ANP, PA 15, 114 ,
147; HC 1 1 , 4 1, 42, 66.
Esteban Garcia
Role at C ajam arca: Footm an Share: 1 fu ll share o f gold; V2 share o f silver
This man was with the expedition from Panama; he was still at
Cajamarca in June, 1 5 3 3 , and presumably also in the following month
at the division of the treasure. Nothing more is known of his origin or
his fate.
N O T E S . There are references to Esteban Garcia in AG I, Contaduria

1825, records from Cajamarca, June, 1533, and in HC 2. The name Este
ban, not at all common among Spaniards of the time, is found in more
frequent use by the Portuguese and some of the other semi-foreign groups
of the Iberian peninsula. But of course it did appear on occasion among
Castilians, so no conclusions can be drawn.
434 THE MEN
Juan Garda escopetero

Role at Cajamarca: Musketeer (afoot) Share: % share of gold and silver
Since two Juan Garcias have been identified, and there were only
three at Cajamarca, it would seem that a Juan Garcia Pizarro, who was
living in a little village near Trujillo in 1545, must have been Juan
Garda escopetero , or musketeer. Yet there is much reason to think that
this person was none other than Juan Garcia p re g o n e r0 (q.v.) or Juan
Garcia Clemente. He was illiterate, he was the right age and he re
turned to Spain at about the right time, 1 5 3 5 . It would have been
natural enough for Juan Garcia Clemente to adopt the Pizarro surname
on occasion, it being a common practice for dependents to use the
surname of a patron. It is true that "Juan Garcia Pizarro” was a resident
of a hamlet called Las Pinuelas, while Juan Garcia Clemente is known
to have been a citizen of Casas del Puerto, near Jaraicejo, at much the
same time. Yet neither place appears on maps, and it can be deduced
from Juan Garcia Clemente’s will that the area where he lived was not
very nucleated. All in all we must conclude that we are dealing with
but one man, and that Juan Garcia escopetero remains a blank, except
that he was present in Cuzco in 1534.
N O T E S . There were still other Juan Garcias in Pem in the early days.
One was Juan Garcia de Calzadilla (yet another illiterate), who was in
Jauja in 15 3 3 and again in 1534, then appeared in Cuzco in July, 1535,
apparently headed for Chile. He also called himself Juan Garcia de Palos,
and he must have actually come from Palos, since he is found in constant
association with men from there. (ANP, PA 14 2; HC 43, 60, 83). He
might be the Juan Garcia, former Almagrist, who did well on the loyalist
side of the battle of Chupas in 1542 (Zarate, Historia, II, 506). He is
hardly likely to have been the musketeer of Cajamarca.
As to Juan Garcia escopetero, the only evidence about him is his pres
ence on the general Cajamarca list and in treasury records written in
Cuzco in 1534 (Loredo, Los repartos, p. 193 ). Juan Garcia Pizarro testi
fies in AGI, Justicia 1 17 4 , no. 1, ramo 3.
Antonio de Herrera
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Parents: Alvaro Rodriguez
Share: % share of gold and silver and Leonor Gallego
THE OBSCURE 435
Herrera was with the 1 5 3 1 expedition from Panama. He died in

Peru (probably at Jauja) before July 2, 1534, leaving as executors of
his will two other men of Cajamarca. One of them, Antonio de Ver
gara, took 3,000 pesos of Herrera’s to Spain in 1 5 3 5 , to be given to
his father.
N O T E S . The place of origin of the man taking money to Spain is

often a clue to the origin of the man who sent it, and it was also standard
to choose compatriots as executors of wills. In this case, however, the two
executors were from different places, and Vergara, who took the money,
was from Oropesa, but settled in Seville. ANP, PA 1 1 7 gives the executors’
names (the other was Diego Gavilan) and those of Herrera’s parents, as
well as a list of Herrera’s creditors. Other references are in AGI, Indife-
rente General 18 0 1, records of ship Santa Catalina, 13 3 5 ; Patronato 185,
ramo n , testimony of Pedro Diaz (or CDIAO, X , 284) ; ANP, PA 124;
HC 20.
Diego Lopez
Diego Lopez accompanied the main body of the expedition from

Panama as far as Jauja, where in stayed in 1 5 3 3 - 1 5 3 4 , during the time
of the conquest of Cuzco. He seems to have intended to settle in Jauja,
since he is seen in July, 1534, sending money home with one comrade
and lending a large sum to another. This makes it seem possible that
he is the Diego Lopez de la Mota who was named a permanent mem
ber of the council of Jauja by a royal order signed in August, 1 5 3 5 ,
before news had reached the court that Jauja, having been incorporated
into Lima, had ceased to exist. Diego Lopez does not appear among the
citizens of Jauja who were consulted about moving the city in Decem
ber, 1534, nor is he heard of again in any other way.
N O T E S . If Diego Lopez was indeed the Diego Lopez de la Mota who

received the royal appointment (Porras, Cedulario, II, 10 3 ), it would be
likely also that he was in some way related to a Francisco Lopez de la Mota,
from Plasencia, who went to the Indies in 1538 with Pedro de Alvarado
(Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, II, 326).
The only direct hint we have as to Lopez’s origin is that Francisco Muniz,
who was to take money to his father, was from La Baneza in the kingdom
436 THE MEN
of Leon. Of course Lopez’s father might have lived anywhere between there
and Seville.
It is noticeable that most of the people appearing in documents with
Lopez are on the plebeian side. There are references to Lopez in AGI, Con-
taduria 1825, records from Coaque, August 1 3 3 1 ; ANP, PA 29, 59, 89,
13 0 - 13 3 ; HC 55, 63; Porras, Cedulario, II, 103.
Garcia Lopez
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Extent of literacy: Could sign
Share: % share of gold and silver his name
O f Garcia Lopez it can only be said that he was an original member

of the 1 5 3 1 expedition and that he was still in Peru in June, 1534. At
that time he gave general powers to Juan de Herrera, who was leaving
the country, so that by implication Lopez meant to stay. He is seen
once in conjunction with Alonso Lopez del Moral and an Anton Lopez,
conjuring up the possibility of a whole Lopez family from Moral de
Calatrava, the home of Alonso Lopez. But the name is too common to
deduce anything with certainty.
N O T E S . The only certain references to Garcia Lopez, outside the roll

of Cajamarca, are in ANP, PA 1 2 1 and HC 19. Sometime in the 1340’s a
group of men testified in Spain in behalf of Hernando Pizarro in the suit
brought against him for killing Almagro. All of the witnesses had known
Pizarro in Pem; some had been at Cajamarca, and others had not. We do
not have their original testimony, but only the prosecutor’s statement ob
jecting to the witnesses. Among a group of persons "o f low extraction”
appears a Garda Lopez de Aviles. This may or may not be the Lopez of
Cajamarca, and Aviles may be either a surname or the man’s place of origin.
See CDIHC, V II, 155.
Lozano
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Share: Vi share of gold and silver
Placed toward the end of the roll of Cajamarca, with one of the
smallest shares, this man must have been one of the humblest members
of the expedition. It is not even possible to identify him with certainty
among the three Lozanos involved in the conquest. He may have been
illiterate Alonzo Lozano, who had been an associate of Francisco Lopez
THE OBSCURE 437
the barber, in Nicaragua, and who was with Lopez in Coaque in May
and June of 1 5 3 1 . This Lozano is not heard of again. Or he may have
been a Domingo Lozano who was with the expedition by 1 5 3 3 and
took part in the conquest of Cuzco, getting as small a share as the
Lozano of Cajamarca would have. He too then disappears.
N O T E S . A Rodrigo Lozano, from Salvatierra in Extremadura, was

with the 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 2 expedition and soon became a prominent citizen of
Trujillo (Peru). It has been very naturally assumed that he was the Lozano
of Cajamarca, but such is not the case. By his own repeated assertion Rod
rigo Lozano stayed behind in San Miguel and was already on his way to
Nicaragua to get his wife when Atahuallpa was taken. Further, there is no
special reason to assume that he was associated with either of the other
Lozanos. In no records does he appear in conjunction with them; Lozano
was a reasonably common name, and there were other Lozanos in Peru,
from Andalusia. Rodrigo and Alonso Lozano were in Nicaragua at the
same time but had different partners in their encomiendas, and while
Rodrigo was highly literate, Alonso could not sign his name.
Rafael Loredo, in Los repartos, p. 10 1, reports the apparent presence of a
Domingo Lozano in Cuzco in 1534, and considers this to be a mistake for
Rodrigo (thought by Loredo to have been at Cajamarca). But Rodrigo
Lozano did not go to Cuzco, and the name Domingo Lozano also occurs in
Contaduria 1825, in the expedition’s Penas de Camara for 1533. There is
little doubt that a person by this name arrived in Pern with Almagro or
earlier. Busto, unaware of Alonso’s existence, decides in favor of Domingo
as the man of Cajamarca. See "Los innominados en el reparto de Caja
marca,’’ Andes del III Congreso Naciond de la Historia del Peru, pp. 92-
93-
For Alonzo Lozano, see HC 15, 27; C D IH N , II, 225.
For Rodrigo Lozano, see AGI, Lima 118 , probanza de Sebastian de To
rres, and papers concerning Lozano’s inn concession in the valley of
Guanape; Patronato 93, no. 8, ramo 1 ; 97, no. 1, ramo 4; CDIHN, II,
225; Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 92; Perez de Tudela, introduction to
Pedro Pizarro, Relacion, V, 245-247; Porras, Cartas, p. 107; Porras, Cedu-
lario, II, 380; Porras, Cronicas perdidas, pp. 15 - 19 .
Martin de Marquina
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Place of origin: Biscay
Though nothing more is known of this man than his name, that
438 THE MEN
alone suffices to establish his origin quite firmly, since Marquina was a
rare name, and all of the four or five bearers of it in Peru and Nica
ragua in this period were from the Basque country. Presumably Martin
was not a relative of the young Basque Gaspar de Marquina (above),
in view of the fact that Gaspar failed to mention him in the newsy
letter he wrote home to his father.
N O T E S . Not only is Marquina a Basque place name, but Martin as a

first name has a Basque flavor. In 1548 a Martin de Marquina, from Mar
quina in the Basque country, was sentenced in Cuzco for guilt in the Gon-
zalo Pizarro rebellion; but without more details there is no reason to as
sume that this was the man of Cajamara (CDIAO, X X , 506; Perez de Tu-
dela, Gasca, II, 563). A Pedro de Marquina in Lima in 1 533 was a Basque
(HC 75). Closest of all, in a way, was a Martin (or Machin) de Mar
quina, an illiterate shoemaker, who was in Leon, Nicaragua, from the early
i5 2 o ’s to 1535, and who worked for the Basque merchant Domingo de
Soraluce, one of the Thirteen of Gallo Island. (CD IH N , I, 3 2 1; II, 262,
269, 271, 362, 367-368; IV, 5 18 ). The man of Cajamarca may well have
been this Marquina’s relative and namesake.
Francisco Martin
Age at Cajamarca: About 25 Place of origin: Alburquerque
or 26 (western Extremadura)
Role: Footman Parents: Francisco Soitino
Share: % share of gold and Leonor Martin
Francisco Martin joined the expedition in Panama, having been in

the Indies since about 1527. O f his social origins we know no more
than can be deduced from his illiteracy and the names of his parents.
But because there was a dispute about his identity, we know something
of his appearance and manner. His family and his comrades of Caja
marca agreed that he was in size medium to large, as lean and spare
as a Spaniard should be, dark, with a large nose, and vivacious of
speech. He had known one of the other men, Juan Ruiz, from boy
hood, and the two met again by chance in the Indies. He survived a
serious illness during the expedition’s first stopover at Coaque in 1 5 3 1 ,
only to get killed in the notable battle of Vilcaconga near Cuzco in
November, 1 5 3 3 .
THE OBSCURE 439
N O T E S . Martin’s estimated birthdate of c. 150 6 -15 0 7 is based on

Juan Ruiz’s statement that he was twenty-six or twenty-seven when he died.
He sometimes called himself Francisco Martin de Alburquerque, and his
relatives at home called him Francisco Martin Soitino. The principal source
for his life is the official record of the proceedings initiated by his family
to recover his estate, in AG I, Justicia 112 5 . Portions of the testimony there
are quoted in Busto, "Los caidos en Vilcaconga,” pp. 12 0 -12 2 .
As Porras Barrenechea already knew, the Francisco Martin at Cajamarca
was not Francisco Pizarro’s half brother Francisco Martin de Alcantara;
the share alone would prove that with absolute certainty. Pizarro’s brother
was with the expedition, but he stayed behind when the main body went
on toward Cajamarca. (See Porras, in Trujillo, Relation, p. 1 2 1, and Cieza,
Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 37 [19 5 6 ] :86.)
Also with the expedition from Panama was Francisco Martin Albarrân,
distinguishable from the others by his ability to sign. He, too, stayed be
hind in San Miguel and became a citizen and encomendero there (AG I,
Contaduria 1823, records from Cuzco, March, 1534 ; Lima 566, vol. IV,
July 27, 1540; HC 3, 7 ).
Other references to the Francisco Martin of Cajamarca are in AG I, Lima
565, vol. Ill, July 20, 1538; ANP, PA 63, 85; HC 29; Herrera, Historia
general, X , 35; Trujillo, Relation, p. 62.
Hernando de Montalbo
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Extent of literacy: Could sign well
Share: % share of gold;
Hernando de Montalbo’s signature would seem to imply a good

background in Spain. There is no definite evidence to connect him with
the family of that name which was prominent in Leon and Old Ca
stile, though one member of it, a relative of Governor Vaca de Castro,
did later come to Peru. A ll we know is that while at Cajamarca Mon
talbo bought a cape, a dagger, a horse, and a black slave, then headed
south with the main body of the expedition toward Jauja in 1 5 3 3 .
Nothing more is heard of him.
N O T E S . See ANP, PA 14, 27, 64, 66, 67; Atienza, Nobiliario, p.

547; Zarate, Historia, II, 505.
440 THE MEN
Hernan Munoz
One of the few things we can assert about this man is that he was
indeed Hernan Munoz, as he is listed on the traditional roll of Caja
marca, and not Hernan Martinez as he appears in some versions. In
1 5 3 3 , with the Spaniards still encamped at Cajamarca, he bought one
of the horses which were then being sold for great fortunes, so he must
have been among those who followed the conquest south and not one
of the immediate returnees. After the distribution of treasure, he dis
appears.
N O T E S . It is possible, though it would need further confirmation,

that this Hernan Munoz was the same as the Fernando Munoz, son of Juan
Munoz, vecino of Plasencia, who went to Yucatan with Francisco de Mon
tejo in 1527 (Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros, I, 223). At least one other man
of Cajamarca, Alonso Jimenez, was with that group. References to Hernan
Munoz are in ANP, PA 105, and HC 63.
Juan de Niza
Role at Cajamarca: Footman Share: % share of gold; iVs shares of silver
All that is known about this man is his presence at Cajamarca and
his share. His name alone would appear to say much, to speak of
origins in the town of Nice in Savoy and of concomitant maritime
associations. But his name is not clearly established. Though it appears
as Juan de Niza on two versions of the roll of Cajamarca, on the other
two it is totally different. The only strictly contemporary written sample
of the name seems to say " J uan de Nizar.” In August, 1 5 3 3 , before
the expedition left Cajamarca, he lent money to Simon Suarez, a
Portuguese. This would be consonant with, yet does not decisively
confirm, a foreign origin for Niza (or N izar).
N O T E S . The Cajamarca roll, as given by Francisco Lopez de Cara-

vantes and by Salinas y Cordoba (both taken from the same source), shows
Juan de Niza, but Cieza, in the corrupt version we know, has Juan Deus-
car, and Herrera, though mainly based on Cieza, has Juan de Urfan. The
THE OBSCURE 441
reading Juan de Nizar is in A N P, PA 48. Two of the renderings agree on

the ending in "r ,” so it would appear probable that "Juan de N iza,” tempt
ing as that version is, is not right. It still remains possible that Spanish
notaries could have turned Niza into Nizar.
Juan Perez
Role at C ajam arca: Footm an Share: 54 share of gold and silver
There were four men named Juan Perez at Cajamarca; three o f them
had, or received, additional surnames to distinguish them; but one of
them, the man in question here, was left as plain Juan Perez. H e could
hardly be called the Juan Perez, however, since he got the smallest
share o f all four, and never stood out in any other way. Though he
seems to figure in several documents from Cajamarca, Jauja, and
Cuzco as the conquest swept through them, there is no way o f being
sure that the person involved is not another of the four, with his
provisional surname omitted. A fter the foundation o f Cuzco there
were so many Spaniards of this name in the country that the search
becomes fruitless.
Busto identifies this Juan Perez with a tailor who had a shop in
Panama in March, 1 5 3 1 , and was associated with Pedro del Paramo.
The identification is conceivable, but remains unestablished.
NOTES. "Juan Perez” was at Cajamarca in May, June, and August,

15 3 3 (A N P , PA 49, 73, 73, 9 4 ); was joint owner of a horse with Diego
de Tm jillo in Jauja, in October, 15 3 3 (H C 4 2 ) ; and was assigned a lot in
Cuzco in October, 15 3 4 (A G I, Patronato 109, ramo 4 ). Since there are
indications that the other three Juan Perezes were leaving the country in
1534 , the man getting a lot in Cuzco was probably indeed plain Juan Perez.
Busto’s mention of Juan Perez, tailor, is in "Tres conversos,” Revista de
Indias 27 (19 6 7 ) 1436.
Juan Perez de Oma

Role at C ajam arca: Footm an Extent o f literacy: Could sign
Share: % share o f gold; his name
% share of silver
As obscure as his namesakes, this Juan Perez joined the expedition

in Panama. H e followed the conquest south to Cuzco, then returned
442 THE MEN
to Jauja along with the bulk of the conquerors in mid-1534. O f the

few facts known about him, the only suggestive items are his adequate
signature and his association with Pedro Navarro, man of affairs and
retainer of Francisco Pizarro. In July, 1534, Juan Perez de Oma dele
gated general powers to a comrade; this act often signaled a departure,
and since July, 1534, was the time when the fever to return ran highest,
it is likely that Juan Perez was on his way out of Peru.
N O T E S . The name also occurs as Juan Perez de Osma, though Juan

Perez himself seems to have preferred Oma. Since this name in any case
is quite rare, it is of some interest to observe that a Francisco Perez de
Osma, son of Juan Perez de Osma and Juana de la Pena ( ? ) , vecinos of
Caceres, registered to come to the Indies in June, 1334 (Bermudez Plata,
Pasajeros, I, 3 15 ) .
References to Juan Perez de Oma are in AGI, Contaduria 1825, records
from Jauja, 13 3 4 ; ANP, PA 36, 123, 126; HC 3 1, 47, 48.
Juan Perez de Zamora

Share: 1 full share of gold and silver his name
From his predilection for associating with old veterans, one gathers
that Juan Perez de Zamora had had his share of experiences in Panama
or Nicaragua; he also got the full share that was the veteran’s portion
at Cajamarca. He was still in Peru, in Jauja, in July, 1534, when many
of his comrades were arranging their affairs for return to Spain. As he
left general powers at that time with a comrade, we may presume that
Juan Perez de Zamora also intended to leave.
N O T E S . While Perez de Oma (or Osma) and Perez de Tudela sound

like tme names of Spanish lineages, Perez de Zamora has the ring of im
provisation. It is most likely that this Juan Perez was a native of Zamora
and added the name of his hometown to his own, as did Pedro Martin de
Moguer, Francisco Martin de Alburquerque, and Juan Ruiz de Alburquer-
que. Nevertheless, though a strong possibility, this is not a certainty, and
Juan Perez de Zamora showed no particular tendency to congregate with
people from the Zamora region.
References to Juan Perez de Zamora are in ANP, PA 18, 39, 46, 7 1, 95,
104, 109, 114 , 129.
THE OBSCURE 443
Juan Ronquillo
Share: i full share of gold and silver his name
On the roll o f Cajamara, Ronquillo’s name stands near the top of

the list of infantry, in the midst o f ten or a dozen men who soon made
their mark in one way or another. O f all these, Ronquillo is the most
obscure. H e bought a horse after Cajamarca, as almost everyone did,
and he took part in the conquest of Cuzco. There he became a citizen
and encomendero. For the year 15 3 5 he attained a seat on the powerful
Cuzco town council. H e was still in Cuzco in July, 15 3 3 , but thereafter
disappears. He may have gone to Spain, died o f an illness, or conceiv
ably have accompanied Alm agro’s Chile expedition. However, the
first hints of the coming Indian rebellion showed themselves at this
time; some citizens o f Cuzco were killed in the countryside by Indians
o f their encomiendas, and this was very likely Ronquillo’s fate.
NOTES. The name Ronquillo seems to have been felt adjectively, and
therefore usually had no "d e” with it. Thus it is probably not relevant,
even as a speculation, that there is a village called El Ronquillo in the
jurisdiction of Seville.
References to Juan Ronquillo are in A G I, Contaduria 1824, records
from Cuzco, M ay-July, 13 3 3 ; Lima 204, probanza of Gonzalo de los
Nidos; Patronato 109, ramo 4; 18 3, ramo 10 ; A N P, PA 60, 99, 136 , 144 ;
Rivera Serna, Libro primero de cabildos de la ciudad del Cuzco, pp. 39,
43- 44 -
Juan de Salvatierra
Neither this man’s share, small but respectable, nor his name is by
itself enough to shed much light on him. Since his name is a place
name, there is a certain probability that it indicates his origin, but
Spain boasted several Salvatierras (the largest, now called Salvatierra
de los Barros, is in central-western Extrem adura). Presumably he was
the same Juan de Salvatierra who returned to Spain on the ship San
M iguel in 15 3 5 , along with a dozen other men o f Cajamarca, but even
this is thrown somewhat into doubt by the fact that Salvatierra regis
444 THE MEN
tered only 500 pesos of gold, whereas the others registered many
thousands.
N O T E S . See AG I, Indiferente General 18 0 1, records of ship San

Miguel. No definite reference to the Salvatierra of Cajamarca is known be
yond his appearance on the general list.
Juan Sanchez
Role: Footman Share: % share of gold; y2 share of silver
From the obscurity surrounding this man there emerges a single

item: it appears that in 1 5 3 5 he sent some 5,000 pesos to Spain with
the barber Francisco Lopez. If so, he had improved his fortune some
what after having been allotted one of the smallest shares any Spaniard
received of the treasure of Cajamara. Sending money home would
seem to imply that Juan Sanchez himself was staying in Peru.
N O T E S . The above passage is couched in somewhat speculative terms

because it rests on an unsuppported statement by Porras (in Trujillo, Rela
tion, p. 10 2 ). Porras is highly reliable, yet, since his source is veiled, one
must suspect that he might have the wrong Sanchez; it is definitely estab
lished that Francisco Lopez took home 5,000 pesos for Hernan Sanchez
(ANP, PA 6 8 1).
A Juan Sanchez, reputed to be a tailor, was killed when Almagro’s men
entered Cuzco in April, 1537, but the name is too common to draw any
conclusions (A G I, Patronato 185, ramo 16 ).
Lazaro Sanchez
Share: V2 share of gold and silver,
plus a token 100 pesos
Taking his less than princely share of the treasure of Cajamarca,

Lazaro Sanchez followed the conquest south in 1 5 3 3 to Cuzco and en
rolled there as a founding citizen. He was among the forty men left to
guard the city in late 1534. The official distribution of lots of October,
1534, mentions his name, but in the following June the lot destined
for him seems to have been given to someone else, implying his previ
ous departure or death.
THE OBSCURE 445
NOTES. The passage in the distribution of lots, as it has reached us

in a somewhat corrupt version, is as follows: "Senalose a Lazaro Sanchez
un solar donde esta por linderos la calle real, . . . y por encima Su Senoria,
. . . Io dieron a Pedro Diaz fundidor a 7 de Junio de 15 3 5 anos.” (Rivera
Serna, Libro primer0 de cabildos de la ciudad del Cuzco, p. 3 5 ; other ver
sions in RA H C 8 [19 5 7 ] :7 2 , and A G I, Patronato 109, ramo 4 ). See also
PA 63, CDIAO, X , 248-249, and Porras, "Dos documentos esenciales,”
Revista Histörica 17 (19 4 8 )19 2 .
Miguel Sanchez
Role: Footm an Share: % share of gold and silver
M iguel Sanchez was a member of the expedition from the time it

first left Panama, was still with it at Cajamarca, and received a semi
respectable three-quarters share. This is not, like a full share, enough
to deduce some skill or influence, nor, like a half share, little enough
to deduce humbleness or worthlessness. Otherwise, the record o f
Miguel Sanchez is blank.
NOTES. The only known mention of Miguel Sanchez outside the

roll of Cajamarca is in H C 25. A Miguel Sanchez who saw the Pacific with
Balboa in 1 3 1 3 is definitely not our man, since he was killed by Indians not
long afterward (Oviedo, Historia, III, 2 1 3 ; Medina, Descumbrimiento, I,
322).
Sandoval
Role: Footm an Share: % share of gold and silver
Sandoval has left very little trace of himself. Apparently he can be

identified with the Rodrigo de Sandoval who was in Coaque in April,
1 5 3 1 ; therefore he must have been part o f the expedition when it left
Panama. This, together with his share, typically that o f the young and
inexperienced, makes it likely that he was relatively new to the Indies.
To testify to his origins we have only his name, which despite its
rather noble sound could have been borne by a plebeian. The chronicler
Diego de Trujillo says that a young man named Juan de Sandoval,
who was killed a few months before Cajamarca, was from Extrema
dura. There might be some connection, but, on the other hand, there
was a nobleman named don Juan de Sandoval in Peru a little later
446 THE MEN
who was from Old Castile. Also, Sandoval was the name of the
maternal side of the family of Diego de Agiiero, from Deleitosa in
northeastern Extremadura.
N O T E S . Rodrigo de Sandoval appears in AGI, Contaduria 1825, rec

ords from Coaque, April, 15 3 1. See also Trujillo, Relation, p. 53, and AGI,
Lima 204, probanza of don Juan de Sandoval. The writer cannot accept
Busto’s suggestion that the man of Cajamarca was probably an Alonso de
Sandoval who spent much of his career in Chachapoyas, too peripheral a
situation for a first conqueror ("Los innominados en el reparto de Caja
marca,” pp. 94-95). Busto is unaware of Rodrigo.
Francisco de la Torre
Role: Footman Share: % share of gold; % share of silver
The reason for the almost total obscurity of this man is his early
death. W e know only that he bought a horse after Cajamarca and
participated in the conquest of Jauja but died before the expedition
reached Cuzco in late 1 5 3 3 . Posthumously he received a share of the
treasure of Cuzco, again a modest one, as at Cajamarca.
N O T E S . The only references to Francisco de la Torre are in PA 109

— merely confirming his name and his presence at Cajamarca— and in Lo-
redo, Los repartos, p. 99, an extract from the distribution of treasure at
Cuzco.
16. AUXILIARIES
he Indian and black auxiliaries who were with the Spaniards

T at Cajamarca have left hardly a trace in the records. A black slave
o f Jeronimo de Aliaga was killed there, the only casualty the Spaniards
mention. Another black started off to inspect Cuzco with Moguer,
Bueno, and Zarate, then came back to Cajamarca conveying over a
hundred loads o f gold and silver found in Jauja. (One presumes that
the person referred to was a slave, not black crier Juan Garcia, who
was counted among the Spaniards.) Black slaves were few until Inca
treasure gave the Spaniards the means to import them. Much more
numerous were the Indian slaves and servants brought from Nicaragua,
particularly women. W hile the expedition was at Coaque, in the north,
several such Indian women changed hands. H ow many got as far as
Cajamarca we cannot know. Some did, like the woman named Ana
who accompanied Captain Juan de Salcedo. W hen Salcedo departed
for Spain in July, 1 5 3 3 , he left Ana and their mestizo son in the hands
of his compatriot Antonio de Vergara. D uring the whole progress
southward from Coaque the Spaniards accumulated further Indian
bearers, servants, and mistresses, sometimes commandeered and some
times given to them by Indian chieftains.
448 THE MEN
Only two Indians emerge from the general anonymity. The roll of
Cajamarca specifies that Governor Pizarro’s huge share was to reward
the contributions made by his person, his horse, and the lenguas ( "in
terpreters” ). Though the interpreters did not share in the treasure
directly, their presence at Cajamarca had at least as great an effect on
their lives, and the same kind o f effect, as on the lives o f the Spaniards.
They achieved great notoriety; their names, or at least their Christian
names, are well known to us from the chronicles and histories, and it is
not hard to get some impression o f the shape o f their lives, though
large gaps remain. Both were among the tiny handful o f Indians who
became important actors inside the Spanish world. The more famous
of the two is Felipillo, also on occasion called Felipe and don Felipe.
Yet, in the end, his life is more hidden than that o f the other, who
when still a boy was called Martinillo, and then don M artin; at times
he used the surname Pizarro.
It has not been known just where and when the two interpreters
came among the Spaniards. Many have assumed, and not without rea
son, that pilot Bartolomé Ruiz took them when he first encountered
central Peruvian Indians, toward the end o f Pizarro’s "second voyage,"
in late 15 2 6 or very early 15 2 7 . A t that time, leaving Pizarro far be
hind, Ruiz sailed along the coast until he was three and a half degrees
south o f the equator, the exact vicinity of Tumbez. There he sighted
and captured an Indian vessel which the Spaniards thought worthy o f
the name "sh ip ." Over half o f the twenty Indians aboard swam to
shore, and Ruiz let the others go too, except for three that he kept to be
interpreters. The Indians were thought to be from a city or land called
Calangane. This at any rate is what we read in an account dating from
around late 15 2 7 , probably written by Francisco de Jerez, which adds
that as o f that time the three Indians were with Pizarro, and had taken
very well to Spanish.
Y et no names are given for the Indians, and they are apparently not
the interpreters o f Cajamarca. In 1 5 2 7 - 1 5 2 8 Pizarro, in person, with
Ruiz and the Thirteen (or some o f them) reconnoitered the Peruvian
coastal populations, perhaps as far south as Chincha. According to
Cieza, the only early chronicler to tell o f this trip in any detail, Pizarro
landed, on the way back, at a place somewhat south o f Cabo Blanco and
Tumbez, and asked for boys to learn the language. The Indians gave
him two, "one whom they named Felipillo, and another that they
called don M artin." Farther north the Spaniards collected two more
AUXILIARIES 449
boys. One of these died a little later in Spain. Another, don Juan, was
from Puertoviejo and probably not a speaker of Quechua.
The place where Pizarro got don Martin and Felipillo seems to have
been the valley the Spaniards knew as Poechos, well south of Tumbez
and just north of the main river valley of Piura. Gomara refers to Feli
pillo as "Felipillo de Poechos." The problems of don Martin’s origin
is more complex. In his testament don Martin does not give his birth
place, saying merely that he was a nephew of "Maicavilica, cacique of
Chincha." Years later a Spaniard testified that in his opinion don
Martin was a native of the valley of Chincha, though he was not sure.
Despite this, other evidence tends to place don Martin’s origin in the
Piura region. Hernando Pizarro once declared him to be a native of the
valley of San Miguel (Piura); he could not recall whether he was from
the land of the cacique Lachira (Piura proper), or of Maicavilca, the
two being right together. In the geographical part of Cieza’s chronicle
we can read that the valley of Poechos was sometimes called Maicavilca,
"because in the lower part of the valley was a chief or lord called by
that name."
There can thus be little doubt that don Martin as well as Felipillo
had lived in Poechos, but some sort of association with Chincha re
mains. W e can find a hint of its nature in the words of Atahuallpa to
Hernando Pizarro at their first meeting; the Inca said he had a "cap
tain" (thus the Spanish translation) on the river of Zuricara, named
Maicavilica, who had told him of the Spaniards’ vulnerability. N o
doubt, then, Maicavilca was not the native lord of Poechos, but its
governor for the Incas, and as such he could easily have been from
Chincha. The name Maicavilca, or Maicavilica, sounds much like
names that appear on the map in the Chincha area, such as Huancaveli-
ca and Chilca. A cacique of nearby lea was named Chayavilica. As
Maicavilca’s nephew, don Martin was close to the Inca imperial nobil
ity; though he perhaps grew up in Poechos, he retained a loyalty to
Chincha and may even have been born there.
From a very early time Felipillo and don Martin were rivals and
enemies. The rivalry may well have had a regional and social dimen
sion: Chincha against Piura, Quechua against Tallan, Inca noble
against local chieftain or commoner. One cannot help noticing that
though the Spaniards called both boys by diminutives until around the
time of Cajamarca, afterward one was called "don Martin," like the
caciques, or chiefs, and the other mainly retained the familiar "Feli-
450 THE MEN
pillo,” like the Spaniards’ Indian servants. Atahuallpa is said to have

felt mortally affronted that such a low creature as Felipillo should
aspire to one of his women.
Both boys accompanied Pizarro back to Spain in 1529, already bap
tized as Christians, and both were members of the expedition from its
formal inception in Toledo. By the time they got back to Tumbez they
had traversed most of the Hispanic world and had lived among Span
iards for some years of their adolescence. The linguistic results were
excellent. Garcilaso, much later, had a bad concept of the interpreters’
abilities, but this seems to rest very largely on his opinion as a Cuzco
native that no one born more than a few miles away from the Inca
capital could speak good Quechua. A t the time no one complained,
and eyewitness chronicler Miguel Estete says that from Tumbez on, the
conquerors communicated readily with the Indians because "those two
Indian boys that Pizarro took to Spain understood our language very
well.” Don Martin, who lived longer, aroused considerable comment
with the excellence of his spoken Spanish, though of course it may
have been better in later years that it was at the time of Cajamarca.
The supreme moments for the interpreters are also in a way their
most obscure. Probably both of them went out to the Inca encampment
for the Spaniards’ first interview with Atahuallpa, since two bodies of
horse rode out at different times, one under Soto and a second under
Hernando Pizarro. Most accounts fail to say who interpreted on this
occasion; two chroniclers assert that don Martin was there, and one
mentions Felipillo’s presence. But when it comes to the climactic scene
between fray Vicente de Valverde and Atahuallpa, minutes before the
capture, there is no basis for deciding whether the intermediary was
don Martin or Felipillo. All reports of the events mention only one
interpreter. Several say that he was a boy, and Cristobal de Mena says
that the boy, whatever his name, boldly ran to retrieve the breviary
Atahuallpa had thrown among his people. Few give the boy’s name.
Two writers say it was don Martin, and one of these, Miguel Estete,
was present; but Cieza, prince of chroniclers, says it was Felipillo. In
his will don Martin claimed he had been assigned a share of ten thou
sand pesos for his part at Cajamarca and other conquests. Such an
amount would correspond to an important personal contribution; on
the other hand, we have no idea how much may have been assigned to
Felipillo. Don Martin’s share had no legal standing in any case, as it
was included in Francisco Pizarro’s, and Pizarro never paid him any of
AUXILIARIES 451
it. (This was not unusual; Pizarro also withheld the share assigned his
page and relative, Pedro Pizarro, in the taking o f Cuzco.)
A fter Cajamarca the paths o f Felipillo and don M artin began to
separate. Felipillo, a constant intriguer, got involved in one incident
after another, and thereby earned prominent mention in the chronicles.
Don Martin remained a loyal follower o f the Pizarros, achieving more
success with less fame. T o their rivalry was now added a new dimen
sion, that o f Spanish civil strife. Felipillo became an Almagrist, don
Martin a Pizarrist.
Felipillo’s name is closely associated with the death o f Atahuallpa.
W hile the first Spanish reports and chronicles take very seriously the
hostile forces that Atahuallpa was said to be raising and fail to mention
Felipillo in this connection, the best chronicles of the 15 4 0 ’s and the
1 5 5 0 ’s are unanimous in saying that Felipillo maliciously invented the
whole story in order to be rid o f Atahuallpa, and then proved it by
falsifying the testimony o f Indian witnesses. Some maintain that Feli
pillo’s reason was his love for one o f Atahuallpa’s wives or concubines;
it is also said that he was influenced or bribed by the Spaniards newly
arrived with Alm agro, who feared that the whole wealth o f Peru
would go into Atahuallpa’s ransom, and they would get nothing. In
the Spanish reports there is much ill w ill, ignorance, and legend; we
can have no idea whether there is truth at the core or not. A t any rate,
Felipillo’s reputation was established. Cieza, Zarate, and Gongora all
call him traitorous, lying, inconstant, and the like.
A fter Atahuallpa’s death Felipillo went in Alm agro’s retinue, and
his further behavior is better authenticated. W hen Alm agro came to
Quito in 15 3 4 to ward off the threat o f Pedro de Alvarado’s intrusion
into Peru, Felipillo deserted Alm agro, went to Alvarado’s camp, and
told him how few men Alm agro had. The two Spanish leaders finally
came to a peaceful agreement, and Alm agro came close to burning
Felipillo at the stake for his attempted treason.
Somehow Felipillo got back in Almagro’s favor. He was with him
in Cuzco in 1 5 3 5 , a little before Almagro’s Chilean expedition set off,
and after a Pizarro-Almagro dispute ending in a fragile reconciliation.
W e hear that Felipillo was hobnobbing with the new Inca, Manco, to
win him over to Almagro, while don Martin, who was also there,
threatened the Inca for unfriendliness to Pizarro. But both were acting
as much out of mutual rivalry as out of loyalty to their party.
The predictable downfall o f Felipillo came while he was with Alma-
452 THE MEN
gro on the way to Chile. The Villaumac, or Inca high priest, who was
with the expedition, is supposed to have planned a revolt simultaneous
with Manco Inca’s siege of Cuzco. The chronicles allege that Felipillo
was part of the conspiracy. A t any rate, before reaching Chile proper,
both fled from Almagro’s camp. The Villaumac escaped, but the
Spaniards finally found Felipillo, captured him, and executed him. By
this time he was much more than a boy interpreter. Spanish captain
Martin Monje later claimed that one of his great services to the crown
was to win a mountain stronghold 'where a captain called Felipillo had
fortified himself with many warriors.” Felipillo was caught between
two cultures, or indeed three. Removed from his native Poechos before
maturity, he probably also lacked any deep sense of identification with
Spaniards or Incas. He had reached great prominence, always by play
ing one party off against another; but without a complete grasp of
Spanish society and mores, this method was like dancing on quicksand.
Don Martin’s procedure was far better geared to the situation. He
attached himself unconditionally to Francisco and Hernando Pizarro,
and followed the Pizarro family unswervingly as long as he lived. Had
it not been for the accident of the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion, he and
his descendants might have entered fully into the upper levels of
Spanish Peruvian society. Don Martin’s life patterns are in many ways
like those of any other man of Cajamarca, and so presumably could
Felipillo’s have been, if he had chosen a different path and a different
master.
After seeing the conquest through, don Martin became a citizen and
encomendero of Lima; before long he had his house there, with a
Spanish wife, Spanish guests and employees, and all the appurtenances
of a seigneurial life in the Spanish style, from horses to black slaves.
Like the other conquerors, he accumulated honors: not it is true a seat
on the council, but at least a coat of arms from the Spanish king and
the title of "interpreter general.” He was influential with Governor
Pizarro and sought after by the Spaniards for that reason.
Even so, don Martin was no Spaniard. He lacked regional and fam
ily roots in Spain and a grasp of the subtle workings of Spanish poli
tics. For all the positions and honors accorded him, many Spaniards
naturally enough continued to view him as they would any other In
dian. There was no other of his kind. His place was therefore precari
ous, and he failed to work his way gradually toward independence as
most of the Pizarro retainers did. This mattered little, and indeed it was
AUXILIARIES 453
the best possible course for don Martin, until finally in 1548 Pizarro
dominance in Peru came to an end with Gonzalo Pizarro’s defeat and
execution. Don Martin had followed rebel Gonzalo too long; the new
authorities took his property and his encomienda and sent him into
exile. He died in Seville shortly afterward. His treatment was more un
ceremonious than most, and possibly, unlike most of the condemned
rebels, he actually received the two hundred lashes to which he was
sentenced. But even here don Martin was not without parallel. All of
the unrepentant followers of Gonzalo Pizarro were punished, and some
important figures were executed. There were other men of Cajamarca
besides don Martin who were unconditional followers of Pizarro, such
as Francisco de Almendras, who died rather than abjure him, and
Lucas Martinez, who stayed by his side until all hope of victory was
lost and forfeited his encomienda for his obstinancy.
Don Martin’s wife and his daughter, dona Francisca Pizarro, fol
lowed him to Spain, not completely destitute. In 1 5 67 dona Francisca
was at the royal court in Madrid, petitioning the crown for favors like
many other descendants of the men of Cajamarca.
NO T E S . A somewhat more detailed account of don Martin’s career by

this writer can be found in Lockhart, Spanish Peru , 2 13 - 2 15 . Pedro Pizarro
would have it (Relation, V, 174 ) that one of the two boys with the Span
iards in the Tumbez area was "don Francisquillo.” This can hardly be cor
rect in the face of so much testimony to the contrary, but don Francisquillo
may well have been the third boy, who died in Spain.
For the origins of the interpreters and the pre-Cajamarca phase of their
lives, see AGI, Patronato 114 , ramo 9, testimony of Juan Cortes and Her
nando Pizarro; ANP, Salinas 13 4 2 -15 4 3 , f.729; Cieza, Cronica del Peru,
II, 4 1 1 - 4 1 2 ; Cieza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 34 (19 53) :3 i4 -
3 15 ; Estete, Relation , p. 23; Gomara, Hispania victrix, I, 238; Jerez, Verda-
dera relation , II, 324, 3 3 1; Pedro Pizarro, Relation , V, 16 8 -16 9 ; Porras,
Relationes primitivas , pp. 2 1, 65-67; Zarate, Historia , II, 475; and the
will of don Martin below. Garcilaso (Obras, III, 48) claims that Felipillo
was a native of the island of Puna; Garcilaso wrote so late and is so mani
festly corrupt on matters of the conquest that the assertion has little value
despite his special knowledge about Indians. It is conceivable that Felipillo
was born on Puna and was at Poechos as prisoner, hostage, or servant.
For the role of the interpreters in the events of Cajamarca, see Jerez,
Verdadera relation , II, 3 3 1-3 3 2 , or Zarate, Historia , II, 476, as typical of
the many accounts that give no name; but more especially Cieza, Tercera
parte, in Mercurio Peruano 38 (19 57) 1225; Estete, Relation , pp. 26, 30;
454 THE MEN
Gômara, Hispania victrix, I, 228; Mena, "Conquista del Pern,” p. 86;

Pedro Pizarro, Relation, V, 17 7 -17 8 . The Cuzco rivalries of the two appear
in CDIHC, V II, 460, and Herrera, Historia general, X I, 140.
For the further career of Felipillo in particular, see CDIHC, V II, 338;
Geza, Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 39 (19 58 ) :376-378; Gômara,
Hispania victrix, I, 2 31, 238; Herrera, Historia general, X I, 55, 319 ; Pedro
Pizarro, Relation, V, 18 5; Zarate, Historia, II, 479, 482, 484.
The most comprehensive sources for don Martin’s life are his will of
1545, in Revista Historica 16 (19 4 3) 112 8 -13 5 , and the probanza insti
tuted in Madrid in 156 6 -15 6 7 by his daughter dona Francisca, in AG I,
Patronato 114 , ramo 9. A royal grant of a coat of arms, with a summary
of don Martin’s career up to 1537, is in Porras, Cedulario, II, 340 (a sec
ond, similar grant is in AGI, Lima 566, vol. IV, August 20, 154 0 ). Further
references are in AG I, Contaduria 1679, records of August, 1534, and
December, 15 3 5 ; Contaduria 1680, records from Cuzco, 1535, and a pas
sage from c.1550 about Lope Martin, citizen of Cuzco, who owed don
Martin money; Contaduria 1825, records from Jauja, October, 1534 ; Jus-
ticia 467, testimony of don Martin; ANP, Castaneda, reg. 8, f.45; Salinas
1538 -15 4 0 , f.365; RA PP, I, trial of Pedro de Salinas; Salinas 154 6 -154 8,
f.208; Alzate, f.4 1; BNP, A29, f.37; A36, f.8; CDIAO, X X , 518; CDIHE,
X L IX , 2 3 1; Calvete, Rebelion de Pizarro, V, 30; Cobo, Obras, II, 305;
Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 226, 228; Pérez de Tudela, Gasca, I, 15 3 -15 4 .
In 155 7 a d °n Martin, native of the valley of Lachira or la Chira
(Piura), was interperter for the Royal Audiencia in Lima. Not as accom
plished as his namesake and possible relative, he was unable to sign his
name. (See AG I, Lima 204, probanza of Francisco de Ampuero.)
There was also a don Pedro, native of Tumbez, alive in Lima in 1555,
who said he had been an interpreter for Marqués Pizarro (AGI, Lima 204,
probanza of don Gonzalo, cacique of the valley of Lim a). A don Francisco
also interpreted for Pizarro and received an encomienda in Chachapoyas.
He died sometime before the late 154 0’s; his wife (whether Indian or
Spanish is not known) inherited the encomienda and married a Melchor
Ruiz (Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 2 6 1-2 6 2 ).
Busto’s article "Martinillo de Poechos,” in his Dos personajes de la con
quista del Peru, contains several assertions that it is necessary to contest.
He feels that Felipillo was from Tumbez, not Poechos (pp. 1 4 - 1 5 ) . The
evidence on Felipillo’s origin is slim enough, to be sure; there seems no
reason, however, to disbelieve Cieza’s statement that he joined Pizarro with
don Martin at Poechos. Some other matters are clearer.
1. Busto believes don Martin definitely to have been from Poechos, and
resolves the difficulty of Chincha by moving the valley hundreds of miles
north to the vicinity of Piura. This is untenable. He himself quotes testi
AUXILIARIES 455
mony (p. 1 5 ) , seen also by this writer, that the area where don Martin
was born was "the valley of Chincha, which is under the head of His
Majesty” : that is, was administered directly by royal officials instead of
given in encomienda, as was indeed the case with the famous valley south
of Lima.
2. Busto declares that don Martin lied all his life about joining Pizarro
in 152 8 ; he arrives at this conclusion through an interpretation he gives
to statements made by Hernando Pizarro in 1567 (A G I, Patronato 114 ,
ramo 9). According to this, don Martin joined the Spaniards only around
July, 1532, at Poechos (pp. 2-3, 8). This writer did not give Hernando
Pizarro’s remarks quite that construction when he read them; at any rate,
Hernando specifically said he did not remember well. We have Cieza’s
statement on the other side, as well as statements of eyewitnesses Miguel
Estete and Pedro Pizarro, that the two boy interpreters had been to Spain.
Common sense also tells us that it takes more than four months to make
an interpreter. Such presistent lying by don Martin lacks verisimilitude.
3. Busto thinks that don Martin’s petition for a coat of arms was denied,
on what evidence is unclear (p. 8). It is true that the first royal order of
1537 is phrased somewhat tentatively; but there is another, of which Busto
was unaware, in the clearest words granting arms to don Martin Pizarro,
vecino of Lima, issued at Madrid on August 20, 1540 (AG I, Lima 566,
vol. I V ) .
4. Busto has uncovered direct testimony (AG I, Justicia 399) that don
Martin took a trip to Spain in 15 4 3 -15 4 4 on behalf of the Pizarros, ap
parently to carry a secret message. Yet a more conspicuous messenger is
hard to imagine, and, as Busto points out, don Martin's presence in Lima
in August, 1543, is documented in Lima parochial records (R A N P 12
[ i 9 3 9 ]: i ° 6), whereas the testimony would have him leaving Spain on
the way back only two months later. The contradiction remains unre
solved.
John Hemming’s recent Conquest of the Incas goes into the lives of the
interpreters thoroughly, on the basis of primary and secondary materials
very similar to those used here, though the overlap is not complete; he
gives much detail on the career of Felipillo. A careful comparison of his
treatments with mine will uncover much congruity, some direct depend
ence, and some conflict on interesting points which must remain undis
cussed for the present.
A p p en d ix I
A Letter from Cajamarca
Correspondence written from Cajamarca before the Spaniards left the site
is extremely rare, and, to this writer’s knowledge, no private letters have
appeared at all until now, though many must have accompanied the first
group of men who left for Spain in July, 1533. In the course of scanning
papers in the Archive of the Indies, Justicia 112 4 , no. 3, ramo 1, the writer
came upon a copy of such a letter, which is here published in English and
Spanish, probably for the first time. (As old document detective Rafael
Loredo once said, only the naive or foolhardy would make an outright
claim that any given Spanish document had not been published before,
somewhere or sometime.)
The letter is from Gaspar de Marquina, or Garate, one of Pizarro’s pages,
to his father in the valley of Mendaro in the Basque country. In Gaspar’s
biography above, some details of his life may be found, but the reader of
the letter needs only to know that he was Basque and an illegitimate son
(though recognized), and that he was killed shortly afterward in an Indian
skirmish.
Gaspar wrote hastily, repeating himself and making occasional mistakes
(some of which are slightly rectified in the English version). The result is
freshness, an impression of reality, and an excellent psychological portrait
that emerges as Gaspar, writing what comes naturally to his mind, reveals
what is important and unimportant to him. Whether Gaspar can be con
sidered typical is problematic, since he was Basque and without long ex
perience in the Indies. At least we have here the private views of a young
man who was literate, but who was not compromised by any position of
leadership.
An interesting aspect of the letter is the light it throws on the meaning
of religion to the "ordinary” Spaniard in the Indies in the conquest period.
Nowhere does Gaspar mention that the Indians might be converted to
Christianity, or should be. Valverde’s sermon to Atahuallpa, for many com
mentators the most dramatic and significant episode in the whole chain of
458 APPENDIX I
events at Cajamarca, is totally ignored. Gaspar merely says that when Ata-
huallpa got to where the Spaniards were, they rushed out and seized him.
It is apparent that the whole question of the religious and moral justifica
tion of the conquest does not concern Gaspar in the least; he takes that as
a given.
Yet his language is sprinkled with God and Jesus Christ and "the serv
ice of our Lord." Partly this is the usage of the time; partly it reflects how
religion has indeed touched Gaspar deeply in two ways. The Old veterans
among the Spaniards understood what an advantage steel and horses gave
them on flat ground, but this was not so obvious to the young or inexperi
enced, like Gaspar, and even the veterans were often taken aback by the
Indians' overwhelming numbers and the stunning effect of Spanish
weapons and devices. Thus they readily grasped at miracles to explain their
victories, an explanation that still tempts agnostics four hundred years
later, and they prayed for divine favor before every battle.
Even more basic than the God of Battles was the social religion of the
time. The whole ambition of most Spaniards in the Indies, "conquerors"
or not, was to amount to something. This was in the first instance an indi
vidual goal, but inherent in it was the idea of raising the prestige of one’s
whole lineage. Some of the most essential vehicles for giving generational
depth to a family’s renown were religious: chaplaincies for future genera
tions and masses for the dead. Hence Gaspar’s strongly expressed desire
to "do good" for the souls of his parents. It may appear incongruous, if
charming, that Gaspar leaps from money to high drama, from cousins to
the souls of the dead, but all are strung on the same thread. Gaspar’s letter
tells how he has won wealth and honor, and how he desires and intends
to share these things with his lineage.
Observers often fail to recognize the intensity of Spanish self-preoccupa
tion in the conquest period, or, if they recognize it, fail to understand it.
For the ordinary Spaniard of the time, Spain and his home town were
everything, and his family more than everything. It was very hard for any
outside element to touch the Spaniards in their vitals. Gaspar admires the
resources of Peru as something to be used. He is amazed at the Incas as a
spectacle, and more than a little afraid of them; but they do not touch him.
As far as he is concerned he is in the "new country" of New Castile, whose
governor is Francisco Pizarro. There is no malice in Gaspar’s attitude to
ward the Indians, merely heedlessness. In his own Spanish context, Gaspar
emerges as an observant and well-trained boy with a good heart.
Gaspar also illustrates the truly ambivalent attitude of the Spaniards
toward home and returning home. It is evident that Gaspar is deeply
rooted, and when he thinks about home he falls into a deep longing, made
more poignant by his imminent and not totally unexpected death. Yet, as
he says, he has hardly had time to think of such things; first the battle
LETTER FROM CAJAMARCA 459
with poverty absorbed him, then the momentum of the conquest carried
him forward. Only in the Indies can he gain the wealth that brings honor
at home. Had Gaspar lived until 1534 and the general license to leave
Peru, there is no telling whether he would have stayed or gone; either
way, he would have been torn.
The phrase Gaspar uses to describe the riches of Peru, "more gold and
silver than iron in Biscay,” is not original with him, nor did it occur to
him because he was a Basque. Rather it was constantly on the lips of the
Spaniards when they talked of mineral wealth. The following transla
tion is slightly free in places. It seemed more important to communicate
with the English-speaking reader of the twentieth century than to give a
false impression of quaintness through excessive accuracy. For example,
Gaspar calls his father "Vuestra merced,” or "Your grace” ; even at that
time this had the force of a formal pronoun, and is rendered simply as
"you.” In any case, the Spanish version is appended.
To my longed-for father, Martin de Garate, in Mendaro

Dear Sir,
It must be about three years ago that I got a letter from you, in which
you asked me to send some money. God knows how sorry I was not to have
anything to send you then, because if I had anything then there wouldn’t
have been any need for you to write; I ’ve always tried to do the right
thing, but there wasn’t any possibility till now. You also told me to re
member my homeland, God knows if I remember my homeland or not,
but as I said, till now there hasn’t been time to think of it, because I give
you my word that I never had a penny the whole time since I came to these
parts until six months ago, when God was pleased to give me more than I
deserved, and now I have over 3,000 ducats; please God that it will be for
his holy service.
Sir, I ’m sending you 2 13 pesos of good gold in a bar with an honorable
man from San Sebastian; in Seville he’ll have it turned into coin and then
bring it to you. I’d send you more except he’s taking money for other
people too and couldn’t take more. His name is Pedro de Anadel, I know
him, and he’s the kind of person who will get the money to you, so that’s
why I asked him to do me a favor and take you the money.
Sir, I would like to be the messenger myself, but it couldn’t be, because
we’re in new country and haven’t been here long, and they aren’t giving
license to leave except to married men who have been in these parts for a
long time. I expect to be there with you in two years with the aid of our
Lord; I swear to God that I have a greater desire to be there than you have
to see me, so that I can give you a good old age.
Sir, I ’ll tell you something of my life since I came to these parts; you
must know how I went to Nicaragua with Governor Pedrarias as his page,
460 APPENDIX I
and I was with him till God was pleased to take him from this world. He
died very poor and so all of his servants were left poor too, as the carrier
of this letter can very well tell you when he sees you, and then a few days
after he died we got news of how Governor Francisco Pizarro was coming
to be governor of this kingdom of New Castile and so, hearing this news
and having few prospects in Nicaragua, we came to this district, where
there’s more gold and silver than iron in Biscay, and more sheep than in
Soria, and great supplies of all kinds of provisions, and fine clothing and
the best people that have been seen in the whole Indies, and many great
lords among them, one of them rules over 500 leagues. We have him
prisoner in our power, and with him prisoner, a man can go by himself
500 leagues without getting killed, instead they give you whatever you
need and carry you on their shoulders in a litter.
We took this lord by a miracle of God, because our forces wouldn’t
be enough to take him nor to do what we did, but God gave us the victory
miraculously over him and his forces. You must know that we came here
with Governor Francisco Pizarro to the land of this lord where he had
60,000 warriors, and there were 160 Spaniards with the governor, and we
thought our lives were finished because there was such a horde of them,
and even the women were making fun of us and saying they were sorry
for us because we were going to get killed; but afterward their bad thoughts
turned out the opposite. The lord came with all his armed men within
two shots of a crossbow from where we were camped and pitched his camp
there, and then from there he came to see the Governor and what kind of
people we were, with about 5,000 men all dressed in his livery, and him in
a litter covered with gold, with a hundred nobles carrying him and
sweeping the ground in front of his litter, and all of them singing in uni
son, and when he arrived where we were, the Governor rushed out with all
his men and we attacked them and seized the lord and killed many of his
people, most of the ones that came with him, and then we went out where
all the rest of the warriors were, all armed with lances 15 feet long, and
we routed them all. In the rout we killed 8,000 men in about two hours
and a half, and we took much gold and clothing and many people, it
would be too long to tell if it all were told; the bearer of the present letter
can inform you, and I won’t say more because as I say, it would be too long
to tell.
Give my greetings to Catalina and my brothers and sisters and my uncle
Martin de Altamira and his daughters, especially the older one, because I
am much in her debt, and also to my cousins Martin de Altamira and
Marina de Garate and my uncle San Juan de Garate and my uncle Pedro
Sanchez de Arizmendi and all the rest of my relatives, because I’ve already
forgotten many of their names. I really want you to greet them all from
me and tell them that I greatly desire to see them, and pleasing God I ’ll be
there soon. Sir, the only thing I want to ask you is to do good for the souls
of my mother and all my relatives, and if God lets me get there, I ’ll do it
very thoroughly myself. There is nothing more to write at present except
that I’m praying to our Lord Jesus Christ to let me see you before I die.
From Cajamarca, in the kingdom of New Castile, July 20, 1533.
Your son who would rather see than write you,
Gaspar de Garate
On the outside is a memorandum to Anadel, bearer of the letter:
Sir, I implore you to write me with the first people who come, and if by
chance God our Lord has been pleased to take my father from this world,
give the 2 13 pesos to my uncle Martin de Altamira and to San Juan de
Garate, jointly to both, and if one of them is dead, to either of them, so
that with 100 pesos they can do good for the souls of my parents Martin
de Garate and Maria Ramirez de Altamira, and divide the other 1 1 3 pesos
among my brothers and sisters, and in case both my uncles are dead, to my
brother Jorge de Garate with a guardian, who as I say should do good for
my parents with the hundred and divide all the rest between himself and
his and my brothers and sisters, all equally.
Gaspar de Marquina
In the following Spanish version the orthography has been modernized
and to some extent the punctuation as well. The copy in AGI, Justicia
1124, no. 5, ramo 1, on which the following is based, is not Gaspar’s
holograph, but an authorized contemporary copy by a notary.
A mi muy deseado senor padre Martin de Garate
Muy deseado senor padre,
Una carta de vuestra merced recibi habra bien tres anos poco mas o
menos, en la cual me enviaba a mandar que le enviase algunos dineros. Dios
sabe la pena que yo recibi por no tenerlos entonces para enviarselos, que si
yo entonces los tuviera no hubiera necesidad que vuestra merced me escri-
biere, que yo he tenido el cuidado que era razon, empero no ha habido lugar
hasta ah ora, y tambien encargandome que tuviese memoria de mi tierra;
Dios sabe si tengo memoria o no de mi tierra, sino que como digo no ha
habido tiempo de acordarme de ella hasta ahora, porque yo le doy mi fe
que hasta ahora yo no he tenido un real despues que en estas partes pase
sino de seis meses a esta parte, que Dios me ha querido dar mas que yo
merecia, que hoy dia de la fecha tengo tres mil ducados largos. Plega a
Dios que sera para su santo servicio.
Senor, alia envio a vuestra merced 2 13 Castellanos de buen oro en una
barra con una persona honrada de San Sebastian; en Sevilla la hara moneda
y se Io llevara, y mas le enviara a vuestra merced, sino que lleva muchos
dineros de otras personas y no pudo llevar mas, el cual se llama Pedro de
462 APPENDIX I
Anadel, porque le conozco, y es persona que los dara a vuestra merced, por
eso le rogue que me hiciese merced de se los llevar.
Senor, yo quisiera ser el mensajero, empero no pudo ser, porque estaba-
mos en tierra nueva y ha poco que estamos en ella, y no dan licencia sino
a hombres casados que ha mucho tiempo que estan en estas partes. De hoy
en dos ahos pienso ser alia con vuestra merced con el ayuda de Nuestro
Senor, que juro a Dios que mas deseo tengo de estar alia que vuestra
merced de verme, por darle buena vejez.
Senor, quiero dar a vuestra merced la cuenta de mi vida que ha sido
despues que pase e estas partes. Vuestra merced sabra como yo fui a Nica
ragua con el gobernador Pedrarias por su paje, y estuve con el hasta que
Dios fue servido de llevarle de este mundo, el cual murio muy pobre, y
asi quedamos pobres todos sus criados, como el que la presente lleva se Io
podra bien contar si con el se ve, y despues de el muerto de a pocos dias,
tuvimos nueva como el gobernador Francisco Pizarro venia por gobernador
de estos reinos de la Nueva Castilla, y asi sabida nueva con el poco remedio
que teniamos en Nicaragua pasamos a su gobernacion, donde hay mas oro y
plata que hierro en Vizcaya, y mas ovejas que en Soria, y muy bastecida de
otras muchas comidas, mucha ropa muy buena, y la mejor gente que se ha
visto en todas las Indias, y muchos sehores grandes. Entre ellos hay unos
que sujetan quinientas leguas en largo, el cual tenemos preso en nuestro
poder, que teniendo a el preso, puede ir un hombre solo quinientas, sin que
le maten, sino que antes le den todo Io que ha menester para su persona, y
le lleven a cuestas en una hamaca, al cual dicho senor le prendimos por
milagro de Dios, que nuestras fuerzas no bastaran prenderle ni hacer Io
que hicimos, sino que Dios milagrosamente nos quiso dar victoria contra
el y de su fuerza.
Vuestra merced sabra que con el gobernador Francisco Pizarro venimos a
su tierra de este senor donde tenia sesenta mil hombres de guerra 160
espanoles con el gobernador, donde pensamos que nuestras vidas eran
fenecidas porque tanta era la pujanza de la gente que hasta las mujeres ha-
dan burla de nosotros y nos habian lastima como nos habian de matar,
aunque despues nos salio al traves su mal pensamiento, que vino aquel
senor con toda su gente armada dos tiros de ballesta de donde nosotros te
niamos asentado nuestro real, y alii asento su real, y de alii vino a ver al
senor gobernador que gente eramos con obra de cinco mil hombres, todos
de su librea, y el en unas andas guarnecidas de oro, y con cien sehores que
Io traian a cuestas, limpiandole las pajas del suelo por donde sus andas pa-
saban, todos cantando a una voz, y de que llego donde nosotros estabamos
salto el gobernador con toda su gente y dimos en ellos y prendimos al
senor y matamosle mucha gente, toda la mas que con el venia, y salimos
donde estaba toda la gente de guerra, todos con sus lanzas de a 25 palmos,
y desbaratamos toda, en el cual desbarate matamos ocho mil hombres en
obra de dos horas y media, y tomamos mucho oro y mucha ropa y mucha
gente, Io cual seria largo de contar si todo Io hubiese de contar. El que la
presente lleva se podra bien informar.
En esta no dire mas porque como digo sera largo de contar, sino que
vuestra merced de mis encomiendas a la senora Catalina y a mis hermanos
y hermanas y a mi tio Martin de Altamira y a sus hijas, en especial a la
mayor, que le soy mucho en cargo, y tambien a mi tio San Juan de Garate
y a mi tio Pedro Sanchez de Arezmendi y a todos los otros mis parientes y
parientas, que ya de muchos de ellos no se me acuerda. Tomo a mucho que
se la de alia a todos y diga que tengo mucho deseo de verlos, que placiendo
a Dios, presto sere alia. Senor, no quiero encargar a vuestra merced otra
cosa sino que haga bien por el anima de mi madre y de todos mis parientes,
y si Dios me deja ir alia yo Io hare cumplidamente. No hay mas que le es-
cribir mas al presente, sino que quedo rogando a nuestro senor Jesucristo
me deje ver a vuestra merced antes que muera. Fecha en Cajamarca en los
reinos de la Nueva Castilla, en 20 de julio de 1533 anos.
Vuestro hi jo que mas ver que escribir os desea,
Gaspar de Garate
And on the outside, to Anadel:
Senor, suplico a vuestra merced me escriba con los proximos que pudiere,
y digo que si por ventura Dios nuestro senor ha querido llevar a mi padre
de este mundo, le de los 2 13 Castellanos a mi tio Martin de Altamira y San
Juan de Garate juntamente a entrambos, y si alguno de ellos fuere muerto
a cualquier de ellos, para que con los 100 pesos haga bien por las animas
de mis padres Martin de Garate y Maria Ramirez de Altamira, y los otros
1 1 3 pesos repartan entre mis hermanos, y si por caso fueren muertos en
trambos mis tios, a mi hermano Jorge de Garate con un tutor, que como
digo haga bien por mis padres con los ciento y Io otro reparta entre el y
sus hermanos mios y hermanas a todos por igual.
Gaspar de Marquina
A p p en d ix I I
Mistakes, Lies, and Legends:
M en W h o W e re N o t at Cajamarca
As explained in Part I, chapter 4, the roll of Cajamarca is a list of shares

rather than of participants. Therefore some Spaniards might have been
present who received no share and consequently are absent from the list,
fray Vicente de Valverde being a known example. It is also a possibility—
one that has been less considered— that some of those on the list might not
have taken part in the events. There is thus room for error and uncertainty,
and an assessment of the list’s reliability is called for.
We now know definitely that one man on the distribution list, Juan de
Sosa, not only did not participate in Atahuallpa’s capture, but was not even
physically present in the Cajamarca area at the time. Despite this deviation,
it is quite certain that appearance on the list can generally be equated with
participation, because the distribution of treasure was so closely tied to pres
ence at Cajamarca. Those who were there shared in all the gold and silver
that came into the Spanish camp for months after the capture, while all
others got only token amounts. The whole distinction between the two
groups was actual presence when the Inca was taken, for many of those left
at San Miguel had been important expedition members all the way from
Panama. If even they do not appear on the list, we may conclude that Sosa
was the only exception made, one which was politically possible because he
was an ecclesiastic.
An extremely close correspondence between participants and recipients
of treasure can be seen also through comparison of the Cajamarca list with
other reports. Most contemporary commentators, eyewitnesses or not, limit
themselves to rounded estimates that there were something on the order of
150 to 170 men. Such accounts establish a general framework but lack the
necessary precision. Fortunately there exists an exact statement by the man
in the best position to know: Francisco de Jerez, Pizarro’s secretary, who
had chief responsibility for drawing up the distribution lists. In his chroni
cle-report, written before he left Peru in 1533, he says that a general mus
MISTAKES, LIES, AND LEGENDS 465
ter was held south of San Miguel in September, 1532. There were found
to be 67 horsemen and n o footmen; 5 horsemen and 4 footmen then re
turned to San Miguel, leaving Pizarro with 62 horse and 106 foot to carry
on the campaign.1 If we count the names on the roll of Cajamarca, we find
that, omitting Juan de Sosa, there are 62 horse and 105 foot. The missing
footman would seem to be fray Vicente de Valverde. The men of Caja
marca are thus accounted for completely; all those listed, except Sosa, were
present, and all those present are known, except that there could possibly
have been one more footman if fray Vicente was not counted at the muster.
This is highly unlikely, since Jerez says that they counted "Christians.”
There is a strong presumption, then, against the truth of any claims
raised for the participation of men not on the general list. In this light we
can discuss some cases in which error has arisen or might arise.
1 . On the List but Not Present: Juan de Sosa

Secular priest Juan de Sosa is a unique case. His name appears near the
top of the Cajamarca list, where he is assigned a very respectable 1 %. shares
of gold and silver. Though one might have suspected that he was not in
fact a horseman, there has been no reason to assume that he was not pres
ent at the events. Nevertheless, in testimony given in Seville in 1333, par
ticipant Pedro de Barrera says in so many words that Pizarro ordered Juan
de Sosa to stay behind in Piura and that Sosa did so, with the understand
ing that he would receive his share as if he had been there. He came to
Cajamarca only afterward.2 Chronicler Cieza was apparently aware of all
this, for he dropped Sosa from his version of the Cajamarca list.3
Though not a participant in the strict sense, Sosa is so closely associated
with the men and events studied in this book that it will be well to discuss
his life briefly. He was probably related to Hernando de Sosa, footman at
Cajamarca. The Cajamarca gold he brought back to Spain in 1533 is men
tioned in the chronicles in the same breath as Captain Cristobal de Mena’s.
Perhaps Sosa deliberately misrepresented his role, perhaps not, but chroni
cler Oviedo had the impression from listening to Sosa’s friends that he had
literally taken part in the capture. Sosa’s subsequent career shows patterns
often seen in the lives of the other men; he is another of those who, like
Soto, Benalcazar, and Pedro Sancho, tried to use the fame and wealth of
Peru to carve out new jurisdictions for themselves in other parts of the
Indies. He offers an example of a type, the priest-entrepreneur, which was
1 Francisco de Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 325. The number of footmen going on
with Pizarro is there given incorrectly as 102. That there is a mistake can be seen
from the fact that the figures as given do not tally with each other. They appear cor
rectly in the other version of Jerez’s report in Gonzalo Oviedo, Historia, V , 39.
2 A G I, Justicia 719 , no. 9.
3 See Part I, ch. 5.
466 APPENDIX II
common in the conquest period and, in the person of Hernando de Luque,

was important for the conquest of Peru, yet chances not to appear among
the men of Cajamarca themselves.
Juan de Sosa was born in Seville, the son of Ana Martin and Luis de
Sosa, who is said to have been a baker. His birthdate is unknown, but he
was already an ordained priest when he came to the Indies in 1528, so he
could hardly have been born after 1505. His exact whereabouts and activi
ties between 1528 and 1532 are also a mystery, but it is apparently this
time of his life that Oviedo is referring to when he says he knew Sosa in
Panama, ’'involved in the things of the world.” By the time we find him
in San Miguel in late 1532 he had become the vicar of the Peruvian expe
dition; since no other such appears in any record, it is probable that he was
with the conquerors from Panama.
Our first direct glimpse of Sosa shows him still absorbed in secular af
fairs. In effect he refused to stay in San Miguel unless he was given a share
of Inca treasure. No sooner was Atahuallpa captured than Sosa hurried
from San Miguel to Cajamarca. In order to expedite his departure for
Spain, he sold his share in advance to secretary Pedro Sancho, who also
took over Sosa’s outstanding debts and credits. One can see that Sosa had
been engaging in entrepreneurial activity in the course of the expedition.
In the matter of speed Sosa was successful, since he arrived in Seville in
December, 1533, on the galleon San Salvador, the first ship to bring Peru
vian treasure to Spain. As a speculation, his maneuver went awry, for Pedro
Sancho made a large profit. When Sancho himself arrived in Spain in 1536,
Sosa sued him in vain for the excess.
Even so, Sosa had great wealth, and he went as many other conquerors
did to display it at the royal court. His purpose at court was not merely
frivolous, however. Like his business rival, Sancho, and like Benalcazar and
Soto on a larger scale, Sosa wanted royal sanction to undertake some enter
prise in the Indies, in which he could gain honor and wealth independently
and not be under the thumb of the Pizarros. But though custom sanctioned
the involvement of clerics in the organization, financing, and supplying of
expeditions, a priest could hardly be made Adelantado or captain general.
Thus Sosa’s interest in the conquest of Veragua, on the Caribbean coast
west of Panama, resulted in a four-hundred-man expedition in 1536 of
which Sosa may have been the eminence grise, but a young pseudo-courtier
named Felipe Gutierrez bore the title of governor. Life in the Indies was
hard indeed for ambitious secular priests; they could not have encomiendas,
coats of arms, or council seats, and all the bishoprics went to friars. One of
the Veragua venture’s three large ships belonged to Sosa personally, and he
loaded in it many supplies and provisions to be sold at the right time to ex
pedition members. The expedition itself was a frightful disaster, as might
have been predicted. Tropical, mountainous Veragua had been the grave-
yard of Spanish intruders before and often would be again. The command
was divided; Sosa did what he pleased. Once he attempted to go as captain
of a contingent of men exploring the interior, causing a bitter argument
with Felipe Gutierrez. But in Oviedo’s account, on which we must rely for
the whole Veragua episode, Sosa’s behavior appears to stem mainly from
the fact that he was far superior to Gutierrez in experience and judgment.
As the men died off from disease, Indian fighting, and hunger, Sosa ad
justed to the situation, abandoned his capitalism, and accepted his loss,
freely giving his investment in food and stock to those in greatest need.
Before a year was out the few survivors evacuated the area; from Panama
both Gutierrez and Sosa went impoverished to Peru. In June of 1537 Ber-
naldino de Sosa, who was apparently the nephew Juan de Sosa had with
him in Veragua, arrived in Lima. Juan probably came at much the same
time, though he does not appear in the records until 1339. Juan de Sosa
now faced the same lot as others who returned to Peru. The desirable posi
tions, lay or ecclesiastic, were filled; qualified claimants by the score were
already standing in line; society was hardening. With no capital and little
hope of a benefice, Sosa was left in a very marginal position. He floated
from city to city; for a while, in 1340, he was curate in highland Hua-
manga, where his relative Bernaldino by now held an encomienda.
Such a situation bred discontent and made the Gonzalo Pizarro revolt,
when it came, even more attractive to Sosa than it might otherwise have
been. (The same was true of Sosa’s lay counterpart Juan Garcia de Santa
Olalla, who lost his fortune to French pirates and then came back to Peru.)
As Pizarro began to organize his forces in Cuzco in 1544, Bishop Loaysa in
Lima started toward the highland to attempt to pacify the incipient rebel
lion. In his retinue went Juan de Sosa. Loaysa was stopped in Huamanga by
Pizarro’s advance men; Sosa, instead of aiding Loaysa, sent a message by
Bernaldino de Sosa’s Indians to Pizarro, urging him to be steadfast in his
purpose and not to listen to the bishop, who came to deceive him.
During the time that Gonzalo Pizarro was in power, Sosa’s affairs flour
ished. Gonzalo, as a man of Cajamarca, was a respecter of seniority, and he
was also very grateful for allies among the clergy. Sosa now received gener
ous subsidies from the royal treasury; in 1547 he was the vicar-general of
the diocese of Cuzco. Naturally he became ever more passionately identified
with the rebellion. After the cruel battle of Huarina he granted Gonzalo
Pizarro absolution, and his gestures of strong support continued even as
most Peruvian Spaniards were going over to the other side.
If Sosa ever repented, he did so too late. In June, 1548, after Pizarro’s
defeat, Bishop Loaysa made him stand in the cathedral of Cuzco with a
rope around his neck and a candle in his hand, to hear a sentence of sus
pension from the priesthood for two years, confiscation of all property, and
exile from Peru. It appears that Sosa did in fact depart for Spain shortly
468 APPENDIX II
afterward, unlike the many *' exiles” who never stirred from the country.
His further fate is not known. Cajamarca was central to Sosa’s twenty-year
career in the Indies. His first phase as a small entrepreneur was aimed at it;
his Veragua venture was the result of it; and his second stay in Peru was
marked by his inability to reduce the expectations it had raised.4
2. Contemporary False Claims

Given the fame of Cajamarca, it is amazing to discover how few Span
iards lied about being there. In the strictly contemporary period, up to
about 1550, when there were many participants still alive, no fully au
thenticated case of misrepresentation has come to this writer’s attention.
Sometimes the very form of an interrogatory would mislead witnesses into
an apparent untruth. Particularly there is the blanket question which enu
merates all the events of the conquest, perhaps from the founding of San
Miguel to the taking of Cuzco, and then asks if the witness saw a given
person there. The witness will usually say yes, he saw it all, without really
meaning to claim specific presence at Atahuallpa’s capture.5
The nearest approach to a direct false claim in the earlier time is in the
royal grant of a coat of arms to Pedro Diaz, the expedition’s assayer and
founder, dated August 1, 1539. After summarizing Diaz’s past services, it
goes on to say "and you took part in the capture of the cacique Atahuall-
pa.” Yet Pedro Diaz himself refutes this in his testimony of 1335, where
his statement reads "the Governor went toward Cajamarca and Jeronimo de
Aliaga with him, and after Atahuallpa was captured this witness went to
Cajamarca and found Aliaga there with the others who were in the capture
of Atahuallpa.’’ Usually the services recited in a coat of arms reproduced
the statement made by the applicant, but conceivably there was some mis
take involved in this case. Pedro Diaz had a crucial role in the distribution
of treasure at Cajamarca, as the man who evaluated the gold and silver. He
4 Sosa’s parents and birthplace are given in Cristobal Bermudez Plata, Pasajeros ,
P 26 4 . A G I, Justicia 7 19 , no. 9, contains litigation between Sosa and Pedro Sancho.
Oviedo's account of the Veragua expedition, with many valuable details on Sosa per
sonally, is in his H istoria ■ III, 1 8 7 - 1 9 4 . Other references are in A G I, Contratacion
2 7 1 5 , no. 1 ; Contaduria 16 79 ; A N P , P A 88; Salinas 1 5 3 8 - 1 5 4 0 , f.29; Salinas 1 5 4 6 -
154 8, ff.3 7 1 - 3 7 2 ; H C 403, 1 2 4 1 ; Juan Cristobal Calvete, Rebelion de Pizarro , V ,
28, 5 5 ; Pedro de Cieza, Quito (Jiménez, ed.), pp. 1 1 9 , 1 3 4 - 1 3 5 ; Diego Fernandez,
H istoria , I, 230; Pedro Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Quinquenarios , IV , 26; Jerez, V er-
dadera relaciôny I I :344; Juan Pérez de Tudela, Gasca , II, 264. For further examples
of the type of the priest-entrepreneur in the conquest of Peru, see James Lockhart,
Spanish Peru , p. 55.
5 Francisco de Talavera and Pedro Martin de Sicilia answer this way, for example,
in R A N P i ( 19 2 0 ) ^ 6 3 , 465. The testimony of Inigo Gonzalez in Benalcazar’s
probanza may be of this kind, if the person is not indeed Nuno Gonzalez (see under
Nuno Gonzalez, notes).
probably even received some of the treasure in payment for his work. Per
haps he alluded to this in his statement, and the subtleties were lost on the
officials at the Spanish royal court.6
3. Later False Claims

As the years passed, Cajamarca spawned myths and legends, good exam
ples of which can be seen in Garcilaso’s account. By 1565 or 1570 the sur
vivors of the events were few indeed. The second and third generations of
Peruvian Spaniards tended to think that all the veterans of the conquest
had been at Cajamarca, or were among the Thirteen. Claims of this kind are
too frequent and too insubstantial to take cognizance of them all. Garcilaso
says once that by the phrase *'first conqueror” he means only men of Caja
marca. But in fact he uses the word loosely, including conquerors of Cuzco
and indeed apparently anyone in the country by 1535. A 1570 interrogatory
by the Mercedarian order claims that a Luis de Atienza and Lozano, citi
zens of Trujillo, were of "those of Cajamarca.” Actually Atienza’s name
was Bias, and both he and Rodrigo Lozano declared specifically that they
were not at Cajamarca.7 Chronicler Herrera was probably basing himself on
similar legends when he added Pedro Alonso Carrasco, a conqueror of
Cuzco, to his version of the Cajamarca list. This writer has found no direct
statement proving Herrera in error, but in all the many years Pedro Alonso
lived in Peru, no one asked him to testify about Cajamarca, as he did about
the siege of Cuzco. Herrera’s addition of Pedro de Vergara need hardly be
mentioned, since Vergara does not appear in Peruvian records before 1536.
The changed atmosphere of the times and the increasing absence of those
who could contradict induced the old veterans to begin telling lies them
selves. Juan de la Torre, who was an authentic member of the Thirteen and
had little apparent need to fabricate, claimed in 1563 that he had seen the
capture of Atahuallpa.8 His instinct was right, however; the conquest
brought far greater rewards than the discovery. The most prominent old
liar was Mancio Sierra de Leguizamo, who fibbed not only about Caja
marca, but about the great golden image of the sun he supposedly got at
the taking of Cuzco, and many other marvels. Finally he was caught in his
own net. When it came time to make his will the priests urged him to make
restitution for his share at Cajamarca as some others of the more long-lived
conquerors had done. Rather than admit the truth, Mancio Sierra in this sol
emn document continued to affirm his presence at Cajamarca and claimed
6 C D IAO , X , 2 3 9 -2 4 0 ; R A N P i ( 1 9 2 0 ) 1 4 3 4 - 4 3 5 ; Santiago Montoto, Nobiliario,

P- 9 7 -
7 A G I, Lima 1 1 8 , probanza of Blas de Atienza. For Lozano see under Lozano,
above, p. 437. See also p. 105.
8 D H A , II, 3 2 1 ; Raul Porras, in Diego de Trujillo, Relation, pp. 7 9 -8 1 .
470 APPENDIX II
that in the formal distribution he had received a share of 2,000 pesos— a

patent falsehood— for which he then ordered his heirs to arrange restitu
tion.9
4 . Final Doubts
This writer was for some time under the impression that the Francisco
Martin of Cajamarca was Francisco Pizarro’s half brother Francisco Martin
de Alcantara, but such is not the case, as is seen under Francisco Martin
above.
Another cloudy matter was the presence or absence of Pedro Pizarro, the
chronicler, who in the conquest was one of Governor Pizarro’s pages.
Though several scholars have correctly said that he was not present, they
did so on the basis of Pedro’s absence from the general list, and this is not
completely conclusive evidence in his case, because sometimes pages were
omitted from distribution lists, or only included under their masters. Thus,
in the distribution of Cuzco in 1534, Pizarro’s share was said to be "for his
person, two horses, the interpreters and Pedro Pizarro his page.’’ Yet we
know that Gaspar de Marquina, also apparently Pizarro’s page, received an
independent share at Cajamarca. The issue is resolved in favor of Pedro’s
staying behind in San Miguel by his own testimony: that "this witness saw
Pedro Navarro in Cajamarca, and he must have been in the capture of
Atahuallpa with the others.” 10
9RAH C 4 :9 5 ; Porras, in Trujillo, Relation , pp. m - 1 1 3 .

10 A G I, Justicia 432, no. 2, ramo 3; Rafael Loredo, Los repartos, p. 10 1.
B IB L IO G R A P H Y
Most of what needs to go into a bibliographical essay has already been said.
The Preface describes the antecedents of the present work. Sources, both
printed and archival, for the individual biographies, have been thoroughly
evaluated in the notes. A general discussion of sources for early Peruvian
social history may be seen in Lockhart, Spanish Peru, pp. 269-272.
Perhaps a specific statement of the relation of the research for this proj
ect to that carried out by Raul Porras Barrenechea and Jose Antonio del
Busto Duthurburu would be in place here. Almost but not quite all of the
original materials— chronicles and A G I documents— on which their publi
cations are based have been consulted. When an important point in their
work rested on something not seen by the author, as occasionally happened,
it was accepted, after careful analysis, in view of the two scholars’ general
reliability, even though in Porras’s case this meant taking his word pure
and simple. In addition to what Porras and Busto saw, the author used
other material in the AGI, above all Contaduria 1825 (which deserves
publication in its entirety), and several items in the section "Justicia.” This
book’s documentation gained much from the general survey of sources car
ried out for Spanish Peru, considerably broader than any Porras or Busto
ever undertook; particularly their portrayals lack the social-economic di
mension that comes out of the Peruvian notarial records.
Aside from the idea of the complete sample, the research techniques em
ployed here are mainly those of Spanish Peru, except that even more use
has been made of the historian’s classic detective work. The tracing of in
dividuals, drawing every implication from each scrap of data, and subject
ing all to the closest kind of comparison, here reaches an intensity more
often associated with biblical exegesis or the study of prehistoric man. It
pays dividends in sharpening the eye for social distinctions and patterns, in
retrieving coherent careers from disconnected fragments, and occasionally
in relatively spectacular discoveries, such as the fact that Juan Garda prego-
nero was black.
John Hemming’s Conquest of the Incas appeared when preparation of
472 BIBLIOGRAPHY
the present book was almost complete. Hemming’s work combines popular
ization with a rather high degree of bibliographical thoroughness. Its con
tribution lies primarily in its concentration of a great deal of scattered work
on Indians, especially on the high nobles. There is very little information
about the first conquerors or the conquering expedition that is not given in
greater depth here. Therefore in the notes no attempt has been made to
give specific references to Hemming. Specialists may find it useful to con
sult Hemming’s Index for individuals of interest to them. As a narrative,
the work is the fullest and most reliable yet to appear, but we must still
await an account of the conquest that is balanced, multidimensional, and
analytical.
The following bibliography does not make distinctions between primary
and secondary sources. Almost all items were used for the primary informa
tion in them. Only Porras, Gongora, and Perez de Tudela had any influence
of an interpretational nature on the author.
Archival Sources
Notes to the individual biographies give the best idea as to the true ex
tent of the archival sources. Whereas in Spanish Peru the Peruvian notarial
archives were more important than the Archive of the Indies, the two ele
ments are more equally balanced here. The A G I’s "Patronato,” in the sec
tions on sixteenth-century Peru between legajos 90 and 185, contained
testimonials crucial to the research. Others were in the section "Lima.”
"Justicia” contained much litigation of relatives trying to recover fortunes
left by the men of Cajamarca. The importance of Contaduria 1825 and In-
diferente General 18 0 1 has been emphasized above.
Notarial records in the Archivo Nacional del Pern, Archivo Historico de
Arequipa, Archivo Historico Nacional del Cuzco, and Biblioteca Nacional
del Peru told much about the daily lives of the conquerors. All-important
was the early Protocolo Ambulante in the Archivo Nacional. The Library
of Congress holds some equally crucial notarial documents in its Harkness
Collection. The published calendar of the latter is useful, but not thorough
ly reliable paleographically. A small number of related documents are in
the Lilly Library of Indiana University.
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Alvarez Rubiano, Pablo. Pedrarias Davila. Madrid, 1944.
Anghiera, Pietro Martire d\ D e orbe novo. 2 vols. Madrid, 1892.
Angulo, Domingo. "El Capitan Geronimo de Aliaga.” R A N P 2 ( 19 2 1) .
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Atienza, Julio de. Nobiliario espanol. Diccionario heraldico de appellidos
espanoles y de titulos nobiliarios. Madrid, 1954.
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Bermudez Plata, Cristobal, ed. Catâlogo de pasajeros a Indias. 3 vols. Se
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Blanco Castillo, Francisco. Hernando de Soto, el centaur0 de las Indias.
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INDEX
Acari: 28011., 306 supporters of, fellow New Castilians

A da: 268, 423 a. and men associated with, 78, 88,
Africans. See Blacks 10 4 -10 5, 134, 2 10 - 2 11 , 235, 269,
Agiiero, Diego de: on roll of Cajamarca, 283-284, 333, 335, 3<$5 n-> 386, 388,
98; biography of, 209-212; men 4 51; and Sebastian de Benalcazar,
tioned, 6o, 85, 208, 259, 289 n., 371, 1 2 2 -12 3, 125, 126; and Francisco
404, 408, 418, 446 Pizarro, 14 2-14 4 , *47, 150, 1 5 1 ,
Aguilar, Maria de: 173 154 n., 269; and Hernando Pizarro,
Aguirre, Pedro de: on roll of Cajamar 159; and Juan Pizarro, 170; and Her
ca, 98; biography of, 398; mentioned, nando de Soto, 197; and fray Vicente
45 n., 57 n., 73 n., 263, 397, 399 de Valverde, 204; mentioned, 79 n.,
Alarc6n y Urroz, Ignacio de: 309 n. 1 3 1 , 170, 325, 357, 368
Albitez, Diego: 124 Almagro, don Diego de (the younger) :
Alburquerque, Alonso de: on roll of 16, 132, 205, 33<$
Cajamarca, 100; biography of, 4 27- Almendras, Francisco de: on roll of Ca
428 jamarca, 100; biography of, 3 12 - 3 14 ;
Alconchel, Pedro de: on roll of Caja mentioned, 87
marca, 99; biography of, 370-372; Almendras, Martin de: 313 ,’ 314 n.
mentioned, 34, 37 n., 5 1, 9$, 260, 396, Almonte, Gonzalo de: 297
416, 418 Alonso, Juan (notary): 75, 269, 422,
Alconcher, don Francisco de. See Alcon 428
chel, Pedro de Alonso, Maria: 173 n., 186 n.
Aldana, Hernando de: on roll of Caja Alonso, Martin: on roll of Cajamarca,
marca, 99; biography of, 2 12 -2 14 ; 98; biography of, 288-289; men
mentioned, 272 tioned, 45 n., 58, 174, 295
Aldana, Lorenzo de: 2 13 -2 14 , 365 Alvarado, Alonso de: 159
Aliaga, dona Maria de: 371
Alvarado, Diego de: 204
Aliaga, Jeronimo de: possible Jewish
Alvarado, Pedro de: and expedition to
descent of, 36; on roll of Cajamarca,
97; testimony of Francisco Pizarro Quito, 15, 125, 126, 197, 363, 4 5 i;
for, 149; biography of, 258-263; men as typical Badajoz native, 15 c ; men
tioned, 210, 277, 337 n.
tioned, 34, 37 n., 57, 60, 69, 73 n., 91,
1 1 7 , 240, 244, 249, 254, 284 n., 289, Alvarez, Rodrigo (merchant of Palos):
37 1, 418, 419, 447, 468 407 n.
Almagro, Diego de (the elder): narra Alvarez de la Carrera, Alonso. See Ca
tive details concerning, 5, 6, 12 , 1 5 - rrera, Alonso de la
16; as Isthmian type, 24-25; role in Ampuero, Francisco de: 154 n.
organizing expeditions, 67-72, 82-85; Anadel, Pedro de: on roll of Cajamar-
482 INDEX
ca, 97; biography of, 398-399Î men Barba Cabeza de Vaca, Ruy: 245
tioned, 37 n., 45 n., 5 4 , 73 n., 94, Barbarân, Juan de: possible Jewish de
263, 331 n., 369, 397, 459, 461 scent of, 36; on roll of Cajamarca, 98;
Andagoya, Pascual de: 127, 143, 398 as guardian of Pizarro's children,
annuities. See juros 154 n.; biography of, 289-291; men
antigiiedad: 14$. See seniority tioned, 60, 6 1, 77
Aragén, dona Guiomar de: 282 Barco, Pedro del: 196
Arequipa: 16, 6 1-6 2 ; mentioned, 180, Barrantes, Juan: 214
299; citizens of, see Cornejo, Miguel; Barrantes, Pedro: on roll of Cajamarca,
Jiménez, Andrés; Martinez (Vegaso), 97; biography of, 2 14 - 2 15 ; men
Lucas; Mendoza, Pedro de; Ruiz, tioned, 236
Alonso Barrera, Pedro de: on roll of Cajamarca,
Arias de Avila, Pedro. See Pedrarias de 98; biography of, 264-265; men
Avila tioned, 37 n., 73 n., 58, 315
Armenta, Baltasar de: 327, 328 n. Beltran, Hernando: on roll of Caja
Astete. See Estete marca, 98; biography of, 399-400;
Atacames: 5 mentioned, 37 m, 73 m, 337, 397, 405
Atahuallpa (Inca emperor): first inter Benalcazar, Sebastian de: narrative de
view of, with Spaniards, 10, 159 -16 0 , tails concerning, 4, 8, 15 ; as man of
195; description of capture of, i o - n , experience, 23, 26, 44, 48, 145; as
1 5 1 , 203, 228, 320, 32 1, 449, 450, Isthmian type, 24-25; role of, as or
458, 460, 462; treasure of, 1 1 , 1 2 - 1 3 , ganizer and leader of expeditions, 68,
78, 79; execution of, 1 2 - 1 3 , 19 1, 73, 82-85; supporters of, and men
19 5-19 6 , 276, 4 5 1; women of, 154 n., associated with, 77, 95, 230, 238, 241,
199, 45o; imperial fringe of, 32 1; 244, 273, 290, 308, 318, 322, 329,
mentioned, passim 335, 347, 348, 349, 356, 394, 400,
Atienza, Blas de: 259, 469 401, 403, 405, 406, 408; share of, in
Atienza, Luis de: 469 treasure, 80, 8 1-8 2 ; on roll of Caja
audiencia: 16, 53, 164, 182, 205, 225, marca, 97; biography of, 12 2 -12 9 ;
259, 260, 261, 298 n., 302, 319 mentioned, 12 1 , 133 , 190, 193, 254,
Avalos, Francisco de: on roll of Caja- 324 passim
marca, 99; biography of, 3 14 - 3 15 ; Beranga, Juan de: on role of Cajamarca,
mentioned, 372 102; biography of, 2 9 1-29 2; men
Avalos, Francisco de (alcalde of Lim a): tioned, 73 n., 74, 286 n., 310
145, 315 m Berlanga, fray Tomâs de (bishop of
Avila, Gil Gonzalez de: 4, 125, 367; Panama): 14 6 -14 7, 241, 242, 277
mentioned, passim Bernaldez, Marina: 379 n.
Ayacucho. See Huamanga Betanzos, Juan de: 15 4 0 .
Azpeitia, Nicolas de: on roll of Caja-
Biedma, Maria de: 186 n.
marca, 98; biography of, 263; men
Blacks: as expedition members, 35-36;
tioned, 37 n., 73 n., 94, 330
as runaways, 290; general discussion
of, as slaves, 447; mentioned, 16 1,
Badajoz, Gonzalo de: 142
293, 379 n., 439, 452. See also Garda
Baena, Francisco de: on roll of Caja-
pregonero, Juan (black crier); Ruiz,
marca, 98; biography of, 315-316*,
mentioned, 45 n., 73 n., 264 Miguel (mulatto); Moriscos; slaves
Balboa, Bachiller Juan de (surgeon): Blâzquez, Dr. Juan: 205
388 Bobadilla, dona Isabel de: 199 n., 200 n.
Balboa, Luisa de: 229 n. Bohôn, Juan: 281 n.
Balboa, Vasco Nunez de: 4, 66, 14 1, Bonilla, Francisco Diaz de: on roll of
142, 143, 150 Cajamarca, 100; biography of, 428-
Baracaldo, Ortuno de: 399 n. 429
INDEX 483
Bonilla, Francisco Nunez de. See Nunez Carrera, Alonso de la: on roll of Caja
de Bonilla, Francisco marca, 99; biography of, 3 16 - 3 17
Borrallo, Juan: on roll of Cajamarca, 99; Carrera, Sancho de la: 317 n.
biography of, 429-430 Carrillo, Garcia: 199 n.
Briceno, Alonso: on roll of Cajamarca, Carrillo, Luis: 142
97; biography of, 2 15 -2 16 Carrillo, Martin: 425 n.
Briceno, Ruy Hernandez. See Hernandez Cartagena: 253, 4 15
Briceno, Ruy Carvajal, Diego de: 173 n., 186 n.
Bueno, Martin: on roll of Cajamarca, Carvajal, Francisco de: 138, 183, 184,
99; biography of, 401-402; men 272, 358
tioned, 73 n., 196, 285, 397, 404, 447 Casa de Contrataciôn : 55, 162, 309, 394,
Burgos, Cristôbai de: 35, 146 419
Busto Duthurburu, José Antonio del: Castellanos, Juan de: comment on writ
comment on writings of, xiv, 36, ings of, 1 2 2 -12 3
222 n., 2550., 352 0.-353 n., 4 19 0 ., Castillo, Gonzalo del: on roll of Caja
454 n.-455 n-> 47* passim marca, 98; biography of, 3 17 - 3 18 ;
mentioned, 26, 37 n., 730 ., 95, 312,
cabalgada: 65 323 n.
Caballero, Alvaro: 310 Castillo, Hernando del (notary of Pana
cabildos. See town councils m a): 3 17 - 3 18
Cabo Blanco: 448 Castaneda, Licenciado Francisco de: as
Cajas: 195, 196 ally of Hernando de Soto, 82, 124,
Calahorra, Francisco de: 263 193, 244; mentioned, 67, 225
Calangane: 448 Catalan, Luis (sailor) : 402
Calderôn, Pedro: on roll of Cajamarca, Catalan, Pedro: on roll of Cajamarca,
102; biography of, 372-373; men 100; biography of, 402
tioned, 37 n., 58, 314 Cataho, Pedro: on roll of Cajamarca, 98;
Campanôn, Francisco: 192 biography of, 293-295; mentioned,
Candia, Pedro de: experience of, 2 1, 24; 26, 73 n., 341, 367
as marginal man, 89; on roll of Caja Cepeda, dona Mariana de: 298 n,
marca, 97; affinities of, 12 1, 369, 377, Cermeho, Catalina: 418, 4 19 0 .
378 n., 397, 414; biography of, 129 - Cermeho, Cristôbai: 4 1 9 0 .’
13 3 ; mentioned, 37 n., 38 n., 73 n., Cermeho, Pedro: 419 n.
95» 189 Chachapoyas: 296 n., 323, 446 n., 454 n.
Cahete, Marqués de (viceroy): 254, Chalcuchimi: 16 1
296 n. chaplaincies: 53, 458
Canga: 389 n. Charcas: 15, 62, 126, 180, 182, 3790.
CaniHeros, Conde de. See Munoz de San See also La Plata
Pedro, Miguel Chaves, Francisco de: 149, 152, 15 7 0 .,
307 n.
Cantillana, Diego de: 296
Chaves, dona Isabel de: 297, 298 n.
Cantillana, Rodrigo de: on roll of Caja Chaves, Rodrigo de: on roll of Cajamar
marca, 98; biography of, 292-293
ca, 97; biography of, 2 17 - 2 18 ; men
Carabaya: 379 n. tioned, 431
Cara vantes, Francisco Lôpez de: 92-94, Chico, Juan: on roll of Cajamarca, 10 1;
96 biography of, 373-374 ; mentioned,
Caribbean Sea: 24, 26, 55, 66, 89, 147. 34, 37 n., 5 1, 73 n., 95, 422
See also Santo Domingo Chilca: 371, 449
Carranza, Ginés de: on roll of Caja Chile: comparison of conquest of, 10 7 -
marca, 98; biography of, 2 16 - 2 17 ; 1 1 4 ; men from Peru active in, 283-
mentioned, 45 n., 580., 73 n., 225 284, 303-304, 335, 365-367, 420,
Carrasco, Pedro Alonso: 94, 97 n., 469 423, 432; mentioned, xiii, 15, 16, 85,
484 INDEX
19 6 -19 7, 305, 325, 328-329. See also conversos. See Jews

Sancho (de H oz), Pedro. Cornejo, Miguel: on roll of Cajamarca,
Chincha: 448, 449, 455 1 0 1; biography of, 318 -320 ; men
Chinchilla, Alonso de: n o n ., 280 n. tioned, 60, 312, 421
chronicles: military terminology in, 1 8 - Cortés, Hernando: 2 1, 138, 147, 150,
19 ; by men of Cajamarca, 34; com 164, 315
parative discussion of, relating to Juan Cortés, Juan: on roll of Cajamarca, 97;
and Gonzalo Pizarro, 17 2 -17 3 , 1 8 6 - biography of, 295-296; mentioned,
188; discussion of treatment of Feli- 45 n., 76, 220, 288
pillo, 4 5 1; mentioned, passim. See Council of the Indies: 58, 180, 203-204,
also Estete, Miguel de; Jerez, Fran 264
cisco de; Mena, Cristôbal de; Pizarro, criados. See majordomos
Hernando; Sancho (de H oz), Pedro, Cruz, Maria de la: 249 n.
and Trujillo, Diego de; and individ culture of the conquerors: 1 1 6 - 1 1 8 ,
ual chroniclers 1 5 1 - 1 5 2 , 204, 457-459
Chupas, battle of: 16; men participat Cuneo-Vidal, R.: comment on writings
ing in, 132, 210, 223, 228, 234, 235, of, 155 n., 167 n.
252, 260, 316, 336, 377, 424, 432; Cuzco: as center of settlement of men of
mentioned, passim Cajamarca, 60-62; 1537 council of,
church: 96, 148, 152, 241, 252. See also 87; significant mention of, passim
Berlanga, fray Tomâs de; Sosa, Juan
de; Valverde, fray Vicente de; reli Darién: 66, 405, 4 13
gion Dâvalos Ribera, dona Maria: 302
Cieza de Le6n, Pedro de: comment on Delgado, Juan: on roll of Cajamarca,
writings of, 9 1-9 4 , 187 n.; mentioned, 1 0 1 ; biography of, 374~375; men
passim tioned, 63, 76, 370
Cisneros, Cristobal de: 243 n. Desaguadero: 253
civil wars: 15 - 16 , 59-61, 87-88, and Destre, Domingo de (tailor): 379 n.
passim. See also individual battles and Diaz, Alonso (horseshoer) : 363
leaders, especially Pizarro, Gonzalo Diaz de Bonilla, Francisco. See Bonilla,
clergy. See church Francisco Diaz de
Clemente, Juan: 383 n., 384 n. Diaz (de Rojas), Pedro: 390 n., 468
Coaque: 7, 68, 69, 194, 447; mentioned, don: usage of term, 32; as honor, 52-
passim 53; instances of use of, 12 3 , 159,
coats of arms: 52, 53, 55-56, 152, 16 70 ., 2 17 n., 238 n., 358
347 n., 468-469; mentioned, passim dona: use of, discussed, 32-33; instances
Columbus, Christopher: 130, 293, 309 of use of, 19 1, 238 n., 244, 261, 291,
compana. See companies 306, 323 n., 359, 418
compania. See companies
companies: types and functions of, 70 - education of the conquerors: discussion
76; examples of, 14 3-14 4 , 192, 2 1 1 , of, 34-35, 1 12; of individual men,
247, 263, 278-279, 297, 300-301, 310, especially Hernando Pizarro, 16 1;
318, 333, 344, 373-374Î mentioned, Gonzalo Pizarro, 176; fray Vicente de
95, 267, 275. See also investment Valverde, 202; Jerônimo de Aliaga,
Conchillos, Lope: 142 259
conquis ta: 65 Enciso, Bachiller Martin Fernandez de:
Contarhuacho: 154 n. 66, 14 1
Contrataciôn. See Casa de Contrataciön encomenderos. See encomiendas
Contreras, Pedro (Löpez) de: on roll of encomiendas: process of granting or re
Cajamarca, 100; biography of, 430; moval of, 9, 14, 44-46, 75» 86, 146,
mentioned, 389 n. 158, 18 3-18 4 , 185, 224, 235, 245,
Contreras, Rodrigo de: 260 277-278, 290, 30 1-30 2, 376, 4 12; in
INDEX 485
Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion, 16, 1 8 1 - 358; favored treatment of, 85-86,
185, 228, 252, 375; as stability fac 109, 152. See also individual men
tor, 19-20, 44; social qualifications of from Extremadura
holders of, 5 1, 375, 376, 38 1; inherit
ance of, 60, 154 n., 165, 2 11 , 302; as Farel, Tomas: 419 n.
basis of position of men of Cajamarca, Federmann, Nicolas: 126
and where held, 60-63; comparative Felipillo (interpreter): 448-455
view of, 1 1 3 - 1 1 4 , 376; importance of Félix, Gabriel: on roll of Cajamarca, 98;
Francisco Pizarro’s in Panama, 142, biography of, 267; mentioned, 37 n.
144; examples of exploitation of, Félix de Morales, Alonso: 267 n.
167 n., 188 n., 204-203, 2 11 , 2 2 1- Fernandez, Juan (sea captain): 73, 125,
223, 229, 2 51-2 52 , 254 n., 288, 301, 359 n.
303 n., 377, 379 n., 452; mentioned, Fernandez el Palentino, Diego: 265
under individual men, and passim Florencia, Martin de: on roil of Caja
Enriquez de Guzman, don Alonso: 140, marca, 100; biography of, 377-379;
162, 417 mentioned, 22, 36, 37 n., 73 n., 89,
entradas: examples of, 16, h i , 114 , 95, 369
1 3 1 - 1 3 2 , 18 0 -18 1, 187 n., 222, 278- Florencia, Martin de (son of the man
279; discussion of, 65-77, 89 of Cajamarca): 378 n., 379 n.
Escalante, Juan de (carpenter): on roll Flores, Bartolomé de: 282 n.
of Cajamarca, 100; biography of, 375- Florida: 198, 199, 281 n.
376; mentioned, 37 n., 5 1, 56, 76, foreigners: 28, 282 m, 305, 384 n.,
389 n. 419 n., 429 n -430 n., 440-441. See
Escalante, Juan de (notary): 37 6 n. also Candia, Pedro de; Florencia, Mar
Escobar, Antonio de (hosier): 3070. tin de; Griego, Jorge
Escobar, Maria de: 306-307 Foster, George M.: ideas of, 1 1 6 - 1 1 7
Escobar, Pedro de (tailor, of Panama): Francisco, don (interpreter): 454 n.
307 n. Francisqui, Neri (Florentine merchant):
Escudero, Diego: on roll of Cajamarca, 305
102; biography of, 4 30 -431; men Fuentes, Francisca de: 252, 323 n.,
tioned, 91 n. 324 n.
Espinosa, Barbola de: 323 m Fuentes, Francisco de: on roll of Caja
Espinosa, Licenciado Gaspar de: 67, 7 1 - marca, 98; biography of, 322-324;
72, 142, 143, 192, 204, 247, 250-251, mentioned, 73 n., 95, 252, 318
322, 323 n.
Espinosa, Juan de: 134 Gallego, Cristôbal: on roll of Cajamarca,
Estete, Martin: 265, 277 98; biography of, 4 3 1; mentioned,
Estete, Miguel (author of chronicle, 45 n., 426
horseman): on roll of Cajamarca, 97; Gallego, Francisco: on roll of Cajamar
biography of, 265-267; and Miguel ca, 100; biography of, 432
Estete (de Santo Domingo), 320 n.-
Gallo Island: 5, 67-68, 130, 149, 152,
321 n.; mentioned, 26 n., 34, 37 n.,
217, 268, 308, 438
94, 147, 291, 320, 341, 361, 450,
Gârate, Gaspar de. See Marquina, Gas-
455 n.
par de
Estete (de Santo Domingo), Miguel
(footman): on roll of Cajamarca, 99; Garay, Adelantado Francisco de: 2 11
biography of, 320-322; mentioned, 1 1 , Garay, dona Luisa de: 2 11
26 n., 37 n., 94, 265 Garda, Antön: on roll of Cajamarca,
Extremadurans: numbers and origins of, 10 1; biography of, 432-433; men
in Peru expedition, 2 7 - 3 1; character tioned, 427
istics of, 32, 40, 77, 136, 147, 14 8- Garcia, Esteban: on roll of Cajamarca,
149, 150, 152, 165, 299, 300, 313, 102; biography of, 433
486 INDEX
Garcia Clemente, Juan. See Garcia pre- 99; biography of, 402-403; men
gonero, Juan tioned, 73 n., 397, 408
Garda de Caceres, Diego: n o n . Gonzalez de Avila, Gil. See Avila, Gil
Garcia de Calzadilla, Juan: 434 n. Gonzalez de
Garda de Palos, Juan. See Garcia de Gorducho, Francisco: on roll of Caja
Calzadilla, Juan marca, 100; biography of, 324-325;
Garcia de Santa Olalla, Juan: on roll of mentioned, 339 n.
Cajamarca, 100; biography of, 4 1 1 - Gorgona (island): 5, 6
4 13 ; mentioned, 50, 242, 382 n., 4 13, governors: role of, 69, 72-73, 75, 79-
467 80, 143, 14 5-14 6 , 150, 183
Garcia de Villalôn, Diego: 280 n., 304 n. Gregorio, Pedro: 7
Garcia escopetero, Juan: on roll of Ca Griego, Jorge: on roll of Cajamarca,
jamarca, 1 0 1; biography of, 434; men 100; biography of, 4 14 -4 15 ; men
tioned, 96 n., 382 n. tioned, 96, 377, 378 n., 397
Garcia gaitero, Juan. See Garcia prego- Guatemala: 15 , 197
nero, Juan Guevara, dona Beatriz de: 320
Garcia Pizarro, Juan. See Garcia esco Guevara, Vasco de: 423, 424
petero, Juan; and Garcia pregonero, Gutiérrez, Felipe: 466-467
Juan Gutiérrez de los Rios, Diego: n o n .
Garcia pregonero, Juan (black crier): Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Pedro de: com
on roll of Cajamarca, 102; biography ment on writings of, 17 3 n., 186 n.,
of, 380-384; mentioned, 36, 37 n., $ 1, 1 8 7 0 ., 304 n., 3 5 9 n.
56, 58, 396, 422, 447, 471. See also Guzman, dona Francisca: 222
Garcia escopetero, Juan
Garcia Vegaso, Alonso: 303 n. Hemming, John: comment on writings
Garcilaso de la Vega, el Inca: comment of, 455 n., 471-472
on writings of, 105, 106, 123, 138, Henao, Alonso de: 255 n.
19 0 -19 1, 200 n., 307 n., 321 n., 469; Henao, Sancho de: 255 n.
mentioned, 132 , 139 Hernandez Briceho, Ruy: on roll of Ca
Gasca, Licenciado Pedro de: 16, 127, jamarca, 97; biography of, 2 18 -2 19 ;
176, 182, 253; mentioned, passim mentioned, 73 n., 80 n., 226, 227
Gavilân, Diego: on roll of Cajamarca, Hernandez de Côrdoba, Francisco: 4,
100; biography of, 296-298; men 124, 142, 143, 192, 337, 405
tioned, 34, 306, 435 n. Hernandez de Mesa, Alonso: 229 n.
Godoy, Francisco de: 2 13 n. Hernandez de Mesa, Baltasar: 229 n.
Gömara, Francisco Löpez de: comment Hernandez de Mesa, don Florencio:
on writings of, 19, 55 n., 122, 136, 229 n.
138 Hernandez Girôn, Francisco: 222, 254
Gôngora, Mario: comment on ideas and Hernandez Paniagua, Pedro: 188 n.
writings of, xiii-xiv, 2 0 -2 1, 66, 10 7 - Herrada, Juan de: 272 n.
108, i n , 472 Herrera, Alonso de: 326 n.
Gonzalez, Francisca (mother of Fran Herrera, Antonio de: on roll of Caja
cisco Pizarro): 13 8 -13 9 marca, 99*, biography of, 434-435;
Gonzalez, Francisco: on roll of Caja mentioned, 372 n.
marca, 1 0 1 ; biography of, 384; men Herrera, Antonio de (chronicler) :
tioned, 37 n., 93, 389 n. comment on writing of, 94, 96
Gonzalez, Gômez: on roll of Cajamarca, Herrera, Juan de: on roll of Cajamarca,
100; biography of, 4 13 -4 14 99; biography of, 2 19 -2 2 1; men
Gonzalez, Hernân: 297 tioned, 436
Gonzalez, Inigo: 403, 468 Herrera, Rodrigo Alonso de: 326 n.
Gonzalez, Nuno: on roll of Cajamarca, Herrera, Rodrigo de: on roll of Caja-
INDEX 487
marca, 100; biography of, 325-326; 447; mentioned, passim. See also
mentioned, 76, 95, 312 Atahuallpa; Hemming, John; mesti
hidalgo: discussion of, as term, 3 1-3 3 , zos; military tactics; restitution;
i n , 208. See also chaps. 2, 7, 8 slaves
Hispaniola. See Santo Domingo Inquill Coya, dona Francisca: 17 4 n.
Holguin, Perâlvarez: 2 13 n. investment patterns: of repatriates, 55,
Honduras: 24, 124, 125, 225, 294, 335, 57, 58-59; of men staying in Peru,
342, 346, 349, 367, 394, 408 63; in expeditions, 66-75, 89, 13 3 ,
Hontiveros, Crisostomo de: on roll of 1 4 3 - 1 4 4 , I 93- I 94, 278-279, 466; of
Cajamarca, 99; biography of, 298- individuals, 16 1- 16 2 , 167 n., 247,
300; mentioned, 77, 87, 310, 360 270, 277, 2 8 7 -3 11 passim, 342, 392,
horses: importance of, 47, 70, 79, 2 3 1; 405, 466. See also companies; enco-
commercial dealings and, 74-75, 283, miendas; horses; slaves
308, 388; facility of certain leaders
with, 147, 163, 177, 195; mentioned, Jamaica: 346, 386 n.
passim. See also Calderön, Pedro, and Jaquijahuana, battle of: 16, 183, 260
Salinas herrador, Juan de (horsesho- Jauja: Spanish in, 12, 13, 14, 78, 15 4 0 .,
ers) 196, 203, 2 31, 244, 339, 396, 447;
Hoz, don Francisco de la: 348, 350 n. men staying in, in late 1533, 13, 263,
Hoz, Pedro Sancho de. See Sancho (de 294, 388; men of Cajamarca, as citi
Hoz), Pedro zens of, 6 1-6 2 ; council members of,
Huaco Ocllo, dona Catalina: 229 216, 219, 221, 2 3 1, 237, 241, 290,
Huamanga: 16, 53, 6 1-6 2, 63, 313, 326, 435; other Spanish citizens of,
467 n.; citizens of, see Estete de Santo 233, 340, 374, 394, 4 17; notaries in,
Domingo, Miguel; Gavilân, Diego; 259, 283, 276 n., 285 n.; mentioned,
Hontiveros, Crisôstomo de; Martin, passim
Garcia; Palomino, Melchor Jerez, Francisco de (official secretary
Huamantanga: 418 and chronicler): 18, 9 1, 134, 265,
Huancavélica: 449 276, 464-465; on roll of Cajamarca,
Huânuco: 16, 245, 336 97; biography of, 268-270; men
Huarina, battle of: 302, 316, 467 tioned, 34, 37 n., 45 n., 95, 448
Huayna Capac: 154 n., 199 n. Jews (converted): reputed or suspected,
36-37, 201, 206, 285 n., 378 n., 392 n.
Ica: 376 Jimenez, Alonso: on roll of Cajamarca,
Inca, don Carlos: 1990. 100; biography of, 385; mentioned,
illegitimacy: 13 8 -13 9 , 308, 322, 323 m, 37 n., 73 n., 333, 386, 440
330. See also mestizos Jimenez, Andres: on roll of Cajamarca,
Indians: Some narrative aspects of bat 100; biography of, 327-328
tles and skirmishes with, 8, 1 1 , 12, Jimenez, Francisca: 244, 245 n., 246 n.
13, 1$ , 149, 1 7 1 , 196, 205-206, 231, Jimenez, Juan (tailor): on roll of Caja
245, 370, 404, 457-463; number of marca, 100; biography of, 386-387;
Spaniards lost in fighting with, 59-61, mentioned, 37 n., 88, 373
1 14; as structural factor more than as Jimenez (de Trujillo), Juan: arrives
cultural influence on Spaniards, 1 1 7 ; with Almagro, 386 n -3 8 7 n.
as mistresses of conquerors, 153 n.- juros: 55, 56, 160, 247, 289 m, 345, 347
154 n., 174, 199 n., 222, 229, 248,
272, 302, 3040., 358-359, 374, La Conquista. See La Zarza
378 n., 381, 422, 447; Spanish atti Lachira: 449
tudes toward, 159 -16 0 , 16 1, 169, 178, La Plata: 16, 62, 180, 313
19 1, 204, 252, 306, 332, 458; as auxil La Zarza: 157, 166 n., 169, 288, 2890.
iaries and interpreters, 199 n., 379 n., Leön, Antön de: 308
447-455*, as slaves, 3 17 -3 18 , 392, Leön, Constanza de: 308, 309 n.
488 INDEX
Leôn, Francisco de: n o n ., 328-329 205, 2 21, 247, 248, 303 n -3 0 4 n.,
Leôn, Pedro de: on roll of Cajamarca, 344» 353 n., 36 1; of church or hos
98; biography of, 328-329; men pital, 241, 316
tioned, 284 n. Mala: 1 5 1 , 371
Leôn, Pedro de (conqueror of Chile): Malaver, Francisco: on roll of Cajamar
n o n ., 328-329 ca, 97; biography of, 329
Leôn, Pedro de (notary in Cuzco): Maldonado, dona Beatriz: 222, 223 n.
328 n. Maldonado, Diego: on roll of Cajamar
Lezcano, Maria de: 289, 291 n. ca, 97; biography of, 2 2 1-2 2 3 ; men
Lima: as place of settlement for men of tioned, 33, 27 n., 63, 228
Cajamarca, 6 0 -6 2; significant mention Maldonado, Francisco: 223 m
of, passim Maldonado, Gonzalo: on roll of Caja
Loaysa, fray Jerônimo de: 467 marca, 99; biography of, 224-225;
Lôpez (del M oral), Alonso. See Mo mentioned, 73 n., 246
rales, Alonso Maldonado, Juan Alvarez: 222, 223 n.
Lôpez, Anton. 436 Maldonado de Alamos, Diego: 223 m
Lopez, Diego: on roll of Cajamarca, Manco Inca: 16 1, 169, 451, 452
100; biography of, 4 3 5 -4 3 6 Manrique de Lara, dona Catalina: 309 n.
Lopez, Francisco: on roll of Cajamarca, Maraver, Francisco. See Malaver, Fran
98; biography of, 3 8 7 -3 8 8 ; men cisco
tioned, 37 m, 73 n., 370, 4 3 6 -4 3 7 , Marino de Lobera, don Pedro: comment
444 on writings of, 281 n.
L6pez, Garcia: on roll of Cajamarca, Marquez, Francisco: 316 n.
120; biography of, 436 Marquina, Gaspar de: on roll of Caja
Lôpez de Caravantes, Francisco. See marca, 102; biography of, 3 3 0 -3 3 1;
Caravantes, Francisco Lôpez de personal letter of, with commentary,
Lôpez de Cazalla, Pedro: 359 n. 457-463; mentioned, 73 n 76, 91 n.,
Lôpez de Contreras, Pedro de. See Con 263, 398, 438
treras, Pedro (Lôpez) de Marquina, Martin de: on roll of Caja
Lôpez de Jerez, Francisco. See Jerez, marca, 99; biography of, 437-438
Francisco de marriage: 25, 57, 60, 229, 244, 245,
Lôpez de Salcedo, Diego: 193 314, 323 n. See also under individual
Loredo, Rafael: comment on publica men, passim
tions of, xiii, 9 1-9 2 Martin, don (interpreter): 53 n., 448-
Loria, Rogel: 371 455
Lozano: on roll of Cajamarca, 102; bi Martin, Francisco: on roll of Cajamarca,
ography of, 4 3 6 -4 3 7 ; mentioned, 1 0 1 ; biography of, 438-439; men
7 3 n., 387 tioned, 426, 442 n., 470
Lozano, Alonso. See Lozano Martin, Garcia: on roll of Cajamarca,
Lozano, Domingo. See Lozano 100; biography of, 4 15 -4 16
Lozano, Rodrigo: 437 n., 469 Martin, Juan (blacksmith of Alm agro):
Luna, don Gômez de: 313 365
Lunahuanâ: 2 1 1 Martin Bueno, Pero (shipmaster):
Luque, Hernando de: 70-73, 14 3-14 4 , 401 n.
322, 466 Martin Camero, Francisco: 304 n.
Luringancho: 352 Martin de Alburquerque, Francisco. See
Martin, Francisco
maestre de campo: 89, 319, 335-336 Martin de Alcantara, Francisco (half
Maicavilica: 449 brother of Francisco Pizarro): 140,
majordomos: of the Pizarros, 45, 76-77, 149, 154 n., 157 n., 439 n., 470
144, 247, 288, 289 n., 290, 295, 299» Martin de Don Benito, Alonso: 146
300, 308, 326, 375; of others, 127, Martin de Sicilia, Pedro: 468 n.
490 INDEX
Narvaez, Diego de: on roll of Caja- Orellana, Hernando de: 166 n., 237
marca, ioo; biography of, 2 7 1-2 7 3 ; Orgohos, Pedro de: 205
mentioned, 37 n., 89 Orgohos, Rodrigo de: 138, 205, 206 n.,
Navarro, Antonio (royal treasurer): 256, 257 m
263 Oropesa, Count of: 201, 203, 206 n.,
Navarro, Antonio (son of Pedro N a 256
varro): 3090. Ortiz, Pedro: on roll of Cajamarca, 98;
Navarro, Pedro: on roll of Cajamarca, biography of, 233-234
99; biography of, 307-309; men Ovando, fray Nicolas de: 14 1
tioned, 76, 77» 247, 330, 374, 442 Oviedo, Antonio de: on roil of Caja
Nicaragua: men from, in conquest of marca, 100; biography of, 338-339
Peru, 4» 5, 6, 8, 24, 26-27, 49» 73, Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernandez de: com
82, 95, 104; as precedent to conquest ment on the writings of, 19, 22, 124,
of Peru, 69, 76, 80, 107, 14 3; Benal- 13 3 , 136, 153, i8 6 n .-i8 7 n ., 269-
câzar in, 12 3 - 12 5 ; veterans of, 133, 270; mentioned, 123, 289
189, 216, 219, 225, 227, 230, 238,
241, 244, 264, 265, 273, 289, 292, Pachacamac: trip of Hernando Pizarro
308, 315 , 319»328, 329, 330, 331, to, 12, 16 1, 164, 265; mentioned,
335, 337, 33S, 341, 342, 346, 348, passim
349, 35<$, 361, 367, 376, 387, 394, Palomino, Alonso: 390-391
398, 399, 400, 401, 403, 405, 406, Palomino, Diego: 339-340, 341 n.,
408, 4 13, 423, 430, 459-460; Soto in, 391 n.
1 92-194; Melchor Verdugo in, 252-
Palomino, Francisco (notary): 339,
253; as source of slaves, 3 17 -3 18 ,
341 n.
447; mentioned, passim
Palomino, Juan Alonso: 339, 340, 341 n.
Nieto, Hernân: 19 9 0 .
Nino, Licenciado Rodrigo: 206 Palomino, Melchor: on roll of Caja
Niza, Juan de: on roll of Cajamarca, marca, 99; biography of, 339~34i;
1 0 1 ; biography of, 440-441; men mentioned, 26 n., 37 n., 391 n.
tioned, 95 Palomino tonelero: on roll of Cajamarca,
Nombre de Dios: 253, 381 xoo; biography of, 39 0-391; men
notaries: 38-40, 258-286 passim tioned, 37 n., 38 n.
Nunez, Rodrigo: on roll of Cajamarca, Panama: origins of Peru expedition in,
97; biography of, 334-337*, men 4, 5, <5, 7, 12 , 70-73» 104, 1 4 3 - 1 4 4 ;
tioned, 86, 88-89 idiosyncrasies of Spanish presence in,
Nunez de Bonilla, Francisco: 297, 429 n. 24-25, 42, 66-68, 14 5 -14 7 , 252, 376;
Nunez de Illescas, Francisco and Rodri conquerors of Peru and relatives of,
go: 296 in, 26 n., 241, 289-290, 306, 339*»
Nunez de Prado, Juan: 336, 3370 . founders of, compared to conquerors
Nunez de Prado, Rodrigo. See Nunez, of Peru and Chile, 37, 39, 10 7 - 114 ;
Rodrigo Benalcazar in, 12 3 - 12 4 ; conquerors
Nunez de Prado, Sebastian: 336, 337 n. of Peru and officials of, 129, 247,
Nunez Vela, Blasco (viceroy) : 16, 177 , 250 -251, 271, 290, 3 17 -3 18 , 322;
182, 252, 254, 255, 261, 317 n., 336 Francisco Pizarro in, 14 1- 14 3 ; Soto
in, 192; individual conquerors in,
Ojeda, Alonso de: 14 1, 142 243-244* 259-260, 264, 268-269,
Ojuelos, Diego: on roll of Cajamarca, 337, 392, 399, 413, 414, 415, 4^6;
97; biography of, 337-338; men mentioned, passim. See also Pedrarias
tioned, 94 de Avila
Olivares, Gabriel de: on roll of Caja Pantiel de Salinas, Juan. See Salinas
marca, 100; biography of, 232 -233; Farfân, Juan de
mentioned, 73 n., 240, 250 Paramo, Pedro de: on roll of Cajamar-
492 INDEX
Pizarro, dona Isabel (daughter of Puna (island): arrival of Soto at, 8, 68,
Ju an ): 174 n., 186 n. 194; fighting on, in 15 3 1, 8, 149;
Pizarro, Juan (brother of Francisco) : deaths of Valdevieso and Valverde at,
owner of three horses in conquest, 75; in 15 4 1, 205-206, 248; The Thirteen
in relation to brothers, 80, 122, 139, on, 332; mentioned, 9, 169, 225,
153» *58, 175, 17 7 ; accession to lead 235 n., 348
ership, 85; on roll of Cajamarca, 97; Punoenrrostro, Count of: 155 n., 164
biography of, 16 8 -17 5 ; close asso
ciates of, 220, 295, 333; mentioned, Quechua: 2 13 , 450
passim Quesada, Licenciado Gonzalo Jiménez
Pizarro, Juan (shoemaker, brother of de: 126
Martin Pizarro): 148, 1 5 6 n., 418 Quincoces, Juan de: on roll of Caja
Pizarro, don Juan (son of Francisco): marca, 98; biography of, 3 1 0 - 3 1 1 ;
154 n. mentioned, 73 n., 74, 291
Pizarro, don Juan (son of Hernando): Quinones, Antonio de: 230
166 n. Quinones, Francisco de: 230
Pizarro, Juan (uncle of Francisco): 14 1 Quinones, Juan de: 231 n., 232 n.
Pizarro, don Juan Fernando (grandson Quinones, Juan Morgovejo de. See Mor-
of Hernando): 1 6 6 n. govejo (de Quinones), Juan
Pizarro, Martin: on roll of Cajamarca, Quintero, Juan: 4070.
1 0 1 ; biography of, 4 17-4 20 ; men^ Quito: and Benalcazar, 15, 85, 125,
tioned, 391 n., 416 12 6 -12 7 ; and men of Cajamarca, 62,
Pizarro, don Martin de. See Martin, don 352 n.; and Gonzalo Pizarro, 18 0 -
Pizarro, Pedro: 220 n., 319 n., 419, 4 51, 18 1, 182; and Soto, 195, 197; men
470; comment on writings of, 79 n., tioned, 210, 247, 3 17 0 ., 352 n.,
156 n., 188 n., 193, 248, 404, 453 n. 353 n., 388, 400, 451
Pizarro de Orellana, Juan: on roll of Quizquiz: 196
Cajamarca, 97; biography of, 236-
238; mentioned, 166 n. Ramirez, Ana: 260
Pizarro family: 13 6 -13 7 , 220. See also Reconquest, Spanish: 66, 74
individual Pizarros religion: role of, in the conquerors'
Poechos: 449, 452 minds, 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 , 152, 457-458. See
Ponce de Leôn, Hernan: associate of also chaplaincies; church; restitution
Hernando de Soto, 73, 19 2 -19 3, 194, restitution: general atmosphere of, to
197, 199 n., 200 n.; and other con Indians, 105, 118 ; instances of,
querors of Peru, 256, 361, 423 105 m, 229, 323, 345, 4<$9-47o; re
Popayân: 126, 127 sistance to, 303
Porco: 1 61 retainers, See majordomos
Porras, Antonio de: 238 Ribera, don Antonio de: 154 n.
Porras, Juan de: on roll of Cajamarca, Ribera, Nicolas de: 105 n., 216, 303,
99; biography of, 238-239; men 37 6
tioned, 26 n., 241, 257 n., 273 Rios, Pedro de los (governor of Pan
Porras, Bachiller Juan de: 238 ama): 5, 67, 69, 12 9 -130 , 271
Porras Barrenechea, Raûl: comment on Riquelme, Alonso (royal treasurer): 13,
writings of, xiv, 7 1-7 2 , 135 n., 136,
75, 263, 273, 277, 294
155 n., 167 n., 19 1, 471, 472
Roa y Ursûa, Luis de: comment on writ
Portocarrero, don Pedro: 358
ings of, 304 n.
Potosi: 16 1, 222
Prescott, William H.: comment on writ- Robles, Francisco de. See Robles sastre
ings of, 3, 169, 346 Robles, Martin de: 260
Prieto. See Peto Robles, Pedro de (shoemaker): 393 n.
Puertoviejo: 8, 449 Robles sastre: on role of Cajamarca, 10 1;
494 INDEX
104, 464-465; ships at, in August, Sosa, Hernando de: on roll of Cajamar
1532, 9 n., 76, 392; Benalcazar in, 15, ca, 1 0 1 ; biography of, 355-356; men
84-85, 126, 318, 322, 400; men who tioned, 26 n., 465
stayed behind in (instances o f), 339- Sosa, Hernando de (secretary to Al-
340, 388 n.; mentioned, 40, 247, 333, magro): 355 n,
388 Sosa, Juan de: on roll of Cajamarca, 97;
San Millân, Luis de: 283, 284 n. biography of, 465-468; mentioned,
San Millân, Pedro de: on roll of Caja- 90, 201, 203, 277, 282 n., 355 n., 465
marca, 100; biography of, 283-285; Sotelo, Antonio de: 241, 243 n.
mentioned, 37 n., 89 Sotelo, Cristôbal de: 242, 243 n.
Santa: 6 Sotelo, Gaspar de: 242, 243 n.
Santa Clara, Pedro Gutiérrez de. See Sotelo, Gregorio de: on roll of Cajamar
Gutiérrez de Santa Clara, Pedro ca, 99; biography of, 2 4 1-2 4 3; men
Santa Marta: 385, 415 tioned, 26 n., 37 n., 54, 218 n., 261,
Santiago, Order of. See military orders 262 n., 284 n., 357 n.
Santiliân, Licenciado Hernando de: Soto, Bartolomé de: 168, 173 n.
309 n. Soto, Bias de: 173 n - 1 7 4 n., 186 n.
Santiliân, dona Mencia de: 309 n. Soto, Hernando de: narrative details
Santo Domingo: men of Cajamarca in, concerning, 4, 8, 10, 13 - 1 4 ; in 1 5 3 1 -
124, 125, 14 1, 293, 367, 405, 408, 1532 Peru expedition, 68, 77» 80, 82-
4 15 ; men returning from Cajamarca 85, 95; company of, with Hernân
in, 164, 332-333; Spanish woman Ponce, 73; and Benalcazar, 82-85,
bom in, in Peru, 244, 245 n. See also 12 4 - 12 5 ; on roll of Cajamarca, 97;
Caribbean Sea and Francisco Pizarro, 142, 1 5 1 ; at
Saravia, dona Maria: 298 n. Badajoz, 150; and Juan Pizarro, 169-
Segovia, Diego de (trumpeter): 371, 170 ; biography of, 19 0 -2 0 1; support
396 ers and associates of, 216, 225, 226,
Segovia, Juan de: on roll of Cajamarca, 233, 237, 244, 265, 294, 297, 319,
99; biography of, 395-396; men 330, 341, 361, 367, 398, 4 H , 423;
tioned, 37 n., 95, 371 mentioned, passim
Segura, Maria: 229 n. Soto, Isabel de: 173 n., 186 n.
seigneurial ideal: 57, 63, 64, 118 passim Soto, dona Leonor de: 199 n., 201 n.
seniority: 23-24, 116 , 142, 14 5 -14 6 Soto, dona Maria de: 199 n.
passim stewards. See majordomos
Sierra de Leguizamo, Mancio: 469 Suarez, Simôn (Portuguese): 440
signatures: as index of literacy, 34-35, Sucre. See La Plata
176; mentioned, passim
Tabuyo, Inigo: on roll of Cajamarca, 99;
slaves: mentioned, 67, 133, 219, 229 n.,
biography of, 356-357; mentioned, 26
231, 280, 325. See also Blacks; In
dians Talavera, Francisco de: 402 n., 468 n.
Tangararâ: 9 n. See also San Miguel
Solares, Francisco de: on roll of Caja
Téllez de Guzman, Antonio: 236 n.
marca, 10 1; biography of, 354; men
Terrazas, Bartolomé de. See Sanchez de
tioned, 312
Terrazas, Bartolomé
soldada: 20 Thayer Ojeda, Tomas: comment on writ
"soldiers” : meaning and application of ings of, xiii, 108, n o , 1 1 on., 1 1 1 -
term, 17-2 2 1 1 2 , 281 n.
Soraluce, Domingo: 263, 305, 398, 438 Thirteen of Fame (or of Gallo Island):
Sosa, Antonia de: 402 actions of, 5-6, 68; some of, in Peru
Sosa, Bernaldino de: 355 n., 356, 467 later, 105 n., 303, 469; among men of
Sosa, Cristôbal de: on roll of Cajamarca, Cajamarca, 1 3 0 - 1 3 1 , 2 15 - 2 16 ; anec
102; biography of, 423-425 dotes relating to, 150, 152, 332, 448;
INDEX 495
men falsely thought to be among, 297, ca, 100; biography of, 362-365; men
308, 364, 469; mentioned, 2 17 , 268 tioned, 50, 5 8 , 159, 352 n.
Tiemblo, Hernando del: on roll of Ca- Trujillo (Peru): 14, 62, 265, 267 n.,
jamarca, 1 0 1 ; biography of, 425; 290, 365; men of Cajamarca as citi
mentioned, 50 zens of, 250-255, 322-324
Titicaca, Lake: 210, 404 Trujillo (Spain): recruiting for Peru
Tocto Chimbu (dona Leonor): 19 9 0 . expedition in, 6, 27; as source of
Toledo, don Francisco de (viceroy): 364 favored group of men of Cajamarca,
Toro, Alonso de: on roll of Cajamarca, 28-29, 75, 84, 86, 15 2 ; Peruvian
100; biography of, 357-360; men veterans on council of, 58, 215, 220,
tioned, 26 n., 87, 3 13 , 360 237, 295, 345; Francisco Pizarro as a
Toro, Hernando de: on roll of Caja son of, 13 6 -14 0 , 14 8 -15 0 , 1 5 2 - 15 3 ;
marca, 98; biography of, 360-361; position of Hernando Pizarro in, 1 5 7 -
mentioned, 76, 357 158, 16 4 -16 5 ; mentioned, passim. See
Torre, Francisco de la: on roll of Caja especially biographies of men of Ca
marca, 100; biography of, 446; men jamarca born in Trujillo
tioned, 272 n. Tucumân: 114 , 336, 337 n.
Torre, Juan de la: 469 Tumbez: seen by Spaniards 15 2 7 -15 2 8 ,
Torres, Antonio de (barber and miner): 6, 130, 448; as intended capital, 9,
379 n. 194, 2 17 , 325; in conquest of 1532,
Torres, Cristôbal de: 245 9, 70, 152, 194, 195; mentioned, 205,
Torres, Hernando de: 245 n. 454
Torres, dona Juana de: 245
Torres, Pedro de: on roll of Cajamarca, Ulloa, Antonio de: 365
100; biography of, 36 1-36 2; men Ulloa, Lorenzo de: 365-366
tioned, 77, 291, 4 13, 424 n. Ulloa, Maria de: 186
Ulloa, Pedro de: on roll of Cajamarca,
Torres, Sebastian de: on roll of Caja
1 0 1 ; biography of, 365-366; men
marca, 98; biography of, 243-246;
tioned, 89, 312
mentioned, 26 n., 73 n., 193, 208,
Ulloa, fray Pedro de: 366 n.
312 , 397
Tosta: 361 Vaca de Castro, Licenciado Cristôbal:
Tovilla, Diego de la: 292, 328 associates and compatriots of, 87, 2 1 1 ,
town councils: membership on, as re 230, 247, 248 n., 439; activities of, as
ward, 52-53, 1 1 4 ; membership on, in governor, 16, 127, 18 1, 316, 432;
Spain, by men of Cajamarca, 57-58, mentioned, 132, 205
220, 345; membership on, in Peru, by Valdevieso, Juan de: high social status
men of Cajamarca, 62-63; Pizarro of, 33, 34, 157, 224; related to men
domination of, 86-87, 14 5-14 6 , 159, of affairs, 37 n.; close friends of, 73 n.,
185, 235, 247, 326, 335. See also 224, 225 n., 228; as Pizarro retainer,
biographies of individual men 76, 77, 86-87; on roll of Cajamarca,
treasure: distribution of, 1 2 - 1 3 , 14, 76, 99; biography of, 246-248
78-82, 104 n., 105 n.; effects of, in Valdivia, Pedro de: Extremaduran re
determining conquerors’ actions, 44, gional ties and activities of, 109; com
47, 85, 1 1 3 , X14; conveyance of, to pared to Pizarro, 150; and Pedro
Spain, 54-55, 216, 220, 241-242, Sancho de Hoz, 278-280; mentioned,
243 n., 266, 361, 394, 4 12 ; attempts 16, 1 5 1 , 304 n., 305
of relatives in Spain to recover, 59, Valencia, Pedro de: on roll of Cajamar
360, 396, 422; individuals speculat ca, xo i; biography of, 366-367; men
ing in, 277, 342, 405; mentioned, tioned, 73 n., 350, 4 1 1
passim Valencia, Pedro Alonso de (majordo-
Trujillo, Diego de: on roll of Cajamar- m o): 3040.
49<$ INDEX
Valenzuela, dona Leonor de: 416 Verdugo, fray Pedro: 255 n.

Valverde, Francisco (brother of fray Verdugo de Henao, Hernando: 255 n.
Vicente): 205, 206 Vergara, Antonio de: on roll of Caja
Valverde (Montalbo), Francisco de marca, 99; biography of, 256-257;
(nephew of fray Vicente): 206 mentioned, 57 n., 58 n., 435, 447
Valverde, dona Maria de (sister of fray Vergara, Pedro de: 94, 379 n., 469
Vicente) : 202, 205, 206 Vilcaconga: 13 - 14 , 196, 233, 33° , 3<$°,
Valverde, Pedro de (priest): 206 37° , 438
Valverde, fray Vicente de: interview Vilcas: 237
with Atahuallpa, 1 1 , 450, 457-458; Villarroel, Gaspar de: 280 n.
armed at Cajamarca, 18 n.; possible Villaumac (priest): 452
converso origin of, 36; absence from Villegas, Jerônimo de: 302, 303 n.
roll of Cajamarca, 90, 93, 464, 465; Villegas, Sancho de: on roll of Caja
reward compared to that of ecclesias marca, 1 0 1 ; biography of, 368; men
tic in Chile expedition, 114 ; biogra tioned, 4 14
phy of, 20 1-20 7; associates of, 256; Vitoria, fray Francisco de: 345
mentioned, 34, 47 n., 52, 1 1 7 , 248
Vargas, Estefania: 168 yanaconas: 42 n., 199 n.
Vargas, Francisco de: on roll of Caja Yupanqui, dona Angelina: 154 n.
marca, 100; biography of, 249-250 Yupanqui (Huaylas), dona Inès: 153 n.,
Vazquez, Beatriz: 261 154 n., 156 n.
Vazquez, Tomas: 357, 358 Yupanqui, dona Isabel: 302, 30 4 n.
vecinos: use of term, 20
vetnticuatro: 2 17 , 257 n., 348 Zapata, Antonio: n o n .
Vêlez (de Guevara), Lope: on roll of Zarate, Agustin de: comment on writ
Cajamarca, 98; biography of, 367- ings of, 19, 25, 148, 155 n., 156 n.,
368; mentioned, 73 n., 294 186 n., 187 n.
Vêlez de Guevara, Bachiller Juan: 367 n. Zarate, Juan de: on roll of Cajamarca,
Veragua: 192, 335, 466 1 0 1 ; biography of, 285-286; men
Verdugo, Melchor: on roll of Caja tioned, 12 n., 370 ., 196, 404, 447
marca, 99; biography of, 250-255; Zayas, Gonzalo de: 421 n.
mentioned, 37 n., 46 n., 63, 240, Zuniga, dona Francisca de: 358, 359 n.,
324 n. 360 n.

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T H E M E N O F C A JA M A R C A

LATIN AMERICAN MONOGRAPHS, NO. 2 7

PUBLISHED FOR THE INSTITUTE OF LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES

Lockhart, James Marvin.

(Latin American monographs, no. 27)

Copyright © 1972 by James Lockhart

Composition by G&S Typesetters, Austin

1. Narrative Preliminaries: Cajamarca and Other Episodes

Appendix I. A Letter from C a j a m a r c a ..................................................... 4 5 7

1. Experience in the I n d i e s .......................................................................... 2 3

The 1 68 Spaniards who captured the Inca emperor at Cajamarca, Peru,

terns, social, collective, or organizational. The second contains short

Acknowledgments go again to all those previously cited for bib­

to the ships* registers in the Archive of the Indies* Indiferente General

AGI Archivo General de Indias, Seville

In the notes, a proper name following AHA, AHC, or AN P denotes a

t h e p r i m a r y i n t e r e s t is not the conquest but the

I pattern in the lives of the conquerors; therefore the familiar proce­

conquerors’ careers. Participation in some o f them and not in others is

Balboa Sees the Pacific

The Conquest of Nicaragua

The Discovery o f Peru

Gallo Island and the Thirteen of Fame

2 See below, pp. 6 8 -7 3 , and 1 4 2 -1 4 4 .

The 1531 Expedition

mate is identical: 180 men, 36 horses ( Tercera parte, in Mercurio Peruano 36

Puna and the A rrival o f Soto

The Foundation o f San M iguel

Juan Ruiz ( Advertencias, p. 8 5 ) asserts there were twenty-five horsemen— as many

The First Interview with Atahuallpa

16 The date is given in Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 330.

Again Atahuallpa needed persuasion to come farther, and Spaniard

further reinforcements. The country appeared calm, but many o f the

Hernando Pizarro Goes to Pachacamac

Distribution o f the Treasure

20 Dates in Jerez, Verdadera relation, II, 3 37, 342.

Thus the interests o f almost all the Spaniards were converging on

24 Dates in ibid., p. 3 4 3; Loredo, Los repartos, pp. 7 1 , 72, 1 1 7 .

27 Raul Porras, "D os documentos esenciales,” Revista Historica 1 7 ( 19 4 8 ) :9"

Offshoots: Quito and Chile

The Great R ebellion and Siege o f Cuzco

The Almagrist Wars

had him executed shortly afterward. Men o f Cajamarca participated in

The Gonzalo Pizarro Rebellion

The background o f the men of Caja-

marca has a primordial interest unmatched by that attaching to

The Military Aspect

zarro’s companions, whether spoken o f in the aggregate, as small de­

4 Zarate, Historia, II, 476.

area was unusually poor he might be pulled to an unusually rich one;

usually complete and authentic background information, showing large

9 Mario Gongora, Los grupos de conquistadores en Tierra Firme, pp. 8 1, 90.

friend, Martin de Florencia, crossbowman and artilleryman, might

10 Juan Ruiz de Arce, Advertenclas, p. 69.

with Indians.” 11 H e used these words in specific reference to the men

Table 1. Experience in the Indies, 1532

13 Agustin de Zarate, Historia, II, 498-499.

Table 2. Age at the Time of Cajamarca

15 Sebastian de Torres, Pedro de Salinas de la Hoz, Alonso de Toro, and probably

Acknowledgments go again to all those previously cited for bib

I pattern in the lives of the conquerors; therefore the familiar proce

zarro’s companions, whether spoken o f in the aggregate, as small de

lyzed in Table 4. Almost all the men from Trujillo-Caceres accompa

taught as children, and the misshapen, awkward scrawls or empty ru

African or partly African descent can be identified among the conquer

Very possibly it is not truly representative o f the group as a whole; cer

with their shipments o f merchandise from Panama, stayed at first main