Gov - Uscourts.flsd.618763.171.0 2
Gov - Uscourts.flsd.618763.171.0 2
Gov - Uscourts.flsd.618763.171.0 2
DONALD J. TRUMP,
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendant.
________________________________/
Pursuant to the Special Master’s Order dated October 26, 2022, ECF 162, Plaintiff,
President Donald J. Trump, through the undersigned counsel, files this letter brief on the
Following the review of the documents at issue, the parties identified the following
five “Global Issues” to brief before the Special Master review the materials seized from
- Whether Plaintiff may designate records created or received during his administration
- Whether certain groups of documents (e.g., pardon packages) are Presidential records;
- Whether Plaintiff may assert executive privilege to withhold seized materials from the
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government notwithstanding the four reasons and footnote in the government’s letter
with respect to the 15 Filter A documents filed on October 20, 2022; and
DISCUSSION
The Special Master has directed the Parties to brief the issue of “[w]hether Plaintiff
may designate or convert Presidential records to personal ones during or after his term in
As Plaintiff has explained in prior briefing, all government records are subject to either
the Federal Records Act (“FRA”) or the Presidential Records Act (“PRA”). “[N]o
individual record can be subject to both statutes because their provisions are inconsistent.”
Armstrong v. Exec. Office of the President, 1 F.3d 1374, 1293 (D.C. Cir. 1993) (“Armstrong II”)
(“The FRA defines a class of materials that are federal records subject to its provisions, and
the PRA describes another, mutually exclusive set of materials that are subject to a different,
The PRA specifies a further distinction between Presidential records and personal
records, requiring that “all material produced or received by the President, ‘to the extent
receipt and be filed separately.” Judicial Watch, Inc. v. Nat’l Archives & Recs. Admin., 845 F.
Supp. 2d 288, 291 (D.D.C. 2012) (quoting 44 U.S.C. § 2203(b)); see also 44 U.S.C. § 2201(2)-
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(3). The reason for this distinction is that the PRA pertains to the ownership, retention, or
The question now before the Special Master is therefore whether a President has the
Both the plain language of the PRA and past court decisions answer this question in the
affirmative.
As a general matter, the PRA tasks the President—and the President alone—with
“tak[ing] all such steps as may be necessary” to ensure the proper documentation of the
Presidency according to the law. 44 U.S.C. § 2203(a). Pursuant to that obligation, the PRA
further requires that “materials produced or received by the President . . . shall, to the extent
The Judicial Watch decision provides an important model for the present case. There,
the U.S. District Court for District of Columbia assessed the designation of Clinton
Administration records. President Bill Clinton had engaged a historian to help create an
“oral history” of his administration, and the historian recorded several dozen audiotapes of
both conversations with President Clinton and his real-time participation in events while
Clinton was acting as President (such as official telephone calls). Judicial Watch, 845 F. Supp.
1
The PRA defines “Presidential records” to mean “documentary materials . . . created or received
by the President [or the President’s staff] in the course of conducting activities which relate to or
have an effect upon the carrying out of the constitutional, statutory, or other official or ceremonial
duties of the President.” 44 U.S.C. § 2201(2). The term does not include “personal records,”
which the statute defines to mean “all documentary materials . . . of a purely private or nonpublic
character which do not relate to or have an effect upon the carrying out of the constitutional,
statutory, or other official or ceremonial duties of the President.” Id. § 2201(3).
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2d at 290. President Clinton retained the tapes and did not deliver them to the National
Archives and Records Administration (“NARA”). Id. Instead, according to public reports,
President Clinton stored the tapes in his sock drawer. 2 A non-profit organization
subsequently sued in federal court, arguing that the tapes documented official Presidential
business and thus were Presidential records under the PRA. Id. at 290-91.
Interpreting the PRA, the court stated, “[t]he only reference in the entire statute to the
designation of records as personal versus Presidential . . . calls for the decision to be made by
the executive.” Judicial Watch, Inc., 845 F. Supp. 2d at 300-01. “Under the statute, this
responsibility is left solely to the President.” Id. at 301. Therefore, according to the Judicial
Watch court, in allocating this responsibility to the President, the PRA neither obligates nor
permits the Archivist to make initial designation decisions or to take control of records that
the President has designated as personal records. See Id. at 291, 300-01.
In this instance, President Trump exercised that authority. As an initial matter, the
PRA recognizes the President’s authority to make this decision, and when that decision is
made, it is not subject to challenge. There is no authority whatsoever for the notion that the
Government can seize documents from a President, and simply declare that they are
Presidential records.
2
CBS News, “Clinton’s Secrets In His Sock Drawer” (Sept. 6, 2007),
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/clintons-secrets-in-his-sock-drawer/.
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Presidential records or personal records “after his term in office.” Rather, Plaintiff was
authorized to—and did in fact—designate the seized materials as personal records while he
served as President. President Trump was still serving his term in office when the documents
at issue were packed, transported, and delivered to his residence in Palm Beach, Florida.3
Thus, when he made a designation decision, he was President of the United States; his
decision to retain certain records as personal is entitled to deference, and the records in
The contents of the seized materials underscore the fact that President Trump treated
these papers as personal records. The documents seized from Mar-a-Lago included
However, the Special Master has not been tasked with assessing the
And as demonstrated by the Judicial Watch decision, President Trump need not put
forth documentary evidence of his designation decisions, because his conduct unequivocally
confirmed that he was treating the materials in question as personal records, rather than
Presidential records. In Judicial Watch, President Clinton had declined to supply the records
at issue to the National Archives and Records Administration (“NARA”). Judicial Watch,
3
See Patricia Mazzei and Julia Echikson, Trump has arrived in Palm Beach to begin life as a
private citizen, The New York Times (Jan. 20, 2021), available at
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/20/us/trump-palm-beach.html (last accessed November 7,
2022).
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845 F. Supp. 2d at 301. The court did not conduct a searching review of when or why
President Clinton opted for that course of action; instead, it merely noted that he had not
provided the records to NARA, as would have been necessary had President Clinton
designated them as Presidential records, and observed that NARA “decline[d] to revisit the
decision” between Presidential and personal was made through action: his decision not to
supply the records to NARA confirms that he treated them as personal records. And to
reiterate, President Trump took this course of action while he was in office.
Once the President makes such a designation decision, the PRA contemplates one
avenue for further review: civil litigation initiated by NARA challenging the guidelines or
process utilized in a given designation decision. Prior courts have determined that the PRA
Armstrong v. Bush, 924 F.2d 282, 290 (D.C. Cir. 1991) (“Armstrong I”) (“[T]he PRA precludes
review of the President’s recordkeeping practices and decisions.”). The statute “accords the
President virtually complete control over his records during his term of office,” to the extent,
for example, that “neither the Archivist nor the Congress has the authority to veto the
President’s disposal decision.” Id.; see also Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington v.
Cheney, 593 F. Supp. 2d 194, 198 (D.D.C. 2009) (noting that, in enacting the PRA, Congress
“limited the scope of judicial review and provided little oversight authority for the President
Critically, the PRA does not give either the Archivist or any other official free rein to
pursue criminal enforcement. Instead, the PRA identifies one specific mechanism for
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enforcing the law: civil litigation initiated by NARA. See Judicial Watch, Inc., 845 F. Supp. 2d
at 302; see also 44 U.S.C. §§ 2112, 3106; Armstrong v. Exec. Office of the President, 1 F.3d 1274,
1294 (D.C. Cir. 1993) (noting that the “guidelines describing which existing materials will be
treated as presidential records in the first place are subject to judicial review”).
documents, in which the decision of a President during that President’s term is subject to
complete deference and limited judicial review. The law identifies one official who is
whose term the documents in question originated or were received. The PRA identifies one
If the process utilized by a President is allegedly defective, the PRA spells out the
remedy: instead of initiating a criminal investigation and executing a search warrant, the
Government should simply have availed itself of this process, namely, by filing a civil action
seeking to challenge the process by which President Trump designated the records as personal.
In any case, President Trump’s designation decisions made during his term of office cannot
possibly form the basis for any criminal investigation—to the extent those decisions are
The Government is likely to posit that such authority on the part of the President is
inconsistent with the PRA’s function as an effective archiving device. But in reaching her
conclusion in Judicial Watch, Judge Amy Berman Jackson raised particularly important
questions addressing the nature of the President’s authority under the statute.
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At oral argument, Judge Berman Jackson asked counsel for the Government, “What
is to prevent a President from frustrating the balance that the statute was trying to strike
between his privacy and public access . . . ? Let’s say a President kind of maliciously
overclassifies, what is the remedy?” Judicial Watch, Inc. v. Nat’l Archives and Records Admin,
the Government appropriately responded that the PRA contemplates one avenue for
challenging a designation decision—the process set forth under 44 U.S.C. §§ 2112 and 3106.
Id.; see also Judicial Watch, Inc., 845 F. Supp. 2d at 302. In the Government’s words, that
remedy is “what Congress chose, and that’s the remedy the Court is bound by.” Judicial
Watch Transcript at 13. Alternatively, the Government noted that “if Congress believes that
a President is wildly misclassifying information, it can pass a law to change the statutory
structure . . . .” Id. at 15. Indeed, just yesterday, lawmakers in the U.S. House of
would require executive officials to attest to their compliance with the Presidential Records
Judicial Watch. There, the Government asserted the President’s authority to designate
stressed that the PRA does not support any avenue for challenging such a decision other than
civil litigation initiated by the Archivist. Here, the Government wrongfully charges that
4
See House Committee on Oversight and Reform, “Chairwoman Maloney Introduces
Legislation to Strengthen the Presidential Records Act” (Nov. 7, 2022),
https://oversight.house.gov/sites/democrats.oversight.house.gov/files/MALONE_250_xml.pdf.
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President Trump lacked designation authority, did not make a designation decision, and
should be compelled to return the materials via a criminal process with no relevance to the
sustainable under the PRA. Plaintiff had authority to designate the materials in question as
personal records and did so, and any remedy must arise under the PRA.
Finally, the parties have also been directed to brief the matter of “[w]hether certain
groups of documents (e.g., pardon packages) are Presidential records.” ECF 161-1 at 1.
There is no basis to conclude that any of the materials transported to Mar-a-Lago are
personal – as happened here – the inquiry ends regardless of the content of a given document.
As discussed, to the extent NARA disagrees with the process of designation, its remedy is to
The Special Master has directed the parties to brief two matters related to executive
5
The doctrine of judicial estoppel is an equitable doctrine that “prevents a party from asserting a
claim in a legal proceeding that is inconsistent with a claim taken by that party in a previous
proceeding.” New Hampshire v. Maine, 532 U.S. 742, 749 (2001) (internal quotation marks
omitted) (quoting 18 Moore’s Federal Practice § 134.30, p.134-62 (3d ed. 2000)). Accordingly,
under the doctrine, a party may not play “fast and loose” with the courts by “deliberately changing
positions according to the exigencies of the moment.” Id. (quoting United States v. McCaskey, 9
F.3d 368, 378 (CA5 1993)); Scarano v. Central R. Co., 203 F.2d 510, 513 (C.A.3. 1953). Under
these equitable principles, the Government should not be permitted to maintain its current position
that Plaintiff lacked designation authority under the PRA. This position directly contradicts the
arguments previously asserted by the Government in Judicial Watch.
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second, “[w]hether Plaintiff may assert executive privilege to withhold seized materials from
the government notwithstanding the four reasons and footnote in the government’s letter with
respect to the 15 Filter A documents filed on October 20, 2022.” ECF 161-1 at 1.
Generally, the Special Master need not reach these issues: Plaintiff designated the
materials as personal records under the PRA. The Government’s course of action is wholly
deficient, circumventing the PRA’s avenues for relief and opting for the unprecedented and
accordingly, be unnecessary for the Special Master or the district court to further parse the
However, even if the Special Master were to reach the privilege issue, the Special
Master should further conclude that Plaintiff can nonetheless assert—and has properly
The concept of executive privilege flows from the authorities vested in the President
by Article II of the Constitution. Nixon v. Sampson, 389 F.Supp. 107, 148 (D.D.C. 1975)
(“Executive privilege is founded upon the public interest in the effective performance of the
constitutional powers and duties assigned to the Executive Branch.”). The Framers of the
executives, even before the privilege had formal title. In re Sealed Case, 121 F.3d 729, 736
(D.D.C. 1997). For example, early courts ruled that executive actors retained the right to
withhold documents that might reveal military secrets, the identity of government informers,
and even information related to pending investigations. Id. at 736-37 (internal citations
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omitted).
More recently, the Supreme Court has explicitly recognized the importance of
protecting the information exchanged between “high Government officials and those who
advise and assist them in the performance of their manifold duties.” United States v. Nixon, 418
U.S. 683, 705 (1974). Accordingly, the executive privilege recognizes the “right of the
President and high-level executive branch officers to withhold information from Congress,
the courts, and ultimately public.” Mark J. Rozell, Executive Privilege and the Modern Presidents:
In particular, the courts recognize two forms of executive privilege: the deliberative
process and the presidential communications privilege. The deliberative process privilege
re Sealed Case, 121 F.3d at 735. In order for the deliberative process privilege to be invoked
two requirements must be met: (1) the material must be pre-decisional; and (2) the material
must be deliberative. Id. at 737. These requirements stem from the privilege’s ultimate
purpose—to “prevent injury to the quality of agency decisions” by ensuring that government
officials are free to debate alternative approaches in private. N.L.R.B. v. Sears Roebuck & Co.,
421 U.S. 132, 151 (1975); see also Nixon, 418 U.S. at 705 (noting that “[h]uman experience
teaches that those who expect public dissemination of their remarks may well temper candor
The Supreme Court has also recognized the importance of protecting communications
between “high Government officials and those who advise and assist them in the performance
of their manifold duties.” Nixon, 418 U.S. at 705. Thus, the presidential communications
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privilege protects from disclosure (1) communications that are made by the President directly
and (2) communications made by his immediate advisors in the Office of the President. See
Nixon, 418 U.S. at 708 (“A President and those who assist him must be free to explore
alternatives in the process of shaping policies and making decisions, and to do so in a way
many would be unwilling to express except privately.”); see also Nixon v. Adm’r of Gen. Servs.,
433 U.S. 425, 450 (1977) (“Nixon v. AGS” or “AGS”) (recognizing that the presidential
president’s responsibilities of his office, in the process of shaping policies, and making
decisions” (internal quotations omitted)). This privilege, while not absolute, also encompasses
“communications made by presidential advisers in the course of preparing advice for the
President . . . even when these communications are not made directly to the President” and
presidential adviser’s staff.” In re Sealed Case, 121 F.3d at 752. The presidential
Here, Plaintiff does not contend that documents marked as “personal” should be
an alternative basis for non-disclosure. Specifically, even if the Court were to disagree with
6
The Government’s first argument against the assertion of executive privilege pertains to
documents that the Government agrees are personal records. ECF 150 at 5. But the
Government’s acknowledgment of this fact appears to be based on a flawed interpretation of the
PRA. Designating documents as Presidential or personal is not a matter of reviewing the
documents; rather, outside the context of litigation brought by NARA, the only individual with
authority to designate documents is the sitting President during whose presidency the documents
were originated or were received.
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President Trump and conclude that he did not have the authority to designate the documents
at issue as personal under the PRA, which would contravene the law and settled precedent,
the documents still may not be utilized by the Government because they are privileged.
Simply put, assuming arguendo that the documents were not designated as personal
shielded by executive privilege. With this framework in mind, Plaintiff asserts the following
In its letter dated October 20, 2022, the Government suggests that Plaintiff cannot
assert the deliberative process privilege. ECF 150 at 5. But substantial precedent indicates
First, the Supreme Court has explicitly rejected the notion that a former president may
not invoke the presidential communications privilege to shield communications that occurred
during his Presidency. Nixon v. AGS, 433 U.S. at 439 (“We reject the argument that only an
incumbent President may assert such claims [of executive privilege.”). In fact, in his Order
denying review of an application for stay of mandate and injunction, Justice Kavanaugh
wrote that “[a] former President must be able to successfully invoke the [p]residential
[because] concluding otherwise would eviscerate the executive privilege for [p]residential
communications.” Trump v. Thompson, 211 L.E.2d 579, 680 (2022). In doing so, Justice
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Kavanaugh expressly rejected a decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit
reasoning that “a former President may not successfully invoke the [p]residential
communications privilege for communications that occurred during his Presidency, at least if
the current President does not support the privilege claim.” Id.
deliberative process privilege. The fundamental reasons for the presidential communications
underlie the deliberative process privilege. Both privileges are premised on the notion that
by ensuring that government officials are free to debate alternative approaches in private. Sears
Roebuck, 421 U.S. at 151. As noted by Justice Kavanaugh, the failure to recognize a former
important purposes served by the doctrine. Similarly, the refusal to recognize a former
president’s assertion of the deliberative process privilege would result in evisceration of the
privilege’s protection. Simply put, the candor with which a President conducts internal
deliberations would be severely inhibited by the threat that those processes could be disclosed
The Supreme Court recognized these principles in Nixon v. AGS, in which the Supreme
Court adopted the Solicitor General’s argument that protection of a former President’s
assertion of executive privilege is essential to the democratic process. 433 U.S. at 448-49. In
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Although the Court in that case ultimately rejected the former President’s claim of
executive privilege given the “limited intrusion” imposed by the requirements of the now-
recognized the importance of a former president’s ability to assert executive privilege. Id. at
449. Nowhere in its opinion did the Court draw a line distinguishing the presidential
In its October 20 letter, the Government also asserts that “Plaintiff may not assert the
Executive Branch’s privilege to withhold documents from itself.” ECF 150 at 5; see also ECF
48 at 23 (interpreting Nixon v. AGS to stand for the proposition that “a former President may
not successfully assert executive privilege ‘against the very Executive Branch in whose name
the privilege is invoked’” (quoting Nixon v. AGS, 433 U.S. at 447-48)). The Government’s
argument is misplaced, because it relies on cherry-picking of language from the Nixon opinion
without including the required context. Accordingly, the Government’s reliance on Nixon v.
AGS is inapposite, and the President may assert executive privilege against other members or
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Recordings and Materials Preservation Act (the “Act”), which directed an official of the
executive branch to take custody of former president Nixon’s presidential papers and tape
recordings in order to (1) promulgate regulations that provided for the orderly processing and
screening of the materials and (2) determine the terms and conditions upon which public
access may eventually be had to those materials. 433 U.S. at 429. The Court rejected President
Nixon’s argument that the Act violated the separation-of-powers doctrine, noting that such
an argument would succeed only when congressional action “prevents the Executive Branch
from accomplishing its constitutionally assigned functions.” Id. at 443. The Court held that
because the Act provided for review of the materials by a member of the executive branch, it
was “clearly less intrusive” than screening of the documents by Congress or some outside
Importantly, Nixon v. AGS does not stand for the proposition that a former president
may not assert a claim of executive privilege against the executive branch. Rather, the case
when the statute at issue required only limited intrusion into the executive branch’s function
The facts of In re Sealed Case are more analogous to those at issue here. 121 F.3d 729.
In that case, the Office of Independent Counsel (“OIC”) subpoenaed the White House
Counsel, seeking documents pertaining to the White House Counsel’s investigation of the
former Secretary of Agriculture. 121 F.3d at 734-35. The White House Counsel responded to
the subpoena but asserted executive privilege with regard to 84 documents. Id. at 735. The
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court concluded that the presidential privilege applied to the subpoenaed documents authored
by the White House Counsel and, accordingly, permitted the White House Counsel’s
assertion of executive privilege against the OIC. Id. at 757-58. Although the court ultimately
found that the OIC demonstrated a “sufficient showing of need to obtain certain information
in some of the documents,” the case illustrates the bounds within which a member of the
each branch of government pursuant to the doctrine of separation of powers, it is not limited
to that purpose as the Government contends. In re Sealed Case illustrates that there is no
the Department of Justice. Rather, the purpose of the executive privilege is to preserve the
information. To hold otherwise would undermine a President’s critical need to have candid
C. The Government has not demonstrated a specific need that would overcome
Plaintiff’s assertion of privilege.
privilege is neither absolute nor unqualified. Nixon, 418 U.S. at 706. Rather, the Supreme
Court has recognized that the privilege must “yield to the demonstrated, specific needs for
evidence in a pending criminal trial.” Id. at 713. In providing this standard, the Supreme Court
clarified that in order to overcome an assertion of executive privilege, the party seeking the
privileged material must “clear three hurdles: (1) relevancy; (2) admissibility; and (3)
specificity.” Nixon, 418 U.S. at 700. The Supreme Court again affirmed this standard in Cheney
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v. U.S. Dist. Court for Dist. of Columbia, 542 U.S. 367, 386 (2004).
Currently, the affidavit in support of the search warrant which authorized the search
unaware of the specific arguments relied upon by the Magistrate in issuing the warrant
authorizing seizure of the documents at issue. Given that, Plaintiff must take the position that
the Government has failed to clear the three hurdles articulated by the Court in Nixon.
Given the circumstances, Plaintiff will reserve further argument until after it has
Finally, the Special Master has directed the parties to address “[w]hether Plaintiff
ECF 161-1 at 1. In short, there is no basis for requiring Plaintiff to submit such a declaration.
Given that the Government possessed the materials, it made sense for the
Government to describe the contents of the seized items, as demonstrated in the series of
inventories filed pursuant to Rule 41(f) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure. Plaintiff,
on the other hand, does not possess these materials. As to the documents that the
Government asserts include a classification marking, the Government has not allowed
Plaintiff to review these items. Obviously, without a review of the documents, no one is in a
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September 29, 2022, she specifically rejected the need for the Plaintiff to make any such
CONCLUSION
In moving forward with its seizure of materials from President Trump, the
Government ignored established precedent concerning the President’s right and responsibility
for designating documents under the PRA, and it further disregarded a former President’s
authority to assert executive privilege with respect to certain materials. Given that President
Trump classified these documents as personal records under the PRA, the Government’s
approach in this matter has been wholly deficient—replacing the statutory scheme for the
review of designation decisions with unfounded criminal measures. The PRA permitted
President Trump to designate documents as personal records while he was President, which
he did. In the event the Special Master disagrees with this fact, long-established past
Lastly, there is little basis for requiring Plaintiff to submit an affidavit concerning the seized
materials, as it was the Government—not Plaintiff—that took custody of them and has
maintained exclusive control over any and all documents with classified markings.
James M. Trusty
Ifrah Law PLLC
1717 Pennsylvania Ave. NW, Suite 650
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Christopher M. Kise
Chris Kise & Associates, P.A.
201 East Park Avenue, 5th Floor
Tallahassee, FL 32301
Telephone: (850) 270-0566
Email: [email protected]
M. Evan Corcoran
Silverman Thompson Slutkin White, LLC
400 East Pratt Street – Suite 900
Baltimore, MD 21202
Telephone: (410) 385-2225
Email: [email protected]
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CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
document with the Clerk of the Court using CM/ECF. I also certify that the foregoing
document is being served this day on all counsel of record via transmission of Notices of
21