CIVIL – MILITARY RELATIONS IN

PAKISTAN: AN ANALYSIS OF PERVEZ

MUSHARRAF ERA (2000-2008)

BY

ZAHIR SHAH

Thesis submitted to Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan in the partial

fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Ph. D

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE

ABDUL WALI KHAN UNIVERSITY MARDAN

SESSION (2015 – 18)

 DEDICATION

To my parents, children and my dear wife Farah Shah

 Abstract

Institutional imbalance has been the hall mark in the state of Pakistan right from
the time of its inception in 1947. It has inherited the whole state apparatus from
the British Raaj, including legal, political and military institutions. Talking
about administrative and political institutions, especially the military one,
remained imbalanced in terms of their respective maturity and growth. Main
reason for the institution imbalance is our weak political institution and non-
democratic political parties which could not bring strong dynamic and
sustainable political institutions.

Failure of political administration and bureaucratic regimes caused to create

space for army into the political domain which was more organized, strong and
disciplined. During the history of Pakistan four military regimes have imposed
martial law, political activities and parties were banned, censorship on media
was imposed, assemblies were dissolved and constitution was suspended and
abrogated.

Besides the mentioned internal factors, external factors like geo-strategic

location of Pakistan and its security-centered foreign policy also plays
important role in supporting such anti-democratic steps by the military. The
findings revealed that poor governance and legitimacy crises has contributed to
the imbalance between the civil-military relations.

This study investigated to discern the fluctuation in the Civil-Military relations,

especially during Musharraf regime. Qualitative and Quantitative methods have
been used to analyze the variable dynamics which interplay significant role in
the Civil-Military relations.
List of Abbreviations
SEATO South East Asia Treaty Organization

WWII World War II

NCA National Command Authority

NWFP North Western frontier Province

LOC Line of Control

COAS Chief of Army Staff

GHQ General Head Quarter

AL Awami League

VCOAS Vice Chief of Army Staff

DG-ISI Director General Inter-Services Intelligence

PLM (N) Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz)

CMR Civil Military Relations

CIA-ISI Central Investigation agency – Inter Services

Intelligence

JCSC Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee

NAB National Accountability Bureau

TTP Tehreek e Taliban Pakistan

LFO Legal Framework Order

PCO Provisional Constitution Order

HRCP Human Right Commission of Pakistan

PPP Pakistan People Party

MMA Mutahidda Majlis e Amal

MQM Muhtahidda Qaumi Movement

ARD Alliance for Restoration of Democracy

GDP Gross Domestic Product

NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization

CEO Chief & Executive Officer

SC Supreme Court

PTI Pakistan Tahreek e Insaaf

NACTA National Counter Terrorism Authority

DCC Defense Committee of the Cabinet

PILDAT Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development

and Transparency

FGCM Field General Court Martial

NDMA National Disaster Management Agency

ECW Construction Work

FIA Federal Investigation Agency

NRB National Reconstruction Bureau

LGO Local Government Ordinance

DC Deputy Commissioner

DCO District Coordination Officer

FPSC Federal Public Service Commission

KPK Khyber Pakhtun Khwa

CMLA Chief Minister of Legislative Assembly

Table of Contents
Chapter One ..................................................................................................................... 1
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 1
Historical Accounts ..................................................................................................... 3
Statement of the Problem........................................................................................... 25
Objectives of the Study.............................................................................................. 25
Research Questions.................................................................................................... 26
Research Methodology .............................................................................................. 26
Organization of Study ................................................................................................ 27
Chapter Two .................................................................................................................. 29
LITERATURE REVIEW .............................................................................................. 29
Works Related to Civil-Military Relation in Pakistan ............................................... 29
Theoretical Paradigms ............................................................................................... 44
Chapter Three ................................................................................................................ 68
THE MUSHARRAF ERA ............................................................................................. 68
Political Maneuvering Of Musharraf ..................................................................... 73
Legal Framework Order 2002 ................................................................................... 80
Uniform Issue ............................................................................................................ 84
The Event of 9/11 ...................................................................................................... 90
Devolution of Power .................................................................................................. 92
Military and Religious Parties ................................................................................... 92
War on Terror and Musharraf ................................................................................ 93
End of Musharraf Era ................................................................................................ 93
General Musharraf’s Seven Points Agenda ............................................................... 97
Islamization under Pervez Musharraf ...................................................................... 100
Treason Case against Musharraf .............................................................................. 105
Party Pledges on Civil-Military Relations ............................................................... 107
Institutional Solutions for Civil-Military Relations ................................................. 109
Revised Military Doctrine – not from Democratic Government ............................. 110
.Revelations made on Kargil Operation ................................................................... 111
Lal Masjid Commission........................................................................................... 112
Amend the Army Act: Asks the Supreme Court ..................................................... 113
Rising Power of Civil-Military Bureaucracy ........................................................... 123
Security Threat ........................................................................................................ 126
 Civil Dependence on Army ..................................................................................... 126
Chapter Four ................................................................................................................ 128
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ................................................................................ 128
Study Design............................................................................................................ 128
Sampling .............................................................................................................. 128
Sample Size ......................................................................................................... 129
Characteristics of Respondents ............................................................................ 129
Data Collection ........................................................................................................ 130
Tool of Data Collection ....................................................................................... 131
Indexation ............................................................................................................ 131
Data Analysis ........................................................................................................... 131
Uni-variate Analysis ............................................................................................ 131
Bi-variate Analysis .............................................................................................. 132
Chi-square test ..................................................................................................... 132
Chapter Five ................................................................................................................ 134
RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS................................................................................ 134
a. Demographic profile ........................................................................................ 134
i. Age composition of the respondents ................................................................ 134
iii. Educational qualification of the respondents ............................................... 136
b. Uni-Variate Analysis ....................................................................................... 137
4.1 Governance .................................................................................................. 137
4.2 Bureaucracy ................................................................................................. 145
4.3 Judiciary....................................................................................................... 154
4.4 Weak Civilian Institutions ........................................................................... 163
4.5 Corruption .................................................................................................... 172
4.6 Foreign Policy.............................................................................................. 181
4.7 Weak Political System ................................................................................. 195
4.8 Terrorism ..................................................................................................... 209
4.9 Civil-Military Relations ............................................................................... 220
Chapter Six .................................................................................................................. 228
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................................ 228
Reasons of Military Intervention ............................................................................. 230
a. Internal Political Dynamics .............................................................................. 230
b. Corporate Interests of the Army ...................................................................... 234
 c. Regional Factors and Geo-Strategic ................................................................ 234
Consequences of Military Rule ............................................................................... 236
REFERENCES ............................................................................................................ 243
Appendix I ................................................................................................................... 255
QUESTIONNAIRE ..................................................................................................... 255
 Chapter One

INTRODUCTION

It is an irrefutable fact that the intervention of military in the politics of Pakistan

is an undeniable reality that has left deep imprints on the whole political

apparatus of the country. The state and its various institutions are primarily the

outcome of a social contract concluded by people at different stages in history.

These institutions include mainly the judiciary, parliament, civil intelligence

and security agencies, bureaucracy, policing and the military. On behalf of the

society, the state delegates power, rights and prerogatives to the military in

order to safeguard the citizens from all internal and external threats and

aggression and protect the borders of the state. Delegating powers to the

military by the state allows it to take actions of an agent democratically,

morally, ethically and constitutionally. Apparently then, the equation of

delegating power from the state to the military should not be turned around into

getting to be delegating power from military to state unless there is a will of

former or the will of principal in the form of the majority.(Economist 2002).

In the nineteenth and twentieth century the military has made several attempts

to intervene into politics. Ironically, military coup has often staged d’état. Thus,

there are many examples of direct or indirect military interventions in the

Asians, Africans and the Latin Americans countries. It is obvious that military

had a number of motives or reasons to intervene in the politics of these

countries. These reasons include corporate interests, national interests or

sectional interests and personal interests.

Over the period of time, the democratic norms gained ground in these Afro-

Asian and Latin American regions, where military’s direct or indirect

intervention continued to take place from time to time. Specifically in the

context of South Asia, democracy has always been considered as a topic of

constant interest by the experts in this field. The military intervention in the

politics of Pakistan and Bangladesh seems to be direct i.e. in the form of coups.

However, in some other countries like Nepal and Sri Lanka, the military is

playing a significant role with certain interest of the institution. However, the

military has refrained itself from taking over the power, (Chadda, 2000). In the

context of South Asia, the case of India in the conditions of its devotion and the

custom or practice of self-ruled operation and relating institutions are

paradoxically and remarkably unique. Although both of the states, Pakistan and

India were part of the same British Rule and both of the countries have inherited

almost the same state institutions like military, parliament, civil bureaucracy,

legal norms and practices. This shows a fascinating and uninterrupted presence

of democracy in India as against the state of Pakistan. Therefore, it needs to

analyze the difference in the situations existing in both of the countries and pin

point the weak areas in case of Pakistan, where the military coups have taken

place recurrently. Hence, it is essential to identify and explain the dynamics of

political policies of Pakistan, more especially focusing on the role of military in

the politics of the country (Gardezi, et al, 1983).

The relations of the civil-military are at the sentiment of the central democracy

concern. However, there are two major characteristics that Asian politics have

shown over the period of previous twenty years along with the interaction

between two of them is concerned. All these are the democracy erosion and also

the effective concern of military of the basis of the political change. In some of
the states, there is direct power assumed by the military in some of the states

and sometimes in the cooperation with the other parties they are performing

their political roles. There was hardly any country found in the South Asia

excluding India which has been successful in restricting the borders defenders

to be at their designated constitutional responsibilities. In the way of viewing

the involvement of the military in the civilian's affairs, an everlasting taste for

the prestige and the power has been developed. The thirst for power and weak

democracies has combined so that they could make the military as the stake

holder in the civilian's affairs of the country (Shah, 2004).

In case of Pakistan military it has come to recognize itself as the state rather

then they watch itself as one the main core element of the constitutional state.

First, the army of Pakistan is known by many as the corporate entity which is

performing as the most effective politicians in the country. Second, due to the

reason of their distinct institutional interest they cannot make any compromise.

Army is always in the strong and the better position after being the strongest of

all the state institutions; now it can give practical shape to the perceived

institutional interests. So at the cost of the tremendous democratic country, the

generals can go to the level of the imposing the martial law. However there is an

opinion or the impression created in the society that there is ability in the armed

forces that they handle the situation when it is not controlled by the civilians

government. Third, the citizens are provided with the reason that in the uniform

they welcome the men being the new rulers of the state (Abbas, 2005).

Historical Accounts

In Pakistan, all the civilian-military relations have not only been stormy

throughout the Pakistan history. And in the process of the historical growth, it
has been proved an uneasy relationship with the general military interventions.

Over the time through the largely unfettered access and coup to the state

resources the important coercive powers were used by an army with the military

underlying threat so that they could challenge the authority of the state, and then

they capture the power time. In general, the armed force remained the dominant

and the key element in the Pakistan’s polity. They have enough power to fill

and move any vacuum they may see in the political system. It is true that there

was not any role of the constitution in the affairs of the country civilians, so

they have crafted the role for themselves (Ahmed, 2006).

The Pakistan government is a pendulum swinging between the military rule and

the democracy. Since independent, Pakistan Army has maintained the

hampering tradition to the process of the politicians. Then again through coup

d’état, the mid-20th-century scourge so that they could make its presence feel.

There has been the direct and the indirect involvement of the military in the

affairs at the political level. On the Pakistan directions which had taken, it had

the huge impacts.

There is a long history of army appeals to common sense. The accumulated

frustration and bitterness and pain associated with the creation of the state of

Pakistan, and there is a constant threat to the existence of the larger neighbor

conditioned political history since I947. Akhand Bharat will continue to

dominate the politics of Congress and agreed to go to war until they were

returned to Pakistan and India. Goa occupation by the Army of India was

interpreted in Pakistan as the signal for the warning. Then the domination fear

of India became a very important factor in the providing the guidance to the

external and the internal factors and the actions. Then the Afghanistan failed to
reconcile to Pakistan and then they made the hostile gestures so that the latter

could feel insecure. Due to this insecurity, there was huge expenditure on the

troops and the arms. As there is not any enough industrial base in the newly

born country, so they can support the huge expenditure of the defense (Zaidi,

2005).

In the period of 1954, the Assistance Program (MAP) as session was made to

the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and joining was made with

the Baghdad Pact in 1955 not only the funds were made to the defense arena

and capacity of the strengthened defense and they were exposed to the armed

forces personals to the advanced training of the nations which are developed.

The armed forces institutional superiority in the financial terms along with the

human capacity coupled with their exposure to the civil administration in the

weakening writ wake that gave them enough confidence for doing the

interference in the matters which can be called civilian influence purely

domain(Almond, 1966).

On October 7, 1958, by a military coup d’état an end was out to the

parliamentary democracy. The 1956 constitution was also abrogated by the

Field Martial Ayub Khan, and the power of the Chief Martial Law

Administrator was assumed after when the political dispensation of the civilian-

military was dismissed. Some of them were available who accepted the coup as

to the weak political system of Pakistan the inevitable was given while on the

other hand the others attributed to the superior organization the leadership and

training of the armed forces from British imperialism, after winning the freedom

was gained. Unluckily when the freedom was won from the British imperialism

the politicians were not succeeded that they think about the regional interest and
the narrower communal and they were found involved in the cruel race for the

fighting and power with each other (Amin, 1994). All this had the net result that

in the system people had lost hope that they could relieve them of the miseries

that they had to face in the newly born country and that they were doing wait for

the saviors. For the cash on the imagination of the people, the army had been in

the better position. The concept of ‘Controlled Democracy' was introduced by

Ayub Khan for winning the will of the public and along with the legitimacy for

years ahead. In the year of 1962, the general army framed the constitution in the

way so that they could have the maximum power. When all the good and the

bad works were given to the mounting public pressure Ayub had to surrender

and the power was handed over to the General Yahya in 1969. There was not

any planning of new Chief Martial Law that they stay in the planning for a long

period. In the year of 1971, they had the elections order of under the Provisional

Constitution and those kinds of elections which resulted in the United Pakistan

breakup. The transfer of power to the national leader and newly Zulifqar Ali

Bhutto appeared in an appropriate manner. So once again the country to

representative democracy again with Z.A. Bhutto as Prime Minister (Ansari,

2002).

It had often proved by the General elections need to be discussed for the

Pakistan. It as the country disintegration that was the result of the elections

while in the case of next in 1977 they caused serious differences among the

actors and the political forces. When the announcement was made for election

data, there was a general impression, and that was there would be the

emergence of the strong opposition that would work as the effective check on

the activities of PPP. But the results of the actions stunned everyone with

surprise that PPP was winning the seats 155 and to Pakistan National Alliance
35 were won. The elections were termed with the help of the opposition parties,

and then they refused to reject the results. Then on a large scale, the

demonstration was started and by all the parties which are in the opposition in

the country. As the time went on, then the situation was worsened with every

negotiation round that was making the no headway. The martial law was

imposed by General Zia ul Haq for the third time in Pakistan’s short history on

5th July (Arif, 1995).

Military intervention in politics is hardly unique to Pakistan. Military

intervention is seen commonly in Africa, Asia, and Latin America and also in

some Arab countries, though military rulers have been forced by the people

with the help of external forces to leave their palaces. The recent example in

Egypt is glorifying the democratic forces in other authoritarian Muslim states

for instance Libya, and Morocco, etc. The military rulers only can be ousted

with massive support which is encouraged by the international or regional

forces. Indeed, military rulers come and survive with indigenous and external

supporters. There are several factors which lead the army to come out from their

barracks to command civilians. It was observed by Edmund Burke that in its

essence the armed discipline body is considered harmful to liberty. No doubt at

first glance the conflict potential between military and democracy seems too

much obvious. If the democracy is defined as the political system that gives

promotion to the individual system and as the organization, the military is based

on the strong application of hierarchy, and discipline and then the contrast are

stark. So in spite of asking that why there was involvement of the military in the

politics we need surely to ask what why they ever do otherwise. The military-

political advantages at first sight vis-a-vis other and the groupings of the

civilians are overwhelming. Finer also suggested four levels of intervention e.g.
(1) influence, (2) blackmail, (3) displacement, and (4) supplement. The military

works upon for the first and the second level and the civil authorities which

remained behind the scene, the third replacement level that leads to the removal

of one special set of the civilians throwing the civilian regime (Bamforth,

2006).

The level of supplement which sweeps ways the civilian regime and establishes

the military in its place. Thus tangible and intangible features support to the

military to intervene in politics in any week state. Many weak states have failed

to maintain the relationship of civil-military for the longer time and independent

states created after the WWII have experienced direct or indirect military rule.

William Jesse defined civil-military relation; a national decision will be made

politically responsible civilian officials and using providing the guidance to

these policies that will be under the control of civilians’ officials which are

politically responsible. If the balance between the civil-military relationship

fails, it affects state's domestic sovereignty, security and leads to military

intervention. Pakistan's international sovereignty has been threatened twice, in

1971, East Pakistan (Present Bangladesh) separated and security threatened

again in 1973-77 when the Baloch nationalists took weapons against their state(

Baluchistan). Political crisis provided an opportunity for the then chief of the

army staff, General Zia-ul-Haq, to impose Martial law to curb the nationalist

(separatist) movement in an important province in Pakistan.

Finer said it: there are three massive advantages of the armed forces over

those organizations which are civilians. A symbolic status which is highly

emotional and monopoly of arms. An example of how the military is capable of

governing the country as successfully as the government of civilians does. It

possesses its democracy view, good governance and political stability(Belkin,

2003).

In many parts of the world, the military takes over and runs the so-called

civilian administration permanently or periodically. The liberal democratic

assumption that executive and their senior administrators control the military is

just invalid in many states. The military is involved to some extent in the

politics of every country, it is not only Pakistan.

According to C.E.Welch, the civil-military relationship is determined as:

1) Civilian Control: In the liberal democratic model the civilian

government maintains the dominant position. The military acts like any

other large Bureaucracy. It fights for personal and resources within the

government. It has the influence to the extent that it manages to

convince the public, government, and politicians that it has the best case.

2) Civilian Control and Military Participation: In wartime, for example,

military power increases even in a liberal democracy. It is not as just

equal layer with other parts of the bureaucracy it can insist on having a

dominant role in decision-making

3) Military Control and Civilian Participation: when the government is

controlled by the military then it possesses the degree of the civilian's

participation either for the purpose of practical or symbolic. For the

objective of missing the effect that the strings are pulling by the military

behind the scene and at the government head the civilian leaders may be

put.

4) Direct Military Control: In such system, the military publically and

unabashedly controls the government. It may employ civilian for tasks

 the bureaucracy, but the military is Cleary the political authority

(Bennett, 2011).

Over the decisions that are considered very important, there is a monopoly of

the military of the state. So aside from being the external society guards of the

nation this institution is well accepted. The Pakistani Army has the direct

control over Pakistan's nuclear program and foreign policy. The National

Command Authority (NCA) was established by the Army Staff former Chief

and, General Pervez Musharraf, President of Pakistan to assure the West that

Pakistan's nuclear weapon is safe (Chaudhri, 1967).

The Pakistani Army has unique characteristics. It has been called by the civil

regimes in the time of crisis. It feels itself the true guardian of the country, in

fact, it has proved it whenever the state faces internal security dilemma. The

military of Pakistani got such a strengthen position has its deep roots in history.

Pakistan faced several crises after its inception 1947.It was the army which

rescued the nation in times of true crisis. During the disaster of earthquake 2005

and sad flooding situation, the army had had always protected the people and

had left immensely positive impacts on their minds and heart. In fact, the

Pakistani army has won the people's mind and heart in their favor no matter

what the circumstance is.

Pakistan is a multi-ethnic nation. Internal riots had weakened the civil regime in

the 1950s. East Pakistan and the West Pakistan, both Pakistani wings were

being threatened by the ethnic-nationalists. Army curbed the linguistic and

ethnic movement when it rose in Sindh and Baluchistan in 1952-54. In 1953 the

army assisted the civilian governments when the people stood up against

Ahmad in Lahore (Choudhury, 1967).One would be surprised to know that

under the ‘operation service first' the army also played its role in nation building

process; executive and the magisterial power was granted in 1956 for

controlling the widespread hoarding along with the black marketing which

resulted in the shortage of food in East Pakistan. In 1951-1952 earlier, the army

carried out "process jute" to stop smuggling jute between India and East

Pakistan. Pakistan lost an important source of income. This process was a good

cooperation with civilian agencies. Thus began the military's role in civilian

areas to expand, which cannot be prevented. Pakistan could not have the high

quality of leadership after Muhammad Ali Jinnah. In the early 1950s, social

chaos in Pakistan did make the political organizations weak and corrupt which

promoted nepotism. The newly born ‘Islamic state' was passing through the

gravest situation. Landlords, powerful politicians, and bureaucrats were

holding powers and influence over the public offices. The mainstream forces

‘Political parties' lost the people's trust. Doubtful circumstances created by the

politician's enhanced military are power. Very often elections were avoided by

the state elite, and when conducted they led political turmoil. A Worth

mentioning fact is that Pakistan's neighboring countries e.g. India and

Afghanistan both created tension and trouble in Pakistan's internal provinces

such as NWFP (North Western Frontier Province), currently Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan. The separatists and ethnic movements had been

supported either by Afghanistan or India to destabilize Pakistan. Unfortunately,

the civil governments have always failed to control the situation. External forces

and conflicting neighboring states also provided strong grip to the army over

Pakistan's week institutions. Army's direct interaction and interference in public

affairs had affected politicians' credibility. Army's cooperative image toward the
people created trust deficit between the people and political leaders, which is

still going on (Cochrane, 2008).

Usually, because politicians are considered responsible for inviting the army to

share their burden during the conflicting situation in the country, the military

has legitimized its involvement by the state destabilization threat and doubted

leadership, the political leadership was perceived as ‘security risk' to stage the

military coup. As mentioned earlier military rule could not be effective or last

long without political co-optation of the same elites who held public offices in

the civilian governments. But their cooperation with the military government

could never be possible without political fragmentation that the military regime

and intelligence agencies under it caused

In the inner functioning of the political parties the regular intervention, the

election of the assemblies, other institution and media that proved the in making

the political institutions weak and that are considered important for the

parliamentary democracy. The tradition of the Generals of Pakistan accusing

their political leaders has continued from the first army ruler to the last one.

“The army meanwhile learned over time to establish patron-client relationships

with the Islamic parties and with the bureaucracy, and that was used in the

efforts for fighting the populist leaders in both the West and East Pakistan.

Coup d'états in the history of Pakistan have been validated by the superior

courts by the misinterpretation of Roman law" that which otherwise is not

lawful; necessity makes lawful" (Cohen, 2006).

So into the direct government control, the army of Pakistan pushed itself

through sidelining the weak class of the politicians. In the year of 1958, the first

martial law was imposed and then to become the dominant player the military
has made its position very strong in the politics. Over the period of 63 years for

the four times, the army had experienced the direct power and then learned to

the negotiate authority when they were not in the direct government control

The Ayub Khan Regime: The Counter Coup

In 1958 after seizing power, chief of Army staff Ayub Khan, made himself and

gave promotion to Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and Field

Marshal, and he was witnessed as a compliant political officer. Compared to

other military rules Ayub Kept the army at a distance to run the day to day

affairs of the country. The administration was mainly handled by the

bureaucracy he used to rely on; this was the reason many senior officers did join

military regime of Ayub and became ministers, governors, Ayub by introducing

―Basic Democracy and the constitution 1962 replaced the parliamentary

government. Basic Democracies bestowed legitimacy on Ayub rule and elected

him as a president in 1960 to 1965, with the time, Ayub started relying more on

civilians for the formulation of public policies, instead of his staff and corps

commanders. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was foreign minister during Ayub‘s resign,

who became has closest confidants. On the other hand, he gave the military

significant high degree of autonomy (Country Profile, 2009).

With massive enlargement in the defense expenditure and the enormous

moderation secured there were US Military aid packages first visible splits were

seen in 1964–65 between the military and Ayub. For the favorable path on

Kashmir Ayub, Bhutto and other started plotting a military solution. But

military as an institution showed reluctance, so the planning for the operation

was delegated to the joint civilian-military cell by Ayub. This cell has been

influenced and controlled by men of Bhutto officer and some foreign

intelligence officers. This cell has undermined the military leadership and

challenged his independence, strength, and unity. The plan for the two-stage

system was the first infiltration across the Line of Control in India held Kashmir

through 30,000 Fedayeen, and incitement to revolt. The second phase of the

plan was, Army would cross the LOC and would capture strategic areas before

the Indian Army could take action, having reservation about the high risk of

escalation. COAS Musa Khan and senior Army officer raised the objection to

Ayub Khan about the plan‘s success, which he dismissed. The army was

confident in case of Indian army loses a fight in Kashmir vale, they would

counter attack on Punjab border and the military knew it was unlikely to win.

In alliance with the military high command that was avoided in the supporting

plan with the objective of war, and to General Malik‘s divisional headquarters

were assigned the responsibility for the operations of Kashmir and then by

general headquarters the solely execution. No efforts were made for notifying

the combat and then the army preparation and the other war services. With the

Pakistan‘s bitter defeat the war of Kashmir was ended, but some success was

achieved in the Kashmir. At that time when the Indian counter attack into

Punjab, Islamabad‘s forces were there, and they were not prepared, and as an

institution, the military was not for this plan, and then they were disappointed

became disillusioned with Ayub & Bhutto‘s war mishandling (Easterly, 2001).

The poor generalship showed by the GHQ, totally disappointed senior combat

commanders and mid-level officers. In place of COAS Musa Khan, General

Yahya Khan was appointed as a COAS. Breach rapidly diverged after the war

between Ayub‘s regime and military, furthermore political support also

declined, resulted in the rising of political parties. Bhutto separated from Ayub

Khan and established his own Pakistan people‘s Party (PPP). In 1967, and
larger popularity in Punjab West Pakistan and Awami League (AL) had a

separatist agenda was on rising became threatening for the military regime.

Traditional opposition parties started demanding parliamentary democracy, and

soon Ayub‘s Basic Democracy collapsed seek imposing marshal law, tried to

suppress the violent mass protests. With the Army, consequences were not

agreed that there would be a martial law on Ayub’s behalf. Ayub Khan had

already lost the support of the Army active leaders finally resigned and handed

over powers to Yahya Khan.

The General’s Revolt: The Yahya Khan Regime

In the period of 1969 the prudence from Ayub Khan was assumed by Yahya

Khan. He structured the entire new shape ―Military – as – Government by

promoting his close associates General Abdul Hamid Khan as Chief of Army

Staff. General Yahya Khan himself wanted to address the underlying political

domestic issues of Pakistan, which could not be solved as independence for the

objective of extraditing the military form from the direct power. He announced

free elections for National Assembly within 1970 and abrogated the constitution

of 1962 given by Ayub and proportional representation to East Pakistan

compared to West Pakistan was guaranteed for the first time in Pakistan.

Military on the other head, had reservations to transfer political power to

civilians because they had engaged in long-term corporate business and did not

want to put at risk and especially enfranchising the Bengalis, split between the

various political parties showed throughout the each wing of the country. There

wasn‘t constitution in the country and the regime used to believe among the

divided parties it could perform as it could perform as arbiter and it could also

protect the military-corporate long term interest. Election results totally derailed

the military regime‘s plan, to withdraw in East Pakistan the Awami League got
an outright majority concept. Bhutto in West Pakistan could win two-thirds of

the seats. The sweeping majority in East Pakistan by Awami League issued six

demands which were having regional autonomy based and East Pakistan‘s

Military. On the other hand, Bhutto did not want to make a government with

Awami League. Negotiations were drawn between the parties and the regime, in

March 1971 but failed, and indefinite delay of National Assembly was

delivered. Awami League provided East Pakistan as an independent state as

Bangladesh and descended into open revolt. Excluding Bengal regiments,

Yahya with the support of Army called a brutal military crackdown in the East

wing. This situation turned into full seek civil war, during nine months

thousands of civilian were killed. Due to the massive flow of Bengali refugees

into India, Indian Army in 1971 invaded East Pakistan to support Bangladeshi

rebels in early December (Fair, 2011).

Pakistan launched an invasion on East Pakistan. In response, India successfully

fought on two fronts, and a third was captured by the Pakistani army trapped in

Eastern Pakistan, Yahya was forced to surrender. Yahya and his team wanted to

remain in power, but the fault of many military commanders and senior quarters

of the head of Yahya complete disaster for both the prestige of the state and

military and good bottoming regime. Many of the demands of the lowest leaders

sent Chief of Staff (CGS), Lieutenant General Gul Hassan threat to the regime's

tanks roll into the capital and out of the seat if by next day Yahya, army

astronomy not out of the government. Sub coordination of the Army, General

Yahya. Hamid Khan represented himself as an acceptable replacement by senior

officer corps, but they rejected him. Yahya and Gen, Hamid had to resign by

late December 1971. Once the top leadership of the regime was removed, Gen.

Gul Hassan was honored to be COAS and arrangement were made to transfer
the power to Bhutto and the People‘s Party and returned the military to the

barracks after the downfall of East wing of Pakistan (Gondal, 2011).

General Zia-ul-Haq Regime

In 1977, Bhutto rigged parliamentary elections to suppress opposition protests;

efforts were made to implement the martial law, but Zia-ul-Haq and the Army

seized power, and he wanted to have military as- institution a stakeholder in his

regime and made lots of efforts at the beginning of his administration. Zia was

not expecting that he would be the army head before the senior officers and the

coup and then their policy view is used to solicit. A claim was made by Rizvi to

the Zia-ul-Haq invulnerability the main core was the assistance and the support

that he enjoyed from the senior commanders of the army. Zia showed lots of

favors in the form of incentives to the military regarding private pay, defense

expenditures enlargement, residences, and bank loans the large track of

agriculture and other sides of perks. In 1980, the military showed favor, for free

elections to return to democracy. It wanted to go along with Zia‘s efforts as long

as military‘s self-interests were not threatened in 1984 referendum gave Zia

presidentship for five years term. Zia wanted to hold a general election on the

nonparty basis in the coming year (Gul, 2010). Muhammad Khan Junejo was

appointed as Prime Minister and the martial law was lifted. Zia had a

misperception about Junejo and legislature that they would fulfill the wishes of

Zia, but they proved that instead of being anticipated and refused to act like

rubber stamp they want to be more dynamic. These differences in a relationship

brought political divisions within the military-as-government, whereas for the

opposition political parties, were fuel for revival. Biggest Political Party that

time PPP started demanding the end of military rule to bring parliamentary

democracy. Between Zia and Junejo relations, military‘s corporate interests

become tangled, disagreements arose over cabinet appointments, military

spending, promotions, perks and Zia‘s dual hated role. The military showed

resentment about Junejo's Attitude, like an attack on its autonomy and Zia,

inability to protect the institutional interests of the army also intervene in its

internal affairs, to save his civil own. To save the civilian government, Zia kept

distanced from the army as an institution. Zia had to ignore the system static

update and interference in the hierarchy of the Army showed blatant favoritism

and small series extracted command, rather Zia was surrounded by civilians and

loyal agents. Many active and retired officers established and enforced civil

bureaucracy, so that could not be commanded. Due to turnover of seniors at the

top, Zia had to promote Junior officers on the senior posts, and stop taking

political inputs and meeting with senior officers and with corps commanders

and top brass became infrequent Zia started giving importance to meet the

commanders of the younger group and the junior officers privately. There was a

lot of tension of the politicians in the regime and between the military and the

government. For the purpose of arming the Afghan mujahideen, an ISI

ammunitions dump used was exploded in the military capital of Rawalpindi and

hundreds of civilians were killed (Haleem, 2003).

To stop public outrage, Junejo demanded the trail of the head of the ISI and the

directorate‘s former head who was the Zia‘s closest. In return, Zia dismissed

Junejo and dissolved the legislature without the consultation of VCOAS or

corps commanders and ordered to seize key buildings and arrested civilian

leaders of his government. Ignore political setbacks and agitation, Zia planned

for new elections to stay in power. In August 1988, Zia after leaving a

demonstration of tanks, along with most of his closest the US ambassador in

Islamabad military aide, died in an accident in C-130. Shortly after the death of
Zia-ul-Haq, the General Command issued for Big VCOAS, during the hours of

Big Feet, leaders of the Force and the General Command of the employees

decided unanimously to return to barracks. It has been designated as the civil

works for the government to hold free elections in November 1988, Benazir

Bhutto regained the ability of the administration of democratic parliamentary

government in Pakistan.

The Musharraf Regime

It could be said that Pakistan is a suitable model of praetorian state with the

military that is performing efficiently in the country mainstream politics. Once

again Pakistan returned to the army after playing hide and seeks with the

democracy in the period of eleven years, when with the COAS General Pervez

Musharraf on October 12, 1999, in a bloodless coup, took power from Prime

Minister Nawaz Sharif. At the moment of the coup, a democratic reversal

occurred, but ‘democratic reversal' for the time of military brought about the

coup, when the government of Islami Jamhoori Ittehad was sent packing, out of

its 53 years of existence it was the period of the age of 25 when the military was

in power. When in Pakistan army took charge of the government for the fourth

time in October 1999. It was not any shocking or the surprising thing for most

of the foreign politicians. Unlike the previous Pakistan military coups, there

was not any law imposed by the General Musharraf in the country. As being the

only state in the in South Asia, the coup left the Pakistan with the government

of military in Pakistan.

The immediate provocation of the Sharif's for precipitating the political crisis

and sacking Musharraf was the exciting clash between the two state institutions.

Before the departure to Sri Lanka, the army chief had made some moves due to
which the interest of the prime minister was affected. This was now considered

something unique to occur. It was expected from the army men that they would

show huge loyalty to the military as the institutions and the institution's

priorities would be on the top. To antagonize the PM considered two steps

sufficient army commander on the one hand, while on the contrary a clear line

between the two heads of institutions, respectively is drawn. Even one of the

confrontational approaches to this aspect, for some time can be seen at the head

of two recorders (Haqqani, 2002).

During the army chief time, the tension between the civilian leadership and the

military was started, when the letter of the mismanagement was made of the

affairs of the government in the public gathering and then for the public

remedies they were asked. There was a very clear message between the lines to

the civilian ruling agenda. When the doors were closed to the army chief, it was

the strong reaction by the Sharif in October 1998 to the Army Chief. It was for

the first time in the history when the Army Chief resigned. And in the next step,

Admiral Fasih Bukhari was forced by the Prime Minister to quit. Being misled

and driven by the past arbitrary but the successful political encounters like

kicking out the president, Naval Chief of Staff, Chief Justice and also the Army

Chief. It was continued by to perform in the same way. Due to the successful

encounters with the armed forces gave enough confidence to Nawaz Sharif that

they intrude the affairs in the proper way (Haqqani, 2007).

One of the primary element which made the contribution to the military

takeover in the year of 1999 was effort of PM to get away from "Troika" model

of power that are being shared in Pakistan. Three triangles arms were composed

of the Army Chief, President and the Prime Minister with each balancing the
other by not giving any permission to disturb or tilt the system to its advantage.

From the 1973 Constitution with the scraping off 58-2(b) and for the Prime

Minister the power balance was shifted. In the Pakistan Constitution, the

Article 58 2 (b) was the clause which was instituted by the General Zia-ul-Haq

in 1985 and that gave the power to the president that they dismiss the

government which was elected. The Army was stopped from the direct

takeover. That was the strong argument since this provision addition to the

constitution, and there was not any martial law in Pakistan. There were

complaints every time by the government and then as the result the assemblies

were dissolved it was ordered that there would be new elections. Due to the

instability, the 1990's era was marked and due to which war was caused by the

president and the prime minister and the role of mediator was performed by the

army chief. To all these issues the 58 2 (b) was not the proper issue rather it was

the part of the problem (Haqqani, 2005).

There were two factors which added to thefury of the fire. One of the acts of

Sharif of the commission when in October 1998, the Karamat left service was

to provoke the army with the replacement of the DG-ISI, by a new officer,

General Nasim Rana, and Lt General Zia Uddin. Another factor which was

more important was that it performed again and again without the new COAS,

known as the General Musharraf the Pakistan Inter-Services Intelligence is apex

spy agency whose reputation touched the new heights after the active role in the

war of Afghan against the defunct USSR in 1980's. Direct reports were made

by the head of ISI to the country prime minister. So it was doubted that Nawaz

Sharif wanted that someone who is very trustworthy enough that he keep on

informing that what can be the army ill intentions against the government of

civilians. For the two reasons the army was antagonized, the first one had not
been taken into the consideration and the confidence when the new DG ISI was

appointed. The second was that over the number of years the army had

protected itself from the civilian's interference in almost all the respects. With

the new appointment, General Musharraf was not satisfied, and he was waiting

for the right occasion for demonstrating the new displeasure. These were the

four months when the time came, the visit A.B. Vajpayee to Lahore which is of

high profile in February 1999. On occasion, Army General remained absent. In

the coffin, the factor of Kargil proved to be the last nail. Although there was

involvement of the two arch rivals in the confrontation since independence,

between the two the Kargil was the first battle in May 1998 they acquired the

nuclear weapons. The Pakistan Army militants of Kashmiri in the case of Kargil

episode whoever were involved for highlighting the issues of Kashmir by taking

the control over the main route through Kargil (Hassan, 2004). However, there

is an opinion difference as it is believed by some of the scholars which have the

belief that on the part of the military Kargil was a deliberate effort to damage

the efforts of the civilian government for improving the relations within the next

neighbor door. It was objection by Nawaz Sharif that he had been kept in vague

of the Kargil operation and the whole fault on the military was moved when in

the wake of Kargil scene the global group arranged against Pakistan. Musharraf

had all the acclamation for the fruitful conduction of operation on sloping

statures being an armed force man. In the historical backdrop of the Pakistan

Army the Kargil operations were a milestone considered absolutely in military

terms, keeps up Army General. However seeing more grounded in the field

Pakistan involvement was deliberate. Politically and strategically military

course was in especially awkward position. On Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif

International weight had a dampening impact. Between both PM Sharif and

General Musharraf, there was a distinction of conclusion over the military

withdrawal from Kargil. There would be no Pakistani drawback, was expressed

by Musharraf all the while wanting to hurry to Washington and "surrender

singularly" to India was made by Sharif. A discretionary catastrophe for the

nation against India was made so Pakistani impression of the Kargil issue is

anticipated as a military victory. The previous submitted a stumble by

disregarding the institutional standards of the armed force on the day when

Nawaz Sharif rejected General Musharraf in the arrangement of the new armed

forces however in any given setting line and staff power. For performing

principle exercises (for which the association exists mainly), Line power is the

one considered fundamentally dependable and team power helps line power in

giving special counsel. The convention that the armed force was the first

attacking corps, line control for this situation were kept up by the Pakistan

military. Considering that no DG-ISI has ever turned into the armed force boss

till now in Pakistan Prime Minister Sharif's decision of Lt General Zia Uddin as

the new COAS had left from custom. The armed force all in all will

undoubtedly respond as new Army Chief was not from the standard battling

wing of the military and was from the Engineering Corps. (Huntington, 2006)

The performance of PML (N) was exceptionally great. Out of 207 general seats

it won 136 seats in the National Assembly. For the military, the takeover was

the walk that there was a vast majority which voted Sharif and to the corridors

of power of his company. Why no one resisted this action of the radical

unconstitutional? Why there was not any who came out on the roads that they

could show the solidarity with the solidarity democracy? The welcome was

made by the people in the Pakistan.

There were some unforgiving facts in which the answer lied. To the

inconvenience of the selected government the societal elements further warped

the circumstance unless to bring the economy again from the edge of failure,

some supernatural occurrence can help and reestablish its discolored picture; an

unlawful upset is completely on the cards. A point where nonmilitary personnel

government had surrendered certain crucial state claimed foundations and

Inefficiency had come to there. The Army had assumed control as substantial

parts of the state by doing welcome even before the coup of 1999 in which

General Pervez Musharraf kicked out or overthrow Nawaz Sharif. While regular

citizen government was giving way, the armed force was advancing. Execution

gives authenticity to any selected government in vote based system and a solid

base to remain on. The government that was elected turns out to be more

powerless against a military overthrow in a creating nation like our own for

being discovered non-receptive to the essential issues and requests of the voters.

As far as monetary pointers the year 1998 was may be the most noticeably bad

especially when authorization commenced in the wake of May 1998 nuclear

tests. By nation's desperate financial circumstance Pakistan's government

officials did not appear to be troubled. With their lavish spending spree on

themselves, they proceeded to the dishonor of the administration, estranging the

socialized society the attack on Supreme Court constructing further included.

On the weak establishments, the legislature was. There is huge importance to

the concepts of shirking and working for the selected government through the

popular vote. If the factor is avoided that what has been elected or mandated,

then it will be punished with the extreme comfort. Coup d etat is the extreme

form of this punishment by the military. One in the messes the support base is

lost in case of underperformance, then the government mandate is put into the
question, and for resisting the coup, the government finds it difficult. Due to

that reason, there was hardly a dissenting opinion in the country which is

expressed. As once again the army took charge so sensible Pakistanis are not

happy astonishing.

Statement of the Problem

In Pakistan, poor governance, legitimacy crises, corruption and poor socio-

economic conditions are the motivating factors behind every military

intervention in to main stream politics and due to these factors, the public

overwhelmingly support such intervention. Due to personal interest, civilian

institution, oppositions and anti-democratic lobbies also endorse the take-over

of military. Besides the mentioned internal factors, external factor like geo-

strategic location of Pakistan and its security centered foreign policy also plays

in important role in supporting such anti-democratic steps by the military. The

disequilibrium and imbalance in civil military relationship is mainly due to the

above mentioned internal and external factors. Sufficient work have been done

on civil military relationship however, the general perceptions about the civil

military relationship needs to measured and assessed for better understanding of

civil-military relations in Pakistan in general and during Musharraf regime in

particular.

Objectives of the Study

 To find out contributing factors towards imbalanced civil-Military

relationship in Pakistan.

 To explain the core bases for military intervention in politics.

 To assess the dynamics of changing civil-military relationship.

 To identify the perceptions at different level regarding civil-Military

relationship in Pakistan.
  To determine the different variables effecting the relationship between

the Military and Civil government in the country.

 To put forward recommendations for the consideration of Policy

makers.

Research Questions

 What are the bases for military intervention in politics during Musharraf

era?

 How the civil society (politicians, judiciary and bureaucracy) interacted

with Musharraf in the civil-military relations?

 How did Musharraf interact with civil society after coming into power?

 What are the perceptions of the civil society towards military regimes,

especially Musharraf regime in Pakistan?

Research Methodology

This study is relevant to in depth analysis of the Civil-Military Relations (CMR)

in Pakistan and to discern the causes of repeated incursions of military into

politics on one hand and highlight the military activism during the civilian

government on the other hand. Direct interaction with various political and

military stake holders will be done to reach the roots of the matter. Also

empirical and qualitative assessment of the available data on the topic will help

this research more productive. An attempt will be made to fill the gap and

highlight the lacunas in the subject. The sudden change in the governments as a

result of military coups will be treated as dependent variables, while the

interests of military versus the society interests, and agency/ shirk will be taken

as independent variables. Both primary and secondary sources are used to make

the study more objective and coherent. Identification of variables and

recognizing the significance of relationships among explanatory variables can

be done by qualitative interpretative methodology. The perceptions of the civil

society towards military regime are identified and measured through

quantitative analysis conducted through questionnaire distributed among a set of

respondents. Data is then analyzed through Statistical Package for Social

Sciences (SPSS).

Organization of Study

The present thesis has been organized in six chapters. A brief introduction of

each chapter is given below.

Chapter One (Introduction): The chapter focuses on a broader introduction of

the subject in question and the historical account of the military coups in

Pakistan. It also includes statement of the problem, objectives of the study,

research questions and a brief methodology of study. The detailed methodology

for quantitative analysis is given in chapter four of the thesis.

Chapter Two (Literature Review): The review of the literature given in this

chapter is based on global and National level. This chapter briefly describes the

issue in hand coupled with theoretical perspective and the theories significant to

the study under the consideration.

Chapter Three (Musharraf Era): This chapter provides a brief analysis of the

events that led to the military Coup of 1998 and describes the events and the

civil-military relations during Musharraf regime.

Chapter Four (Research Methodology): The research methodology involves

the nature of the study, universe, parameters of the study, research techniques
used for the selection of respondents, tools which were used for data collection

and procedure of data analysis and presentation.

Chapter Five (Data Anlysis and Discussion): This chapter consists of result

and discussion that deals with data analysis and presentation. Data is presented

in Uni-variateand Bi-variate cross tabulations. Standard statistical techniques

are applied for exploring association between the variables and testing

statements. The brief explanations of the table have been given for the

understanding of the readers.

Chapter Six (Conclusion and Recommendations): This chapter comprises of

research findings, conclusions of the study and finally important

recommendations have been given towards the resolution of the research

problem.

At the end, specimen copy of questionnaire and list of references have been

annexed.
 Chapter Two

LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter critically analyzes and reviews already existing literature about the

civil-military relationship.

Works Related to Civil-Military Relation in Pakistan

According to Gardezi (1983), the legal intervention of the military in politics

can be assessed and analyzed from the "legitimization of regimes" till 1971 in

Pakistan. It is recognized that the military is being served as a kind arbitrator.

There had been no interest by the army to interfere in the political system of

Pakistan unless the government has failed due to the civil bureaucracy of

Pakistan. Failure of government brought Ayub Khan in power and presented

himself as a military ruler of Pakistan during 1958-1969. General Fazal

Muqeem Khan (1963) states that military rule is legitimized and justified by

organization's history, warfare and recruitment of Pakistan army. Ayub Khan

(1967), showed himself for political developments as a legitimist. During this

tenure, it was believed by various writers that the masses were guided towards

development and democracy by ignoring the suppression of fundamental human

rights and pinching questions concerning the 1956 constitution and its

abrogation. Ayub Khan had legitimized and justified subsequent political

developments and his martial law (Hassan, 1998).

Lt. Gen Gul Hassan Khan (R) (1993) stated himself as the legitimist narrative in

his biography. He was the first chief of army staff after the separation of East

Pakistan (Bangladesh) in December 1971. It was also demonstrated by Gul

Hassan Khan that, since the birth of Pakistan political authority and the civil
bureaucracy are dealing with the affairs of this country. General Ayub Khan

ensured to take over his flight and had a pleasant relation with Head of the

State, President Iskander Mirza. However, he had feared from some other

generals of his team members who had a plan to takeover against Ayub Khan.

India was able to hostile Pakistan at that serious stage. However, Iskander

Mirza imposed the martial law under the supervision of Ayub Khan. After the

martial law of 1958, the responsibility of Pakistan was put on the shoulders of

an incompetent politician. Gul Hassan Khan was exiled from the country after

three weeks of the hostile takeover.

Though there is no empirical evidence that can be provided for the cause of

politicization of generals in Pakistan, it can be seen that the ex-army chief holds

a view that Field Marshal General Ayub Khan was not having interest to

participate civil authority in the country. All he provided Pakistan was a

"constitution and a half-baked democracy" (Khan, 1993). Again, legitimacy in

the Ayub-Yahya encounter is given to Ayub by the writer. Hassan Khan

considers that it was the cabinet members who forced Ayub to takeover in

March 1969. The latter did not do any progressive thing for the good of this

country, and Yahya Khan imposed martial law (Khan, 1993). The family and

General Ayub Khan himself had no involvement in corruption. Moreover, the

author is also silent on the fact that the ambassadorship of Austria was accepted

that was offered by Bhutto, the same man who forced Lt-Gen to resign from the

command of the Army as a chief after being putting in protective custody.

Despite all these compassion from Bhutto, the researcher still has a view that it

was Bhutto, not Zia who dragged the country on the edge of another martial

law. Due to this belief of the researcher, he did not highlight the causes and

consequences of the coup in 1977. Tariq Ali’s writings are extensively based on
a conspiracy point of view about the different phases of Pakistan's politics

(1970; 1983). According to the author, the involvement of Pakistan's military in

politics is directed by America. Against the communist USSR, the alliance of

Pakistan with the capitalist block in the context of the Cold War. Brave

Generals could provide a better service to Washington's geostrategic interests.

Therefore, the military was encouraged to stage a coup in 1959, 1969 and 1977.

In 1999, General Pervez Musharraf overthrew the nominated Prime Minister

and imposed martial law. There is also an "internal aspect" of the conspiracy

theory of the writer. The theory explains that there is an argument in

contradiction of the already established view by the great leader of East

Pakistan, namely Sheikh Maulana Bashani and Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman. They

had information about the 1969 takeover by the Pakistan army. Furthermore,

after information and encouragement from General Headquarters (GHQ),

Bhutto started denouncing the six points by the Awami League (Jalal, 1995).

Later, it was only with the support of military that Bhutto became The President

and Martial Law Administrator in 1972. Although, arguments of the author

stand on weak empirical grounds, but they still seem catchy. In addition to this,

the researcher fails to include details about the civil-military relationship and

politics of Pakistan. A Military coup in 1958 is an example where the author has

not put any substantial grounds for the reasons of interference except the 1959

elections. However, elections are the best ways, but these are still not suitable to

the takeover by an illegal way (Jalal. 2009). In the light of the relationship with

the army of Bhutto, Khan (2005) has assumed military as the master and Bhutto

as a weak partner. Moreover, the author has also not mentioned the unpopularity

and demoralization of the military's officer. Also, it has not been discussed that

a demoralized organization with stakes in Pakistan's politics was in need of a

better strategic understanding with Bhutto rather than the need of Bhutto to

form a. Understanding with the former. The writer's accounts are biased and are

of negative mind (Burki, et al. 2007).

Rizvi (2015) has analyzed the supremacy and evolution of Military in Pakistan.

He after describing the short background of political history of Pakistan focused

on the military interventions into the political arena and its withdrawals,

because of the divergence of interests between the leaders of military regimes.

He argued that Nawaz Sharif’s attempt to fire Musharaf, peace and friendship

with India, Military defeat in Kargil war, amid the rising civil military tension.

Furthermore, he stated that for strengthening his military rule, General

Musharaf increased defense budget as well as other side benefits to the Corps

Officers but Honorable Supreme Courts of Pakistan challenged the legality of

military regime in 2007 and Military also withdraws from its supports to the

Military Government. General Musharaf at this time took sharp move and

declared the national emergency, suspended the courts again. The divisions

grew up between Military and General Musharraf over the issue of Emergency

and ended in the defeat of Musharraf led Political Party, PML (Q). The author

of the paper highlighted the causes of Military interventions in Pakistan as;

instability in the nation’s political regimes, violent internal behavior, powerful

neighbours, role of Army as an Arbitrator in domestic politics, army’s

unacceptability of democratic authority, inability of Judiciary not to question

the interventions of Army, lobby of religious preachers against Democracy and

the corrupts civil administration. Beside these internal factors, the geo-strategic

importance of Pakistan always attracts the super power to favour the army over

the Politicians. Rizvi concluded the paper by advising the civil Government that

they must exercise their control over military and work sincerely to regain full
Civilian institutional Control. Civilian Governments must watch the coup

opportunities like floundering political process, external security threats,

internal threats and economic crises.

Faqir, Islam and Rizvi (2013) studied the role of lawyers in support for independence

of judiciary. Judiciary must be independent from all other institutions in the country. In

Pakistan, Judiciary faced challenge due to authoritarian governance. In shape of

military coup, Musharraf came into power which negatively affected this institutions

after 2007, when chief justice was deposed, judicial require was started in a movement

of lawyers begins for independence of judiciary in the country.

Kalia (n.d.) highlighted dynamics of policy making under different regimes by

configuration of the nature of Pakistan bureaucracy and its role in policy making in the

country. Bureaucracy is not limited to execution of policies but it is an integral part of

government. Bureaucracy due to its political role has been so notorious. Best talent of

the country should be recruited to civil services and procedural control must be

strengthened with a system of accountability which requires a visionary leadership.

This factor can also lead to the intervention of military into political matters.

Khalid (2012) studied the role of judiciary in the evolution of democracy in Pakistan.

Technical issues and the failure of judiciary to check institutions in Pakistan has

affected the journey of democracy in Pakistan. Both the constitutional and political

weaknesses have stopped the political and democratic growth in the country. The

research concludes that more comprehensive and solid policies are required to reframe

the judicial and constitutional weakness, so that a good democratic system may grow in

the country. If the judicial and constitutional policies of a country are well conducted

and implemented, all the institutions will work in their respective jurisdiction and

democratic process will grow up. Check and balance of all institutions backed by

efficient judiciary will maintain role of law in the country. However for efficient work

of judiciary for a long time all the constitutional and legislative bodies should be made
well established first. The key finding is that both the judiciary and legislative system

of the country should move in a coordinated way to grow the democratic system of

Pakistan

Amjad (2006) analyzed Musharraf era from the development and growth perspective of

the country. Since Musharraf take over his administration started new strategy for the

development of the country called the Musharraf development strategy. Amjad

investigated that Musharraf strategy was successful for achieving his own goals and

that of the country. The overall face of economic growth in that era was satisfactory. In

the era, growth takes place confidence of the private sector grows up public sector

investment program increased and unemployment decreased. On the negative side,

some macro-economic indicators i.e. inflation and growth was not specifically

contributing to eradicate poverty. To conclude, there were some positive as well as

negative aspects of Musharraf era. Growth took a boost but with high inflation. There

were high infrastructure projects but no focus given to labor market.

Hussain (2007) views that in countering the threat and expansion of

communism, jihadists were not only granted legitimacy by CIA-ISI but also

their cause was well propagated and their actions were accounted as heroic by

the world two largest spy agencies. The incident of 9/11 compelled the state of

Pakistan in parting its ways with those jihadists as a result of which it shakes the

whole fabric of Pakistani society. The concept of jihad has been misinterpreted

and wrongly propagated; it has found a room in the poor, the uneducated and

misguided. The Islamic seminaries became a breeding ground for terrorists;

militants in these seminaries were motivated to join Taliban and Al-Qaida

forces in Pakistan. Nothing has been done by the state of Pakistan in the

decades of the 1980s and 1990s to stop the constant involvement of religious

seminaries in jihadist politics. The recent attacks in Pakistan by jihadist

organization is a wakeup call, Pakistan should focus on unraveling the network

of terrorism and lawless frontiers of Pakistan.

Kiacker (2007) the continuity of democracy is much needed for the whole

world, the world needs Pakistan’s support in fighting its war on terror both in

Pakistan and Afghanistan. Pakistan as a failed state will have an adverse effect

on global and regional level, derailment of democracy or a semi-governed

Pakistan can turn a haven for global militants and jihadists and could bring

uncertainty and instability in the whole region. The threat of falling nuclear

weapons in the hands of terrorists may cause a serious ramification for the

whole world. The western world cannot remain immune to the political

instability of a strategically important Pakistan. He further argues that the

international community should also support the institutions of the government

of Pakistan such as the organization of human rights, the judiciary, media

organizations and civil society failing which strengthens the undemocratic

forces and will push the state further into Islamic bigotry fundamentalists. The

international world should establish bilateral relationship with the civilian

government in Islamabad and must contribute in adding money to those

programs which strengthen the civilian agencies and judiciary. The world must

focus on strengthening good governance practices and service delivery.

Khan (2012) in his paper about the Role of Military in the politics of Pakistan

took the historical evolution of political participation of military in India and

Pakistan by giving a detailed description of Pre-Colonial heritage of Muslims in

India, British Colonial Experience of the Muslims in the united India and the

Nature of Muslim League leadership after Jinnah. After a brief over view of

historical content, the author argued about the weak civil institutions and

political participation of Military in Pakistan due to lack of institutional pre-

requisite for democracy, institutional problems in Pakistan, feudal aristocracy

and political legitimacy. Here the author highlighted the Military’s belief about

its role in the society, in which military and bureaucracy are more organized and

developed than political and democratic institutions. The Military intervention,

besides the above stated factors is also due to personal grievances of the

Military officers and the engagement and disengagement of Military with civil

society. He also stated that Military bureaucracy was always more concerned

with the security problem of the country. Corruption also destroyed the image

of politicians and gave rise to increasing public disenchantment with politics

and political process. He also highlighted the global factors in this regard by

stating that incidents of 9/11 increased the importance of Pakistan’s role in the

eyes of Super Powers. The author argued in the paper that Super powers and

foreign players promote authoritarian regimes in Pakistan as compared to

democratic regimes.

Singh & Singh (2011) stated that Pakistan’s history has been characterized by

periods of military rule and political instability. It is a developing country that

faces problems with high levels of poverty and illiteracy. Singh & Singh (2011)

further said that Military can influence the nature and direction of political

change without necessarily assuming power and claimed that the military has

seldom had to face opposition in coming into power. Pakistan swings back and

forth between military and civilian rule on one side and feudal and capitalist

economies on the other. Military rule was welcomed in Pakistan, since the

nation had experienced a very unstable political climate since independence.

The Chief of Army Staff, rather than the Defense Minister or the Chairman of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (JCSC), is the most powerful position in the

defense arena. Hundreds of army personnel have posts in civilian institutions

whereby civilian officials have long complained about military officers taking

up senior posts in the civil service, universities and ministries. Unlike

Musharraf, current civilian leaders have shown themselves to be poor managers,

and have not inspired confidence in the market. The history of Pakistan shows

that Pakistani Army Chiefs have never relinquished power voluntarily.

Syed Abdi (2004) declared that Pakistan's political system can best be

understood as a pendulum between civilian rule and military rule. Huntington

(2006) claimed that Governance in Pakistan is a delicate balancing act between

the military chiefs and the elected civilian government. a weak economy has a

major positive impact on the probability of low income and poor economic

performances increases the risk, which keep income and growth at low rates and

therefore increase the chances of future. Pakistan is the typical example of this

situation in which Military leadership hopes to change the situation as they feel

the civilian government is not pushing the economic growth and the rampant

disturbances by external and internal threats.

Inayatullah (1998) claimed that Military became more independent and thus,

powerful for controlling national politics. Its top brass developed an ideology

and a set of perceptions to justify their political role. As guardians of the nation,
they believe they have the right to rule the nation. Once the civilians come into

power, feeling threatened by the military, they attempt to control them. As with

their feudal roots, a pattern of patronage and corruption sets in.

Chaudhary (n.d) claimed that if the civilian governments take rational position

against the military agency in Pakistan, then the role of military in shaping

foreign policy of Pakistan would be curtailed. The military intervenes in politics

because of its inherent agency not culture, identity’ or even its structure, or

external or internal threats. The military’s presence in domestic and foreign

policy is constrained.

The weak political parties and leadership as well as social institutions created

space for governance to civil military bureaucracy. This causes derailment of

the democracy and alternate civil and military supremacy. Although the overall

socio-political environments have improved and healthy civil military relations

are witnessed in the present era. As in any democratic set up healthy civil-

military relationship are very necessary where an elected civilian government

enjoys the overall control of the military. However during the past history of

sixty-five years in Pakistan the control over governance has oscillated between

the civilian supremacy and military rule.

For any healthy constitutional and political system to function smoothly strong

and well entrenched political parties are very necessary. Unfortunately the
political parties in Pakistan have failed to develop into strong vehicles of

national political will. Pakistan had very scare basic infrastructure and resources

at the time of independence. The low level of literacy also added a lot in this

regard. There was an urgent need of competent and resolute leadership. The

feudal leadership of political parties was not able to deal with the multifarious

problems faced by the country. Civil military bureaucracy had dominated

governance due to the inherited weakness of political parties and incompetent

leadership resulting in the derailment of government thrice in 1958,1977 and

1999.The civil military bureaucracy did not have favorable opinion about the

competence of political leaders and often took decisions without consulting the

political leaders. Hence it increased the tension and conflict between the civil

and military leadership and also have negatively affected on training,

development and growth in good governance.

The security situation in Pakistan also bitterly affected the sustainable civil

governance in Pakistan. The external and internal threats in the country also

thwarted the countryis march towards democracy.

A free and fair election is very necessary part for growing democratic

governance. Sustainable democracy in Pakistan will also require the

establishment of strong civilian institutions like bureaucracy, political parties,

judiciary and media. Although it takes time but with foreign assistance and
internal hard work, including technical training, education and financing could

pay a vital role in each of these areas.

Khan and Wazir (2015) are of the opinion that Pervez Musharraf weakened the

political situation of Pakistan, in many ways, instead of strengthen it. All the

institution, ranging from civilian to military and from national accountability

Bureau (NAB) to the judiciary, were manipulated of Musharraf in such a way

that the Basic function of these institution were forgotten. They were directed

towards victimizing the political opponents of Pervez Musharraf.

Moreover, the economic policy was designed, during Musharraf era in such a

way that it gave benefit to few people. The same model of economy was

introduced by another military dictator General Ayub Khan. It was not only

economy but the institution like NAB was directed for political victimization of

the opponents of the Musharraf. The judges and military men who supported

Musharraf were exempted from the activities of NAB. In this way a civilian

institution, which was designed to work irrespective of any prejudice, was

mismanaged by the military. Similarly the judiciary was targeted by Musharraf

for the implementation of his dictatorship. This resulted in the unfair decisions

of judiciary on many occasion.

Yousaf in his work “Pakistan a study of political development 1947-97” is of

the opinion that the military is of the general perception that the major reason

for the disorder in Pakistan is the civilian leadership. The leaders are mainly

working for their self interests at the cost of national interest. President

Musharraf was no different from the other military dictators in this regards. He

considered the civilian as responsible for the problems of the General

population. Military with this perception intervened in 1999 and tried to sideline

the civilian leadership.

Behuria in his work “How Military Dominates the Political Space in Pakistan: a

Study of Musharaf’s Rule 1999-2008” is of the opinion that Musharraf

elongated his rule by the use of National Accountability Bureau (NAB) in his

favor. NAB took its operations against those elements which were politically

against Musharraf. Moreover, those military men and judges who were in favor

of military regime were exempted from the activities of NAB. Thus, NAB

strengthened the position of Pervez Musharraf by weakening his opponents.

Ziring () in his book “Pakistan at the Cross Current of History” is of the opinion

that it was the event of 9/11 that had changed the foreign policy outlook of

Pakistan. Before 9/11, Pakistan was one of those three states that had supported

the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. However, after 9/11 a major shift in foreign

policy of Pakistan occurred and Pakistan became a front-line state against “was

on terrorism” which was led by United States. Pakistan didn’t consider Taliban

as the legal political faction that had the mandate to rule Afghanistan. This

faced Pakistan with the serious challenge to face the terrorist activities at home.

Musharraf regime saw some worst incidents carried out on Pakistan soil by the

terrorist groups.

Chambers (2010) are of the opinion that the economic policy of Musharraf was

designed in such a way that the military men can get the major share out of the

benefit of the policy. Economic resources and their management were mainly in

the hands of military. Civilian desired for the benefits of economic policies.

Moreover, Pakistan faced huge loss in its fight against terrorism at the hands of

militants.
Gazdar (2007) is of the view that the Musharraf’s military regime was going to

meet the end; abolishment. He argues that the tusslebetween General Musharraf

and the Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Choudhery was a great

blow to the regime. The judge was charged that he had favored his son by

illegal ways and means but the real causes were

i) The Judge was inquiring about the missing persons and

ii) He had stopped the privatization of Pakistan steel mills.

The refusal of the Judge to resign may be based on certain reasons such as his

belief that he had a strong support of the lawyer’s community or his belief that

he was innocent and would be restored later. He might have any reason; the fact

is that he simply refused to resign. On hearing about the matter, the lawyer’s

community came to the help of the Judge and started a nation-wide movement

to free and restore him as he was kept under house-arrest with his family.

Peter Feaver has done a great job with respect to Civil-Military relations during

1999 besides that he has conducted the research and figure out the research

literature on other various subjects of political science. So according to this

study it seems, therefore, relevant to seek insight and inference from Peter

Feaver’s work. He wrote about the dependent and independent variable of this

model theory. Furthermore, in his research article of civil-military relation he

considered the military compliance, coups, civil-military friction, military

influence monitoring and delectation as dependent variables. It is universal

phenomena that every object has dual effect so as concern to the depend

variables these also has their own pros and corns in respect of rational and

logical contrast, measurability and theoretical limitedness such as from one

perspective military influence marks continuous instead of dichotomous while

in the second sense it is difficult to ascertain it, in light of the prior particularly

issues identified with estimation of non-overthrows.

Majority of the research scholars consider the internal and external independent

variables in their research study an extensive research so far the extensive

research about these factors will explain about these factors whether these are

character, structural and socio cultural in nature? In respect to the independent

variables these are concerned with the transformation from authoritarianism to

democracy. As indicated by O’Kane (1981), Finer (1999) Kposowa and Jenkins

(1990) that in particular phenomenon of interest civil-military relations consider

as IVs.

The earlier studies on the topic of civil military relation conducted by Jalal

(1990) and Aziz (2008) concluded that US support to states military,

diplomatic, military aid, and security alliances and others are given preference.

Aziz consider these factors as explanatory variables and to make this point more

clear the given discussion is the most recent research that explained the civil-

military relation in Pakistan.

Mirza (2008) work is for the most part slightly deals with equivalence and

causality of concerned issues. He considers the problem in governing issues,

saving democracy and political disorder as IVs. This allows him to examine the

history, reasons and causes of 1958, 1977 and 1999 coups. As per the present

study’s the main point of conflict with that of Aziz begins as to his hypothetical

and methodological framework, case and variables determination standard and

critically the findings.

Political disorder and bad governance are not considered separately instead

considered as one variable. So far concern with saving democracy this is also

problematic on at least two grounds. In respect to implication of saving

democracy rules system from „our extreme point is to restore vote based system

yet of the sort that individuals can comprehend and work‟ is invalid

experimentally and literarily: exactly, a day prior to General Ayub’s address,

President Mirza had, however strangely and unethically, officially proclaimed

the legislative exercises (under his administration) as „a fascism of the least. In

case if the General Iskander Mirza is on the right then there is no room to spare

that support the democratic system that Ayub wants to restore and to launch the

transparent electoral system.

Notwithstanding, the recent research model theory, while grounded in

comparative politics, and it does not consider the external factors or variables.

Besides, over the span of our clarification of every coup story, a contextualized

investigation of this variable should be endeavored. Moreover, as ought to be

illuminated in full and comprehensive detail component in the written work

review, the higher defense expenditure, professional soldier, religious ethnic,

army chief personality factors, military class cultural and coup contagious

where coupe in the state is contemplated disturbed in another country (Li and

Thompson 1975)- components/variables et cetera., don't have observationally

and theoretically the causal ability to clear up the occasion of miracles d’état-

and along these lines military invention in Pakistan.

Theoretical Paradigms

Huntington- between ‘Professionalism’ and ‘Praetorians’’

Hypothetically, this kind of riddle has been the key to the writing on CMR. In

respect of marvel and course action of intervention by military in legislative

issues and the nature and motion of civil-military relations drew the

consideration of numerous. . The first research on the topic of CMR was

conducted by (Huntington 1957). Building his hypothesis upon the general idea

of polished skill, Huntington obliterates convincingly numerous buzzwords

from outdated speculations of CMR. In the particular CMR setting of the US, he

has endeavored to clarify the nature and progress of CMR and in addition the

nature and classifications of non military personnel control, specifically,

objective and subjective. In the expressions of Feaver (1996) the causal chain of

Huntington is:

Independence prompts professionalization, which prompts political lack of

bias and intentional subordination, which prompt secure non military
personnel control.

All things considered, his portrayal and clarification of non military personnel

conduct in the CMR framework in a great deal less intensive and persuading.

Additionally, however there is extensive dialog of the power of the important

non military personnel workplaces yet the regular citizen component is

summarily and outlandishly released in scornful affirmations about liberal belief

system. In addition, identified with deficient investigation of regular citizen

governmental issues is an over-thorough theoretical focus upon exclusively

military parts of the military which reflects insufficient consideration regarding

more broad political hypothesis. What's more, there stay a few inquiries in this

record of his that request for more clarification.

Such as is the call for tolerant executives dependably an interest that they didn’t

show their interest to polish skill? Could it be a request that key choices
uncontaminated by administration pettiness? Is the plan of subjective

prerequisites an obscure just for business executives, or ought to non military

personnel researchers intercede? Is it intrinsic in the expert capacity that an

officer be cognizant to mechanical improvements? The opposite is now and

again recommended by deductive rationale. Does the expert military ethic

require a pluralistic methodology? On the other hand, in a poor country, there

might be such a system that would be expensive as to jeopardize political

solidness and in this way military security? All the more for the most part, is

there a fundamental character in the middle of polished skill and security? At

long last, if the arrangement of partition of forces, regardless of its pernicious

impact on regular citizen control and polished skill, is defended on other and

higher grounds, has liberal belief system no practically identical repaying points

of interest? These inquiries by one means or another drove Feaver to basically

aggregate as Feaver (1996), states that the state and soldier into „four‟

theoretical which, contends can't stand the test of thorough experimental

examination, and „draws incorrect derivations and makes forecasts that have not

demonstrated the true and fair picture.‟

So far the military change in Huntington (1962) has apparently re-underscored

the mechanism and obligation of the military. Regarding the military

coups/upset or unmistakable mediation the push of the contention is: if the

division of capacity and training of military forces is tended to towards threats

from external factors instead of internal threats, there is probability that the

military would not intercede. This express accentuation on the outside variables

verifiably indicates his prior proposal of professional military. Moreover,

humorously, the recurrence of military upsets in creating nations is not seeing as

neurotic but rather a different option for insurgency and a type of slow change.
In any case, movement, if not an out and out outlook change, is to his

origination of interaction of civil-military relations and society-state and this is

visible and can be seen during the time of changing society (Huntington, 1968).

This concept is widely related to couple of the concept which is known as

political development and political modernization. However, the political

modernization is concerned with improvement of political participation while

the development of politic is concerned with the development and establishment

of the regulatory authority that control and oversee growth and rate of

modernization. It has been figured out by Huntington though empirical studies

that gradually growth or less growth rate of political development in a nation or

society leads to the wastage of the position of modernizing. The other

perspective is reveals that great deal of regulations and principle as compare the

rate of modernization needed is only severe and might be grievous. Furthermore

the sustainability of the political government can be examined by considering

the both aspects including expensing and consolidation of interest of society and

end in itself. In any case, the most important aspect of political steadiness does

not lead him to contradict every progressive change such as the arrival of the

praetorian to legislative issues.

In 1968, Huntington proposed theory of praetorian polities related to coups or

return of the praetorian. In 1968 Huntington determined the “oligarchical

praetorianism” among the praetorian polities. In this particular situation the

imperative social forces are the leading clergy, the great landowners and the

wielders of sword. So as concern to counter colonial efforts by such countries

demonstrated as an “artificial phenomenon” the reason backed on this was their

hesitation and less mobilization and conversation with the society members.

Consequently the moderate advancement of political establishments alongside

extensive growth rate of social mobilization into legislative issues brought on

by financial modernization brought forth bedlam; increasing and bad political

governance and this vacant flaw was overcome by the military leadership. So

far, with respect to powerful cases made for the benefits of both modernizing

monarchs and trooper lawmakers, such as military leader Ayub Khan as he

contends that„ one of the most critical factor that become the cause of

intervention by military legislative issues are not military but rather political

and reflect not the social and hierarchical attributes of the military establishment

however the structure of political institution as well as the society’s structure.

In respect to the significance and importance of Huntington’s work in truth, as

there are experimental, if not hypothetical, anomalies in this record as well. As

Huntington, does not consider the probability and likelihood of a developing

progressive potential in the important sector of the society as per the recent

situation. Besides, his order of political crevice, which as he would like to think

is augmenting between the rich and poor nations, is as confounding as the

financial hole. By the customary norms of political science, this contention

might convey conviction. Be that as it may, his similarity between the

quantifiable monetary hole and his purported political gap‟ appears to be

questionable. Additionally, his formative postulation, when connected on the

Pakistan case in the 1960s, takes, from one viewpoint, surface-perspective of

political substances, and over-invalidates, then again, the vicinity of financial

incongruities among various areas of society inside of the nation.

In addition, regarding administration, the inconveniences intrinsic in the

examination basically crawl up. To put this evidently, there is no real way to

hold that one society is preferred administered or more created over another
with the exception of as an issue of worth or a demonstration of confidence

(Mitra and Singh 2009). Also, it is guileless to address Huntington’s conviction

that the modern social orders of the world are less tumultuous than others. Are

the modern social orders truly less clamorous than others by Huntington’s own

standard of estimation? Moreover, he doesn't anticipate that majority rules

system will create in a one-gathering state which endeavors to unify power. His

authenticity likewise has a tendency to reject the vision of viable modernization

under the support of political organizations that are intended for the scattering

of force. The power of request in his idea infers a remarkable anxiety for power

Portraying the ‘Professional’

Janowitz (1964) has tried to depict a political and social picture of professional

soldiers, providing sneak peeks into the historical published materials, piloting

intensive interviews and documentary which eased his course. Keeping into

consideration the jeopardy of the topic, the main focus of his study was to first-

rate American military leaders and personnel’s who were considered to be a part

of central decision-making think tank as per their high caliber reputations and

position. Janowitz has decided to take a sociologist vision based on his

paramilitary background which has enticed his personal stance.

The main streams of Janowitz’s study concentrated upon the first-rated military

personnel, linking them to the ideology of professionalism and the

documentation of inevitable effects of politicization the military. He austerely

denied the ideal type of partition of labor; one of the focal points of

Huntington’s study

It appears that in doing his work he faced diminutive complications in regard to

the transparency of visualization and accuracy of the opinion, still by some

means, he found himself incapable of having an institutional glance at the

problematic control of the military. It can be said that possibly, Janowitz

pragmatic professionalism is more affluent than radical professionalism of the

Huntington (Feaver, 1996).

In the political developments of the new nations, Janowitz (1964) has almost

followed the same professional way (1964:50-64). The main question raised is

to address how the uniqueness of military institution and personnel influence

their work in the procedures of renovation and democratizing. The author

gathered the data from 151 countries and distributed them into 5 groups; these

groups were (angel) civil-military coalitions (beer) authoritarian-personal

regime (c) authoritarian-mass party (d) democratic-competitive regimes (e)

military oligarchies. Military occupied a secondary role in the 3 of above 5

types. In the other 2 types, they participated in politics as the alliance partners or

as the most leading components. For the explanation of these 5 patterns, he got

awareness about the economic development, about the duration of

independence. In spite of this, he emphasizes that socio-political context and the

military be liable to have the same general characteristics in all the new nations

which result in giving more authority in participating in the politics.

This intimidation in the developing nations of Janowitz (1964) and a new

addition of military institution did not make any additions to the new insights

apart from making its efforts at repackaging the professional with an extreme

number of cases. Thoroughly the importance of the institutional explanation of

civil-military relations was not so much emphasized and on the other side of the

picture they compromise the importance of contextuality. The less concentration

was paid to the America in the comparison of the East Asia in the strategy of
empirical data. Besides this praetorian society of the Huntington which means

that weak state institutions are less valuable tools of civilian control are

criticized by Michael Desch. Hunginton different leaves were noticed by Desch

that the questions were not answered that where the state has powerful civilian

governmental institutions

The Men on Horseback

As in the book “The Man on Horseback” in which the author Samuel E. Finer

(1988) demonstrated the military practice of intervention and the phenomenon

of cross nationality from the sociological-historical point of view. Following are

the hypothesis determined by this point of view:

 The decision of the takeover by the army depends on the perceptions of

the army regarding the political condition of the country.

 On the basis of the national interest the army of the country goes for

intervention in order to control the government of the country.

 Consistency and control of the weapons and organizations,

representative position in the country, expressive status and armed

qualities are some of the strength of the army. (Finer, 1988)

The greater notes which was provided have not attractive ability for intervene,

they do not contain any motivational factor, in the absence of intervene

opportunity there is no any activity taking actions and all these factors which

are due to the dependency of the citizen on the army particularly in the critical

circumstances. The interference of the military can be successes or failures due

to this type of relationship and occasion, from the pressure situation to

movement of the civil authority. Finer in similar way as Huntington also give

training the nature and opportunities to the different stages of the political
environment .On the basis of the following aspects the political structure is

ranked.

 The level on the basis of which the population is managed and divided

in to different categories for example business companies, unions of the

labors and political parties. These divisions are independent of the

government.

 The level of awareness of the public in the context of all those

organizations an individual which have an independent power and the

situation or condition in which the people have thinking that no other

party can hold that power.

 In order to transfer the power of politics, the level of the support of the

public is very important. (Finer, 1988)

It Is the fact that if the political environment of the country is well established

then there are very low chances that army interfere in the political condition.

Finer (1981) suggested that it is very critical in contrast the praetorians to the

Huntington’s. He suggested the theory of the Huntington is dependent on the

relationship among the power of the political institutions and it encourage the

political control under the political parties not under the army. He also make

study on the five type of relationship theory provided by the Janowitz’s .It was

not consider as attractive because it is taken as passive in the context of the

criteria for giving the any specific task to one of the categories. .‟Nonetheless

work’s performed by him was very comprehensive and not easy to understand

conceptually. By taking into account different political aspects there is very

little reference which was given to economic, social and institutional

environment which included different type of political culture. In case

contrasting circumstances the study lacks deep examination.

Soldiers in Politics

Eric Nordlinger the writer of “Soldiers in Politics” suggested different ways to

manage all the aspects of the civilian people of the army by taking into

consideration different points regarding this context. Taking into consideration

all those aspects on the basis of which army of the country takeover the

government position by reviewing different theories. According to him the army

of the country takes the decision to collapse the current government in the

situation when the discrepancy of authority occurs by the poor performance of

the government. Additionally it can be explained as that takeover by the army

occurs by taking into account the effect and perception of the army officers to

the political environment. It also include all the way of governance and the

attitude of the army soldiers in the power circumstances.

Nordlinger by recognizing the importance of this aspect give his explanation

about the contrast performance of the army system. All his findings and

outcomes regarding the economic performance of the army create an important

negative impact on the latter. According to him many of the army systems have

a keen interest to secure the country from the status quo by ignoring all the

claims regarding this aspect and army as an element of change (Nordlinger,

1977). Additionally it is also noted that fundamental army commands cannot

promote the reform in the country effectively. According to Nordlinger the

crises occur in the political position of the country by the focus and

concentration of the military commands about the thinking for the development

and enhancement in the country. It is not consider as the accurate analysis due
to ignorance of the importance of the work. It takes into account all the relative

aspects of all the variations in this sway ignoring the importance of these

variations.

The important exclusion which is considering in this context is “Latin American

military”. After that it can be proved with the help of different type of

qualification by taking the aspects from the army personnel to middle class

people of the country. According to Huntington, the army has an important role

in the customary societies after this it can be transfer to the modern role. In this

way the army can rescue the rights of the people of the country from the

corruption of the status quo (Feaver 1996). The concept behind this is simple.

Additionally the creativity in this context prevent from some unfavorable

dependency on the statistical studies particular in the concern of the cross

national and co relational evaluation which h are taken as unsure ways to do

this. It is also the fact that there is very low level of the consideration regarding

programs on international military help, the help as international advisor, the aid

from the international military force and all these aspects show a great

professionalism in the army concerns and the reputation of the country in some

way depend on the identity of the army of the country (Nordlinger, 1977).

Perlmutter- Praetorianism Revisited

The relations of the civil people of the army are viewed by the Amos Perlmutter

(1974) by taking into account different prospective. The “military

praetorianism” is one of the concept in the context which was explained by the

“Egypt’s CMR” while recognizing the important and effective role of the army
in the political environment of the country along its political institutions. He

was the person who explained that there are two kinds of praetorian army force

which are the ruler army and the arbitrator army. The arbitrator army has the

power to maintain its writ in case of the critical condition of the country in order

to control the social rights, all the institutes which are political independent and

fear of the revenge among the civilian people. The other type of the army which

is known as ruler army has the tendency to keep it position in the country. All

the rules provided by him will not consider as the more productive way of

establishment of the political structure in the country.

Military rule is considered as more complex and restrictive and it has not been

success in establishment of the new groups of the people and establishment of

the classes also. In this way the political environment of the country do not

change with the change in the context of the government change, in simple way

it can be said that the changes in the economy have no effect on the social

solidity on the division of the power. Inner momentum is established in this way

(Perlmutter 1974). The main issues which arises in this concern was the

elimination of the army from the management and control of the supervisory

services and its control and management over political environments, in this

way the political needs of the people can be made smoother. It is the fact that

the army of the country creates hurdles in this process due to the fear of the loss

of power in the country.

The Perlmutter( 1974) describe that there are three different kinds of soldiers in

“The Military and Politics in Modern Times”. The one is professional, second

is revolutionary and the third is praetorian. Every type of the soldiers further

divided into subdivisions. In this case all the professional army members are
evaluated by taking historic concern in different countries like Prussia, France,

Japan, Germany and the Soviet Union in accordance with the logic given by the

writer of the book that unstable condition in the country may be the reason of

overtaking by the army in the country.

In order to explain the nature of the soldiers of the praetorian mostly from the

third War the different type of cases are taken from the Africa, Latin America

and Middle East. The Perlmutter is emphasized by the praetorian army in order

to remove the less stable political parties of the countries. The analysis which he

made on the particular concern is criticized because of lack of the ability to

evaluate the weaknesses and uncertainty before the undertaking of the army. In

the similar way the other types of the soldiers are subdivided in the Routinized

revolutionaries and revolutionaries and also with the people “Liberation army”

of the country lie China and Israel as an example.

Instead of the relative determination of the account or instructive nature of the

account, it has no other substitute theory regarding the relations of the people

from civil military because of the following reasons:

 Irregularity of reasonable nature

 Confirmation of all the problems

 Lack of clear explanation of the context.

 Low level of focus on joining. (Perlmutter, 1974)

“Corporatism” in this way is considered as the best idea by him because the

status of the definition is changing rapidly with the use by the people with

passage of time. In this way this idea given by him can be connected with each

definition provided by different people. (Fever 1996)

Again according to the explanation of the Huntington in his book “Modern

Authoritarianism” the Perlmutter consider the praetorianism as one of the kind

of the developed controlling system. For this concern according to him there are

five different type of the authority of the management which is given below;

 communist party states

 fascist rules

 praetorian repressions

 the system of the Hitler’s Nazi

 states of corporatist (Perlmutter, 1974)

“Oligarchic political elite” is the factor due to which new repression is occupied

and dominated. In praetorian-authoritarianism, the “political elite” is eth aspect

due to which the military is considered as the analogous and supplementary

instrument. The restrictions of the general aspects are clear instead of the

importance of the work of the Perlmutter. His main focus was on the Middle

East countries and their armies. He gives more focus on the circumstances in

which the army of the country takes over the politics of the country. Other cases

taken from countries like America and other European countries where

“praetorian authoritarianism” is taken as bright process. In order to explain

more the concept of the politics in relation to the army of the country Perlmutter

(1981) explained the principles of the contrasting political condition by taking

different questions into consideration like how the army of the Iraq and

Peruvian interfere the politics of the country. Which are the principles on the

basis of which the level of the “USSR and Cuban” is compared?

The comparatives efforts of the literature give explanation of different methods

available in the concern of the relationship of the civil military. In natural way it
can said that the vision in this aspect is very helpful and all the information and

data is relative and more reliable. In order to establish some alternative theory,

it can provide theoretical base in this concern particularly in the developing

states. It is the fact that all the relative drawbacks, advantages of this literature

are very unaware. The case under discussion can be given small focus by the

literature along with logic that the issues are remaining unresolved. (Feaver

1996)

The Structural Theory of Civil-Military Relations

The Structuralist Thought according to its foundational situating endeavors to

comprehend and clarify the issue of non military personnel control of the

military, specifically, and CMR, as a rule, from the viewpoint of structure. The

main concern of the structuralism thought to understand the particular structure

of state and vis-à-vis international state structure. By reviewing the previous

research literature with the objective either this research enables to deliver the

insights to the puzzle and question pretense by the current research study.

An American political research professional Michael C. Desch concentrates on

an urgent issue in the context of CMR, in particular, non military or civil

personnel control of the military. In addition he endeavors to design, and test a

hypothesis which clarifies that why we get distinctive sort non military or civil

personnel control? Furthermore, Desch resuscitates an old, uncertain verbal

confrontation concerning the impact of the international system of society‟

professionalism and capability to comprehensively deal and manage the

military. So far this is not at all like a lot of, he explain the factors of external

threats and internal factor as well. However, he recommends that the extent to

which state affairs are controlled by the civilian government military is molded
basically by two components and these factors are considered as external

environment such as international threat and the internal factor which comprises

upon the local or domestic threat.

Besides that, in respect to the given structure research theory that deals with

civilian control, Desch concludes a few theories and expectations about the

policies and nature of non military personnel control in respect to number of

threats. In respect to his argument is: countries and states faces the great amount

of threats from external environment while the internal factor is low in nature

ought to have great non military personnel control; however, in the context of

effective civilian control this prompt towards the low external threats while high

internal threats,; and those with high/high and low/low will shift, however are

prone to be poor and blended, separately (Desch,). In spite of the desire and

additionally relative effectiveness of the given theory, it is not sure in two

essential risk designs. In one perspective that deals with the high threat from

both side including the external and internal this speculation theory or model

didn’t anticipate whether this will be favorable for civilian control, the reason is

that the external threats arises due to military outward. On the other side it can

be said that there should be inappropriate civilian control, so as that the threats

have bound together the military and the vicinity of an internal threat is

adequate keeping in mind the end goal to divert the inward military. According

to Desch, on ideational variables, for example, hierarchical culture and

conflicting world-perspectives, a story that happens pretty much off Desch’s on

structural stage basic stage.

Furthermore for the empirical estimation and evaluation of his proposed model

Desch consider the twenty three more research studies that are conducted on the
topic CMR in 8 post-World War II states. This include the Germany, Argentina,

Soviet Union, Brazil, US, Chile and France. There is no doubt in the complex

type of research such as CMR researchers include the international civilian

control as Desch explain the limitation.

As the model proposed by Desch is innovative in nature so far this section

reveals that whether Desch’s model theory is applicable in the context of

Pakistan as military coups several times over state and there is complex

situation in CMR relations. The discussion about the suitability of Desch’s

model is given on the following situation:

 First one is to assess that it is good or favorable if threats from external

environment is high while internal threat are low.

 Second case reveals that this would be bad worst if a threat from

external environment is low while internal threat high.

 The third one reveals the combination or moderate situation if threats

from external and internal are low

 While the fourth and last one is concerned with poor condition if threats

from external and internal are high

It is contended that regardless of Desch’s model similar capability of

generalizability, it appears beneath to the instance of Pakistan on simply exact

grounds. Imperatively enough, had it been material observationally, and still,

after all that the issue of determination of risk recognition in the setting of

Pakistan would have further confounded and limited the extent of its

implication.
Peter Feaver: The Agency Theory (AT) of Civil-Military Relations

An American political research professional Peter D. Feaver set forth his

argument in respect to agency theory of CMR. His research paper had faced

large criticism before the flaws in Janowitz and Huntington model of civil-

military relation. Furthermore, this research considers all the aspect of both and

work on different aspect of CMR. As the Feaver argument concerned with

empirical test and this argument is the better assumption of new model of CMR

it additionally expanded argumentatively. In addition to the research articles

that include the Crisis as Shirking (1998) and CMR (1999), in respect to the

problematic he explained about how civilian control military and determined the

several possible solution regarding to this obstacles. Moreover, by considering

the agency theory he explains the souring of American CMR.

According his assumption, the agency theory of CMR got hypothesize and

formalized appropriately in the context of his most populist Armed Servants:

CMR (2003) and Agency, Oversight, so far in this context, of Feaver proposed

his research literature or arguments that are not in according to Huntington’s

and many other research articles after the breakdown of the Soviet Union. In the

first place, the hypothetical model or research of this volume lies in

organization hypothesis which was basically proposed by financial analysts and

economic professionals. It is fact this is reviewed infrequently by the political

researcher.

On a basic level, the term agency theory is considered regularly as the work or

shirks trade off. Those in charge of supervision-the „principals‟ always strive to

get the desired of maximum output by incurring the given budget or against

minimum cost. The individuals who complete the project of task the „agents‟

are merely concerned to get the handsome amount of as remuneration for less

pressure or responsibility of work. All things considered, interpreting this

model from monetary to political domains prompts significant issues further

and these issues are aggravated in imply to military. Feaver (2003) suggests

three reasons in which the first one is the soldier interested to advise what is

needed to pursue. Further they preferred to manage threats from a position of

favorable position as far as controlling the beat and the extent of the contention,

hence bringing about a partiality for hostile operations. The military soldier

wish to have their achievements given an appropriate acknowledgment by their

team members and seniors while the last and third one are military soldier who

are interested to perform their job task without the intervention of civilian

personnel.

Feaver(2003) considers this logical rational and figures out the six conceivable

contextual results in light of decision made by principals to manage and control

the military intrusively or something else; by operators to work or shirk, and

after that by principals to punished the soldier or not on the off chance that

shirking happens. Moreover, the collaboration between a restricted group of

variables, whose qualities are exogenous to the model, figures out whether some

result is likely to come out or not. In this way, the resultant model can give
capable interpretive instrument to clarifying changing in the framework of

civilian or non military personnel control over the military from the Cold War

to the present.

Furthermore, Feaver proposed the four distinctive ways in relation to power, as

it begin with, he dismembers Huntington’s hypothesis of CMR which

recommended that the US expected to receive target non military personnel

control in light of a superstitious ideological move to win in the Cold War. In

respect to the viewpoint of agency theory Huntington perceived a slender

crevice in the middle of civilian and military strategy they much preferred as

changed in civilian principal their inclinations to match those of the military. In

the context of these circumstances civilian control could work with nonintrusive

observing. In contrast to Huntington research “Feaver” records and contends

this model as Huntington anticipated, but the United States triumph in the Cold

War. Furthermore, on the premise of a background marked by Cold War CMR,

Feaver exactly depicts that the hole in the middle of non military personnel

further the preference of military stayed high all through the Cold War, however

it helps to reduce the monitoring cost but shrinking of work still remain high.

By reviewing the current circumstances as agency theory presumes, civil

personnel monitoring of the military was meddlesome and military consistence

with non military personnel preference this was showing the high working and

all these factors revealing that how US assure its success in the Cold War.

The third way that was proposed by “Feaver” in his model is to extract the

information about the factor that became the cause of crisis of CMR during the

period of Cold War in America. It has been figured out that during the War

period the gap between the Civilian leadership and military preference stayed at
high level while the cost of monitoring was comparatively low furthermore, the

probability of punishment for military declined as well. The subtle elements that

clarify why punishment declined can't be practiced; they incorporate, however

absolutely go beyond, the lack of capability of Commander-in-chief (Clinton).

Be that as it may, the impact not surprisingly by agency theory was to push the

framework of Civilian control far from meddling observing with progressing in

the direction of an pattern of meddlesome checking with evading, which denote

an emergency in CM control. The last and fourth describe by Feaver depicts in

what manner agency theory discloses the choices to utilize power in the post-

Cold War period. In such manner, his commitment has demonstrated that the

choice to work or either is not an either-or suggestion yet rather a significant

variety in the shirking.

All the theories of agency like agency theory of Feaver and the preceding

agency theories based on civil military relations are framed in the context of

USA civil military relations. For the purpose of creating the concrete structure

on the assumptions of principal agent framework, all the researches are restored

to the unofficial agency theory of Feaver and this has been done due to the

comparative study of contextual. A detailed explanation of all the assumptions

of agency theory has been made a comparison of its theoretical advantages is

made with the sociological perspective. The main assumption in the principal

agent theory is about the relation of these characters and both of these are

considered to be the sensible actors who are capable of doing cost benefit

analysis and the pair of these two is rational. This assumption was not changed

in moving from informal to formal agency theory by Feaver. According to the

agency theory the civil military relations are primarily treated as strategic

interaction and things are made happen by these two actors’ principal and agent
in spite of making structural settings. These two actors rank their political,

military or economic interest according to the priorities and this procedure is a

sign of rational calculus. All the interests of actors are defined in particular

structural or cultural context and this context sometimes help the both

characters in influencing their interests and is the quality of the actors that they

behave accordingly even after being affected by structure.

Civilians are assumed to be principals and military has been given the status of

agent. These stata are based on the fundamental theory of the long history of

civil military relations particularly in Europe. The authority was delegated by

civilians to the military and the purpose behind this delegation was to provide

protection to civilians from threats (both internal and external). Democratically

the civilians are authorized to make the military agents to do its bidding. If the

military fulfils the duties that were assigned by the civilians then in the

dictionary of the agency theory the military is working but if military agents

have enough power to sideways the orders of civilians then it will be shirking.

The base of occurrence of these two “working and shirking” is the inherent

difference in the duties played by military and civilians. This theory states that

both the military and civilians have a junction of the preferences in the matter of

state’s security. But this theory holds true in the context of USA and may not be

implemented in the case of Pakistan.

The Agency theory states that a set of preferences had been provided to the

civilians to punish the military when they act shirking. In addition to this,

civilians are provided with the rewards and incentives that they will use in

stopping the military agents from shirking. Any crack in the civil military

relations shows the importance of strategic importance between military agents

and the civilian principals. If military finds the civilians cowards and weak, they

will have the privilege of more power to increase the interest, most importantly

in the economic sector, in the highly developed democracy of USA. The

strategic interaction, preference and preceding acts of the agent and principal

are the core areas of agency theory.

Feaver (2003) assumes the agency theory as:

 Military relations are primarily a strategic interaction;

 Military has position of agent while the civilians are considered as the

principals.

 Both are the sensible characters as they have a clear notion of cost

benefit analysis, moreover the preferences which help them in leading

the actions are held by them.

 Due to the problem of deviation between their preferences the problem

of delegation occurs.

 Civilians plan to impose the oversight mechanism in order to make its

preferences or to make the military to perform according to the orders.

The sensible military tries to be shirk in the absence of the oversight

regime.

 The questions of military intervention are away from boundaries of the

democracy. As discussed above the control of the military is a diversion

of the strategic interaction. There are many examples in USA about the

potential crises of civil military rations.

 The physical or the financial punishment helps in proving the

explanation that why agent military stops short of the coup (in the

context of the US civil military relations.)

  On daily basis the relation between the military and the civilians could

be explained.

Theory of the Peter Feaver is no doubt a modern and very helpful addition to

the narrative of civil military relations. Empirical data in the US civil military

relations contexts can be analyzed with the help of these assumptions. Outside

the special US context this theory has some operational limits.

 Just two characters are discussed in this theory which are the civilian

and military.

 Military has classified as the constant agent while the civilian are the

constant agent.

 The political system of the United States is democratic, plural and open.

In many developing countries like in Pakistan the above three hypothetical

points may not be present, Which means that all the assumptions in the Agency

theory are very helpful and have the explanatory power but there is a need for

better amendments in these assumptions. Feaver (2003) also agreed with this

suggestion that its assumptions need modification so that the main problems of

comparability and continuality can be solved.

 Chapter Three

THE MUSHARRAF ERA

The PML-N leadership has extensive experience of being safeguarded by the

military, however, the civil- military relations is one of the main area of the

issue for the federal government led by Nawaz Sharif. Their wrong

suppositions that the can intimidate the military by their electoral support base

and personalized decision-making have largely impacted their desire to takeup

an authoritative role in defense and security affairs. Military to brass is now

consulted by them now for security and similar issues, however, it is still

unclear that are the applications of decisions in the post-consultation period

considers the essence of the consultations

An intense coordination and understanding are extended in the official version

of the meetings among the top military leader and civilian leaders. A feeling

that the Army top command members thoroughly approves the civilian

governments managements of talk with TTP and the "high treason" case in

opposition to Pervez Musharraf is developed, in the event we consider the

statement of unrelenting federal cabinet member that have a close contact to

Nawaz Sharif. Whether this insight considers the complete reality that is still

unclear or the civilian leadership is perceiving the courteousness and expert

attentiveness of the top army personals as their complete concurrence with their

managing of these two (Amy Zelman, 2001).

The electoral influence in dealing with the military was miscalculated by Nawaz

Sharif, and his close members are indicated by Nawaz Sharif's experience in

previous terms (1990-1993, 1997-1999). After the death of Asif Nawaz Janjua
from a heart attack, conflicts raised among Nawaz Sharif the Prime Minister

and Ghulam Ishaq Khan the President on selecting a new army chief in 1993

January. In April, the conflict of Nawaz Sharif with the top army leaders was

raised after his famous speech of not tolerating anybody's dictates which moved

towards pursuing the resignation of Nawaz Sharif as well as Ishaq Khan in July

1993 in ordered to break down the political stalemate. In August-October

during the post-Kargil period, the interaction of Nawaz Sharif with the top

leaders of the army is also one of the examples of ineffective management of

civil-military relations. For democracy to gain the support of America, Shahbaz

Sharif departed to Washington. Due to the attempt of Nawaz Sharif to eradicate

General Pervez Musharraf in a spectacular way and appointed as army chief his

apprentice, civilian rule was not secured by this support (Mushtaq, 2007).

Developing a Reliable private governance system that experiences extensive

support will help the civilian leadership in securing itself against the

interventions of the military. It can only be achieved if electoral legitimacy is

combined with performance legitimacy by good governance and political

management that is reasonable and flexible (Isabel Cordonnier, 2000). The

civilian leaders originate strengths from popular support, in case the crucial

consent of the military authority is its organization, discipline and managing the

implements of violence. But, without the execution in three main civilian

domains the famous support cannot be tended. At first good governance,

provision of services to the ordinary people and constantly checking the

economic pressure on them (Jahan, 1972)

The second domain is a flexible and supportive collaboration with the societal

forces and out- of -power political. The point of concern here is how much
support is offered to the government at the operational level by the other

political and societal forces. The political environment can't stay congruous and

collaborative for an extended period in case the government develops a tyranny

of the majority, and entire political adversaries are kept under check. Political

system concerning military cannot be controlled by segregated and fragmented

political forces (Rizvi, 1997)

Third, post-military rules, a sense of insecurity required not to be developed by

the political forces. The results are always counterproductive of a needless

crucial posture or negative campaign led by civil government or political forces.

Through the policy of non-accommodation in the direction of sensitivities of the

top military officials or commencing a constant indoctrination in opposition to

the military for some reason will make the civilian government lose the support

of the military.

Military can't be ignored and sidelined in the nations like Pakistan where there

are sever internal and external security pressures. To cut down the status and

role of the internal military security of Pakistan needs to amend by the civil

leaders along with developing peace on the boarders. The military at its

requirement will dominate other factors impacting the policy making and its

implementation in the event Pakistan continuous to experience the violence and

terrorism, and its ultranationalist wants to instigate war against India, control

Afghanistan and pressurize Iran (Sattar, 2007)

Two highly argumentative policies have been embarked by PML-N when the

‘performance legitimacy' of PML-N has tumbled down, that is talks with TTP

and Pervez Musharraf's trial for "high treason". The discussion with Taliban in a

self-reproachful way can't continue for an uncertain period. Positive results are
needed to be generated by the civil government in the context of TTP

surrendering brutality and approving to work within the limits of the

constitution by the end of April. It is not possible for an army to let the 2014

summer pass by and in tribal areas let the Taliban secure and strengthen their

position (Diamond, 2000). Subsequently, in 2015 cost of defending the security

of Pakistan will rise for the military. Likewise, the prolonging of the Musharraf

trail has a huge potential extremely to influence the civil-military relationship to

the shortcoming of Nawaz Sharif. The views of the military are expressed in

their manner that could be understood by just those who know the ways a

professional and disciplined military operates. It would be rare if the military to

favor the political leader's outcast Pervez Musharraf. Objective assessment of its

policies for both issues needs to be conducted by the civil government. The

section of political leaders may criticize the civilian government in case it step

backs from these problems. Nonetheless, if the government sleepwalks into the

trap of Taliban for the sake of discourse and resolving old notches with

Musharraf it expense is prone to greater.

For modifying the politico-economic conditions of Pakistan, it was requested to

General Musharraf that he should control the power and so he did. In October

1999 another step of domestic experience has been made by the 3rd military

coup in Pakistan. It was stated by General Musharraf that it was not pre-decided

that army will step in but it was the misdoings of the government that made the

army step in as at that time military was the only credible and the organized

force for managing the situation.

At that time, the condition of Pakistan was at the lowest ebb. There were some

major challenges to Pakistan that were the economic downturn, military coup,
political instability in the country and confrontation from India. General

Musharraf adopted the same strategy as his predecessors as he banned the

political parties and arrested the political opponents. A new set of constitutional

amendments was made particularly the restoration of Article 58 2(b) for

consolidating his power.

Alternatives constitutes were rebuilt, and the main reason behind this was to

build the relative positive image, the military was also looking for the new set

of politicians that would do the GHQ bidding. There were special techniques

used for this purpose which was the localization of the politics and the same

methods were used by the previous military regimes (Aziz, 2008). Until the

period of 2001, there was no legitimate authority possessed by the government

of Musharraf to rule the Pakistan. The world political scenario totally turned

due to the tragic event of 9/11, and great opportunities were provided to the

military rules in Pakistan for obtaining the international support. The condition

of Pakistan on the at the time of September 11, 2001, was in that state that does

not have its way with international pariah status, government military, stagnant

economy, and social and political institutions. All the Pakistanis were very

vigorous about such conditions in Pakistan and they contested such problems

like bad governance, corruption, weak political parties, poor education, and

malformed and domestic disorder economy vigorously

A local government system was introduced by Musharraf like devolution of

power, with the two primary objectives. The first objective was the introduction

of the institution; Musharraf intended to obtain support from those stakeholders

that were not involved in the politics of the country in spite of obtaining the

support from the common people. The other objective was to weaken the role of
bureaucracy. And in the view of Mohammad Waseem (2007) the way after

localization of the politics there will be the certain gain of unbridled centralism.

Political Maneuvering Of Musharraf

Following his predecessors, Musharraf also introduced the agenda based on

political reforms local government LFO (legal framework order), making the

economic reforms and the National Security Council. All the strength that

Musharraf obtained was due to that unusual event of 9/ 11 that shocked the

whole world of politics. All the rules of Musharraf were legitimized due to

external support.

It was promised by Chief Executive to act on seven-point agenda which include

the following points: Reconstruction of spirit and self-reliance countrywide. All

the inter-provincial dissonance was taken away; Federation was reinforced

along with reinstating the national unity. For bringing back, the confidence of

the investors regenerates the economy. Ensuring the application of all the laws

and orders along with the depoliticized the State institutions. All the powers are

decentralized to the grass-roots level (Behuria, 2009)

The actions of Musharraf were similar to that of Zia. The constitution was

deferred by him at the initial phase and then by generating the seventeenth

amendment in the constitution the constitution was modified on 24th December.

The stability among the two forces that are political forces i.e. people's

representatives and political i.e. that President is the amazing element of this

amendment. The President recaptured the authority to dissolve the National

Assembly based on preferences of the President by the revival of Article 58-

2(b) of the Constitution. Likewise, the provisional assemblies can be dissolved

by the governors that would be desirable to the Supreme Court with 15 days of
such practice based on the article 112 (2) (b).Moreover, the president who is

ineffective figurehead gathered all the administrative authority in his hand with

no thought for the prime minister based on the original constitution. Therefore,

an overall political system was subdued to just one individual that is the

President by the military dictator turned president. Without a doubt, for

National Assembly and Provisional Assemblies during his rule election were

conducted. However, high control was maintained on the democracy process

(Cheema, 2002)

The democratic system of any country has a direct relationship with the

Judiciary of that particular country. The purpose of the Judiciary in a country is

to establish law in the country for giving secure life to the people of a country.

The Judiciary protect the core moralities of individuals of the country in the

form of constitution. The history of the Judiciary in Pakistan is not bright

because it has been seen that the role of the Judiciary of Pakistan is never found

as the independent. It has been observed that during the ruling time of Army in

Pakistan, a great position to carry the sophisticated Judiciary below its tentacles

(Kamran, 2008) Also, strangely the dictators challenged next to no or

approaching on apparent resistance and very controlled to their motivations and

ideas. The same thing was repeated during the governance period of Musharraf.

At the start, the Musharraf did not touch the Judiciary but after some time when

the party members of the Nawaz Sharif came to courts against the takeover of

Musharraf against Nawaz Sharif then it was decided that changes should be

carried out by the government. So for that purpose the changes were made by

the government of Musharraf, soon in this regard the Musharraf party decided

to take the fresh oath of all the judges on January 26, 2000. There were six

justices in the Supreme Court who rejected to take the new oath. It was
suggested by the Justice Hassan Khan that Musharraf was the ultimate power

under the circumstances of which the decision was taken by the Musharraf in

the interest of the country. In the case when it is recognized by the military

officers that there is a threat by the higher Judiciary so than for making the

Judiciary domestic a new step is taken by the military. The emergency was

created by the Musharraf on November 3, 2007 for suspension of the

constitution in the country. At that time, the country was in an emergency

situation because of the critical condition of rule and law, so this was the reason

that it was very important for the government to take the proper step for

controlling that particular situation of a country. This time, also the target was

higher Judiciary by which by the legal requirements of new PCO issued by the

government which makes it the obligation for higher Judiciary to take oath in

new fresh form. Along these lines amid Musharraf administration, he did not

save even judiciary, which is usually held in great respect in the fair countries.

As he had power so the policies of a country for foreign countries were

established with at the end with the help of the civil policy maker. Anyway,

when the Army, well known for strong scenes begin to intervene, it makes the

problems and conflict with neighbouring and regional countries. Research

abroad under Musharraf made the point clear. The civilian-centred guideline

confirmed that there is little room for non-military personnel to manoeuvre

(Niaz, 2010).

The inherent years behind the direction of him and Musharraf was not typical of

relations with the United States and Europe, and in the meantime was not at the

invitation of the residents of the region. However, the appearance of 9/11

changed the destination for a long weekend. Pakistan joined in collaboration

with the United States in the war on terror. The event held on 9/11 in America
was the great opportunity for the Musharraf to come out of his isolation because

the foreign policies of the government were not so much attractive. Placed

above a couple of times does not mean exclusive of these entities was the only

victim of the bane of Musharraf.

The army was reduced from the work piece and the position of people in public

and private areas, including industry, business, agriculture, and training and

software development, medical services, correspondence and the army

eventually became the country's most vital player transport in the state under

Musharraf and trading financial resources and short words Wealth. In, the army

was in the driver's seat of the policy framework and subordinates ETMD to take

after the registration issued by the top layer of the organization that was one of

the armed forces themselves. He made a political solution in Pakistan, and a

defect is not considered in the light of the fact that the vast majority of cases

tyrants send their active within this framework in the major positions to ensure

the ideal repression.

Amongst February 1997 and November 1988 the troika, including the chief

executive and management staff of state and the president, reflecting the fact

that the case is not restricted very stable. If the parliamentary system and

understands that armed force will have to say clearly on issues of resistance and

the long approach, including Pakistan, and then surreptitiously nuclear project

and arranged in Afghanistan and Kashmir. Screwing with what is known as the

"oppression" given in February 1997 exceeded running Prime Minister Nawaz

Sharif, was forced to reduced vitality and focus of the exhibitors in the transfer

of the troika.
Knowing the management of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution that

was buried in a sentence, got rid of Article 58 (2) (b), and in this sense the head

of the ability to break the "National Assembly", as if to think not can be

legislator league for purchases in the Constitution and engage voters they

became necessary. Under Amendment XIII, the prime minister bought at the

end of the day, the ability to appoint the heads of the services. Perhaps, without

having the general headquarters (General Command), (the most critical of the

troika element), the complete certainty, Nawaz Sharif, intoxicated by it,

"overwhelming" and order continued in the struggle to strengthen relations with

India, with a large crowd of media transfer Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari

Vajpayee Lahore in mid-1999 the Lahore declaration issued the expected event.

In December 2000 to July 2001, in the whole country, the elections for the

various tiers were held which were presumed to will be convened on the basis

of non-party. However the fact that political parties like PML (N) and the PPP-

sponsored their groups respectively was thoroughly ignored by the government.

The local government was in place as per schedule by August14, 2001. The

mean of the devolution plan was to give power at the level of grassroots, but

particularly in the rural areas this pious claim was not fulfilled as in those rural

areas, the system make stronger to the landlords. The system was intended to be

hampered in providing the real benefits to the toiling masses, and it will be done

without making the main alterations in the structure of rural power that rely on

the values and feudal model. In the urban areas, local bodies launched many

projects and the system was considered to be more successful in the urban areas.

In Karachi, the city government enjoyed the independence in the affairs

management from the provincial authority that is the reason Karachi is

considered the most beneficiary. It was presented by General Musharraf that he

is liberal person in the social matters, and there are no secrets of his

administration from the Mustafa Kemal that is the secularist founder of modern

Turkey (Haqqani, 2009).

General Musharraf showed his interests in religious orthodoxy, burgeoning

sectarianism and intolerance attitude towards the minorities in the country.

Moreover, General Musharraf also made an announcement in the April 2000

that there will be procedural changes in the laws of controversial blasphemy so

that minorities could be protected from the misapplication. He also stated that

there will be changes in the Hudood Laws that are presented as being much

discriminatory towards women. But due to strong opposition from the religious

parties he could not succeed in laws above. An announcement was made of bans

by General Musharraf in August 2001 on Lashkar-e-Jangvi, and Sipah-i-

Mohammad. General Musharraf made Pakistan and a supporter of the

international coalition against "terrorism" after the event of 9/11, and became

the exponent of "enlightened moderation". He realized that he is more firmly

entrenched in power after facing the emotional outburst, and the protests against

the ditching of the Taliban subsided. General Musharraf was in a position to of

playing the long innings like General Zia-ul-Haq as he had become the apple of

the eyes of United States in its "war on terrorism".

To prolong his illegitimate regime Musharraf issued and order. Section 4 of the

Order stated: “the general population of Pakistan should be considered to give

General Pervez Musharraf the democratic mandate for serving the nation for a

time in five years as the President of Pakistan Despite everything included in

the constitution or the law for the present in power, in case most of the vote cast

are in the referendum are in positive,". Under the article 184(3) this order was
instantly challenged in Supreme Court on the constitutional plane and also in a

case of Syed Ali Zafar on the touchstone of the verdict of Supreme Court. A

shot mandate that authorized referendum holding was given by the Supreme

Court on the April 27, 2002, the order of Supreme Court considerably specified:

From the total of 44 million, 42.8 million voters cast their vote in "yes" and

making a decent percentage of 98% as per the correct facts and figures. It didn't

rum well with the liberal intellectuals in the nation, In the point of fact, there

was a low turnout of voters, as the entire activity was principally in strife with

the judgment of Supreme Court in a case of Zafar Ali Shah. Report on the

referendum by Pakistan's Human Rights Commission detected: "Multiple

voting persisted on a large scale due to the nonexistence of the measures to

avoid voting multiple times. Each province reported about the bolting of the

ballot boxes." The general turn-out was very low and end up being less than the

official figure set forward was communicated by the observers supervising the

referendum for HRCP. This has been particularly valid of females, who

remained in all the four provinces virtually completely absent from polling

stations. It was similarly observed that voting that took place came to a great

extent either by the efforts of district administration or as the outcome of

balloting by ‘captive voter,' that is factory workers, government employees,

prisoners and so forth. In fact, it was that noted that mainly everywhere the

misuse of official machinery to strengthen balloting at large scale with Nazim

and councilors controlling the vehicles held for this reason. To bring in votes to

polling station councilors themselves endured enormous pressure. Massive

inconvenience to the general public was presented by the confiscation of public

transport vehicles to transport voters to polls.

Concerning the results, just the astonishingly high percentage of votes in "Yes"

gave the impression of being unrealistic, or else, General Musharraf victory was

a predetermined inference, once the individuals watched on the TV channels the

destruction of Afghanistan and realized the treatment meted out to the

volunteers of Pakistan in Afghanistan. It was later acknowledged by General

Musharraf that particular faults were borne by the practices of referendum

(Jafferlot, 2002).

Altering the system that would have guaranteed, that General Pervez Musharraf

or strictly speaking the armed forces continued to control the affairs even after

the October 10, 2002, holding of the promised General Elections was the next

rational step.

Legal Framework Order 2002

With an objective to considerably amend the 1973 constitution since most of its

provisions were to be revitalized, Legal Framework Order (LFO) was issued by

General Pervez Musharraf on the 21st of August 2002 for this reason.

Article 58(2) (b) refurbishment that was regarding the authority to dissolve the

National Assembly by the President and Article 152(a) which was new

inclusion that postulated for the development of National Security Council “to

assist as a consultation forum on the strategic issues related to the authority,

reliability and states security along with issues regarding to inter-provincial

coherence, democracy and governance” were the two most imperative LFO

amendments

The chairman of the National Security Council will be the President while the

Chief Ministers of the Provinces, the Speaker of the National Assembly, Prime
Minister, the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, Assembly, the Chief of

Staffs of the Pakistan Army, the Chairman of the Senate, Pakistan Navy, the

Leader of the Opposition in the National and Pakistan Air Force were to be the

other council members.

LFO also incorporated the provisions in relation to the authentication of law

delineated and Orders issued from 1999 October 12th, the 30th April 2002

referendum were legitimized, in which for next five years General Pervez

Musharraf was to act as the President and for the Senate, Provincial Assemblies

and the National Assembly, new strengths and alignments were determined. To

serve the interest of the military government many different government

agencies and department were geared up to accomplish these results. The

decision was made by General Pervez Musharraf to support the PML-Q, which

was headed by Chaudhary Shujaat, PLM-N defectors and time-savers, other

political parties, weathercocks and armed forces collaborators.

The party became well-known as the ‘kings side because of the unabashed

support of the government. The disqualification of Nawaz Sharif and Benazir

Bhutto for being a part of electoral process presented a real disadvantage to the

actual stakeholders that are the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz Sharif) and the

Pakistan People's Party that participated as Parliamentarians of PPP. A

significant force emerged in the political arena was the Muttahida Majlis-i-

Amal formed by the grouping of six religious parties and as a result of

sympathy surge developed by the incursion of Afghanistan by the US.

In the National Assembly, there were to be 272 members elected directly along

with 60 reserved seats for females, and seats for minorities were to be ten as

stated by LFO. With 25.7% of total votes,76(+1) seats were secured by the
PML-Q, with 11.3% of total votes 45(+6) seats were secured by MMA, with

25.8% of total votes 62(+1) seats were secured by PPP according to the results

of the pre-poll manipulations and essential engineering on the day of poll. Only

14 seats were captured by PML-N, 13 seats by the National Democratic

Alliance and 13 seats by the Muttahida Quami Movement. Minor parties and

independents held the remaining seats for which polling was conducted. The

indirect election for woman and minorities seats followed these elections.

Election of the senate was also done in the due course.

To permit the defection of elected members from other political parties, the

political parties act for a short while was amended by General Pervez Musharraf

so as to expedite the development of coalition government which was headed

by PML-Q. Eventually, fundamentally by the support of the MQM, the NDA,

the PPP (Sherpao Group), independents and turncoats of PPP, who became

patriots of PPP, Zafarullah Khan Jamali of PML-Q became the Prime Minister

on November 21, 2002. In the National Assembly, 172 votes were received by

Jamali. United candidate could not be filed by the opposition. 86 votes were

received by Maulana Fazlur Rehman of MMA and 70 Votes by Shah Mehmood

Qureshi by PPP Parliamentarian’s

MMA securing a considerable presence in the National Assembly, the majority

in NWFP Assembly and the Senate and the Balochistan Assembly was

facilitated by the development of anti-PPP and anti PML-N, even though the

relations between military and religious parties had come under significant

pressures. Government was formed by MMA in NWFP and in Baluchistan

became a coalition partner with PML-Q rather than getting along with ARD that

is the parliamentarian of PPP, other opposition parties, and PML-N.

LFO issue was presented by the opposition and did not approve it as a part of

the constitution since the first session. The revival of 1973 Constitution not

including any significant amendment from the government of military was the

demand of the opposition. Notwithstanding, due to the General Elections had

been held based on the provisions of the LFO, it was after the catch. Protest

against the development of National Security Council and the refurbishment if

the Article 58 (2) (b) was mainly directed by the opposition. The function of

National Assembly in a normal manner was made difficult due to the protest

against LFO. Moreover, legitimacy lacked in the amendments of constitution

incorporating those associated to the validity of laws developed by military

government and the April 2002 referendum, without parliament’s approval.

However, a middle ground was found of PML-Q and MMA in a year.

The constitutional amendment package agreement was signed by the ruling

PML-Q and MMA on the December 24, 2003. Apparently, in the PML-Q deal,

inter alia, settled that instead of the constitutional body the National Security

Council will be established under the Parliament Act, under Article 58(2)(b) the

President's decision to dissolve the National Assembly will be within 15 days

referred to supreme court, on the appointment of armed forces chief the prime

minister would be consulted by the President, though he would not be

compelled by the Prime Ministers advice, by December 31, 2004 uniform

would be given up by the President and from the electoral college the President

would pursue the vote of confidence

It was further clarified that in Senate, National Assembly and Provincial

Assemblies the MMA members will not be compelled for casting the vote of

confidence for the President; however, the amendment offering continuity in

office to President for the ongoing term will be favored. Concurrently, the

confidence motion through by any activity would not be opposed by members

of MMA, in the Parliament and Provincial Assemblies they would remain

present during the confidence motion for the President and neither vote would

be cast for the President (Dawn, December 25, 2003).

Uniform Issue

A pledge was taken by General Musharraf while addressing the nation that by

December 31, 2004 he would give up his uniform. From the Parliament and

Provisional Assemblies the vote of confidence was secured by General

Musharraf, and according to the agreement, the 17th amendment of the

constitution passage MMA voted with the ruling coalition that was based on

LFO as amended under the Agreement of PML-Q and MMA, By forming the

National Security Council under the non-constitutional body and by extracting a

public commitment from General Musharraf to give up his uniform by

December 31, 2004. An exit was provided to the military by MMA was claimed

by the party.

Seemingly, work was progressing according to the plans. From the beginning

for the discerning eyes, the loopholes of the system turned out to be more

prominent. What was in stock for people was illustrated by the electing

Zafarullah Khan Jamali as Prime Minister of Pakistan. From the very beginning

any initiative or impart life in the system was not displayed by him. Showing no

thought of himself He merely acted at the command of General Musharraf

For the survival of dispensation and giving hope to people some cosmetic

change needs to be imparted was realized by General Musharraf after

approximately one and half year. He likewise needed to demonstrate that he was
immovably in the seats and was making major decisions in the middle of

whispering campaign regarding the system failure with no use of article 58(2b).

On June 26, 2004, Zafarullah Khan Jamali was forced to resign. Chaudhry

Shujaat acted as the Prime Minister for a while and on August 27, 2004 Shaukat

Aziz took over as a Prime Minister. Technocrat in the National Assembly of

Pakistan was a general impression that was developed and with the skills Aziz

had the power to perfect many individuals. The cruel reality had remained that

no genuine advantages were streaming down to the general public regardless of

how the economy performed at the macro level. The opinions started to air that

General Musharraf’s remaining in the uniform is in the best interest of the

country and that he is indispensable, these views were given by some Ministers

and Parliament members as December 31 moved close. The source of

Musharraf’s strength was the office of the COAS and not the Presidency was

acknowledged by him.

General Musharraf was making indications that he might not put off his uniform

for the surety that policies are being continued and implemented. National

Assembly passed a law on October 14, 2004 on the base of taking advantage of

loophole in the Seventeenth Amendment or the technical flaw and that law was

about the General Musharraf that he can hold his dual role as the Chief of Army

Staff and as President, the main purpose of holding both positions was to

"combat subversion and terrorism" and to maintain the "stability and the

integrity" of the state (President to Hold Another Office Act, 2004. November

30, 2004). After the decision of General Musharraf MMA found itself in a

problematic situation and then MMA started holding the public meetings to

press General Musharraf to shed his uniform so that MMA could save its

credibility, more over General Musharraf was also threatened that from January
1, 2005, an agitation movement will be launched if General Musharraf failed to

keep his pledge. It was a pre-planned decision that General Musharraf will

remain in his uniform so for securing the decision General Musharraf made

negotiations with PPP to preempt MMA-ARD collaboration, and those

negotiations were about the future political set-up. Asif Ali Zardari was released

on bail and then all the subsequent statement that Asif Ali Zardari passed gave

indications that there is negotiations between the two parties were fruitful and it

was declared there would be elections in 2005. A formal announcement was

made by General Musharraf on December 30, 2004 that till the end of the

presidential term in 2007, he intended to retain his office of Chief of Army

Staff. After few public meetings and demonstrations, the so-called agitation of

MMA against the General Musharraf's remaining in uniform dissolved. At that

time, it was clear to MMA that if the fresh elections were held, then it will be

certain that substantial electronic support will be lost, and there will be no

government in NWFP. In that critical phase General Musharraf survived with

much ado as there were not any threats either from ARD or form MMA to

system, while on the other hand the anticipated Musharraf-Benazir

understanding did not emerge. In August 2005, the local body's elections were

the next important landmark that was held by "non-party" at the Union Council

level. Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi in Punjab and Arbab Ghulam Rahim at the

rudder of affairs in Sindh, the PML (Q) routed the PML (N) and PPP for all the

practical purposes backed candidates in rural Sindh and Punjab. Greater part of

Hyderabad and Karachi went to the MQM (Khan, 2009)

PML (Q) made a mark in every place of religious congregations with the

nationalists and the Awami National Party and took a little involved in

Baluchistan and the Northwest Frontier Province. PML (Q) has more quality at
the expense of restriction, which was suspended in the decisions of October 6.

These were the intelligent races of the pattern. Since October 12, 1999 with

political progress and protection of the contour of the whole situation is: the

Senate, the current provincial councils and the National Assembly were not

speaking entirely for the general population. The credibility of the institutions

of majority rule has been increasing weakness and this happened because of the

way it affected the members of the resistance or force Musharraf to give up the

meetings to patch Alliance decision. This is the way that President Musharraf

took his side to get Chaudhry Shujaat Shaukat Aziz, Zafarullah Khan Jamali

and with two tears elected as prime minister and he spoke volumes about the

gratuity of the meeting and national. Shaukat Aziz, Prime Minister stalled with

the largest in Pakistan's history elected office also acquired voting population

without the presence of any appropriate election rule (Jalal, 1995).

The controversial referendum of April 2002 was validated by Constitutional

engineering through which the General Musharraf put himself in the office. The

proclaims provided in the Constitution of 1973 had no proper substitute for the

procedure even after the taking the votes of confidence from the Assemblies,

but it was true that General Musharraf was likely to secure the majority of

votes. General Musharraf damaged his public image greatly after surrendering

from the pledge that General Musharraf will give up his uniform given to the

nation on December 31. 2004. The local body's elections that were held recently

lacked transparency, and their results were incomprehensible, the government

was accused by the opposition that electoral process was rigged. In the meetings

of the Corps Commanders all the main decisions were made under the General

Musharraf chairmanship and for follow-up action communicated to the civilian

set-up. If not in letters then the Constitution is being violated in spirit. In the
light of General Musharraf seven-point agenda, it would be proper to examine

the failure and success of General Musharraf (Ziring, Lawrence, 1997)

As compared to the previous state that was considered failed and rogue now at

least Pakistan is considered as the viable state, so General Musharraf rebuilt the

morale and the national confidence as the confidence of people have been

rebuild to a large extent. There is one impression that needed to be dispelled all

the acts of the government are at the US bidding. Another objective was to

strengthen the federation, restore the national cohesion and eliminate the inter-

provincial disharmony but this objective has not been achieved as Sindhi

nationalists were not prepared to accept the Kalabagh Dam project, Baloch

nationalists have serious grievances. While considering the distribution of the

financial resources, there is no understanding of the National Finance

Commission. The economy has taken a start for right from the verge of collapse

and GDP growth was at 8.4% in the financial year 2004-2005. Pakistan's

foreign exchange reserves after the incident of 9/11 have crossed the figure of $

12 billion. Due to law and order situation increase in foreign investment is

moderate. There was no need of concentrating the distributive justice and

poverty. There was hardly any success achieved by ensuring the laws and order

as the slide down has been checked. There was the continuous increase in

violence against women, sectarian killings, rapes, intolerance towards

minorities. In the political culture of Pakistan depoliticize state institutions is a

gigantic task. It is the need of interference with civil service and police. The

armed forces remain involved in politics with COAS in power as a state

institution. There was the overall success on the account of devolution of power

to the level of grass-roots. The civil services district management group has

been undermined. Some Advertisement Supplement was published on October

10, 2002 by the NAB in Dawn and also in other newspapers that "the actions of

NAB have shown the results in convictions of hitherto sacrosanct persons in all

the public life fields. The 180 politicians, 18 armed forces personnel, 532

bureaucrats and 149 businessmen have been investigated (Dawn, October 10,

2002). According to news report of those who were investigated, the total that

referred to Accountability Court for trial was 499 and 170 plea-bargained and

till then NAB recovered a total of Rs.20.9578 billion. It can be observed while

disputing the figures that many big fishes was allowed to go when they change

over the loyalties to the General Musharraf.

Although it is not possible to glance at the other's mind but apparently General

Musharraf is giving the following options: The first was to strengthen the PML

(Q) for the 2007 elections which can be done by outright merger of the NDA,

the PPP (Sherpao) or the PPP (Patriots) with the PML (Q) or bringing about a

‘grand alliance'. At the government disposal, it would be easy for the

"establishment" that would be ensured through the hidden arms with the

majority of District Nazims. It will be possible that District Nazims may serve

as pillars of strength until the present system may drag on with the MMA tactic

support. To establish the presidential form of government and to resort to

engineering of the Constitution, there will be no amendment to the constitution

without two-third majority. But it is true that the extra-constitutional measures

were condoned by the Superior Judiciary on the principle state as the country's

history is witness to it on the state principle that is validated the newly elected

Parliament subsequently (Sayeed, 1980)

In1999 it was fourth time in the history of Pakistan that the government was

under the control of army. In 1999 General Pervaiz Musharraf, who was the
chief of army staff of Pakistan at that time came in the power after finishing

government of civil, political party of PML N. For many reasons, Musharraf

has tried to calls by Nawaz Sharif among peace proposals to pay for cases of

good relations with India and the army to crush the disturbance in the Kargil

war and high joint military pressure. They were gone in relations with the

formative years of military administration Musharraf completely before, such as

the initial management of Zia years, it has been extended to the other side

benefits officer strength and protection spending plan. At a time of the military

deficit with the war-adjusted rustic Qaeda and Taliban Pakistan until 2006, tribe

was a great moment for Pakistan. In 2007, the administration began organizing

Musharraf's presidential race amid extreme and brutal breeding scene and

parliamentary decisions. Because of the illegal double Musharraf as part of the

Army (Chief of Staff) and the president of the court before unrivaled test

legitimateness state of the military administration in light of the fact that the

army was not in providing support to strengthen the government.

Due to his position as Chief of Staff of the Army, the Supreme Court at all

against weakness for reelection has held the position in the light of the Army

too. Musharraf took a sharp step and pronounced a national crisis, the court

suspended again, abolished the Constitution and asked the army to quell the

unrest. It was largely is reasonable to compel the military adventure to ensure

that political (Shafqat, 1997)

The Event of 9/11

It was considered that the 9/11 event was the most moderating event of the 21st

century. The whole world scenario changed dramatically. It was marked in the

event of 9/11 that what was called by the Kofi Anan as “a seismic shift in
international relations”. Due to the influences of those events in Pakistan there

were invincible susceptibilities regarding security, economic, and political. An

agenda based on 7 points was given by the US that as further based on abandon

Islamic jihad, dissension Taliban, give cover over flights landing rights, offer

astuteness about Taliban and Al-Qaeda and territorial admission to all types of

actions. Musharraf also got strength from war hysteria like Zia, and the General

Musharraf becomes the blue eyed boy of Bush administration that was once the

unpopular leader. Musharraf got the complete U-turn in for the purpose of

saving the power in the foreign policy of Pakistan.

Even after the unequaled act in following the orders coming from the US,

Musharraf said:

we are not capable of going away patterns of our dedication and are not in
the location that we can demand more. All the efforts that are possible are
made so that they could be satisfied even in the situations that Pakistan
has to twist on over the head or has to take numerous U-terns...We are
asked about nuclear scientists, Kashmir, and nuclear deterrent and asked
to take U-tern on these factors (Musharraf, 2007)

There were two objectives of General Musharraf of his war on terror. The first

was to support NATO forces against Taliban and to provide support to

American against Afghanistan. Second was to accrue economic and security aid

from the US. Musharraf brought American war inside Pakistan in the period of

2004 and in NWFP operations were started in Waziristan. The Pakistani

government was admired by the US and the West for enlightened leadership. In

the month of September never before had so many leaders come to Pakistan one

after the other and sometimes they were visiting Pakistan on the same days

(Ibid: 58).
Devolution of Power

It was said by Pakistan Human Rights Commission, “the apparent purpose was

looking like to earn a lease of life for the government of military de-

politicization of governance after the sort of democratic façade”. In the history

of Pakistan military dictators they just brought the local government: it was

Ayub Khan who introduced the ―basic democracy, district government was

launched by General Zia, and devolution of power was given by General Pervez

Musharraf. For the introduction of the programs, there were two reasons as

there was no domestic support possessed by the military dictators so these

programs were tried to bring that win local support.

The power centralization was enhanced by these institutors. A dilemma was

introduced by the local system of government, and that was also familiarized by

the military that they give power to districts, and they sidelined the provincial

autonomy. The army rulers in Pakistan got strength through these lines of

rulers.

Military and Religious Parties

There are three forces in Pakistan, and it has been considered contemplated, and

those three forces rule the country: Allah, Army, and America. It was revealed

in October 2002 elections that due to the emergence of the religious parties

there is fragility for the country's future cultural, political and social

consolidation in the future.

In Pakistan history, it was for the very first time when the religious parties got

authority due to the alliance in Pakistan two provinces and this alliance was

made for the inauguration of the policy of Taliban.

War on Terror and Musharraf

It is considered that the event of 9/11 was a blessing for the Musharraf. Before

this event, the Musharraf government was not recognized. At that time, Pakistan

became front line state in the global war on terror and Musharraf become close

ally to Bush Administration. It was aid by President Musharraf that he would

help U.S in the war on Terror with reasonable assurance after the attacks of

9/11. In the urban areas of Pakistan, Public opinion unleashed and it was the

83% that supported Taliban in spite US, and Osama bin Laden was anticipated

by 82% as a free fighter rather than terrorist (?. 2001).

Due to war against terror sudden economic aid was given to Pakistan and it also

reflected the image of Pakistan more positive to the whole world. There was no

certainty of the policy of America towards Pakistan, and there are two prongs

on which conjunction is based. The first one is that America identifies military

and for ruling the country Musharraf was the only reliable option. In Pakistan

perception disregards the other threats of religious fundamentalists that are

involved and equal to the international terrorism network.

End of Musharraf Era

Due to certain events, the Musharraf era comes to a logical end: the Red

Mosque episode, the judges ‘movement. Muslim League Quaid-e -Azam group

that was his party faced terrific failure in the election of 2008. There were

drastic effects of every military coup on the economic, social and political like

of Pakistan. During the Musharraf era, he gave Pakistan economic deterioration,

increasing terrorism and social polarization.

Musharraf adopted regressive policies for securing his power particularly in the

war against Pakistan. It was General Musharraf who dragged the power of
America into Pakistan domestic frontiers. In all over the Pakistan, the series of

suicide bombing was increased in which a lot of civilians lost their lives. In the

period of 2004 in NWFP, the Rahe Rast operations were started

The international community pressurized Musharraf and due to the domestic

front, he resigned from the post of President Ship. It was considered by the

failure of the military to acknowledge that this authority is legitimate that is

directly proportional to Pakistan‘s democratic failure. The prediction for the

consequential democratization remains severe excepting the relations of civil-

military reformation. Due to the reason of dependence on the assistance of

military and external economic factors, it is America who is pivotal in affecting

the freedom regarding the military. In was on terror against Taliban members

and Al-Qaeda Pakistan's special significance to U.S shows the international

pressure. The military has exonerated itself from international community

pressure by conducting operations.

From the beginning; there was an imbalance that remained continued between

the people representatives and the political institutions due to the legacy that

was inherited that was bestowed from imperial British in India to Pakistan.

There was high harmonization between two associations one is military and the

other one is bureaucracy, and both of them were found to be much strong and

insistent at the sometimes and smooth transition to democracy was frequently

impeded by them. It was a very short time when the bureaucracy powers

experienced a significant change after independence, and that change was due to

being subject to the supercilious army. Different coups were shaped by the army

after taking the benefit of the numerical strength, and all the legitimate civilians'

governments were toppled. Huge changes were introduced, and different

institutions were erected after coming into the power. And this was made due to

weeding out some political leaders and creating a support base.

Inappropriately, due to bringing the technical changes in the system and flexible

creation of various institutions, further mayhem were created and the same case

continues after the withdrawal of de facto ruler. Almost the same case was made

with the spate of reforms of Pervez Musharraf's due to which the equality of

powers was disturbed between the military institutions and the civilians. The

suspension was made of the civilian institutions and the military personnel

carried out the functions with low understanding and aptitude of the business of

institutions. Due to the consistent tampering by the men of the military with the

civilian institutions and with the laws initiated great back to the country

political system. As India and Pakistan about state organizations that have

developed in the middle of a long section of the British band. The structure of

the Constitution, within the organization, and work sessions court of law, the

Assembly of armed force, for example, after a few jus, cohesion found in the

new state of instinctive, giving the administration to strangers and under

restrictive Pakistan began her cases.

New ideas were also brought due to these institutions that have inspired the

traditions and the existence that had joined their growth. The predictable stamp

of the dictatorial rule was carried by bureaucracy and the purpose of empire was

served.

The distrust of politicians was shared with the bureaucracy by the army, and

they were seen as the disorder source. A strong contempt was developed for

leading politically of the newly created state, and this development was made

due to the strong political institutions were inherited by Pakistan and due to the
army that was well disciplined. Due to the two institutions deep nexus was

fomented and then there were often problems with the flexible transition to

democracy. Then it was observed that the main reason of political instability in

Pakistan was the imbalance of power between the very weak representatives

and the very strong bureaucratic institutions. The legislature and the judiciary

have been weakened considerably due to power concentration in the executive

branch that was often controlled indirectly or directly.

Drawn with the time of great change that had been signed and the impacts of the

strength of the management of the ordinary citizens who has gradually pulled

by the military Somewhere in the range of 4 military surprises informed about

the life of 63-year journey of the short history of Pakistan because of the army

in the political framework dug deep in to the strength and structure of state

institutions by the military adventure in these long years. While on the other

hand the army proved an institutional and nest in the soil, especially regarding

its administration preparations. While when contrasted with the non-military

army organization begins to show signs of improvement in the preparation and

administration. Therefore, it became equivalent to the power of the execution

period after the first two decades of independence when most of the

fundamentals of non-military administration were established. It was considered

by the administration that the military and its partners and with all sequencers

that were made by Pervez Musharraf in capacity and organizational structures

and categorically hates.

An attempt by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif rejected Musharraf was carried out

and will be replaced by Lieutenant General Follower of the director of ISI

Khwaja Ziauddin on October 12, 1999, family but no charge was made because
the commanders to adapt to the other, which he was not, allowed doing it that

way. Quality on national television broke away for a few hours and said a few

hours after the administration of Nawaz Sharif refused with the help of different

leaders to overthrow Musharraf in Pakistan fourth order. At this point he was

chosen by the military to military jurisdiction, they shall not be required, and

there will be a declaration of a new set soon. Crisis Musharraf Pakistan on 14

October 1999. It was announced that held that constitution in a commentary in

the office, but that the three presidents announced to proceed. And he gave a

declaration of suspension of the elders of the four regional councils and the

National Assembly Council should remain suspended along with the executive

and speakers. The interim constitution, which was notorious announced. It was

decided that there will be no orders issued from the court against Chief

Executive according to the Provisional Constitution Order. There will be no

pronouncement of judgments

General Musharraf’s Seven Points Agenda

In the government of General Musharraf following agenda with seven identified

points were presented on the basis of objectives of government.

1. Rebuilding of self-confidence and self-reliance of the people of country

2. Establishment of collaboration among the governments of province in

order to maintain unity in the nation.

3. Stabilizing the economy of the country in order to enhance the investor

confidence.

4. Maintaining the values of the laws and regulations in country in order to

provide justice to the people of country.

5. Socialize national organizations.

6. grass-roots provision of power

7. Establishment of state of accountability in the country.

In accordance with the policies of Musharraf government, good governance was

very important for the achievement of all these objectives because in past it had

been seen that the government of Pakistan had just ruled the people of country

but no time has come to serve the people of country. There will be a National

Security Council, headed by the CEO and includes the Chief of Naval Staff,

Chief of Staff of the Air Force, a professional in every project, calculation, the

distant approach and national commitments. Stressing the need for overall

routine immunization Musharraf said that this is done through the "mandate of

the force, from the center to the region and common elements of the

government quarter cherished as reality in the Constitution. As a piece of good

management, General Musharraf accepted the responsibility to initiate the

procedure. Without naming anyone (maybe he was General Zia ul Haq and

Nawaz Sharif in his brain), he said the "ehtesab" expression has been abused to

the point that it has lost its importance, and there was a need to rebuild trust

spent during the period of responsibility. In the territories, there will be a

governor, and work through the joint a little office. "Each of these arrangements

must be absolutely as experts in the premise and legitimacy bad reputation,”

He encouraged scientists to make sure the ingredients that have been misused

by quotas personal debt and the transfer of a terrible name of Islam, being

responsible coordination procedures especially vulnerable to looting and

plunder of national wealth and assessment evaders’ people. It is also

coordinated in advance defaulters and individuals who have the progress they

have made re-planned or approved. Alluding to the danger of religious narrow-

minded, Musharraf said Islam teaches us "the resistance is not contempt,

extensive communion and not bad faith, peace and brutality, not in advance and

is not dogmatic." The procedure is the responsibility to be clear to the general

public to see. "The payment of" at risk "for the return of national wealth,

deliberately and bank loans, and pay their obligations within a month, after

which the law was taking the right approach. It has been developed there

legislative objectives thus, it is expected to Musharraf to make this

interpretation of them actually. Each considering that required him to deal with

the political forces in the stadium and for the health of the presence of the Holy

deviation fact, if not by a large minority of solidarity Constitution. He said that

are better able to fully enjoy their rights and to ensure that equivalent to

sabotage Pakistan in the letter and the spirit of true Islam subjects. (Pakistan,

July-December 1999)

In mid-November, it should be clear that banks and institutions related to

money has neglected to make any reconstruction calculated by measuring the

total estimated Rs. 356000000000 defaulters paid to October 12, 1999 (referred

to this figure by the Supreme Court in the case of Zafar Ali Shah, the report of

the Governor State Bank of Pakistan). In November 1999, two key institutions

for this commitment. It was one of the National Audit Office (NAB), the

management of decline, the last of the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB),

an approach planning / technique to clone domestic alternatives, including the

establishment of "system most authentic rules "for approval by the National

Security Council.
Islamization under Pervez Musharraf

One of the uncertain acceptance was the opinion of Musharraf on the Taliban in

Afghanistan. According to him, the version of Islam of Taliban was "ill-

informed and primeval, the whole Islamic world censured it. He supported the

Taliban government mainly due to the national interest and security issues,

dictated policies of Pakistan and secure from the Indian threat on eastern side

and could not bear the threat from Afghanistan on the western side. The main

reason behind the decision was national security. Pakistan could not survive if

safety issues arise from the western border as a country was at that point

safeguarding itself from India the east border. Powerless endeavors to reign in

the Islamists in Pakistan were made by Musharraf in the almost two tiers

between the takeover and 9/11. Musharraf gave the first significant policy

speech, a couple of days after the successful takeover; he asked the ministry to

check the elements that are abusing religion for a personal stake and convey

awful name to the faith of Islam. In 2000 April by reforming the Blasphemy

Law, he endeavored to move on his words. Anyone was permitted to allege

person of blasphemy that will result in their arrest by this law. This law was

misused extensively. The case could be registered only if the district

administration had investigated the legitimacy of the accusation, required by the

law changed by Musharraf. This bureaucratic change created uproar among the

Islamic parties.(Haqqani, 2007) Musharraf stepped down because of their

reaction. In 2001, in the speech Musharraf delivered to religious scholars and

ministers, he articulated his view regarding religious extremism. "Even though

we claim, we will be carried forward in every age, every condition and every

land by Islam still there is no doubt we have been left behind how our claim

judged by the world is? We are looked upon as a terrorist by the world. We are
killing each other. And now we are willing to expand violence and terror

overseas. The world will naturally regard us as a terrorist. The claim of

tolerance is deceiving. Before and after 9/11, the difference among the Islamist

of Pakistan and Islamist of Kashmir was seen by Musharraf. The government of

Musharraf regularly saw the difference among "terrorist (mainly originated

from foreign a term referring to members of Al Qaeda) and freedom fighter (the

official label preferred in Pakistan for the militants of Kashmir). This shows

favoritism for one group over the other group. Their aim in the region of

Kashmir is indicated by the willingness of the military government to elect a

clear title to the fighters of Kashmir. In Kashmir the fight in justified. Freedom

of Kashmir from the rule of India is the purpose. Before 9/11 mixed message

about the Islamic extremist were given by Musharraf. He was holding back

from the fear of retribution from the extremist. The standpoint of Musharraf on

Taliban changed completely, in coupled of days after 9/11. The United States

pressurized to either become the enemy or support the West. By ultimately

supporting US military campaign a historical U-turn was taken by Musharraf

regarding the policy for the Taliban. He pronounced measures against the

assertive religious groups and limiting the mullah’s license, considering the

domestic level. Many ways were used by Islamists to voice their views. Since

9/11 many assassinations attempts were made on Musharraf. On December 13,

2001, Indian Parliament becomes the victim of their violent retaliation. In

Delhi, the building of Parliament was attacked by terrorists (Haleem, 2003).

The firing shots were started by the five people that drove towards the building.

In the attack people killed amounted twelve in which five were terrorists. In the

attack, no government member was hurt. Lining up the troops of the military

along the border of 1800 miles with Pakistan was the response of India. The
arrest of fifty members of Lashkar-e-Taiba, a group of terrorist that took

responsibility for the attack, was then pronounced by Musharraf. Later, the

arrest of Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, the leader of Jaish-e-Muhammad was

arrested and Jaish e Muhammad was banned, however, India was not pacified.

Musharraf gave a speech in January in which he claimed that terrorism in the

name of Kashmir would not be allowed. Hundreds of militants were arrested by

officials of Pakistan which were released a couple of days later. Eleven days

after the two assassination attempt on Musharraf, drastic measures were needed

to be realized by the Pakistan government. Many militants were arrested and

killed while many managed to escape the arrest.(Haqqani, 2002)

Hussain Haqqani purportedly wrote a memo to the United States. If it did not

include the fiery material regarding the plan to exile the present military

leadership and place the conventional powerful Pakistan Armed forces under

the supervision of the trustworthy bureaucrats (retired) and officers of their

choice, this memo would have been thrown in the trash in just like a piece of

paper. The American support was sought by the note writer, frightened from the

proactive action. Mr.Hussain Haqqani promised the overall establishment of

security by placing in the position the generals and bureaucrats that are trusted

by Americans, after consulting Americans appointing inquiry members to

reinvestigate the episode of Abbottabad and reform power and authority on the

nuclear weapon and program of weapons.(Huntington, 2006)

As stated by the media report, the ‘memogate' was investigated by the military

establishments and contents were verified and Hussain Haqqani, its purported

author. In this context what is believed by the army facilities was very opposite

from the description civilian government of Mr. Yousaf Raza Gilani. At first,
both government and Mr. HussainHaqqani were quite on the issue of the memo,

it was later denied by them when op-ed in the paper of London was written by

Mansoor Ijaz, he also exposed the ‘memo gate.' To interrogate the credibility of

Mansoor Ijaz, They started deploying its journalist friends, spokesmen, and

woman, after realizing that the issue can put off the general public and

establishments of security, which for many reasons has great anti-American

emotions.(Jones, 2002)

The government wished to ignore the issue which was apparently impossible.

More answers and clarity was needed by the government, as they have enough

proof of the existence of memo and Haqqani wrote they established it. The

military took the first step by getting Haqqani resignation as the army

confronted Haqqani and civilian government was present at that time. This was

an embarrassment for the civilian government. Supreme Court (SC) was

approached by the former prime minister and President of PML(N), Mian

Nawaz Sharif, and appealed to the court to conduct an inquiry when the

government was hesitant to order an investigation to institute the reliability of

memo and its author. The independent research was justified, and the note issue

is related to national security, was the opinion of SC. The commission was

appointed by the court including high court judges to carry out the inquiry after

the SC appointed person refused due to denigrating attacks by the leaders of

PPP. (Khan, 2007)

Before the SC both the government of Gilani and military establishments was

poles apart. When SC asked both to submit responses on memo, the Director

General of ISI and the Chief of Army Staff, claimed in front of the court that the

memo is real and that Mr. Haqqani is its writer, while no memo existed and no
one from the ranks of government along with Mr. Haqqani have the government

insisted written notice. Yousaf Raza Gilani attacked the military few time

verbally in a manner that military establishments gets involved direct and

overthrows the government of civilians. Not to try another agitation was

perhaps decided by the army leadership. In the past fifteen years, Pakistan has

transformed vastly. Democracy with its shortfalls is accepted nationally. The

military is not allowed to take over by the Supreme Court. The democratic rule

is supported by the civil society and due to open media military government

can't function because media is vibrant, free and has mass reach. Lastly, the

challenges are too complicated and to political that are faced by Pakistan and

men in uniform cannot resolve it. (Kleiner, 2007)

The military is a powerful institution and is actively interested in the political

development of the nation is the fundament perspective in the public and the

political elites. Control is maintained control over the national strategy, security

and foreign relation with the major international players. The military

government from behind the scene will always rehearse its impact on the

political forces is feared by some and will strive to support the political parties

that allied with the military government in the past. In short, the military rule

long shadow and the civil- military relation with out of proportion nature are

still not over. Currently, the relations between the civilian government and

military are uncertain, unsettled and draped in numerous uncertainties and

moves that are invisible. For the future of Pakistan, this may not be good. A

very positive resolution by COAS and the Pakistan armed forces aid to support

the democracy and army is surely cleared of developing and wrong lead in the

risks relation of civil-military. Complete use must be made by the civil

government of this opportunity and must deliver to the people and for a better
Pakistan must fortify democracy in the country, above their interests and

business. (Munirruzzaman, 1987)

Treason Case against Musharraf

In Pakistan after the five years democratic rule and somewhat the relations of

the turbulent civil-military in the previous years, in the current period the most

significant phase is the treason case against our hopefully last and the latest

dictator of military Gen. Pervez Musharraf. He is known as the first and the

only one former military dictator of Pakistan who has been beckoned to Court

so that they could answer for the crimes against the Pakistan constitution. It

seems that this opportunity has been provided to Mr. Musharraf rather by

returning from his self-imposed exile just ahead of General Election. It is

believed by former General that the public popularity is enjoyed in Pakistan and

hopes are made that election will be won and once again the country will be

ruled. In Pakistan, the reality of public support to him is evident to all the

persons in Pakistan except for Gen. Retired Musharraf. So being responsible for

so many crimes it is considered that how he is perceived as it is only the

political system maturity in Pakistan along with the public political system

maturity that there are chances of Mr. Musharraf to return to Pakistan.

Certainly, this is not the timeline that Mr. Musharraf disappeared when he was

at the affairs helm and both the Mr. Sharif and the late Ms. Bhutto was

disallowed from coming back to Pakistan. (Shah, 2014) An opportunity can

take place against the person due to law process who subverted the Pakistan

constitution two times, and it depicts that there are another Pakistan maturity

sign and the political system. Pakistan will cross one the processes which are

due take place a psychological barrier against the dictator of the former military.
It is not the Pakistan Supreme Court neither the parliament of Pakistan due to

which the opportunity window exists as the other Constitution subversion was

condoned on November 3, 2007, by the General Pervez Musharraf. In 1958 (by

General Muhammad Ayub), 1977 (By General Zia ul Haq), 1969 (By General

Yahya Khan) all the past Constitution subversions of Pakistan had been

condoned Pakistan Supreme Court and the Parliaments through the 18

Amendment in 2010 Pakistan's Constitution, saw further strengthening of the

article number 6 in which the high reasons are handled and it has been said that,

“an individual who subverts or abrogates or holds in abeyance or conspires to

abrogate or attempts by the show of force or use of force or through any other

unconstitutional means shall be accused of high treason".(Singh & Hickman,

2013)

Those countries that have a similar political history in the world are considered

able that they could start the judicial proceedings against the dictators of former

military. And most of the time such actions are supposed to remain at the initial

stages and the dictators like Suharto of Indonesia and Chile departed this world

on the natural causes. The possible trail of Mr. Musharraf will not be without

the political turbulence. While the military of Pakistan will not be comfortable

with the trial proceedings, after May 2013 General Election the party that comes

into power will need to be treated with a comprehensive care on all the

problems and the issues. On the trial of Gen. Musharraf, the position has been

taken by no leading Pakistan party and in 1999 Gen. Musharraf was exiled from

the power and on the defense domestic control the cautious approach was taken

and in the latest manifesto, the civil-military relations in the most recent

manifesto even Mr. Sharif displayed the perceived the posted position and since

in 1999 ouster from power it became very apparent in the eye of the public.
Through this trial court is ready to open the Pandora's Box' and this trail is

considered the encouraging sign. In spite of the turbulence, there is potential in

the trial to turn around the country future and on the military interventions in

future the doors are closed.

Party Pledges on Civil-Military Relations

It has been revealed by the PPP, PML-N, and PTI that although in PML-N some

clear thinking exists on this problem or issue, so there is the significant reliance

on the other two parties on the subject or rhetoric. Although no particular

action has created any relation of the civil-military while in 2013, the policies

were outlined.

A massive articulation of its policies was found there and in the latest

manifesto, it pledges on the subject, while if compared with the Manifesto 2007,

its stance has been repeated by PML-N on the control of instituting democratic

and through setting up the body of the decision making under the cabinet. A

further step has been taken by the Cabinet Committee on National Security and

threat, and this has been made by pledging to resource. In the recognition to

bring the intelligence policies, its core policy stance is its recognition. The

manifesto of the PPP has been mostly devoted to showcase that as its

accomplishment what is considered in the previous five years. The manifesto

does not take So many pledges. It happens in the history for the very first time

of the Pakistan that in the Parliament the details of the defense budget were

presented. The standing committees received the briefings on a budget of

defense. However, there could be great scrutiny of budget and on the lack of

sufficient powers and in the implementation of those controls parliament has

been remained stagnant. If compared with 2007 manifesto, in the Democracy

Charter the pledges related to defense-related are being made. The PTI 2013

election manifesto is certainly an improvement over the declaration of 2002 in

the context of some policy outline on the oversight of defense and the relations

of a civil military. The party has pledged it there will be rationalized defense

spending and in the Parliament, the budget of defense would be debated within

the session of a camera according to the issues of sensitivity. PTI has promised

that there will be the parliament authority so that all the international treaties

will be rectified. Then the action has been made by manifesto so that the

institutions could be strengthened for containing the promises and the terrorism

in making the (NACTA Counter Terrorism Authority) as with the armed forces

the single authority with the high-level representation. (Aydinli, 2009)

With the objective of systematic and regular consideration and coordination of

all the matters which are linked national security and defense. The DCC

(Defense Committee of the Cabinet) is considered body so that a national safety

and in spite internal control could be established. Notwithstanding the pledges

of CoD which are performed by Peoples Party, the Defense Committee of the

Cabinet has remained under-utilized and hugely six dormant in the previous five

years. It has been revealed by PILDAT analysis on the Defense Committee

performance keeping in the previous trend of being proactive rather than

reactive it only happens when the Cabinet Defense Committee met in 2012-

2013. It has been indicated by the performance of 5 years of Defense

Committee of the Cabinet that in spite of the internal and the external

challenges of that Pakistan is facing; the DCC met on an average just more than

twice in the year to March 2013 from March 2008. Under the out-going

Premier Raja Pervez Ashraf of Pakistan, the Cabinet Defense Committee met

only once. The lack of dedicated Permanent Secretariat has been considered one
of the weaknesses of Cabinet Defense Committee under the COD by the ruling

PPP as the pledged. Only for the incidents that are selective, its relative posture

does not include the DCC useful role.

Institutional Solutions for Civil-Military Relations

If in the previous five years the balance is analyzed of the civil-military

relations it is believed by some experts that an improvement has been

witnessed. When the issues are considered then at the PILDAT Public Forum, it

is believed by Mushahid Hussain Sayed who is the Standing Committee

chairman that in the Pakistan the institutional solutions relations of civil-

military have been sought in the last five years, and the country has witnessed a

forward movement in the Democratic control of 7 national securities. There has

been some improvement if the broad consensus exists in the relations over the

previous five years, the transition in the way of establishing the civil-military

constitutional equation has not been as fast-paced or the useful not as the

conclusive like there will be likeness about the citizens. The responsibility of

the democratic government has been abdicated on the primary defense of the

national security issues. In spite of the policy of the appeasement apparently to

the civil-military, military relations have seen many skirmishes in the previous

five years.

These issues have been the most troublesome of the alleged Memo that came to

be estrangement in civil-military heart relations. The government which was

same came to the rescue of public after the murder of Osama bin Laden, and the

ISI was targeted NATO attack, and with the army restored to an open

confrontation. The diametrically opposite view of the military of the

government in the Supreme Court resulting in the weak Prime Minister while
on the relations of the sound civil-military. However, the better sense prevailed

and from the brink, both sides pulled back. An active movement has been

recorded by the previous five years in the decision of the Supreme Court on the

case of 18-year old Asghar Khan and for the first time in Pakistan, there are

military officials formally at the high level in which Rector General Inter-

Services Intelligence and COAS (Chief of Army Staff) has been held

responsible for influencing the election of the outcome and Services

Intelligence. As the decisions which are made mostly positive whether the ISI

and the Presidency involvement has been ended in the political process. The

lesson which is the most significant of the challenges being faced in the

relations of the civil-military in the previous five years and the leadership has

been democratically elected. But the responsibility cannot be abdicated of the

role of effective policy making in the defense of realm and also the national

security. The ability is considered critical of the political leadership which is

elected so that the complete counter-narrative and a credible could be

articulated in Pakistan. There is the only possibility of the parliamentary and

democratic control on defense and that is only possible when the representatives

gave been elected in playing that role in an efficient manner. Efficient

utilization and Activation of the existing forum is required for applying the

holistic perspective in which the major sectors of military relationship and

civilian are being covered. (Dawn, 2008)

Revised Military Doctrine – not from Democratic Government

Pakistan army has made a significant shift in its doctrine, and it has been stated

that rather to the ten external threats the biggest threat to the country is an

external threat. Publicly no official document has been made as it appears that

without the policy the paradigm shift has come about the input of the
representatives of democratically elected. About the paradigm shift that has

been reported, there are many analyses that have been written about. The

agreement has been made by many that military doctrine traditional has been

changed in tackling the internal threats. The fundamental issue that there is need

for principles and policies that required the people ownership and the systematic

review through the representatives and the governments. Equation unsavory

realities and depicts the stark and Pakistan military are being welcomed. In spite

of the demand of public for the balance of constitutional of this relationship, it

has been indicated that when the things come to the relationship on the ground

than in comparison to the more things remain same; more things are

changed.(Khan, 2001)

.Revelations made on Kargil Operation

A revelation in his book which has been recently-released has been made by

Gen. (Retd.) Shahid Aziz that there are only four generals to which the plan of

1999 Kargil Operation has been known in which Pervez Musharraf the Chief of

ArmyStaff was the architect. The Military Operations of the director came to

know when infiltration from the side of Pakistan was objected. The process of

Indo-Pak peace has been shut down by Kargil war. As a civil-military as being

disconnected in the country, the war serves a classic case study ultimately

leading to the Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif ouster which is maintained, so the

war does not approve. Even it was revealed by the late Prime Minister Benazir

Bhutto that in the office during the first stint, Maj. General Musharraf, so then

the DG Military Operations same plan are being offered which is known as the

Kargil. When General Aziz said that reality is that it is coming from the key

officer of the military, and it shows merely that over the operations.
Lal Masjid Commission

As already the military was not considered to be in the tight corner in the court's

hands, it was ordered by Supreme Court that a commission by constitution

probe into the Military's siege of Lal Masjid 2007 and that incident happened on

November 04, 2012. Its report was presented by Commission on April 01, 2013

to Supreme Court. And the case was adjourned by the court for another two

weeks saying that there is need of jurists that the report must be viewed. When

the review was done in detail, it will be decided by the court that to keep it

secret or to make it open. But General Pervez Musharraf, the Former Military

ruler, has not agreed to appear before the tribunal. It is considered that Lal

Masjid siege was once of the polarizing Incidents of the Pakistan society. While

on the other hand, it is the intention of some to take on the militants hastily and

the write of the state was challenged in the heart of the capital city. So for the

death of innocent children and women, other people accused the government.

The social divide over ownership is emphasized by the social response to Siege.

It has been convinced by many hardened militants that Pakistan state is no less

guilty than the US which dispossessed Taliban out in the neighboring

Afghanistan? All of the sudden there was thus a spike in terrorism-related

incidents after the operations over the country. To ascertain the fact the desire of

SC's into the operations from the fiction is too good but the broader context is

also reminding in which in the country the operation was taken. The operation

of the military anti-terrorism was pointed to the fear may get jeopardized in the

case and on the Siege it continues to be grilled. The number of the military men

that were involved in the operations is also serving the Military presently. So

they should be dragged into the courts, and the military may be well reminded

that how the ranks morale is getting low (Andrabi, 2010).

Amend the Army Act: Asks the Supreme Court

The assessment of army act was developed in previous months. The case of the

issue of Missing People has been under consideration by Supreme Court.

PILDAT, but he considers that a few review within the Act must be addressed

by committees of Parliament and Parliament itself. By Committees for the

Defense of proposals for each of Parliament, PILDAT also noted defense

committees to check the current work of the military to see whether or not these

are fulfillment constitutional requirements and rights of the people of the

country. In accordance with the decision of the supreme court of Pakistan now

the government of country has to amend the Pakistan Army Act 1952, which

refers to the judiciary Conflicts of which the defendant does not provide region

files of the FGCM (Field General Court Martial) which is difficult even now for

those convicted or 13 defendants for reporting appeal. The Development is for

the loss in the last five months, the criterion that the problems can be a portion

of the schedule for the elected government of the country and the national

assembly of Pakistan. The critical factor in this regard is that all the changes in

eth army act must be made by considering the concerns of the Pakistan Army

which approved an amendment to the positive terms of the military law. To

Active, judiciary and assertive communication in the past means that behind

Army, as in the cases of even the departing administration of the country, may

also be considered that It is progressively the goal and the purpose below the

judiciary, the public and the media attention thereby improving awareness of

"us versus them". It is critical to Keep in mind that societies in transition subject

to these developments. The purpose of the constitutional civil and military

equation/relationships are not either to develop the concept of the victim within

the form. Therefore it is an important trend to implement reforms in public

Army through mutual help. The bureaucratic nature of authoritarian rule

inevitably and it helped the determinations of the country. Civil services have

been prepared in the form of presentations service. In respect of eth Indian Civil

Service, it can be seen that in India the civil services sector is considered as

paramount for the government of the country. The direction and method by

which these take all the authority activities show them as a politician with

particular suspicion.(NDMA, 2011)

Advanced services have not been equipped to produce the power of selected

governments which the central governmental authorities. Thus it addressed the

nation was using the public interest and the perception of parents through

bureaucrats who have convictions that the general people as irrational and

uninformed. This is not measured The spirit of the most efficient bureaucracy of

formats controlled by maintaining A variety of key positions in the authorities

of the departments, but also that encouraged the "The position of superiority in

isolation from masses.'

The need to secure the borders of India and internal security and peace and

stability result in the creation of the Indian army. Political Neutrality and turned

professional in planting because the main features of military police. Therefore,

the Indian Army has become better Power, and international relations took place

in Southeast Asia. The military, as it is delivered to Pakistan, has become an

enhanced and well-established group. Possible No longer, however, and it used

to be managed by the government elected by the people. Army shared with

forms the lack of confidence in representatives who were invisible as a

foundation of ailment. Therefore, Pakistan hereditary non-political

organizations, such as the adamant because the Army is running in an efficient

and disciplined manner and arrogant values that put the strange condescension

for policy management. These regularly ended in many Along with the changes

to the bureaucratic oligarchy and the military dictatorship system and

Authoritarianism. The elected politicians to change the prevailing brought to the

area through the years, it is that the authority and inspiration of the civil

bureaucracy have progressively they have changed the history of rapid military

government. In Pakistan. Period of existence sixty-three years, dexterous not

limited to four Military coups that the army rooted in political life a tool of the

nation. In those long years of military adventures UK institutions and systems

have been severely powers. On the other hand, the army has proved to be an

organization and institutionally stronger, especially regarding talent

management. The Army now has much better governance and administration of

civil education administration. Modified this stabilizing force is from primary

and two decades after independence, while the colonial technology civil

bureaucracy became a stronger organization. Although traditionally army forms

were seen as allies the radical changes wrought with the help of Pervez

Musharraf, in the form and Function values and strongly resented by them. On

October 12, 1999, treated and then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif Ignore Pervez

Musharraf and replace it with a pro-family, ISI Khawaja Zia Uddin Lieutenant

famous Chief of Army Staff but different Now, leaders not allowed to take up

his new post type. Nationwide television went off for several hours. After a few

hours, He claims that the authorities had ignored Nawaz Sharif. Musharraf help

of several generals staged a coup in the fourth Pakistan. (Pechayre, 2011).

Later it proved to be a decision of the management of Army forces to self-

defense. No longer can impose regulation can be announced new set-up soon.

On October 14, 1999, Musharraf declared a state of emergency throughout the

Pakistan assumed the present of the country. It was announced that the

constitution could be hung but President (Rafiq Tarar), can, however, remain.

Turned to the announcement, plus the meeting across the country, and the

Senate and local councils are also suspended. Transformation of the interim

constitution is in the notorious Order Released. In line with its interim order of

the Constitution and the courts, It has been prohibited from issuing any order

and any the exercise of their powers character. It would not rule out cut military

tribunal against the leader of the armed or any particular authority through him.

Fundamental rights are not a violation of the declaration. He said the auxiliary

system, although Suspension of the Constitution, which remain in Pakistan the

orders of the leader of the government. The duration of the military rule now is

not detailed. Therefore all the military dictatorship was established once again.

During (1999-2008), he began a series of reforms and carried out a variety of

Institutions which upset the stability between civilian and military Management

within the following methods. In hard fact was that President Musharraf has it

taken the practice of appointing authorities officials and retired Army service in

civil values extraordinary levels. During his reign, almost all administrative

suppliers more it was chaired by the institutions through military officials. The

truth as evidenced by its Declaration ". The overall responsibility is a very

critical approach to eliminating the Enormous level of corruption. Retention this

factor in most of the attention from developed countries these techniques that

some element of public accountability for an additional amount. In case

scenario regarding Pakistan Corruption exclusively is complete. Pakistan faces

excessive, and Corruption exists everywhere. Throughout the speech, General

Musharraf was the predominant theme to ensure public accountability in all

areas and eliminate the corruption. As a result of this speech was a strong
institution Life in 1999, and this body has become known as the National

Accountability Bureau (NAB) has been established throughout the country

under the responsibility of the law, Ehtesab 1999 as the successor organization

department. Army Accountability system for people who owe the amount of

banks and the authorities promised to halt and corrupt elements can be removed.

The ruling also confirmed that they can go clean politics. Organization leaders

headed by Lieutenant Mohamed Amjad standard and Later, with the help of

several Lieutenant General Khalid acceptable and ShahidMunirHafeez Aziz.

And with the consent of the country in a way on a large scale to combat

corruption (NAC) in 2002, the two innovative purposes of consciousness and

deterrence too trusted to the NAB. Over time, the processes of anticorruption

(ACO) The crime wing box (ECW) of the national research firm The (FIA) was

moved to the NAB on the side of labor, finance, and Workload.

In fact, within heading NAB played a crucial role in the review Corruption and

brought those accused. NAB has been a powerful tool for the head and the

establishment of writing if politicians were trying to act in a neutral set of

criteria, with the help of a group of State employees. Moreover, NAB made a

vital role in patches govern together democracy and governance in the alliance

of Pakistan, Using PMLQ heads through the threat of these politicians with

questionable Musharraf credentials to help. For this reason, these politicians do

not simpler now Duty escaped, but was given, but in all other opportunity to

hay. Because it showed that the method of the accountability is incorrect. The

precondition is that the work must now would not be discerning in environment

it must be through the panel. Whereas, now NAB did not guarantee public Duty

instead as a device to ensure that elongated Musharraf has been estimated

liability for selective rule. NAB and truth in any case arrested a member of the
judiciary or better Pakistan's legitimate army. However, the decree of

reconciliation in the country, Issued on October 5, 2007, General Pervez

Musharraf President said he could sell high quality and political environment

Uprooting of revenge and victimization in US policy by It Condolences to

humans famous was charged to a better development political environment in

the Country. (NAB) will not be there and can take cases of corruption shine

right evidences. This discussion leads us to believe that the NAB Failure to

guarantee community responsibility in the context of a generation and helped as

Musharraf to deliver power to rule the grip of a ruler and army. Moreover,

Pakistan has consistently transfer schemes it was brought by the military

regimes.

The logic behind the move is In fact, these efforts constitute a link between the

center Government (military work). This relationship it encourages interest

from each of the above ranges presidency. Modern, Pervez Musharraf, through

the reconstruction of the country office (NRB) Devolution Power Plan under the

local government issued a federal law (LGO). This tool, not before civil parked

Forms of administrative systems under the chosen Counselor, any exchange

Nazim. most fundamental responsibility But the reality, responsible for the area

below the earlier Structure, and the DC (Deputy Commissioner), and is used to

document chosen not File provinces, while within the system of the highest gift

The region management, DCO (the district coordination officer) for reports

Nazim selected area. Musharraf regime has drastically weaker forms of the area

by redistributing enormous interest its ability of selected homegrown systems

and the abolition of the Vice-commissioner Bureau. Also, the Police Act 2002

reduce the police force in the district to the point of a wide range. Far

Resentment of the bureaucracy, the newly launched neighborhood Governments

all ended in confusion and conflict often which he broke out between the district

Nazim and public officials. It has supplied Nazis elected with enormous powers,

and this was a planned transfer of the terrible effects on the functioning of basic

civil forms. Police Foundation wants honest degrees Autonomy to carry out

character. Law enforcement officers the establishment must remain loose and

impartial of any political Intervention. But through said the power transfer plan,

police and became it has grown to be a servant to elect neighborhoods Nazim.

In every district of the country, the most powered person in that area is elected

as man of administration of the concerns of this field. Excessive control is given

to them on the revenue of district under their government. Transfer scheme to

collect sales weakened and the highest moral values also succeeded in calling

the army gradually in the local policy and the maximum goal of the

administration. Military Council through the creation of a local frame to become

compatible with the support base In addition to providing legitimizes the

violation of energy. But it abandoned as a consequence of this exploit becomes

noticeable by misperception and Great altercations among the teams in our

bodies and proud Bureaucracy. interesting point is that Pervez Musharraf has

become not only Inspired by the ideology of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk tried as an

alternative Almost tradition. Constitutional body much in the Turkish style the

political system and this is what is measured a heritage of Ataturk. Its members

were the Chairman of Senate, the leader of the opposition of National

Assembly, the President, the Speaker of National Assembly, the four provincial

Chief Ministers, the Prime Minister?

Similarly the Chief of Army, air force, and navy, the coordinator of Joint Chiefs

of Staff Committee. to help as an opportunity for the listening of the President

the "National Security Council" is established and the Management of National

Security, as well as the power and honesty and defense issues And the safety of

public control and disaster. The existing system The Security Council sent an

incorrect country's democracy National Security Council is seen as the image of

the maritime superiority over civilians' affairs. In this way the whole of the

control in respect of political aspect is delivered to the army. By making the

National Security Council, an everlasting legitimate form, Musharraf now is not

paralyzed democracy more useful as an alternative to putting a lot of Army as a

group had a fantastic test, and that had an impact on the poor career at the end.

Each time dictator takes over, the Charter has become the first Directed both to

cancel and postpone or modified to suit your whim. Ayub Khan abolished the

constitution of 1956 and said Zia Finally; he changed its charter in 1973 to

bring 8thamendment that changed the shape of the force and civil country.

The 8th amendment was canceled by the government of the Nawaz Sharif by

the 13th amendment. Musharraf made almost the same as it did Zia. At first

suspended Charter then on December 24 to amend the Constitution through 17

Amendment in the constitution. The most attractive feature of these

amendments in the constitution was that it created a balance among force

political power and apolitical power which is power f president. Article 58 (2)

(b) of the Constitution revive again which regained the president to dissolve the

country's power in line with its discretion. Similarly, in agreement with Article

112 (2) (b), the referees should be resolved by the provincial councils Indicating

that the agenda of the last instance within fifteen days of this exercising.

Moreover, conferring to the imaginative establishment, the president, who is a

symbol of government by having the authorities in the palms of hands on the

cost of the prime minister? Thus, tenuous army dictatorship returned all the
powers of a country in the hand of the only precedent of the country. Indeed,

elections were apprehended through his government for the election of

associates of Provincial Assemblies and National Assembly, but the procedure

of democracy was an incredibly measured one. Certainly, votes remained

detained throughout his government for choosing the participants in the meeting

of the country and Provincial councils, but the democratic system became

apparent. The courts is a precise imperative structure of administration and self-

governing structure, the most important feature of it is the protector of the laws

and guarantee that the rule of regulation in the country. One of the fundamental

guarantees human rights and prevent infringement by one of the types

Institutions has proof of monitoring the state apparatus.

Unluckily, in Pakistan, the courts has a volatile past. In The judiciary of

Pakistan has in no way supposed (before the latest court disaster the function of

the activity) is biased. Throughout the armed rules in Pakistan strained to

change periodically on the foundation of seniority to take the higher courts

According to its tentacles or Almost nominal resistance of this device and

subjected those who voluntarily Caprichos. The same sample was repeated

through the expertise of Musharraf. no longer touched the first elimination of

the dictator, but while Nawaz supporters challenged and seizure of Musharraf

after that He turned to the idea that now is the system that communicates

amendments to top Judiciary, Musharraf decided to manage the clean part of the

Bureau to all The Supreme Court on January 26 six justices 2000. Best refusal

of the court to the agenda of the new right and kept away this procedure.

Regarding the issue of making Musharraf, Wonderful new production under the

courtroom of Justice IrshadHasan Khan has here at With the rule that Musharraf

is "right involves the use of energy Constitutional additional step in the

activities of the kingdom ".However, Every time he touched the risk of

removing one of the best sailors then took emergency measures to domesticated

the judiciary. Three in November 2007, the Musharraf issued a declaration of

urgency to postpone converted charter. It was considered that to control the

emergency condition in the country which has created as the result of the

deteriorating law and order Condition; there was a need to implement some new

legislation and constitutions in the country. All the members of the higher

judiciary were ordered and required to take oath from an issuance of new PCO.

As a result, the end of the final seven Supreme Court judges and other high

court judges were dismissed from the responsibilities. So during the Musharraf

government, even the judiciary has ceased to become Pitiable that it runs at

odds with the tall regard in self-governing states. The distant strategy of the

nation and became not kept safe from him Take the hand. In democratic

countries, it found abroad for the cover of a civilian after the policy makers are

applying for coverage with the help of civilians Models. However, although the

armies, popularly known for aggressive Episodes begin to intervene, which

generates difficulties and conflict with local adjacent countries. Musharraf in

the homework of distant strategy this creates clear the opinion. At some point in

his Assertive, it was not just a little civil move. Within the first years of his

government, Musharraf is no longer a reasonable relationship with the Country

and Europe, and the same time turned to the now not welcomed with the help of

Neighbors location. But the incident of 11 September, the fate of his coverage

abroad. Pakistan joined the US coalition in the war against terrorism. September

11 furnished threat to Musharraf activities out of their Isolation, but he did not

follow the necessary or entertainment. Put some of the above events do not

mean this solitary those organization was the only casualty of the bane of
Musharraf. Likewise, given the exceptional institutions suffer adversely

different army Enter each of his generation.

Here are confident of the times that time and space to speak in a feature. The

selection of retired military service and for one of the nice branch brought

discontent officials it saw the prospects of promoting cross-prescribed military

appointees. After that post of chairperson of Federal Public Service

Commission (FPSC) was given to Gen. GulzarKiani. FIA (Federal Investigation

Agency) and IB (Intelligence Bureau) were headed by army men. Control is

given to army for every nation civil provider, institutions, foreign policy,

monetary policy, and intelligence other organizations and companies. General

Khalid Maqbool and general Hussain Shah were selected governor of Punjab

and KPK Correspondingly. In adding, the army has been excavated in the

position and role of the in private and public sectors, consisting of industry and

enterprise, education, scientific and attention and Agriculture improve, gym,

Communications, and Transportation. The forty-eight army under Musharraf,

finally, It became the greatest vital competitor in the Country and within the

delivery of cash assets and small phrases and armed Wealth.(Cheema, 2002)

Rising Power of Civil-Military Bureaucracy

Pakistan when established its infrastructure was scarce and had to build it from

a start. To develop and support the democratic institution capable and strong

leadership was needed by the country. However in a rural society where landed

aristocracy dominates the political, social and economic life attaining such

leadership was hard. The diverse problems faced by Pakistan could not be

managed by the first leadership of political parties. The Civil and military

bureaucracy was highly relied on by it. Bureaucratic Elite was becoming

excessively decisive, relentlessly expanding their power to the detriment of the

political elite was the outcome. For example, in 1954 the National Assembly

was dissolved by a Governor General of Pakistan Ghulam Muhammad (1651-

55) and on the premise of "law of necessity" his illegal act was legitimized and

authenticated by the federal court. When Qayyum Khan President of PML

intimidated direct action, and Khan of Kalat pronounced his withdrawal from

Pakistan, to guarantee the states of integrity IskanderMirza (1956-1958) a

president of Pakistan from civil bureaucracy depended on the military.

Compelling steps were taken by Mirza to manage the unstable conditions,

revoked the constitution, scorned the provincial and central government,

dissolved the judicial assemblies, adjourned general elections indeterminately,

banned all political parties, pronounced martial law and as a CMLA (Chief

Martial Law Administrator) he appointed General Ayub, who then on 27th

October 1958 eradicated IskanderMirza and became the president of Pakistan.

The period of military-dominated governance started in this manner. Following

the seven years of unsteadiness (1951-58) during which seven prime ministers

arose and descended, the country was put on the path to political and economic

stability by the government. The author of the constitutional and Political

history of Pakistan, Advocate Hamid Khan, stated: "the golden period of

bureaucracy was the Ayub's term of office [1958-69], who applied its powers,

uninhibited by any political intrusion." Once again, following the reinstatement

of democratic governance in 1988-99, National Assembly was impulsively

dissolved by the President Ishaq Khan, a civil bureaucrat and on 1990 August

6th the elected prime minister, Benazir Bhutto and her Cabinet were dismissed

by him. Later, another elected prime minister, Nawaz Sharif and his cabinet

along with National Assembly were rejected by him on 18th April 1993. On 5th
November 1996, the elected Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and her Cabinet

together with National Assembly were rejected by Farooq Leghari ( a

bureaucrat turned politician) the President after Ishaq Khan. Hence four elected

governments were changed on alleges of inefficiency, security risk, and

corruption, etc. during 1988-1999. In 1958, 1977 and 1999, the governance was

dominated by the civil-military bureaucracy attributable to inherent

shortcomings of political parties and their ineffectual leadership, bringing about

the disinclination of democracy thrice. (Khan, 2009)

It is surely a sad interpretation on the elected members of the first Constituent

Assemble of Pakistan that during 1951-58 they couldn't locate an appropriate

head of state from their positions. Every one of them originated from civil

bureaucracy and from there on from military. The civil-military frequently took

a decision without consulting political leaders as the opinion about them of the

civil-military bureaucracy were not favorable. Training, development, and

growth in the governance field were unfavorably influenced by this. In 1953

the uncouth political leadership was blamed for the failure to control the anti-

Ahmadiyya movement in Punjab. The Defense Secretary ordered the Area

Commander General Azam Khan to enact martial law in Lahore to liberate the

city of Lahore where Ahmadis were in a virtual condition of attack, and their

properties were being blazed and plundered. With the widespread approval of

people, it was met. Would not chance will be given to religious ideologies and

politicians to lead the nation to anarchism was demonstrated by Civil-military

bureaucracy. The establishment of the sovereignty of military administration

and arrangement of first practice for repeated imposition of Martial Law in the

nation and people accepting it peacefully was set out by the Martial Law

functioning in Lahore. (Niaz, 2010)

Security Threat

The security threats thwarted the progression of the country towards democracy;

Pakistan was changed over in a security state by the consistent internal and

external threats. Communism religious extremist, terrorist from 2001 11th

September and ethnic ambitions threatened the security of Pakistan internally

while the bigger neighbors threatened externally. In 1951 the Rawalpindi

Conspiracy Case inspired by Socialist, 1953 Anti- Qadiani Movement and 1958

ruler of the state of Kalat declaration of cessation made the first internal threat

to emerge. Indo-Pak war, clashes at the border and numerous times war threats

(that is amid during 1947-48, 1951, 1965, 1971, 1984, 1999, and 2002) lead to

the external threats. On 20th December 2002, while speaking about the India and

Pakistan situation of 2002 Ari Fleischer, a spokesman for White House said: the

tension has reached alarming level. The pressure has decreased evidently to a

Due to the interference of the President, State Secretary and various leaders of

the world [Russian] President (Vladimir) Putin and (British) Prime Minister

Tony Blair.

Civil Dependence on Army

Army has been complicated in public management since the start. In 1947, the

army, which remained requested to create the civil secretariat in Karachi, has

become the barracks evacuated; they refurbished to house the department and a

team of workers from Delhi again. To become the army, which has contributed

significantly to the preservation of the undertaking of numerous expatriate

groups resounding 10 millions of emigrants from East Punjab besides

organizing camps in Lahore? After the army of India had stimulated to Jammu

and Kashmir and the chief commander of the British armed forces Pakistani
military disallowed the instructions of the administrator of the familiar Pakistan

to send Pakistani troops in Kashmir, and the foundations of the leaders and units

who have moved to the local Kashmir and they helped residents nearby Indian

soldiers repel or restrict large areas that now form Azad Kashmir and is

associated with Pakistan. Similarly, the army has changed to a regular aid in a

useful resource of civil authorities in all standard increases screws and different

emergency situations and civil functions. (Ahmad, 2001)

The state has made the elegance of this, a dynamic civil society, the media of

colored flags and impartial judiciary. The general public Pakistanis at the time

of reading and writing (more than 55%) compared to about 5%, as it is in line

with the census of 1951. The perception of the Council to protect the country

called as National Security Council and the existence of co-presidents Offers

Where have to develop dismissed and overcome with the help of the National

Assembly Defense Committee. This required the Commission, which includes

seventeen MNAs of the parties to monitor the "defense sectors and its

subsidiaries" and "to discover the center's goals case of Pakistan to permit the

state to meet the needs of defense and objectives." On each occasion required,

and Parliament is to get consensus issues occupy a briefing on the protection of

heads and pronouncements. Although the army has independence in its internal

matters, and the presence of civil-military relations is present.

 Chapter Four

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The present study was a Cross Sectional study, carried out in Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa province to determine the association between the variables. The

study area comprised of various government offices established in District

Peshawar. These included journalists, lawyers, civil bureaucracy and politicians.

These respondents were expected to furnish valuable information on the issue

under study. Following methodology was adopted to reach into desired results.

Study Design

Based on time horizon, this study is categorized as “Cross Sectional study”.

This design is appropriate for determining a prevailing problem, issue,

perception or attitude in a population. The overall picture obtained regarding the

issue through such studies is for a specific time and for a particular population

(Babie, 1989). To design this study, the study objectives were devised,

population of the study was determined; sample was drawn from it for gathering

information on a set out questionnaire. The study design is explained in

following sub-sections.

Sampling
A subgroup representing the whole population in its characteristics is its

sample. Sample is drawn from population through a selection process called

sampling. Results obtained from sample are reliably generalized to whole

population, if properly drawn (Sekaran, 2003). In this study proportionate

stratified random sampling technique was used for sampling purpose. The study

population was divided into four strata on the basis of their true representatives

from the respective respondent groups from all relevant strata’s were then

randomly chosen for data collection from them.

Sample Size
Variations in population parameters are foundation for determining the sample

size. The higher is the variation in population parameters, the larger would be

the sample size. For calculation of a sample size the desired confidence

intervals for estimation of population parameters is mandatory (Cooper and

Emory, 2000). As current study involved several variables of interest, therefore,

the sample size was determined by using Sekaran table. According to this

method a sample size of 384 suffices the population like one in the study area

(Sekaran, 2003). The required sample size was proportionally allocated (Table

3.1) and randomly distributed in each stratum of the study population by using

formula;

𝑛.𝑁𝑖
𝑛𝑖 = (Chaudry and Kamal, 1996)
𝑁

Where;

ni = Proportion of sample allocated to with stratum

Ni = Population of with stratum

n = Total sample size

N = Total Population

Characteristics of Respondents
For getting realistic data with all possible diversity in views, the responses were

taken from respondents that possessed following characteristics.

1. Representatives of Civil Bureaucracy

2. Representatives from the politician.

3. Representatives of lawyers’ community.

4. Representatives of journalists.
Table 4-1 Proportional allocation of respondents to various strata of
the study universe

S. No Categories of respondents Sample Size

1 Civil Bureaucracy 96

2 Politicians 96

3 lawyers community 96

4 Journalists 96

TOTAL 384

Data Collection

Conceptual frame work for the current study comprised of eight independent

and one dependent variable (Table 3.2). For primary data collection on stated

variables a well thought out and comprehensive questionnaire was prepared.

The questionnaire encompassed all the aspects of study variables (Annex-1).

Prior to data collection, the questionnaire was pretested for ascertaining its

validity; the irrelevant and ambiguous questions were omitted after pretesting.

The respondents were contacted individually. The data was entered in SPSS

software on daily basis. It took almost three months to collect complete data.

Table 4-2 Conceptual Framework

Independent Variables Dependent Variable

1. Governance

2. Bureaucracy
Civil Military Relations
3. Judiciary

4. Weak Civilian Intuitions

 5. Corruption

6. Foreign policy

7. Weak Political System

8. Terrorism

Tool of Data Collection

In the present study the questionnaire was constructed based on a range of

attitudinal statements chosen from the available literature for each of

independent and dependent variables. For scaling a three level response option

of Likert scale (yes, No and Don’t Know) was incorporated in the questionnaire,

which is one of the appropriate method for attitudinal measurement (Nachmias,

1992).

Indexation
The responses on attitudinal statements (items) of dependent variable were

indexed. The items were indexed to measure a single variable, “Civil Military

Relation” (Nachmias, 1992). The indexed dependent variable was cross

tabulated with independent variables for testing their significance of association.

Data Analysis

SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences) was used for the analysis of the

data at Uni and Bi-Variate level as below;

Uni-variate Analysis
All the study variables including background, independent and dependent

variables were analyzed at uni-variate level by counting frequencies and

calculating percentages for each. The percentages were calculated by using

formula given by Levin and Davis (2000)

Percentage of a data class = f/N * 100

Where f = frequency of data class

And N = number of observations in the data set.

Bi-variate Analysis
For ascertaining the strength of association between independent and dependent

variables, the statistical technique of Bi-variate analysis was used. The tests

used for this purpose included Chi-square test and Fishar Exact test

respectively.

Chi-square test
For calculation of Chi-square vale (2) the procedure outlined by Tai (1978)

was adopted.

j k
(oij - eij ) 2
2
( ) = x =2

j 1 j 1 eij
(Tai, 1978)

Where

(2) = Chi-square for two categorical variables

oij = the observed frequencies in the cross-classified category at ith

row and jth column

eij = the expected frequency for the same category, assuming no

association between variables under investigation

The degree of freedom is calculated as follows;

Df = (r-1) (c-1) where

Df = Degree of freedom

r = the number of rows

c = the number of columns

One of the assumptions of Chi-square test i.e. no expected frequency is less than

5 was violated for several times in the data. Therefore, Fisher exact test was

employed instead of Chi-square test to rectify the effects of assumption

violation (Baily, 1982).

(𝑎 + 𝑏)! (𝑐 + 𝑑)! (𝑎 + 𝑐)! (𝑏 + 𝑑)!

𝐹𝑖𝑠ℎ𝑒𝑟 𝐸𝑥𝑎𝑐𝑡 𝑇𝑒𝑠𝑡 =
𝑁! 𝑎! 𝑏! 𝑐! 𝑑!

Where a, b, c and d were the observed numbers in four cells of contingency

table and “N” the total number of observations.

 Chapter Five

RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

Results pertaining to various dimensions of civil-military relations in Pakistan

are given under various sections and sub sections of this chapter. Section 4.1

comprises of demographic profile of respondents. Section 4.2 explains uni-

variate analysis of the thematic variables of the study. Bivariate analysis of

study variables is explained in section 4.3. The results are discussed as below;

a. Demographic profile

This section shows information based on age, gender, educational qualification,

designation and management level. The results are presented as below;

i. Age composition of the respondents

Table 5-3Frequencies and percentage distribution of the respondents on

the basis of their age

Age Group Frequency Percent

25years& below 36 9.3

26-35 141 37

36-45 139 36.1

46-55 58 15.10

Above 55 years 10 2.6

Total 384 100.0

Frequency and percentage distribution of the respondents on the basis of their

age is given in Table-4.1. Majority (37%)respondents were from (26-35) years

age group, followed by36.1% from the age group 36-45 years, 15.1% from 46-
55 years age group, 9.3% below 25 years age and only 2.6% were above 55

years age. It is obvious from the result that most respondents were from middle

and lower middle age (26 to 45 years), whereas low proportion of respondents

were from young age or at retirement age. Such an uneven age distribution is

probably due to ill planed recruitment process. This will not only funnel out

most of the employees without a promotion chance throughout their service

career, but also there will be a shortage of trained staff when this bulk gets

retired in a short span of time. A group of demoralized employee with no

chance of upward mobility in their career was more prone to opt for corruption.

ii. Gender of the respondents

Table 5-4Frequencies and percentage distribution of the respondents on

the basis of their gender

Gender Frequencies Percentage

Male 284 73.95

Female 100 26.04

Total 384 100.0

Gender wise composition of the respondents is given in Table 4.2. Almost all of

the respondents (73.95%) were male and only of 26.04% respondents were

female. The low number of female representation in the data is due to cultural

prerogative of masculinity in performing some specific jobs especially relating

to administration and authority. The patriarchal system of the country in general

and of study area in particular, train female to perform house chores, whereas,

the male is perceived as bread winner for the family. Although the number of

female employment is increasing due to female education, yet this increase was
in some specific employment categories where female feel themselves safe and

at comfort. Those jobs that desired for administrative stature were opted by

negligible number of females, which also is the reason of under representation

of females in this study.

iii. Educational qualification of the respondents

Table 4-3 Frequencies and percentage distribution of the respondents on

the basis of their education and qualification

Education Level Frequency

Under Graduates 128

Graduates 128

Post Graduates 128

Total 384

Level of respondent’s education is shown in Table 4.3.The respondents were

128 each from Graduate, Post Graduate and under graduate category. All the

respondents who participated in the study were well educated.

 b. Uni-Variate Analysis

Respondents of this study were asked a series of questions pertaining to each

study variable as given in Annex-1. The uni-variate section of this chapter deals

with responses to each individual question in form of their frequencies and

percentages.

4.1 Governance

Table 4.1 shows the perception of people regarding governance or political

system.

Out of total 384 respondents, majority of the sample respondents that were 97.1

percent agreed that attempt of Nawaz Sharif’s to fire Musharaf was an

immediate cause of military coup in Pakistan while 2.9 percent negated that it

was not the immediate cause of military coup in Pakistan. About the military

intervention due to weak governance system, 97.4 percent of respondents

replied that military intervention by Musharaf’s become successful due to weak

governance in the country while 2.6 percent of the respondents negated that it

was not due to weak governance system. The question about imbalance civil

military relation was also asked. The results showed that majority of the

respondents that 79.7 percent were of the view that poor governance and

legitimacy Crisis have contributed to the imbalanced Civil-Military relations in

Pakistan and only 6 percent said that the imbalance in the relations between the

two is not due to the poor governance and legitimacy crises while 14.3 percent

of the respondents were not aware about the reason behind imbalance in the

relations of civil and military. To restore public trust with good governance,

most of the respondents that were 54.7 percent replied that it would not be

restored with good governance by political leadership and 44.5 percent agreed

that that the political leadership would be able restore public trust with good
governance while 0.8 percent was uncertain. Similarly, 59.5 percent of the

respondents were of the view that with the help of good governance, political

vacuum cannot be filled while 39.6 percent agreed that the political vacuum can

be filled with good governance while 0.5 percent was indifferent.

Table 5-5 Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the

basis of their perception weak political system

Statements Yes No Don’t

know

Did the attempt of Nawaz Sharif’s to fire

373(97.
Musharaf was an immediate cause of military 11(2.9) 0 (0)
coup in Pakistan? 1)

Did the military intervention by Musharaf’s

374(97.
become successful due to weak governance in 10(2.6) 0 (0)
the country?
4)

Do you agree that poor governance and 306(79.7 23(6.0) 55(14.3)

legitimacy Crisis have contributed to the )
imbalanced Civil-Military relations in
Pakistan?

Do you agree that the political leadership 171(44.5 210(54.7 3(0.8)

would be able restore public trust with good ) )
governance?

Do you think that with good governance the 230(59.5 2(0.5)

political vacuum can be filled with? 152(39.6 )
)
 Do you think that with good
governance the political vacuum
can be filled with?
Do you agree that the political
leadership would be able restore
public trust with good…
Do you agree that poor Don’t know %
governance and legitimacy Crisis
have contributed to the… No %

Did the military intervention by Yes %

Musharaf’s become successful …

Did the attempt of Nawaz Sharif’s

to fire Musharaf was an…

0 20 40 60 80 100 120
Table 5-6 Perception whether Nawaz Sharif to fire Musharraf was an

immediate cause of military coup in Pakistan

Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-

n Relations Square
Statements Yes No (P=Valu
e)
Did the attempt of Yes 288(75.0
24(6.2)
312(81 2=
Nawaz Sharif’s to fire ) .2) 30.601
Musharaf was an No 56(14.
immediate cause of 50(13.0) 6(1.6)
6) (0.000)
military coup in
Don’t
Pakistan? 8(2.1) 8(2.1) 16(4.2)
know

Association between perceptions of Nawaz Sharif to fire Musharaf was an

immediate cause of military coup in Pakistan, regarding this perception the

finding is highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-7 Perception on whether military intervention by Musharraf
weakened the governance system of the country.

Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-

Relations Square
Statements Yes No (P=Value
)
Did the military Yes 152(39.6 180(46. 2=
intervention by 28(7.3)
) 9) 12.339
Musharaf’s become No 188(49.0 198(51. (0.020)
successful due to weak 10(2.6)
) 6)
governance in the
country?
Don’t
6(1.6) 0(0.0) 6(1.6)
know
The perception regarding military intervention by Musharaf to weak the
governance system of the country is highly significant with p=.020
Table 5-8 Perception of the respondent whether poor governance,

legitimacy crisis have contributed to the imbalanced Civil Military crisis in

Pakistan

Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-

n Relations Square
Statements Yes No (P=Valu
e)
Do you agree that poor Yes 288(75.0 312(81 2=
governance and 24(6.2)
) .2) 30.601
legitimacy Crisis have No 56(14.
contributed to the 50(13.0) 6(1.6)
6) (0.000)
imbalanced Civil-
Military relations in
Don’t
know 8(2.1) 8(2.1) 16(4.2)
Pakistan?

The finding of the above table regarding association between poor governance,

legitimacy crisis and Civil Military relationship in Pakistan is highly significant

(p=0.000)
Table 5-9 Perception of the Association between political leadership to

restore public trust and good governance

Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-

Relations Square
Statements Yes No (P=Valu
e)
Do you agree that the Yes 288(75.0 312(81. 2=
political leadership 24(6.2)
) 2) 30.601
would be able restore No 56(14.6 (0.000)
public trust with good 50(13.0) 6(1.6)
)
governance?
Don’t
8(2.1) 8(2.1) 16(4.2)
know

The perception of the respondent regarding the association between political

leadership to restore public trust and good governance is highly significant with

(p=0.000)
Table 5-10 Perception regarding the association between good governance
and political vacuum

Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-

Relations Square
Statements Yes No (P=Value
)
Do you think that with Yes 312(81. 2=
good governance the 288(75.0) 24(6.2)
2) 30.601
political vacuum can be No 56(14.6 (0.000)
filled with? 50(13.0) 6(1.6)
)
Don’t
8(2.1) 8(2.1) 16(4.2)
know

The perception of the respondent with respect to the association between

governance and political vacuum is highly significant with (p=0.000)
 4.2 Bureaucracy

The perception of people regarding bureaucracy is presented in table 4.12.

To know the perception of the people, question were asked from the

respondents that whether trouble in civil-military relationship entrenched

feudal power statures and hollowed-out civilian bureaucracy or not. Out of

the total 384 respondents, majority of the sample respondents that were 46.1

percent agreed that trouble in civil-military relationship entrenched feudal

power statures and hollowed-out civilian bureaucracy and 32 percent of the

respondents did not agreed while 21.9 percent of the respondents were

indifferent. Additionally, they were also asked about the civil-military

bureaucracy weather it affects adversely on the development and growth in

governance or not. Majority of the respondents that were 68.8 percent did

not agree that the civil-military bureaucracy effects adversely on the

development and growth in governance and 23.7 percent were agreed that it

adversely effect on the development and growth while 7.6 percent were

uncertain. Similar question were asked about Punjabi-Pukhtoon composition

of arm and its impact on federalism. Majority of the respondents that were

67.2 percent did not agreed that that Punjabi-Pukhtoon composition of arm

has weakened federalism in Pakistan and 28.9 percent of the respondents

agreed while 3.9 percent were uncertain. Additionally, the results of the

table also shows that 48.7 percent of the respondents agreed that that the

incompetent political leadership has given the bureaucracy a major role to

play in Politics and 34.4 percent did not agreed while 16.9 percent were

indifferent. About the parliament role to ascertain the nature of civil military

relations, majority of the respondents that were 66.9 percent did not agreed
 that the Parliament should ascertain the nature of civil-military relations

while 27.9 percent did not agreed while 5.2 percent were uncertain. The

result of the table further shows that most of the respondents, 50.3 percent

agreed that the Supremacy of rule of law is necessary for balanced civil-

military relations while 45.3 percent of the respondents did not agreed while

4.4 percent were indifferent.

Table 5-11Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on

the basis of their perception of Bureaucracy

Statements Yes No Don’t

know

Does the troubled-civil-military relationship 123(32.0 177(46.1 84(21.9)

entrenched feudal power statures and hollowed-out ) )
civilian bureaucracy.

Do you agree that the civil-military bureaucracy 91(23.7) 264(68.8 29(7.6)

effects adversely on the development and growth )
in governance.

Do you agree that Punjabi-Pukhtoon composition 111(28.9 258(67.2 15(3.9)

of arm has weakened federalism in Pakistan? ) )

Do you agree that the incompetent political 187(48.7 132(34.4 65(16.9)

leadership has given the beaurocracy a major role ) )
to play in Politics?

Do you think that the Parliament should ascertain 107(27.9 257(66.9 20(5.2)
the nature of civil-military relations? ) )

Do you agree that Supremacy of rule of law is 193(50.3 174(45.3 17(4.4)

necessary for balanced civil-military relations? ) )
Do you agree that Supremacy of rule
of law is necessary for balanced…
Do you think that the Parliament
should ascertain the nature of civil-…
Do you agree that the incompetent
political leadership has given the… Don’t know %
Do you agree that Punjabi-Pukhtoon No %
composition of arm has weakened…
Yes %
Do you agree that the civil-military
bureaucracy effects adversely on…
Does the troubled-civil-military
relationship entrenched feudal…

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Table 5-12 Association between troubled civil military relationship and
feudal system that in turns hollowed out civilian bureaucracy

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Did the troubled-civil- Yes 111(28.9 2=28.321

military relationship 86(22.4) 25(6.5)
) (0.000)
entrench feudal power No 245(63.8 258(67.2
statures and hollowed- 13(3.4)
) )
out civilian
bureaucracy.
Don’t
15(3.9) 0(0.0) 15(3.9)
know

The perception regarding the Association between troubled civil military

relationship and feudal system that in turns hollowed out civilian bureaucracy is

highly significant as evident from above table (p= 0.000)

Table 5-13 perception on the association between civil-military

bureaucracy and development and growth

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 171(44.5 187(48.7 2= 14.302

civil-military 16(4.2)
) ) (0.001)
bureaucracy effects No 110(28.6 132(34.4
adversely on the 22(5.7)
) )
development and
growth in governance.
Don’t
65(16.9) 0(0.0) 65(16.9)
know

The perception on the association between civil-military bureaucracy and

development and growth is highly significant as shown in the above table (p=

0001)
Table 5-14 perception regarding Punjabi-Pukhtoon composition on
federalism in Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you agree that Yes 107(27.9 2=19.728

Punjabi-Pukhtoon 85(22.1) 22(5.7)
) (0.000)
composition of arm has No 241(62.8 257(66.9
weakened federalism in 16(4.2)
) )
Pakistan?
Don’t
20(5.2) 0(0.0) 20(5.2)
know

Perception of the respondent regarding the Punjabi-Pukhtoon composition on

federalism in Pakistan is highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-15 perception regarding the association between incompetent

political leadership and bureaucracy

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 235(61.2 250(65.1 2=13.049

incompetent political 15(3.9)
) ) (0.001)
leadership has given the No 116(30.2
bureaucracy a major 95(24.7) 21(5.5)
)
role to play in Politics?
Don’t
16(4.2) 2(0.5) 18(4.1)
know

Perception of the respondent regarding the association between incompetent

political leadership and bureaucracy is highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-16Association between the Parliament ascertain and the nature of

Civil military relationships

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that the Yes 200(52.2 216(56.2 2= 15.979

Parliament should 16(4.2)
) ) (0.000)
ascertain the nature of No 121(31.5
civil-military relations? 99(25.8) 22(5.7)
)
Don’t
47(12.2) 0(0.0) 47(12.2)
know

Perception of the respondent regarding the association between incompetent

political leadership and beaurocracyis highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-17Association between the supremacy of rule of law and balanced

civil-military relations

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you agree that Yes 153(39.8 182(47.4 2= 15.872

Supremacy of rule of 29(7.6)
) ) (0.000)
law is necessary for No 137(35.7 146(38.0
balanced civil-military 9(2.3)
) )
relations?
Don’t
56(14.6) 0(0.0) 56(14.6)
know

Perception of the respondent supremacy of rule of law and balanced civil-

military relations is highly significant (p=0.000)

 4.3 Judiciary

Table 4.19 shows about the role of Judiciary. The results of the table shows that

majority of the respondents 94.3 percent respondents agreed that suspension of

Supreme Court by Musharaf ignite the riots in the country and 4.4 percent

respondents did not agreed while 1.3 percent were uncertain. Similarly, 95.1

percent of the respondents agreed that the inability of Judiciary not to questions

Army an alarming factor toward civil military relationships and 3.9 percent did

not agreed while one percent were uncertain. Alike most of the respondents that

were 94.8 percent agreed that the action of Pervez Musharraf against Chief

Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary worked as a catalyst for unraveling his

power and 4.2 percent did not agreed while 1 percent were indifferent.

Additionally, 96.4 percent of the respondents were of the view that the brutal

and tough response, against lawyers, movement, a miscalculation on part of

Musharraf’s regime and 2.9 percent did not agreed while 0.8 percent were

indifferent. The lawyers, with the support of their political allies, won

significant victories against the dictatorial rule of Pervez Musharraf as agreed

by 86.2 percent of the respondents while 13 percent did not agreed that with

political allies, the lawyers won against dictatorial rule while 0.8 percent were

indifferent. Most of the respondents that were 57.3 percent agreed the

concentration of power in executive branch weakened the legislature as well as

the judiciary during Musharraf era and 41.1 percent did not agreed while 1.6

percent was uncertain. The results of the table also shows that through

provisional constitution order (PCO), in Musharraf era, were the courts based

from issuing any orders against chief executive supported by 88.8 percent and

9.6 percent negate it while 1.6 percent did not answered this question.
Table 4-18Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the

basis of their perception of Judiciary

Statements Yes No Don’t

know

Did the suspension of Supreme Court by 362(94.3 17(4.4) 5(1.3)

Musharaf ignite the riots in the country? )

How the inability of Judiciary not to question 365(95.1 15(3.9) 4(1.0)

Army an alarming factor toward civil military )
relationship?

Was the action of Pervez Musharraf against 364(94.8 16(4.2) 4(1.0)

Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary )
work as a catalyst for unraveling his power?

Was the brutal and tough response, against 370(96.4 11(2.9) 3(0.8)
lawyers, movement, a miscalculation on part )
of Musharraf’s regime?

Does the lawyers, with the support of their 331(86.2 50(13.0) 3(0.8)
political allies, won significant victories against )
the dictatorial rule of Pervez Musharraf?

Does the concentration of power in executive 220(57.3 158(41.1 6(1.6)

branch weaken the legislature as well as the ) )
judiciary during Musharraf era?

Through provisional constitution order (PCO), in 341(88.8 37(9.6) 6(1.6)

Musharraf era, were the courts based from issuing )
any orders against chief executive?

Through provisional constitution order

(PCO), in Musharraf era, were the courts…
Does the concentration of power in
executive branch weakened the…
Does the lawyers, with the support of
their political allies, won significant…
Was the brutal and tough response, Don’t know %
against lawyers, movement, a… No %
Was the action of Pervez Musharraf
Yes %
against Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad…
How the inability of Judiciary not to
questions Army an alarming factor…
Did the suspension of Supreme Court by
Musharaf ignite the riots in the country?
0 20 40 60 80 100 120
Table 5-19 Perception regarding the suspension of the Supreme Court by

Musharf and the resulting riots in the country

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Did the suspension of Yes 316(82.3

15(3.9)
331(86.2 2=79.321
Supreme Court by ) ) (0.000)
Musharaf ignite the No 29(7.6) 21(5.5) 50(13.0)
riots in the country? Don’t
1(0.3) 2(0.5) 3(0.8)
know

Perception regarding the suspension of the supreme court by Musharf and the

resulting riots in the country is highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-20 Perception regarding the inability of the judiciary to question

army, is the main cause of unfavorable civil military relationships in

Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

How the inability of Yes 316(82.3 331(86.2 2=79.321

Judiciary not to 15(3.9)
) ) (0.000)
questions Army an No 29(7.6) 21(5.5) 50(13.0)
alarming factor toward
Don’t
civil military
know 1(0.3) 2(0.5) 3(0.8)
relationship?

21 Perception regarding the inability of the judiciary to question army is the

main cause of unfavorable civil military relationships in Pakistan is highly

significant.
Table 5-22 Perception on whether the brutal and tough response, against

lawyers movement a miscalculation on part of Musharraf’s regime

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you know whether Yes 316(82.3 331(86.2 2=79.321

the brutal and tough 15(3.9)
) ) (0.000)
response against No 29(7.6) 21(5.5) 50(13.0)
lawyers movement a
Don’t
miscalculation on the
part of Musharraf’s
know 1(0.3) 2(0.5) 3(0.8)
regime

Perception on the brutal and tough response, against lawyers, movement, a

miscalculation on part of Musharraf’s regime is highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-23 Perception on whether lawyers with the support of their

political allies won significant victory against Musharraf dictatorial rule.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you know whether Yes 316(82.3 331(86.2 2=79.321

the brutal and tough 15(3.9)
) ) (0.000)
response against No 29(7.6) 21(5.5) 50(13.0)
lawyers movement a
Don’t
miscalculation on the
part of Musharraf’s know 1(0.3) 2(0.5) 3(0.8)
regime

Perception on whether lawyers, with the support of their political allies won

significant victory against Musharraf dictatorial rule is significant.

Table 5-24 Perception on whether the concentration of power in the

executive branch weakened the legislature and Judiciary during

Musharraf’s era.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Does the concentration Yes 314(81.8 343(89.3 2= 11.392

of power in executive 29(7.6)
) ) (0.003)
branch weaken the No 30(7.8) 7(1.8) 37(9.6)
legislature as well as the
judiciary during Don’t
Musharraf era? know 2(0.5) 2(0.5) 4(1.0)

Perception on whether the concentration of power in the executive branch

weakened the legislature and Judiciary during Musharraf’s era is significant at

p=0.0000
Table 5-25Association between implementing Islamic mode of punishments

and Civil-Military Relations

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Through provisional Yes 299(77.9 322(83.9 2= 21.312

constitution order 23(6.0)
) ) (0.000)
(PCO), in Musharraf No 41(10.7) 15(3.9) 56(14.6)
era, were the courts
Don’t
based from issuing any
orders against chief
know 6(1.6) 0(0.0) 6(1.6)
executive?
 4.4 Weak Civilian Institutions

Table 4.27 shows the results about the weak civilian institutions. The results of

the table shows that majority of the respondents, 50.5 percent respondents did

not agreed that suspension of Supreme Court by Musharaf ignite the riots in the

country and 46.1 percent respondents agreed while 3.4 percent were uncertain.

Additionally, 65.4 percent of the respondents agreed that the inability of

Judiciary not to questions Army an alarming factor toward civil military

relationships and 32.3 percent did not agreed while 2.3 percent were uncertain.

Most of the respondents that were 58.4 percent did not agreed that the action of

Pervez Musharraf against Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary worked

as a catalyst for unraveling his power and 24 percent agreed while 17.2 percent

were indifferent. Similarly, 51.0 percent of the respondents were of the view

that the brutal and tough response, against lawyers, movement, a miscalculation

on part of Musharraf’s regime and 41.7 percent did not agreed while 7.31

percent were indifferent. In response to state institution and civil military

relation, 58.3 percent of the respondents did not agreed that strong state

institutions are necessary for healthy Civil-Military relations and 29.2 percent

agreed that it is necessary while 12.5 percent were indifferent. Further results

revealed that 58.8 percent of the respondents were of the view that the struggle

for power between Nawaz Sharif and Musharraf’s misbalanced civil-military

relations and 40.6 percent disagreed while 13.5 percent were found indifferent.

Most of the people, 62.5 percent disagreed that the efforts to personalize power

rather than work for the welfare of the state have distorted Civil-Military

relations and 25.5 percent agreed while 12 percent were uncertain.

Table 5-26Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the

basis of their perception of Weak Civilian Institutions

Statements Yes No Don’t

know

Did the suspension of Supreme Court by 177(46.1) 194(50.5) 13(3.4)

Musharaf ignite the riots in the country?

How the inability of Judiciary not to questions 251(65.4) 124(32.3) 9(2.3)

Army an alarming factor toward civil military
relationship?

Was the action of Pervez Musharraf against 92(24.0) 226(58.9) 66(17.2)

Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary
worked as a catalyst for unraveling his power?

Was the brutal and tough response, against 160(41.7) 196(51.0) 28(7.31)
lawyers, movement, a miscalculation on part
of Musharraf’s regime?

Do you agree that strong state institutions are 112(29.2) 224(58.3) 48(12.5)
necessary for healthy Civil-Military relations?

Do you think that the struggle for power 176(58.8) 156(40.6) 52(13.5)
between Nawaz Sharif and Musharaf
misbalanced civil-military relations?

Do you are of the view that the efforts to 98(25.5) 240(62.5) 46(12.0)
personalize power rather than work for the
welfare of the state have distorted Civil-
Military relations?

Do you are of the view that the efforts

to personalize power rather than…

Do you think that the struggle for

power between Nawaz Sharif and…
Don’t know %
Do you agree that strong state No b%
institutions are necessary for healthy…
Was the brutal and tough response, Yes %
against lawyers, movement, a…
Was the action of Pervez Musharraf
against Chief Justice Iftikhar…
How the inability of Judiciary not to
questions Army an alarming factor…
Did the suspension of Supreme Court
by Musharaf ignite the riots in the…
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Table 5-27Association between the suspension of the supreme court by

Musharaf and the riots in the country

Statements Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Did the suspension of Yes 103(26.8 112(29.2 2=34.213

9(2.3)
Supreme Court by ) ) (0.000)
Musharaf ignite the No 211(54.9 224(58.3
13(3.4)
riots in the country? ) )
Don’t
32(8.3) 16(4.2) 48(12.5)
know
Table 5-28 Perception of the respondent on the inability of Judiciary no to

questions army is, alarming factor toward Civil Military relationship.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

How the inability of Yes 165(43.0 176(45.8 2= 35.056

11(2.9)
Judiciary not to ) ) (0.000)
questions Army an No 146(38.0 156(40.6
10(2.6)
alarming factor ) )
toward civil military Don’t
relationship? 35(9.1) 17(4.4) 52(13.5)
know

The perception of the respondent on the the inability of Judiciary no to

questions army and alarming factor toward Civil Military relationship is highly

significant as shown in the table above.

Table 5-29 perception regarding the action of Pervez Musharraf against

Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary worked as a catalyst for

unraveling his power.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Was the action of Yes 77(20.1) 21(5.5) 98(25.5) 2=22.726

Pervez Musharraf No 229(59.6 240(62.5 (0.000)
against Chief Justice 11(2.9)
) )
Iftikhar Muhammad Don’t
Chaudhary worked as know
a catalyst for 40(10.4) 6(1.6) 46(12.0)
unraveling his power?

The perception of the respondent regarding the action of Pervez Musharraf

against Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary worked as a catalyst for

unraveling his power is highly significant

Table 5-30Perception on Association between strong state institutions and

healthy Civil Military Relationship

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you agree that Yes 138(35. 145(37. 2=7.068

7(1.8)
strong state 9) 8) (0.029)
institutions are No 166(43. 26(6.8 192(50.
necessary for healthy 2) ) 0)
Civil-Military Don’t
relations? know
42(10.9) 5(1.3) 47(12.2)

Perception on Association between strong state institutions and healthy Civil

Military Relationship is highly significant as shown in the given table with p=

0.029
Table 5-31 Perception regarding the struggle for power by Muaharraf and

Nawaz Sharif and misbalanced Civil Military relationship in the past

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that the Yes 77(20.1) 21(5.5) 98(25.5) 2=22.726

struggle for power No 229(59.6 240(62.5 (0.000)
11(2.9)
between Nawaz ) )
Sharif and Musharaf Don’t
misbalanced civil- know
military relations? 40(10.4) 6(1.6) 46(12.0)

The perception regarding the above cited question is highly significant as shown

in the table above.

Table 5-32 perception regarding the personalize power rather than work

for welfare of the state have deteriorated Civil-Military Relations

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you are of the Yes 77(20.1) 21(5.5) 98(25.5) 2=22.726

view that the efforts No 229(59.6 240(62.5 (0.000)
11(2.9)
to personalize power ) )
rather than work for Don’t
the welfare of the know
state have distorted 40(10.4) 6(1.6) 46(12.0)
Civil-Military
relations?

The perception of the respondent regarding the personalize power rather than

work for welfare of the state have deteriorated Civil-Military Relations is

significant as shown in table above

 4.5 Corruption

The results of the table shows that majority of the respondents, 50.3 percent

respondents did not agreed that corruption also a contributing factor behind

the overwhelming public support and 49.5 percent respondents agreed while

0.3 percent were uncertain. Additionally, 91.9 percent of the respondents

agreed that corruption destroyed the reputation of Pakistan and civilian

government in Pakistan and 7.8 percent did not agreed while 0.3 percent

was uncertain. Most of the respondents that were 93 percent agreed that

Corruption weakens the fabric of society and 6.8 percent did not agreed

while 0.3 percent was indifferent. Similarly, 89.1 percent of the respondents

were of the view that public accountability is an important strategy to

eradicate the monster of corruption and 8.3 percent did not agreed while 2.6

percent were indifferent. In response to corruption at political and

bureaucracy level, 85.2 percent of the respondents agreed that Pakistan has

face severe and ubiquitous corruption since its inception at hands of

corrupt politician and bureaucrats and 8.3 percent agreed that it is necessary

while 2.6 percent were indifferent. Further results revealed that 83.6 percent

of the respondents were of the view that corruption promote disaffection

towards the political government and provides just grounds for the

military to be the only reliable and efficient institution and 14.1 percent

disagreed while 2.3 percent were found indifferent.

Table 5-33 Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the

basis of their perception of Corruption

Statements Yes No Don’t

know

Does corruption also a contributing factor 193(50.3 1(0.3)

behind the overwhelming public support? 190(49.5 )
)

Does corruption destroyed the reputation of 30 (7.8) 1(0.3)

Pakistan and civilian government in Pakistan? 353(91.9
)

Do you think that Corruption weakens the 257 26(6.8) 1(0.3)

fabric of society? (93.0)

Do you think that public accountability is an 32 (8.3) 10(2.6)

important strategy to eradicate the monster of 342(89.1
corruption? )

Do you think that Pakistan has face severe 43 (11.2) 14(3.6)

and ubiquitous corruption since its 327(85.2
inception at hands of corrupt politician and )
bureaucrats?

Do you think that corruption promote 54(14.1) 9(2.3)

disaffection towards the political 321(83.6
government and provides just grounds for the )
military to be the only reliable and efficient
institution
Do you think that Pakistan has face…

Do you think that public…

Do you think that Corruption…

Do you think that corruption…

Don’t know %
Do you think that Pakistan has face…
No %
Do you think that public…
Yes %
Do you think that Corruption…

Does corruption destroyed the…

Does corruption also a contributing…

0 20 40 60 80 100
Table 5-34 Perception regarding corruption a contributing factor behind

the overwhelming public support

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Does corruption also Yes 77(20.1) 21(5.5) 98(25.5) 2=22.726

a contributing factor No 229(59.6 240(62.5 (0.000)
11(2.9)
behind the ) )
overwhelming public Don’t
support? know
40(10.4) 6(1.6) 46(12.0)

Thirty six percent 35 Perception regarding the corruption a contributing factor

behind the overwhelming public support is highly significant.Dawood (2014)

asserts that corruption is not a factor behind the overwhelming public support.

The data from respondents also endorsed the statement.

Table 5-36 Perception of the respondent regarding corruption and the

reputation of Pakistan and Civilian government of Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Does corruption Yes 77(20.1) 21(5.5) 98(25.5) 2=22.726

destroyed the No 229(59.6 240(62.5 (0.000)
11(2.9)
reputation of Pakistan ) )
and civilian Don’t
government in know
Pakistan? 40(10.4) 6(1.6) 46(12.0)

Perception of the respondent corruption and the reputation of Pakistan and

Civilian government of Pakistan is significant on of P= 0.000. Rahman (2011)

claimed in his research study that corruption destroyed the reputation of civilian

leadership in Pakistan. The data from respondents also endorsed this statement
Table 5-37 Perception of the respondent regarding the corruption and

fabric of society

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Participation n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you thing that Yes 167(43.5 175(45.6 2= 10.826

Corruption weakens the 8(2.1)
) ) (0.004)
fabric of society? No 157(40.9 182(47.4
25(6.5)
) )
Don’t
22(5.7) 5(1.3) 27(7.0)
know

The perception of the respondent regarding the corruption and fabric of society

is significant as shown in table above. Javed (2010) endorsed the fact that

accountability is an important strategy to put an end to the menace of

corruption. The data from respondents also endorsed this statement

Table 5-38 Perception of the respondent on the public accountability and

Corruption

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 335(87.2 364(94.8 2= 30.842

29(7.6)
public accountability ) ) (0.000)
is an important No 9(2.3) 6(1.6) 15(3.9)
strategy to eradicate Don’t
the monster of know 2(0.5) 3(0.8) 5(1.3)
corruption?

The perception of the respondent on the public accountability and corruption is

highly significant. Javed (2010) research work endorses the fact that from the

very beginning Pakistan is facing the problem of corruption. The response from

respondents also verified this statement

Table 5-39 Perception of the respondent on whether corruption in Pakistan

since inception is due to corrupt politician and bureaucrats

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 335(87.2 364(94.8 2= 30.842

29(7.6)
Pakistan has face ) ) (0.000)
severe and No 9(2.3) 6(1.6) 15(3.9)
ubiquitous corruption Don’t
since its inception know
at hands of corrupt 2(0.5) 3(0.8) 5(1.3)
politician and
bureaucrats?

The perception of the respondent regarding the corruption in Pakistan since

inception due to corrupt politician and bureaucrats is highly significant. Haq

(2012) asserted that corruption promotes disaffection towards the public

government and invites military. When the same question was asked from

respondents they endorsed the argument.

Table 5-40 Perception of the respondent regarding corruption that

promote disaffection towards the political government and in turn provides

grounds to military to be a reliable and efficient institution

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 110(28.6 2= 19.422

89(23.2) 21(5.5)
corruption promote ) (0.000)
disaffection towards No 217(56.5 227(59.1
10(2.6)
the political ) )
government and Don’t
provides just grounds know
for the military to be 40(10.4) 7(1.8) 47(12.2)
the only reliable and
efficient institution

Perception of the respondent regarding the corruption that promote disaffection

towards the political government and in turn provides grounds to military to be

a reliable and efficient institution is significant as shown in the table above

 4.6 Foreign Policy

The results of the table 4.45 shows that majority of the respondents 87

percent respondents agreed that the foreign policy promoted the military

regime in Pakistan and 10.4 percent respondents did not agree while 2.6

percent were uncertain. Similarly, 71.9 percent of the respondents agreed

that the Geo-Strategic importance of Pakistan intend the super powers to

favour military over politician and 25.8 percent did not agree, while 2.3

percent were uncertain. Alike, most of the respondents that were 76.3

percent agreed that President Pervez Musharraf abandon the policy of jihads

as a tool of fulfilling foreign policy objectives and 20.3 percent did not

agree while 3.4 percent were indifferent. Additionally, 64.1 percent of the

respondents were of the view that the foreign powers pressurize Pervez

Musharraf for free and fair parliamentary elections and 28.4 percent did not

agree while 7.6 percent were indifferent. In the last days of Musharraf

regime, Americans saw Benazir more useful than Musharraf for their

interest in the region as disagreed by most of the respondents which were

49.5 percent and 37.5 percent agreed that Americans saw Benazir more

useful than Musharraf while 13 percent were indifferent. The results show

that 46.6 percent disagreed that maintaining the jihadist infrastructure,

during Musharraf era, was more pragmatic and less ideological for fulfilling

foreign policy objectives and 42.2 percent did not agree while 11.2 percent

were uncertain. The results of the table also shows that Jihadism of short

term tactical advantage than being the integral part of foreign policy during

Musharraf era as supported by 67.2 percent and 25 percent negate it while

7.8 percent did not answer this question. Further results of the table show
that 57 person of the respondents did not support the argument that the

incident of 9/11 changed the fate of foreign policy outlook of Pakistan while

36.7 person respondents supported that argument while 6.3 percent were

uncertain. Majority of the respondents, 76.8 people were not in favor that

thinks that international patronage is responsible for imbalanced Civil-

military relations in Pakistan and 18.5 percent were in favor of this

argument while 4.7 percent were indifferent. Most of the respondents did

not agree that the army should only contribute and not dictate the foreign

policy of Pakistan while 38.8 percent agreed while 4.4 percent were

uncertain.
Table 5-41Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the

basis of their perception of Foreign Policy

Statements Yes No Don’t

know
Did the foreign policy promote the military 334(87.0 40(10.4) 10(2.6)
regime in Pakistan? )
Does the Geo-Strategic importance of Pakistan 276(71.9 99(25.8) 9(2.3)
intend the super powers to fervour military over )
politician?
Does President Pervez Musharraf abandon the 393(76.3 78(20.3) 13(3.4)
policy of jihadism as a tool of fulfilling foreign )
policy objectives?
Does the foreign power pressurize Pervez 246(64.1 109(28.4 29(7.6)
Musharraf for free and fair parliamentary ) )
elections?
Do you think that during last days of Musharraf 144(37.5 190(49.5 50(13.0)
regime, Americans saw Benazir more useful than ) )
Musharraf for their interest in the region?
Do you think that maintaining the jihadist 162(42.2 179(46.6 43(11.2)
infrastructure, during Musharraf era, was more ) )
pragmatic and less ideological for fulfilling
foreign policy objectives?
Was Jihadism of short term tactical advantage 258(67.2 96(25.0) 30(7.8)
than being the integral part of foreign policy )
during Musharraf era?
Does the incident of 9/11 changed the fate of 141(36.7 219(57.0 24(6.3)
foreign policy outlook of Pakistan? ) )
Do you think that international patronage is 71(18.5) 265(76.8 18(4.7)
responsible for imbalanced Civil-military )
relations in Pakistan?
Do you agree that the army should only 149(38.8 218(56.8 17(4.4)
contribute and not dictate the foreign policy ) )
of Pakistan?
 Do you agree that the army should…
Do you think that international…
Does the incident of 9/11 changed…
Was Jihadism of short term tactical…
Do you think that maintaining the… Don’t know %
Do you think that during last days of… No %
Does the foreign power pressurize… Yes %
Does President Pervez Musharraf…
Does the Geo-Strategic importance…
Did the foreign policy promoted the…

0 20 40 60 80 100
Table 5-42 Perception of the respondent whether foreign policy promote

military regime in Pakistan.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Did the foreign policy Yes 275(71.6 293(76.3 2=20.265

promote the military 18(4.7)
) ) (0.000)
regime in Pakistan? No 60(15.6) 18(4.7) 78(20.3)
Don’t
11(2.9) 2(0.5) 13(3.4)
know

Perception of the respondent whether foreign policy promotes military regime

in Pakistan is highly significant. Ahmed (2010)argued in his article that foreign

policy promoted the military regime. This fact was endorsed by respondents

with 87% 'yes' and 10% `no.

Table 5-43 Perception of the respondent on the Geo-strategic importance of

Pakistan that favor military over politician

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Does the Geo-Strategic Yes 230(59.9 246(64.1 2= 72.204

importance of Pakistan 16(4.2)
) ) (0.000)
intend the super powers No 103(26.8 109(28.4
to fervor military over 6(1.6)
) )
politician?
Don’t
13(3.4) 16(4.2) 29(7.6)
know

Perception of the respondents on the Geo-strategic importance of Pakistan that

favor military over politician is significantly different from zero. Haq (2012) in

his research article asserts that it was the geo-strategic position of Pakistan that

made external powers to favour military regime in Pakistan. An overwhelming

per cent (71%) of the respondents endorsed this fact.

Table 5.47Perception regarding Pervez Musharraf abandon policy of

jihadism as a tool of fulfilling foreign policy objectives

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Does President Pervez Yes 114(29.7 141(36.7 2= 33.914

Musharraf abandon the 27(7.0)
) ) (0.000)
policy of jihadism as a No 214(55.7 219(57.0
tool of fulfilling foreign 5(1.3)
) )
policy objectives?
Don’t
18(4.7) 6(1.6) 24(6.2)
know

The perception of the respondent on the Pervez Musharraf abandon policy of

jihadism as a tool of fulfilling foreign policy objectives is significantly different

from zero as son in the table above. Javed(2010) research work endorse the fact

that Pervez Musharraf abandoned supporting Jihadism for an active foreign

policy. The fact was endorsed by respondents.

Table 5-44 Perception of the respondent on whether foreign powers

pressure on Musharraf’s era to conduct a free and fair parliamentary

election in the country.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Does the foreign Yes 53(13.8) 18(4.7) 71(18.5) 2= 23.815

powers pressurize No 277(72.1 295(76.8 (0.000)
Pervez Musharraf for 18(4.7)
) )
free and fair
Don’t
parliamentary
know 16(4.2) 2(0.5) 18(4.7)
elections?

Perception of the respondent on the foreign power pressure on Musharraf’s era

to conduct a free and fair parliamentary election in the country is highly

significant. Syed (2014) argued in his article that foreign powers did not

pressurized Musharraf to hold free and fair elections. The fact was endorsed by

respondents.
Table 5-45 Perception of the respondent on whether Americans saw

Benazir more useful for their interest than Musharraf during the last days

of his regime

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 135(35.2 144(37.5 2=26.172

during last days of 9(2.3)
) ) (0.000)
Musharraf regime, No 176(45.8 190(49.5
Americans saw Benazir 14(3.6)
) )
more useful than
Musharraf for their
Don’t
know 35(9.1) 15(3.9) 50(13.0)
interest in the region?

Perception of the respondent that whether Americans saw Benazir more useful

for their interest than Musharraf during the last days of his regime is highly

significant. Dawood (2014) claimed in his research work that US preferred

Benazir over Musharraf towards the end of his tenure. The fact was endorsed by

respondents.
Table 5-46 Perception on whether maintaining the jihadist infrastructure

during Musharraf era was more pragmatic and less ideological for

fulfilling foreign policy

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 155(40.4 162(42.2 2= 12.687

maintaining the jihadist 7(1.8)
) ) (0.002)
infrastructure, during No 151(39.3 179(46.6
Musharraf era, was 28(7.3)
) )
more pragmatic and
less ideological for
Don’t
fulfilling foreign policy know 40(10.4) 3(0.8) 43(11.2)
objectives?

Perception of the respondent on whether maintaining the jihadist infrastructure

during Musharraf era was more pragmatic and less ideological for fulfilling

foreign policy is highly significant. Ahmed(2010) in his research article asserted

that supporting Taliban by Musharraf was a pragmatic approach to achieve

foreign policy objectives.

Table 5-47 Perception regarding the Jihadism being the integral part of the

foreign policy during Musharraf era

Statements Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Was Jihadism of short Yes 242(63.0 258(67.2 2=12.787

term tactical advantage 16(4.2)
) ) (0.002)
than being the integral No 78(20.3) 18(4.7) 96(25.0)
part of foreign policy
during Musharraf era? Don’t
26(6.8) 4(1.0) 30(7.8)
know

Perception regarding the Jihadism being the integral part of the foreign policy

during Musharraf era is highly significant. Sial(2013) endorsed the fact that

9/11 changed Pakistan external outlook. The fact was also endorsed by

respondents
Table 5-48 Perception of the respondent on whether 9/11 changed the fate

of the foreign policy outlook of Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Does the incident of Yes 126(32.8 149(38.8 2=8.977

9/11 changed the fate of 23(6.0)
) ) (0.011)
foreign policy outlook No 205(53.4 218(56.8
of Pakistan? 13(3.4)
) )
Don’t
15(3.9) 2(0.5) 17(4.4)
know

Perception of the respondent on whether 9/11 changed the fate of the foreign

policy outlook of Pakistan is significantly different from zero. Shah (2013)

asserted in his research work that 9/11 totally changed the foreign policy

outlook of Pakistan. This fact was endorsed by respondents

Table 5-49 Perception of the respondent on whether international

patronage is responsible for imbalanced Civil-Military Relationship in

Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 135(35.2 144(37.5 2=26.172

international patronage 9(2.3)
) ) (0.000)
is responsible for No 176(45.8 190(49.5
imbalanced Civil- 14(3.6)
) )
military relations in
Pakistan?
Don’t
35(9.1) 15(3.9) 50(13.0)
know

Perception of the respondent on whether international patronage is responsible

for imbalanced Civil-Military Relationship in Pakistan is highly significant. Sial

(2013) point out those civil military relations in Pakistan is affected by external

influences. The fact was endorsed by respondents

Table 5-50 Perception of the respondent regarding the army role in the

foreign policy

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 135(35.2 144(37.5 2=26.172

army should only 9(2.3)
) ) (0.000)
contribute and not No 176(45.8 190(49.5
dictate the foreign 14(3.6)
) )
policy of Pakistan?
Don’t
35(9.1) 15(3.9) 50(13.0)
know

Perception of the respondent on whether army should contribute and not dictate

foreign policy is highly significant (p=0.000). Hassan (n.d) endorsed the fact

that foreign policy formulation is the task of foreign office and not of military.

The fact was endorsed by respondents.

 4.7 Weak Political System

The results of the table 4.56 shows that majority of the respondents 94

percent respondents agreed that the inequalities of rights among citizens of

different races in a democratic system of government ignite the power

grabbing in country and 4.8 percent respondents did not agreed while 1.2

percent were uncertain. Similarly, 92.7 percent of the respondents agreed

that the inequalities of rights among citizens of different races in a

democratic system of government ignite the power grabbing in country and

6 percent did not agreed while 1.3 percent were uncertain. Alike, most of the

respondents that were 84.6 percent did not agree that the lack of

constitutional safeguard that has caused military to intervene in politics and

11.5 percent agreed while 3.9 percent were indifferent. Additionally, 78.1

percent of the respondents did not support the argument that the

involvement of the head of the state in the day-to-day affairs of the state has

weakened the democratic process and 19.5 percent agreed while 2.3 percent

were indifferent. The highly centralized political System has attracted

military to intervene politics agreed by most of the respondents which were

85.2 percent and 9.1 percent did not agreed that centralized political System

has attracted military to intervene politics while 5.7 percent were

indifferent. The results show that 74.2 percent agreed that the struggle for

power between prime minister and military leadership has contributed to

imbalanced civil military relations and opposed by 20.8 percent did not

agreed while 4.9 percent were uncertain. The results of the table also shows

that weak political institution in Pakistan has titled the balance of civil-

military relation more in favor of military as supported by 59.1 percent and

27.3 percent did not answered this question while 13.5 percent negate it.
Further results of the table shows that 84.6 person of the respondents did not

supported the argument that the absence of organized political parties in

Pakistan has given military a space to play a role in politics and 9.6 person

respondents supported that argument while 5.7 percent were uncertain.

Majority of the respondents, 94.8 people were in favor that during the initial

years of Musharraf rule, the judiciary was kept immune from the activities

of National Accountability Bureau (NAB) and 3.9 percent were not in favor

of this argument while 1.3 percent were indifferent. Most of the

respondents, 90.1 agreed the political system of Pakistan further weakened

by the vast changes brought by military rule of Pervez Musharraf and 8.3

percent were not agree while 4.4 percent were uncertain.

Table 5-51Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the

basis of their perception of gift giving

Statements Yes No Don’t

know
Did the inequalities of rights among citizens 361(94.0 16(4.2) 7(1.8)
of different races in a democratic system of )
government ignite the power grabbing in
country?
Did the weak political and governmental 256(92.7 23(6.0) 5(1.3)
system strengthen the Musharaf’s ambitions )
towards power?
Is it the lack of constitutional safeguard that 44(11.5) 325(84.6 15(3.9)
has caused military to intervene in politics? )
Do you agree that the involvement of the head 75(19.5) 300(78.1 9(2.3)
of the state in the day-to-day affairs of the )
state has weakened the democratic process?
Do you agree that the highly centralized 327(85.2 35(9.1) 22(5.7)
political System has attracted military to )
intervene I politics?
Do you think that the struggle for power 285(74.2 80(20.8) 19(4.9)
between prime minister and military )
leadership has contributed to imbalanced civil
military relations?
Do you think that weak political institution in 52(13.5) 227(59.1 105(27.3)
Pakistan has titled the balance of civil- )
military relation more in favor of military?
Do you agree that the absence of organized 37(9.6) 325(84.6 22(5.7)
political parties in Pakistan has given military )
a space to play a role in politics?
Do you think that during the initial years of 364(94.8 15(3.9) 5(1.3)
Musharraf rule, the judiciary was kept )
immune from the activities of National
Accountability Bureau (NAB)?
Was the political system of Pakistan further 346(90.1 32(8.3) 6(1.6)
weakened by the vast changes brought by )
military rule of Pervez Musharraf?
 Was the political system of Pakistan…
Do you think that during the initial years…
Do you agree that the absence of…
Do you think that weak political…
Do you think that the struggle for power… Don’t know %

Do you agree that the highly centralized… No %

Do you agree that the involvement of the… Yes %

Is it the lack of constitutional safeguard…
Did the weak political and governmental…
Did the inequalities of rights among…

0 20 40 60 80 100
Table 5-52 Perception of the respondent on whether inequalities of right

among citizens of different races ignite the power grabbing in Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Did the inequalities of Yes 299(77.9

28(7.3)
327(85.2 2=12.578
rights among citizens ) ) (0.002)
of different races in a No 32(8.3) 3(0.8) 35(9.1)
democratic system of Don’t
government ignite the know 15(3.9) 7(1.8) 22(5.7)
power grabbing in
country?

Perception of the respondent on whether inequalities of right among citizens of

different races ignite the power grabbing in Pakistan is significantly different

from zero
Table 5-53 Perception of the respondents on whether the weak political

system strengthen the Musharraf’s ambitions towards power

Statements Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Did the weak political Yes 45(11.7) 7(1.8) 52(13.5) 2= 8.946
and governmental No 213(55.5 227(59.1 (0.011)
system strengthen the 14(3.6)
) )
Musharaf’s ambitions Don’t 105(27.3
towards power? 88(22.9) 17(4.4)
know )

Perception of the respondents on whether the weak political system strengthen

the Musharraf’s ambitions towards power is highly significant

Table 5-54 Perception of the respondent on whether the lack of

constitutional safeguard that led to Military to intervene the politics of the

country

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Is it the lack of Yes 335(87.2 364(94.8 2= 30.842

29(7.6)
constitutional ) ) (0.000)
safeguard that has No 9(2.3) 6(1.6) 15(3.9)
caused military to Don’t
intervene in politics? know 2(0.5) 3(0.8) 5(1.3)

Perception of the respondent on whether the lack of constitutional safeguard

that led to Military to intervene the politics of the country is highly significant
Table 5-55 Perception regarding the involvement of the head of the state in

the day to day affairs, that has weakened the democratic process of the

country

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 2=18.372

27(7.0)
involvement of the ) ) (0.000)
head of the state in No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3)
the day-to-day affairs Don’t
of the state has know
5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6)
weakened the
democratic process?

Perception regarding the involvement of the head of the state in the day to day

affairs, that has weakened the democratic process of the country is highly

significant
Table 5-56 Perception regarding whether the centralized political system

has attracted military to intervene politics of the state

Statements Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 13(3.4) 2(0.5) 15(3.9) 2= 8.975
highly centralized No 329(85.7 362(94.3 (0.011)
33(8.6)
political System has ) )
attracted military to Don’t
intervene politics? 4(1.0) 3(0.8) 7(1.8)
know

Perception regarding whether the centralized political system has attracted

military to intervene politics of the state is significantly different from zero

Table 5-57 Perception regarding the struggle for power by prime minister

and military leadership has imbalanced civil military relationships

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that the Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 2=18.372

27(7.0)
struggle for power ) ) (0.000)
between prime No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3)
minister and military Don’t
leadership has know
contributed to 5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6)
imbalanced civil
military relations?

Perception regarding the struggle for power by prime minister and military

leadership has imbalanced civil military relationships is highly significant

Table 5-58 Perception regarding the weak political institutions and civil

military relationships

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 2=18.372

27(7.0)
weak political ) ) (0.000)
institutions in No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3)
Pakistan have titled Don’t
the balance of civil- know
5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6)
military relation more
in favor of military?

Perception regarding weak political institution in Pakistan has titled the balance

of civil-military relation more in favor of military is highly significant

Table 5-59 Perception on whether the weakly organized political parties in

Pakistan has given military space to play a role in the politics of the state

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 2=18.372

27(7.0)
weak political ) ) (0.000)
institution in Pakistan No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3)
has titled the balance Don’t
of civil-military know
5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6)
relation more in favor
of military?

Perception on whether the weakly organized political parties in Pakistan has

given military space to play a role in the politics of the state is highly significant
Table 5-60Association between masses themselves are active perpetrators

of Civil-Military Relations and Civil-Military Relations

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 71(18.5) 4(1.0) 75(19.5) 2= 3.435

during the initial years No 266(93.3 300(78.1 (0.180)
of Musharraf rule, the 34(8.9)
) )
judiciary was kept Don’t
immune from the know
activities of National 9(2.3) 0(0.0) 9(2.3)
Accountability
Bureau (NAB)?

The results show that judiciary was under the influence of General Musharraf

during his initial years. The results are statistically insignificant.

Table 5-61 Perception on whether the military role brought by Pervez

Musharraf had further weakened the political system of the country

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Was the political Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 2=18.372

27(7.0)
system of Pakistan ) ) (0.000)
further weakened by No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3)
the vast changes Don’t
brought by military know
5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6)
rule of Pervez
Musharraf?

Perception on whether the military role brought by Pervez Musharraf had

further weakened the political system of the country is highly significant

 4.8 Terrorism

The results of the table 4.67 shows that majority of the respondents 85.4
percent respondents were not agreed that the real threat to Musharraf regime
came from within the Pakistani military rather than Blame militants and
12.2 percent were uncertain while 2.4 percent respondents were agreed.
Similarly, 83.8 percent of the respondents were not agreed that Gen.
Musharaf take a U-turn on Islamabad Afghan policy by joining the Us-Red
“War on Terror” and 12 percent were uncertain while 4.2 percent were
agreed. Alike, most of the respondents that were 80.5 percent were not
agreed that War on Terror” gave a legitimacy to authoritarian regions after
9/11 and 10.7 percent agreed while 18.5 percent were indifferent.
Additionally, 46.9 percent of the respondents did not Lal Masjid Operation
escalate the challenge of terrorism for government and military and 34.6
percent agreed while 2.3 percent were indifferent. The war against terrorism
have given the army a major role to play politics as negated by most of the
respondents which were 69.3 percent and 26.3 percent were agreed that
terrorism have given the army a major role to play politics while 4.4 percent
were indifferent. The results show that 56 percent agreed that healthy civil
military relations are necessary to fight t terrorism in Pakistan and opposed
by 37.2 percent did not agreed while 6.8 percent were uncertain. The results
of the table also shows that the war against terrorism have impacted the civil
military relationship as negated by 66.1 percent and 24.7 percent supported
this argument while 9.1 percent did not answered this question. Further
results of the table shows that 47.4 person of the respondents did not
supported the argument that security situations during Musharraf damaged
Public confidence in the Civilian Government and 45.6 person respondents
supported that argument while 7 percent were uncertain.
Table 5-62Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the
basis of their perception of Terrorism

Statements Yes No Don’t

know
Was the real threat to Musharraf regime came 9(2.4) 328(85.4) 47(12.2)
from within the Pakistani military rather than
Islamic militants?
Did Gen. Musharaf take a U-turn on Islamabad 16(4.2) 322(83.8) 46(12.0)
Afghan policy by joining the Us-Red “War on
Terror”.
Did “War on Terror” give legitimacy to 41(10.7) 309(80.5) 34(8.)
authoritarian regions after 9/11?
Do you agree that Lal Masjid Operation 133(34.6) 180(46.9) 71(18.5)
escalated the challenge of terrorism for
government and military?
Do you agree that the war against terrorism 101(26.3) 266(69.3) 17(4.4)
have given the army a major role to play
politics?
Do you think that healthy civil military relations 215(56.0) 143(37.2) 26(6.8)
are necessary to fight t terrorism in Pakistan?
Has the war against terrorism impacted the civil 95(24.7) 254(66.1) 35(9.1)
military relationship?
Did security situations during Musharraf 175(45.6) 182(47.4) 27(7.0)
damage Public confidence in the Civilian
Government?
 Did security situations during…

Is the war against terrorism have…

Do you think that healthy civil… Don’t know %

No %
Do you agree that the war…
Yes %
Do you agree that Lal Masjid…
Did “War on Terror” gave a…
Did Gen. Musharaf take a U-turn…
Was the real threat to Musharraf…
0 20 40 60 80 100
Table 5-63 Perception on whether the threat to Musharraf’s regime came

from within the Pakistani Military rather than Islamic militants

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Was the political Yes 319(83.1

27(7.0)
346(90.1 2=18.372
system of Pakistan ) ) (0.000)
further weakened by No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3)
the vast changes Don’t
brought by military know
5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6)
rule of Pervez
Musharraf?

Perception on whether the threat to Musharraf’s regime came from within the

Pakistani Military rather than Blame militants is significantly different from

zero. Riffat (2016) claimed that military wasn't a threat to Musharraf regime but

militancy was a greater threat. The fact was endorsed by

respondents.15Journal/History Studies Paper-Vol-29-No-1-June-2016 Trends in

Political and Social Extremism in Pakistan: A Case Study of Musharraf Era

2002-2008
Table 5-64 Perception on whether Gen Musharraf take U-turn on

Islamabad Afghan policy by joining the US-red war on Terror

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Participation n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Did Gen. Musharaf take Yes 24(6.2) 17(4.4) 41(10.7) 2=52.646

a U-turn on Islamabad No 292(76.0 309(80.9 (0.000)
Afghan policy by 17(4.4)
) )
joining the Us-Red
Don’t
“War on Terror”. 30(7.8) 4(1.0) 34(8.9)
know

Perception on whether Gen Musharraf takes U-turn on Islamabad Afghan policy

by joining the US-red war on Terror is highly significant. Ahmed (2010)

asserted that Pakistan take a U-turn in its foreign policy by joining war on

terror. When asked from the respondents, the answered in yes (83%) and

endorsed the fact.

Table 5-65 Perception regarding war and terror and legitimacy to

authoritarian regions after 9/11

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-

Participation n Relations Square
Yes No (P=Value)

Did “War on Terror” Yes 101(26. 2=10.579

give a legitimacy to 99(25.8) 2(0.5)
3) (0.005)
authoritarian regions No 231(60. 35(9.1 266(69.
after 9/11? 2) ) 3)
Don’t
16(4.2) 1(0.3) 17(4.4)
know

Perception regarding war and terror and legitimacy to authoritarian regions after

9/11 is significantly different from zero. Haq (2012) endorsed the fact that

Musharraf used war on terror policy is a legitimacy tool but in fact it didn't give

any legitimacy. The fact was endorsed by respondents

Table 5-66 Perception on whether the Lal Masjid Operation escalated the

challenge of terrorism for government and military

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-

Participation n Relations Square
Yes No (P=Value)

Do you agree that Yes 89(23.2) 6(1.6) 95(24.7) 2=

Lal Masjid No 243(63. 11(2.9 254(66. 108.729
Operation escalated 3) ) 1) (0.000)
the challenge of Don’t
terrorism for know
government and 21(5.5
14(3.6) 35(9.1)
military? )

Perception on whether the Lal Masjid Operation escalated the challenge of

terrorism for government and military is highly significant. Javaid(2011)

claimed in his research article that military operation of Lal Masjid worked as

catalyst to increase militancy in Pakistan. The fact was endorsed by

respondents.18Partnership in War on Terror and Mounting Militant Extremism

in Pakistan Journal of south Asian studies Vol. 26, No. 2, July-December 2011.
Table 5-67 Perception regarding the war against terrorism has given the

army a major role to intervene in the politics of the country

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Participation n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 89(23.2) 6(1.6) 95(24.7) 2= 108.729
war against terrorism No 243(63.3 254(66.1 (0.000)
11(2.9)
has given the army a ) )
major role to play Don’t
politics? know
14(3.6) 21(5.5) 35(9.1)

Perception regarding the war against terrorism has given the army a major role

to intervene in the politics of the country is highly significant. Khan, (2012)

proved in his research work that war on terror give Pakistan army a major role

to play in politics. The fact was endorsed by respondents.

Table 5-68 Perception of the respondent on whether healthy civil military

relationships are necessary for to fight terrorism in Pakistan

Community Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Participation Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 167(43.5 175(45.6 2= 10.826

8(2.1)
healthy civil military ) ) (0.004)
relations are necessary No 157(40.9 182(47.4
25(6.5)
to fight t terrorism in ) )
Pakistan? Don’t
know 22(5.7) 5(1.3) 27(7.0)

Perception of the respondent on whether healthy civil military relationships are

necessary for to fight terrorism in Pakistan is significant. Javaid (2011)

endorsed in his paper that smooth Civil-Military relations are extremely

necessary to fight an effective war against terrorism.

Table 5-69 Perception on war against terrorism and civil military
relationships

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Participation n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Has the war against Yes 63(16.4) 3(0.8) 66(17.2) 2= 108.461
terrorism impacted No 268(69.8 282(73.4 (0.000)
14(3.6)
the civil military ) )
relationship? Don’t
know 14(3.6) 22(5.5) 36(9.4)

Perception on whether war against terrorism has impacted the civil military

relationships is highly significant. Javaid (2011) endorsed in his paper that

smooth Civil-Military relations are extremely necessary to fight an effective war

against terrorism. Riffat (2016) endorsed the fact that the pakistan war against

terrorism negatively impacted civil-military relations in Pakistan.The fact was

endorsed by respondents
Table 5-70Perception on whether security situations during Musharraf era

damaged public confidence in the civilian Government

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Participation n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Did security situations Yes 63(16.4) 3(0.8) 66(17.2) 2= 108.461

during Musharraf No 268(69.8 282(73.4 (0.000)
14(3.6)
damage Public ) )
confidence in the Don’t
Civilian Government? know
14(3.6) 22(5.5) 36(9.4)

Perception on whether security situations during Musharraf era damaged public

confidence in the civilian Government is highly significant. Khan, (2012) put

forward that argument that Musharraf polices damaged the public confidence in

the government. The fact was endorsed by respondents.

 4.9 Civil-Military Relations

The results of the table 4.76 shows that majority of the respondents 68

percent respondents were not agreed that the Civil-Military Relations is also

a contributing factor behind the overwhelming public support and 26

percent respondents were agreed while 6 percent were uncertain. Similarly,

59.1 percent of the respondents were not agreed that Civil-Military

Relations destroyed the reputation of Pakistan and civilian government in

Pakistan and 34.9 percent were agreed while 6percent were uncertain.

Additionally, most of the respondents that were 55.2 percent were agreed

that Civil-Military Relations weakens the fabric of society and 38.8 percent

were not agreed while 6 percent were indifferent. Alike, 75.8 percent of the

respondents were not that public accountability is an important strategy to

eradicate the monster of Civil-Military Relations and 17.7 percent agreed

while 6.5 percent were indifferent. Pakistan has face severe and ubiquitous

Civil-Military Relations since its inception at hands of corrupt politician

and bureaucrats as negated by most of the respondents which were 75

percent and 18.8 percent were agreed while 6.2 percent were indifferent.

The results show that 58.1 percent agreed that think that Civil-Military

Relations promote disaffection towards the political government and

provides just grounds for the military to be the only reliable and efficient

institution and opposed by 37 percent did not agreed while 4.9 percent were

uncertain. The results of the table also shows that thing that Civil-Military

Relations weakens the fabric of society as supported by 65.9 percent of the

respondents and 28.4 percent negated this argument while 5.7 percent did

not answered this question. Further results of the table shows that 54.9

person of the respondents supported the argument that public accountability

is an important strategy to eradicate the monster of Civil-Military Relations

and 28.6 person respondents negated that argument while 16.4 percent were

uncertain. Majority of the respondents, 55.5 person were not in favor that

Pakistan has faced severe and ubiquitous Civil-Military Relations since

its inception at hands of corrupt politician and bureaucrats and 40.4

percent were in favor of this argument while 4.2 percent were indifferent.
Table 5-71Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the
basis of their perception of Civil-Military Relations

Statements Yes No Don’t

know
Is Civil-Military Relations also a contributing 100(26) 261(68) 23(6.0)
factor behind the overwhelming public
support?
Does Civil-Military Relations destroy the 134(34.9) 227(59.1) 23(6.0)
reputation of Pakistan and civilian government
in Pakistan?
Do you thing that Civil-Military Relations 212(55.2) 149(38.8) 23(6.0)
weakens the fabric of society?
Do you think that public accountability is an 68(17.7) 291(75.8) 25(6.5)
important strategy to eradicate the monster of
Civil-Military Relations?
Do you think that Pakistan has face severe 72(18.8) 288(75.0) 24(6.2)
and ubiquitous Civil-Military Relations since
its inception at hands of corrupt politician
and bureaucrats?
Do you think that Civil-Military Relations 142(37.0) 223(58.1) 19(4.9)
promote disaffection towards the political
government and provides just grounds for the
military to be the only reliable and efficient
institution
Do you thing that Civil-Military Relations 253(65.9) 109(28.4) 22(5.7)
weaken the fabric of society?
Do you think that public accountability is an 211(54.9) 110(28.6) 63(16.4)
important strategy to eradicate the monster of
Civil-Military Relations?
Do you think that Pakistan has face severe 155(40.4) 213(55.5) 16(4.2)
and ubiquitous Civil-Military Relations since
its inception at hands of corrupt politician
and bureaucrats?

Do you think that Pakistan has…

Do you think that public…
Do you thing that Civil-Military…
Do you think that Civil-Military…
Don’t know %
Do you think that Pakistan has…
No %
Do you think that public…
Yes %
Do you thing that Civil-Military…
Does Civil-Military Relations…
Does Civil-Military Relations also a…

0 20 40 60 80
Table 5-72 Perception whether civil military relationships also a

contributing factor behind the overwhelming public support

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Does Civil-Military Yes 25(6.5 100(26. 2=35.183

75(19.5)
Relations also a ) 0) (0.000)
contributing factor No 248(64. 13(3.4 261(68.
behind the 6) ) 0)
overwhelming public Don’t
support? 23(6.0) 0(0.0) 23(6.0)
know

Perception whether civil military relationships also a contributing factor behind

the overwhelming public support is highly significant

Table 5-73 Perception on the bad civil military relationships and the

reputation of the civilian government

Statements Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Does Civil-Military Yes 100(26.0 2=35.183

75(19.5) 25(6.5)
Relations destroy the ) (0.000)
reputation of Pakistan No 248(64.6 261(68.0
13(3.4)
and civilian ) )
government in Don’t
Pakistan? 23(6.0) 0(0.0) 23(6.0)
know

Perception on the bad civil military relationships and the reputation of the

civilian government is highly significant

Table 5-74Perception on whether public accountability is an important

strategy to eradicate the monster of Civil-Military Relations

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that Yes 198(51.6 211(54.9 2= 21.456

13(3.4)
public accountability ) ) (0.000)
is an important No 110(28.6
87(22.7) 23(6.0)
strategy to eradicate )
the monster of Civil- Don’t
Military Relations? 61(15.9) 2(0.5) 63(16.4)
know

Perception on whether public accountability is an important strategy to eradicate

the monster of Civil-Military Relations is highly significant

Table 5-75 Perception whether bad Civil-Military Relations promote

disaffection towards the political government and provide just grounds

for the military to be the only reliable and efficient institution

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square

n Relations (P=Value)
Yes No

Do you think that bad Yes 198(51.6 211(54.9 2= 21.456

13(3.4)
Civil-Military ) ) (0.000)
Relations promote No 110(28.6
87(22.7) 23(6.0)
disaffection towards )
the political Don’t
government and know
provides just grounds
61(15.9) 2(0.5) 63(16.4)
for the military to be
the only reliable and
efficient institution

Perception whether bad Civil-Military Relations promote disaffection

towards the political government and provides just grounds for the military to

be the only reliable and efficient institution is highly significant

 Chapter Six

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Military intervention is considered as one of the most important political factors

in respect of the country of Pakistan because the intervention of the military in

the political context ion the country in (1958-1977-1999) has created many

changes to the politics of the country. The intervention of the military weakened

the political institutions, created consequences of leadership vacuum and

dynamics of the internal political situation. Different studies have been

conducted for evaluating the direct and indirect role of the military in politics of

the Pakistan. Military ascendancy in the country have been discussed and

evaluated by some of the writers includes Stephan Cohen, Hassan Askari Rizvi,

Shafqat Mehmood, Veena Kukreja, and Ayesha Siddiqa to make it clear that

how the military impacted the political environment of the country.

The political instability created by the ruling time of the military in a country is

an important period of the history of Pakistan. Illiteracy and poverty are

important problems which re-associated with the country from the beginning

period 1947. From the date of the establishment of the country to today's time,

four army persons took the decision to govern the country. Ayub Khan was the

first army person who took the position of country leader, and General Pervez

Musharraf is the last person who governs the country for almost eight years.

There were both the advantages and disadvantages which have been created by

the ruling period of the army in the politics of Pakistan. Enhancement of the

economic development, enhancing the security perspective of the country and

the determination of the weakness in the internal politics were some of the
examples of those advantages which the country has gained by politics of the

Pakistan's Military while in comparison to it the weakening areas which aware

generate by the military intervention in country includes the reducing the power

of the civilian leadership. The military has a political impact on key domestic,

foreign and security issues such as mediate conflicts between the state

institutions, political parties fighting political leaders which made political

insecurity. The government by the political part which was selected by the

people of the country by voting was then displaced.

It is the fact that the way of Governance in the country was carried out by the

collaborating impact of the leader of the political part which is elected by the

people of governmental (Huntington, 2006). It is a power-sharing plan under

which the army has an essential influence on state or parties' institutions,

intervenes conflicts among arguing political leaders, domestic issues, security

and issues related to the political security. An important thing to note is that the

considerable autonomy and power was used by the political parties during the

governing tenure, but sensibilities by the military of Pakistan was always

considered and expected. The army has shown on several occasions that it can

and will affect nature and the path of political change without essentially

accepting force. It removed the military government to reconstruct the political,

electoral and economic system in the country. The ordinary citizen governments

that traveled both with the direction of the speed of confusion was overthrown

by the military or stranded surprises due to the constant movement dedication of

political supporters. However, it has been seen that these people were leading

the parties for they are considered as important, and at local and domestic those

leaders were leading the same people or supporters of the party. This research

paper is based on the valuation of the government by the Pakistan Military and
the government of the leaders of political parties of the country. The balance

among the military and the leadership of the civilian parties have been

evaluated. The main purpose is to assess that how the military intervention paly

role in the economy and the political environment of the country.

Reasons of Military Intervention

Following are some of the conditions given and argued by the Veena Kukreja

by which the intervention by the military is taken place in the Pakistan

 The nature of the Pakistani military.

 The quality of the common disadvantage of Pakistan's military

intervention.

 International environment and the domestic socio-economic in which

the army organizes each interface of citizens and other organizations

with power, and influenced their behavior through this medium. The

Pakistani army has fundamental and strategic foreign political and

financial interests of a certain security in Pakistan. Conflicts of interest

resulted in the loss of the power by the civilian governments.

a. Internal Political Dynamics

The understanding of the internal political dynamics by considering the military

intervention in the politics of Pakistan weak political institutions is the first

important paradox which could be created by the intervention off the army in

the politics of the country. It is the fact that the well-organized political system

in the country plays important role in the stabilization of the political and

economic environment of the country. It has been seen that those politicians

who do not belong to any party are considering as fish out of the water so this is
the reason that the party system in the country is very important because it

creates competition among the parties. "A strong political control or political

system forcing the army to take the submissive role by the average citizen and

restricted internal security is mainly the initiative this is very important because

of the fact that a military infiltration was decided in the state. It was the

remaining contradiction of Pakistan's political history; this power has been to

secure the political power of non-democratic media. Unfortunate consequences

had been created by the changing prospect of the governance of the country

among the military and civil parties of the country.

It has been evaluated that there are three features by which it can be considered

as that military is dynamic and distinctive. It is the fact that all the parties and

organizations operate for enhancing and achieving their interest, but the military

is only the organization which works wholly for the country security.

The essence of democracy could be in the form of the role of electronic and

print media, transparent elections and civil society. Unluckily these institutions

remained dormant in Pakistan. During the initial years of Pakistan, there was a

lack of the political leadership which had missed the opportunity of establishing

the strong political system of the party. The observation has been made that

Muslim League is the party of the military establishment. In case of strong

political institutions, the strong military rarely obsesses towards country

political business

The leadership after the independence, the political party’s role, the bureaucracy

influences considered some of the military intervention internal factors. After

the independence the role of Muslim league became meager. The Muslim

League could not have succeeded to transform itself towards the party of the
national movement unlike Congress party of India, as in that way it could make

the nation to be on the democratic road to the stability and prosperity (ibid: 61).

In India, one of the major factors of the successful democratic is the leadership,

but in this case the country is desperation in the form of the political motivation.

The military of Pakistan bridged that gap. Due to the external support and the

internal discipline, it is always the military who rule the country. The quality of

a leader is another paradox that gave a chance to military intervenes in the

politics which figure out the viable road map for the democracy

institutionalization the leadership vacuum was created after the demise of

Mohammad Ali Jinnah at the early stage after the independence. So, the

observation was made that the failure of the political parties and the charismatic

leaders create the leadership vacuum that was filled by the modernized military

profession. So, in the power block, the military has become the crucial

institution.

Out of sixty-six years, these were the thirty-two years when the military ruled in

Pakistan and the total period of the civilians ruling was thirty-one years. It was

only the Bhutto era which showed the democratic forces and proved the

democratically effective.

The Pakistan military moral was less in that particular period due to the East

Pakistan defeat. In the case of Political leaders, it was a great opportunity to

promote democracy through democratic traditions in the country. The truth is

that Pakistan's politics has suffered since its inception from what can be called

leadership, theory, theory and cognitively. It is meant by leadership syndrome

that that here is some inconsistency, ineffective and inaccurate leadership was

found in Pakistan even which was rootless at some times, and apparently there
has been the visionary leadership and the articulated effective but due to the

negative qualities it has been failed for the lack of political discipline and the

authoritarian tendencies.

Political leadership dependency on the military is the military intervention

paradox in the Pakistani domestic politics in the time of crisis. It was the

inability of military professional capacity and Political leadership that was

proved inability of the Phenomenon of military dependency so that they could

deal with the civilian’s matter in the more better way to that of the political state

in the country. With the passage of time in Pakistan, the increment was

observed on the dependency on the military that does not give the civilian

problems but also impotence of the civilian government is also shown so that all

these problems could be settled. It was the reason which made the military to

consider that this is the only way by which the nation could be lead towards

stability (Op. city: 62).

There were many occasions military was called by the political leadership so

that they could help the civilians in the flood crisis due to the security reason in

Lahore during (1977, 1992) conducting elections in 1951, In 1990, 1993, and

1996 in Karachi so that the ethnic clashes could be controlled when the

operations were performed against the dacoits in Sindh. In the construction

fields, the efforts were made for the participations so that the construction of the

dams and highways and other activities regarding the civilians work could be

made.
b. Corporate Interests of the Army

One of the glaring prospects of the intervention of politics in the country is the

interest of the military-corporate. The military, corporate interests have been

defined by Ayesha Siddiqa explicitly in her book "Military in the corporation."

There are two points of view have been articulated by Ayesha Siddiqa regarding

the relations of the military. The forts one was the military's increasing interests

in economics in Pakistan. And the second one was the class interest that was

intermingled with the military, and unluckily it makes Pakistan military

systems.

Traditionally in Pakistan case, the big entrepreneur have benefited from the

military coalition. The establishment of the Ayub Khan was helped as its

existence is being owned by the entrepreneur class. For giving the power to the

business houses Zia is responsible, and the policy of the Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto

was revised.

Then there were some of the business houses which were entered in the

civilian’s government collations and the then later with the regime of the

Musharraf the benefit were taken from the state capacity (ibid: 105).

c. Regional Factors and Geo-Strategic

Since the army remains the most effective and the disciplined institution, so it

has claims of dealing with the external and the internal affairs more effectively

to that of the Pakistan civilians government. There are many artists who

articulate geo-strategic the coercion and the Indian factors as the huge threat to

the Pakistan security, and due to this situation, there was great impetuous which

by order off to the role of the army in the Pakistan domestic politics.
There was not any legitimacy in the Pakistan bureaucratic regimes which have

stressed the power of the centralization. The bogey of external threat was

played to the security of the country so that the power centralization could be

justified along with the denial of democracy. The tendency of the to curb

opposition was shared by the civilian regime by doing the manipulation in the

regional content (1997: 144).

Indian threat and the war hysteria since the very inception of the country

enhanced the institutional strength and military, political position.

This was the reality that Pakistan made alliances with the actors at the

international level so that to get the economic aid and the military, there were

two critical impacts which were placed by the situation and the first one was

that the army get the chance in the foreign policy decision-making and the

ultimately hijacks which are the important factors of the Pakistan foreign policy

issues. The reality is that no decision could result in a prevalent scenario

without the army consultation in the foreign policy matters. Economic support

and the externally military to Pakistan made a significant more powerful army

to that of the civilian institutions.

In Pakistan security, the most important aspect was the relation with India.

There are two countries which have been in the situation due to culture,

geopolitics, and ethnicity, even the one of the country domestic politics spill

over into others. The strategic thinking and the decisions making process which

has been adopted in India have a direct bearing on the same processes of

Pakistan. It is the chain of the reaction and action and then finally interaction in

which the two countries have been locked (Op.cit: 32).

The main focus which both the political parties in the form of country and the

military is the Kashmir issue. It has been seen that the army of the Pakistan used

its force to keep the issue of Kashmir alive and t5eh strategy adopted by the

political parties to raise the voice that it is the basic right of the people of

Kashmir to have their state. The budget of the defense has been increasing to

maintain the lap and adjust the power with India in respect of the warfare in

form of conventional and non-conventional. The issue was supported by the

power and the government of two provinces of Pakistan such as the Punjab and

KPK.

It has that the attitude of the military possesses regarding the issue of the

Kashmir is consider as relentless. The power of the political parties with the

leaders of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif has been lost the Pakistan army

was aligned at the time when the prime minister (Rajeev Gandhi) of the India

was met with the prime minister of the Pakistan Benazir Bhutto. The

consideration is taken by Mr. Nawaz Sharif during his meeting with the prime

minister of India in which both the prime minister decided to resolve the issue

of Kashmir, but the issue in respect of the army of Pakistan was raised when the

Vajpayee -Kargil‖ with the armed forces visit in Pakistan.

Consequences of Military Rule

The foreign policy, economy, and political environment of Pakistan were

greatly impacted by the ruling time of army in country, so the government by

the army people had left the spillover and intractable impacts. Whatever the

time, the military came to power; it makes sense to have provisions of the rules

which were formed by them. The constitution of 1956 was canceled by the

Ayub in 1958 after that cancelation he presented his constitution of 1962 but
those constitutions were breached and finished by the Yahya after getting power

in the country, and the constitution of 1973 was suspended by Zia-ul-Haq, and

this constitution of 1973 was suspended by Musharraf during his ruling period.

Centralization of power is another important change which was developed by

the ruling of the army in the country, and that centralization created

disintegration, separatism, and provincialism in the country. The people of East

Pakistan were deprived by the Ayyub's Long military rule because of which

Bangladesh was cam einto0 being. During Zia era, there was a rise of Sindhi

separatism due to belligerent atrocities had done by the army.

The civilian institution was trickled down by the ruling period of the army in

country and democracy at parliamentary is an example of that. It ashes been

seen that very army person who took the position of leader of the country

introduced the presidential system in the country and introduction of the

unconstitutional reforms for the people of Pakistan was important consequence

which they had given. The ruling of the country by the president of the country

was introduced for the first time by the General Ayub, and that power of the

president was enhancing to the level of power to dismiss the existing

government elected by the people of the country. The instability which was

noted in the politics of the country was faced by the country during the period

1990 to 1999 and the leaders of two political parties who were engaged in that

instability were Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto. The domestic part

government was dismissed by the General Musharraf in 1999 by implementing

the legal framework order (LFO). The structural changes were carried out by

that legal framework by the General Musharraf. The critical situation of the

governmental system in the country identified that there is no proper system in

the country because it is difficult to view the political system of the country as

presidential or parliamentary and this was the reason that the political system of

the country is considered as having hybrid structure.

Another important consequence which had been noted was based on the

uncompromising attitude which the army ruler had adopted because there were

many decisions take y the army general during the ruling period which was not

supported by the army but the people could not influence those decisions which

aware not in the interest of country. Most prominent example of the

compromised made by the General Zia in respect of the Pakistan sovereignty

during Afghan occupation of Soviet Union and fought proxy war on behalf of

America. The war on Afghanistan border was started by the order of the

General Pervez Musharraf by supporting the America against the terrorist

attack.

Conclusion:
The findings of this study indicate civil-military relations in Pakistan are deep

rooted and variety of factors has been contributing to aggravate this malaise.

The study shows that often times direct military intervention in the civilian

affairs. This intervention is mostly caused by the poor governance on the part of

the civilian administration. The military always takes refuge under this pretext

and declare them as the saviors both the country and its inhabitant.

The findings revealed that poor governance and legitimacy crises have

contributed to the imbalance between the civil-military relations. The study

suggests that political leadership through good governance can restore public

trust and can fill the political vacuum. It is evident from the findings that the

troubled civil-military relations have provided an opportunity to the feudal class

to protect their interests at the expenses of the general masses in the country.

This in turn also provided an opportunity to the civilian bureaucracy to fish in

the troubled water. The findings also revealed that unholy alliance between

civilian and military bureaucracy has adversely affected the governance and

development process in the country.

The findings also show that political leadership provided an opportunity to the

bureaucracy to play in their hands. It shows the lack of leadership and courage

on their part to deliver. It is suggested by the study that parliament be given a

major role to balance the imbalanced civil-military relations in the country as a

forum of national representation. The study also reveals that in order to have a

balanced on civil-military relations the system of rule of law should reign

supreme in the country. Only then both the institutions will function in their

respective domains.

Recommendations
1. For well-balanced civil military relations, it is necessary that both

political and military leadership must strictly conform to rule of law.

2. In a developing country like Pakistan, the civil leadership needs to focus

on good governance. Through good governance, public trust on

democracy can easily be restored.

3. It should be the role of Foreign office to formulate foreign policy and

the army should only contribute and not dictate in this regard.

4. For smooth Civil-Military Relations, decentralization of power is must.

When power is concentrated in only one institution, this makes the other

institutions almost dysfunctional. In the political history of Pakistan, the

army has remained more powerful as compared to other state institutions

which has caused imbalance in the civil-military relations.

5. Accountability and the separation of power is one of the characteristics

of modern states. Unfortunately, the factor of accountability is missing

from the political system of Pakistan. In Pakistan, some of the

institutions consider themselves above the law and at no-level they

could be held responsible for their actions.

6. Imparting socio-economic justice is one of the merits of a democratic

system. In Pakistan, the political system has not been able to give justice

to the people. Due to lack of justice and malpractices of the so called

politicians’ public prefer to have dictatorship.

7. Laws and clear statutory provisions must be put in place that describes

the channel of command & civilian authority over the military. This

provision establishes the legitimacy action to resist any violation by the

military.
8. Bring a change in values, culture and acceptability among the masses

that civilian rule is possible and should be put in place. This

enculturation would be possible through an impartial press & committed

media.

9. Structures and processes should be put in place, detailing who will

command.

10. Openness and transparency or freedom of information is vital so that

everything is open to the public and civilian leadership.

11. Let the military budgets or expenditures be controlled by civilian

authorities. No doubt the civilians linked to this process should be

thoroughly scrutinized for their integrity.

12. A full time defense minister should head the Ministry of Defense (MoD)

who should not be bypassed by direct meetings and links between the

Head of the State and the Head of the Government, on the one hand, and

the Services Chiefs on the other.

13. Military interventions can be reduced by addressing the

international/national security concerns of Armed Forces and viable

solutions should be worked out mutually.

14. Political parties should follow party code of conduct, where discipline of

party members should be scrutinized strictly.

15. Ethnicity, nepotism and religious extremism are required to be flushed

out of politics. Strong political parties can provide strong leaders and

thereby providing masses a fair choice.

16. Military component is the force to implement political Will. Therefore

military operations and national policy should complement each other.

17. Sustainable democracy in Pakistan is also required for the establishment

of strong institutions like bureaucracy, judiciary and media.

18. Democratically accountable institutions are likely to be best remedy for

political extremism and instability in Pakistan.

19. Politicians should be highly qualified to get sustainable democratic

governance.

20. There should be a strong accountability mechanism on provincial and

national level for both the civil and military leaders.

21. The free and fair election should be ensured to achieve democratic

governance.

22. Literacy level should be increased for true democratic values to exist.

23. The internal and external security challenges should be solved through

the capacity building of law enforcement agency to get peaceful

environment in society.

24. The uneasy civil-military Relationship in Pakistan is also mainly due to

external patronage and interventions. We have many example of this in

the past and now it is demand of the time to say no to external

influences. (foreign Policy)

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 Appendix I

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