July 30, 1977 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY

had asserted itself m o r e than it has

Social Structure of Indian Muslims done in the matter of p r o v i d i n g a
conceptual d i r e c t i o n . B u t despite these
Azra Kidwai shortcomings, the papers do provide
with ethnographic information w i t h
F a m i l y , K i n s h i p and Marriage among M u s l i m s in India e d i t e d by r i c h e m p i r i c a l content t h r o u g h detail-
I m t i a z A h m a d ; M a n o h a r , D e l h i , 1976; pp x x i v + 367; Rs 75. ed charts, diagrams and numercial
T H E b o o k under review, w h i c h is a studied in this book is also a viola- data, w h i c h w i l l u n d o u b t e d l y prove
collection of papers by various scholars t i o n of the Sharia law. The papers also useful for f u t u r e sociological research.
on kinship and marriage among b r i n g out in the description of m a r r i - In the second category we may in-
M u s l i m s in I n d i a , is the second of a age customs and practices, the local clude the papers by George H
series on social structure and r e l i g i o n influences and adaptations by the Look-in, Derange Jacob son, A R
among I n d i a n M u s l i m s . I m t i a z Ahmad's M u s l i m groups. Saiyed, and M a t t i s o n Mines. Conklin
plan is commendable as sociological in . his b r i e f discussion has discussed
l i t e r a t u r e is l a c k i n g in M u s l i m studies, T h e papers in the v o l u m e may be
Muslim family life in the context of
p a r t i c u l a r l y in the I n d i a n context. d i v i d e d i n t o t w o b r o a d categories: (i)
secularisation and comes to the
simple ethnographic descriptions of
Sociological research on Indian conclusion that Muslim family
k i n s h i p groups; and (ii) analytical dis-
M u s l i m s should be of immense inter- patterns and practices are not very
cussions w h i c h have also a t t e m p t e d at
est as I n d i a has p r o v i d e d a h o m e l a n d d i f f e r e n t to those of H i n d u s with
theoretical f o r m u l a t i o n s . In the first
for M u s l i m i m m i g r a n t s over centuries; given education and social a t t r i b u t e s ,
category we may include the papers
besides a sizable portion of the and b o t h are changing under the im-
by A N M Irshad A l i , S M Akram
M u s l i m p o p u l a t i o n comprises of local pact of u r b a n i s a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l i s a -
Rizvi, J A Lambat, R B Khatana,
converts. Muslims in India have tion. M a t t i s o n Mines also focuses on
V i c t o r S D'Souza and Pratap C Agar-
adjusted and settled in a society whose the f a m i l y structure of a merchant
w a l . Irshad A l i , Khatana and A g a r w a !
religion along w i t h its culture and M u s l i m group of T a m i l N a d u in the
have described various facets of k i n -
t r a d i t i o n provides a contrast to Islam context of urbanisation, and finds that
ship and marriage of the groups they
and its associated culture and tradi- k i n s h i p organisation has not weaken-
have studied. Irshad A l i ' s paper tends
tion; furthermore, I n d i a n Society it- ed; on the contrary, it forms the basis
to be extremely sketchy. Khatana and
self is not a c u l t u r a l whole. Sociologi- of t h e i r business organisations and
Agarwal have given a more detailed
cal studies on I n d i a show the great business is usually a f a m i l y concern.
account; the latter has also i n c l u d e d
variety of social groups present in the Thus one can say on the basis of the
a section on " K i n t e r m i n o l o g y : their
different regions of I n d i a ; as is w e l l above studies that k i n s h i p organisa-
Extension and Implication" which
k n o w n these groups vary w i d e l y in t i o n may be changing w i t h the impact
further enhances the ethnographic
their social and cultural practices, be- of u r b a n i s a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n
value of his account. D'Souza's paper
l i f s , norms and values. M u s l i m s in but is not being replaced.
on Moplahs of Kerala provides a good
I n d i a are not confined to any one
example of the influence of local cul- Saiyed and Jacobson in their papers
single region or area but are spread
ture and t r a d i t i o n s on M u s l i m s w h i c h have focused on the custom of
over the w h o l e length and b r e a d t h of
are at variance not only w i t h t r a d i t i o n s purdah w h i c h has i m p o r t a n t i m p l i c a -
the country. Each group has its own
of Islamic culture b u t also w i t h Isla- tions on the p o s i t i o n and status of
b a c k g r o u n d and past and thus, like
mic law. Lambat gives an account women both w i t h i n the family and in
Hindu communities, Muslims too
of marriage among Surati Vohras of the context of the society as a w h o l e .
reveal regional differences.
Gujarat. This study w o u l d have been Jacobson finds purdah being practised
A significant c o n t r i b u t i o n of the more w o r t h w h i l e if the author had and adhered to differently by different
v o l u m e under discussion lies in the attempted at a l i t t l e more than "this socio-economic groups. Her data may
fact that it has brought together somewhat patchy account" and a w e l l approximate to the general condi-
studies on M u s l i m k i n s h i p , f a m i l y and mere " d e s c r i p t i o n of a typical m a r r i - tions concerning ' p u r d a h ' . But there
marriage f r o m different regions of- age" — as he confesses himself. In are exceptions too and this is shown
I n d i a . Each paper shows h o w local the description too he has been care- by Saiyed in his paper on Jamaati
Muslim groups have adapted and less in the use of i m p o r t a n t sociologi- w o m e n of K o n k a n who do not observe
l e g i t i m i s e d the local customs which cal concepts; for example ' r i t u a l ' and p u r d a h . Saiyed treats this group as a
sometimes are not only different f r o m 'ceremonial' are treated as synonyms. d e v i a n t case because its n o n - o b s e r v a n c e
but even contradict the Sharia law. R i z v i , in his study of k i n s h i p in the of p u r d a h is not a consequence of
For instance village exogamy, clan context of economic change, has con- change i n s t i t u t e d by westernisation or
exogamy and lineage exogamy is education. The w r i t e r has competently
practised in Assam, Rajasthan, Kerala discussed the implication of the
followed by elaborate illustrations
and Kashmir. This practice contradicts absence of p u r d a h on the activities,
w i t h the result that the illustrations
the permitted preferential cousin attitudes and status of w o m e n .
o u t w e i g h his observations.
marriage by Islam. S i m i l a r l y rules of
Theodore P W r i g h t ' s paper on 'Mus-
inheritence and descent and the status
On the w h o l e we find that these pa- lim K i n s h i p and M o d e r n i z a t i o n : The
a t t r i b u t e d to m e n and w o m e n are not
pers are neither analytical nor add to T y a b j i clan of Bombay' has not been
the same as prescribed by Islam. For
the prevailing theoretical perspective. i n c l u d e d in any of the above catego-
example m a t r i l i n e a l descent is practis-
Besides they also lack a focus. The ries as he has taken a f a m i l y as his
ed by M u s l i m s of Kerala as against
authors seem o v e r a m b i t i o u s and have focus. T h o u g h he proposes to study
p a r t i l i n e a l descent prescribed by the
t r i e d to cover vast t e r r i t o r i e s w h i c h M u s l i m k i n s h i p and m o d e r n i s a t i o n , he
Sharia. The denial of share to the
appear to be somewhat o v e r w h e l m i n g has actually concentrated on marriage
daughter in her father's property
for each one of the papers. One wishes patterns, and has t r i e d to show the
f o u n d among practically all the groups
that I m t i a z Ahmad's editorial skill s h i f t f r o m close endogamy to exogamy.
 The last paper in the v o l u m e , c o n t r i - the end of the study.
T h e paper includes a n u m b e r of tables
and charts related to marriage; for b u t e d by the editor himself, can be But one does not find similar in-
example, Table I is about " D i s t r i b u t i o n treated as the conclusion of the b o o k ; trospection on the part of the authors
of Clan Marriages by Generation and I m t i a z A h m a d reaffirms that M u s l i m s in some other instances in the study.
Lineage", Chart III is about "Clan have become a part of the local struc- On the contrary, the authors confine
inter-marriage i n generation II and ture and t r a d i t i o n t h o u g h w i t h a dis- themselves s t r i c t l y to their o w n no-
and IV." The other charts too are not t i n c t r e l i g i o n . T h e theme of the article tions and impose them on the res-
related to k i n s h i p patterns, w h i c h is caste and k i n s h i p — h o w the t w o pondents. For example, the research-
makes it d i f f i c u l t for the reader to co-exist and do not substitute one for ers and the respondents differ in their
determine what exactly the w r i t e r the other. understanding of the concept of
wants to say, when he h i m s e l f is con- Discussions on I n d i a n M u s l i m s are 'development'. The answers to the
fused w h i l e referring to marriage pat- quite often biased by sentiments. This structured questions show that b o t h
terns as k i n s h i p . M o d e r n i s a t i o n in the volume successfully attempts an objec- the elite as w e l l as citizens emphasise
Tyabji family too has only peripherally tive study and hence, is a welcome the 'developmental' role of the pan-
been touched. c o n t r i b u t i o n to sociological l i t e r a t u r e . chayati raj. But, "hardly any respon-
d e n t " , the a u t h o r s c o m m e n t , "sees
panchayati raj as helping to b u i l d up
The Rural Elite c o m m u n i t y consciousness or to spread
social education. It appears that the
Ghanshyam Shah backlog of feudal legacies i n h i b i t s res-
pondents f r o m having a comprehen-
The R u r a l Elite to an I n d i a n State: A Case Study of R u r a l Rajas- sive l o o k i n t o the f u t u r e " . Needless
than by I q b a l N a r a i n , K C P a n d e a n d M o h a n l a l Sharma; Manohar to add, concepts such as ' c o m m u n i t y
B o o k S e r v i c e , N e w D e l h i , 1976; pp 256, Rs 50. consciousness' and 'social e d u c a t i o n '
are vague; and the authors have not
T H E experiment of panchayati raj was made their way in politics, the majo-
defined them in the book.
launched w i t h great f u n - f a i r in the rity of the rural elite still come from
late f i f t i e s , b u t it h a r d l y survived for the upper castes. W h i l e the m i d d l e
Further, according to the elite and
a decade in R a j a s t h a n . T h e reasons caste elite enjoy positions at the vil-
citizens, panchayati raj has failed in
given by policy-makers, a d m i n i s t r a t o r s lage level as members or heads of
Rajasthan. The authors having agreed
and academicians for its failure are village panchayats, the upper castes
w i t h the respondents, t r i e d to probe
many. One of them is absence of dominate the taluka and district offi-
the reasons for the j u d g m e n t . Ans-
'able' leadership to carry out develop- ces. A n d , significantly enough, the
wers to the pre-structured questions
m e n t programmes at village level. The elite mainly come f r o m the upper eco-
(obviously the perception of the res-
book under review provides empiri- n o m i c strata of each caste. In other
pondents) do not satisfy the research-
cal data on the nature of the r u r a l words, only those among the upper,
ers. Contrary to the expectations of
elite who shouldered the responsibility m i d d l e and lower castes who are r i c h
the authors, most of the respondents
of panchayati raj in the sixties. One get p o l i t i c a l positions. Poor persons
do not blame the statutory provisions
of the objectives of the study is to f r o m even the upper castes cannot
or the official staff for the failure of
find out "to w h a t extent the profile hope to get power. However, the rela-
panchayati raj. N o r do they blame
of the emerging r u r a l elite is compa- t i o n s h i p between socio-economic con-
factional or pressure politics. The au-
tible w i t h the needs and demands of d i t i o n and power has undergone some
thors m a i n t a i n , "Nevertheless, it is ob-
development as envisaged in the mec- change since Independence. The au-
vious that these are the factors that
hanism of panchayati r a j " . The other thors very r i g h t l y observe, "caste sta-
act as constraints and w h i c h , in t u r n ,
objectives of the study are, "to dis- tus does not count today as m u c h in
have c u m u l a t i v e l y i n h i b i t e d the per-
cover to what extent the emerging a ritualistic sense as in numerical
formance of panchayati raj i n s t i t u -
elite differs f r o m the t r a d i t i o n a l elite, strength. S i m i l a r l y property still mat-
tions". S i m i l a r l y , the authors and their
to what extent the values of the p o l i - ters, but property-holders are diffe-
respondents differ in their view re-
tical system, w i t h special reference to rent. They are no longer the old jagir-
garding ' p o l i t i c a l interference' of the
the panchayati raj, have been i m b i b e d dars, but are peasant proprietors".
higher level elite in the w o r k i n g of
by i t ; and to what extent it can be These are i m p o r t a n t findings.
the panchayati raj at local level. Only
expected to act as an agent of demo- There is a m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p o i n t of 15 per cent of the elite said that ' p o l i -
cratisation, development and social c o m m o n interest to social scientists, tical interference' affected its w o r k i n g .
change". T h e study is based on in- namely that of communication gap But the authors neither wish to change
terviews of 164 members of the elite between the respondents and the re- their o p i n i o n nor do they probe i n t o
and 200 citizens f r o m five districts of searchers. The researchers either lack the various dimensions of the ques-
Rajasthan. clarity in their concepts or they are tion.
unable to -communicate their concepts
The study confirms the findings of
in local dilects. H o w e v e r , in a few The c o m m u n i c a t i o n gap is not a
other studies that socio-economic fac-
cases, t h e researchers t h e m s e l v e s rea- phenomena unique to this study. One
tors have greater weightage than other
lised the vagueness or arbitrariness of comes across similar problem in seve-
factors in acquiring elite positions.
their concepts, t h o u g h quite late. For ral empirical studies. The problem is
For instance, education by i t s e l f is
instance, they made a d i c h o t o m y bet- partly due to survey research me-
not enough to get elite p o s i t i o n , it
ween ' p r o d u c t i o n ' and 'civic ameni- thods whose logic is not yet f u l l y
w o r k s in c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h caste, pro-
ties'. They expected the respondents grasped by researchers, so that proper
p e r t y " arid occupation. However, the
to choose either. B u t the respondents care is not taken in the f o r m u l a t i o n
l o w e r cases, despite their large num-
did not oblige the researchers. To of questions. It is also partly because
bers, have a long way to go to ac-
them, ' p r o d u c t i o n ' and ' c i v i c ameni- of concepts alien to the society w h i c h
quire an equal, not to say d o m i n a n t ,
ties' were not c o n t r a d i c t o r y . The au- we are studying. M o s t of us are vic-
p o s i t i o n in the elite g r o u p of Rajas-
thors, however, realised their error at tims of these l i m i t a t i o n s .
than. T h o u g h the m i d d l e castes have