New Gourna Village

Conservation and Communıty

New Gourna Village:
Conservation and Communıty

March 2011
Acknowledgements
This assessment was undertaken by World Monuments Fund (WMF) with the support of
the Robert W. Wilson Challenge to Conserve our Heritage, and in collaboration with the
UNESCO World Heritage Centre and the Luxor Governorate of Egypt.

The WMF Project Team that carried out the survey and compiled the assessment report
included Erica Avrami (WMF Project Manager); Jeff Allen, Gina Haney, Heba Hosny, Eta’ El
Hosseiny, and Sarah Badea (all of Community Consortium); and William Raynolds (WMF
Consultant).

An accompanying film was produced by WMF in collaboration with Community

Consortium, directed by Oliver Wilkins and with interviews and translations by
Mostafa Naguib. The film, Hassan Fathy’s New Gourna Village: Past, Present and Future,
is available at http://www.wmf.org/project/new-gourna-village

The UNESCO physical survey team (Mahmoud Qutb, Nevine George, Heba Hosny, and
Dalia Magdy) kindly provided the base plan used in this report.

The Aga Khan Trust for Culture kindly provided historic images for the assessment and the
film.

Photography for the report was by Community Consortium, with additional images provided
by Mostafa Naguib, Erica Avrami/WMF, and Hubert Guillaud/CRAterre-ENSAG.

Graphic design of this report was by Ken Feisel, WMF Art Director. Editorial assistance was
provided by Maria Golia.

Special thanks go to the residents of New Gourna, who opened their homes to the
assessment team and shared their stories. Their interest and cooperation are a testament to
Hassan Fathy’s vision for a thriving community and to the shared hope for its future.

About World Monuments Fund

Since 1965, World Monuments Fund has worked with local communities, governments, and
affinity organizations to preserve cultural heritage around the globe. WMF has engaged in
over 600 projects in more than 90 countries. Through five core programs: Cultural Legacy,
Capacity Building, Advocacy, Education and Training, and Disaster Recovery, WMF seeks
to advance innovation in the field and to ensure sustainable stewardship of the world’s most
treasured places. For additional information about WMF and its programs, please visit
www.wmf.org

Copyright © 2011 World Monuments Fund

350 Fifth Avenue, Suite 2412
New York, New York 10118

This report in its entirety may be freely circulated; however the images contained herein may not be used
independently without the permission of World Monuments Fund and the photographers.
Contents
4 Executive Summary

6 Introduction
6 History
7 Project Development

9 Assessment Aims and Methodology

12 Stakeholders and Significance

12 Government Entities
14 Informal Networks and Residents
14 International Community
15 A Diversity of Values

18 Defining the Community

18 The Surveyed Landscape
22 The Survey Respondent Group

24 Social and Economic Conditions

24 Household Profile
26 Income and Household Expenditures
29 Employment
31 Women and Children
32 Education
33 Health
34 Public Services and Infrastructure

37 Environmental and Building Conditions

37 Groundwater
38 Building Pathologies
39 Maintenance and Repair

40 Adaptation of the Built Environment

43 Building Modifications
46 Reconstructions
47 Public Spaces

50 Conservation Challenges and Opportunities

52 Attachment to Place
53 The Prospect of Change and Community Engagement

54 Conclusions
54 Key Findings
58 Recommendations

60 Appendix A – Survey Forms

88 Appendix B – Family Mapping

92 Appendix C – Annotated Bibliography

View of New Gourna’s mosque in the evening

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

I
n 1948, Egyptian architect Hassan Fathy ceased work on New Gourna. Built to house
residents of Old Gourna who lived amid the Theban Necropolis, New Gourna was a novel
community commissioned by the Egyptian Department of Antiquities in the sugarcane
fields below the concentration of tombs.
At New Gourna, Fathy pedestaled his vision of vernacular building traditions and promot-
ed precise forms and materials he had seen utilized in rural Egypt. Intended as a model public
housing project and perhaps the codification of a national style, the mud brick, domed dwell-
ings gained international attention and are today considered early experiments with appropri-
ate technology and sustainable architectural systems. Fathy also insisted on the construction
of schools—one for boys and one for girls—as well as a mosque, a khan, and a souk within
the village. Although the boys school no longer exists in its original form (the girls school was
never built), New Gourna remains a place strongly rooted in the social principles set forth in
Fathy’s plan: access to education, commerce, religion.
This small, experimental village remains a focus of global interest. New Gourna was nomi-
nated to the World Monuments Watch in 2010, just as UNESCO spearheaded an initiative to
safeguard the village. In collaboration with UNESCO and the Luxor Governorate, World Monu-
ments Fund undertook this study to understand the relationship between the people and place
of New Gourna, to identify the needs of the community, and to engage residents in conservation
efforts. Key findings of the study include the following:

• True to Fathy’s vision, education remains a vital element of village life and a source of pride.
Preservation of local schools should serve as a central element in the future of New Gourna.
• Residents of the village have formed robust networks of communication and sharing, re-
sulting in strong social bonds. These are reinforced by familial connections to Old Gourna.
• The tranquility and safety of the village are palpable; children roam and play throughout
and on hot evenings many residents sleep outdoors.
• New Gourna is a stable community, though one that would greatly benefit from enhanced
employment and economic development opportunities.
• Improved housing conditions are a primary concern of the community. Public services are

4
 well provided, with the exception of sewage management, which is also a priority.
• Changes in groundwater conditions have contributed to the deterioration of the built fab-
ric of New Gourna. These must be addressed before pursuing any conservation efforts.
• Social dynamics have placed additional strains on the built environment of the village.
Family members tend to stay in New Gourna after marriage and across generations. The
original houses cannot accommodate these growing families.
• Attachment to place is very strong and residents feel proud of the community and its asso-
ciation with Fathy. While many modifications have been made by residents to the original
fabric, these have been borne out of necessity with the best of intentions, and with limited
financial and information resources.

Though many individual Fathy buildings have been replaced and renovated in response to so-
cial and environmental conditions, the assessment findings support the idea that the cultural
landscape of New Gourna today is very much a product of Hassan Fathy and his concern for,
and puzzlement over, intangible forces that serve to shape and re-shape tangible spaces. As one
looks upon the vestiges of Fathy’s 65-year old experiment, with its graceful architecture and
social idealism, it is difficult not to wish it whole again, if only out of reverence to the man and
his legacy. However, New Gourna has changed, and it is precisely that process of evolution that
validates and perpetuates Fathy’s principles of community empowerment and sustainability.
The conservation of New Gourna is thus a complicated enterprise that requires the balanc-
ing of varied interests and the participation of many stakeholders. However, as the primary
stewards of New Gourna, residents are the linchpin to preserving the core values of New
Gourna, which extend far beyond design and fabric. That the village remains a vibrant, closely
knit community is testament to the endurance of Fathy’s ideals. He gave dimension to no-
tions of urban intimacy, access to education, and community engagement, all of which were
codified in his innovative, mixed use plan. These elements remain as cornerstones of New
Gourna’s physical and social foundation, and likewise can serve as tools for forging common
ground for its future.

An original Fathy structure in New Gourna

5
INTRODUCTION

History

I
n 1945, the Egyptian Department of Antiquities commissioned the renowned architect Has-
san Fathy to design and construct a new settlement to which the inhabitants of Old Gourna
were to be relocated, in an effort to curtail looting at the nearby Pharaonic sites and facilitate
tourism development. This misfortune of the Gournawi provided Fathy with an opportunity to
create a model village, which he hoped would provide a basis for changing the living conditions
of all of Egypt’s rural poor. Fifty acres of agricultural land were purchased as a site for the new
village to which seven thousand Gournawis were to be relocated. In the course of preparing his
design, Fathy consulted extensively with the villagers themselves, studying their habits and the
social and physical organization of Old Gourna. Valorizing the humanity of the rural poor, Fathy
designed each house individually and sought to infuse the village with “Egyptian” culture, both
in terms of stylistic form, which he based on an amalgam of historical buildings found within
the territorial boundaries of Egypt, as well as in terms of their intended use. Over the course of
three seasons from 1945-1948, Fathy and his team of local workmen and Nubian master masons
completed roughly one third of the village as designed.
Fathy’s philosophy and vision derived from humanistic values about the connections
between people and places and the use of traditional knowledge and resources in designing
the built environment. However, New Gourna was at once his greatest achievement and
most profound disappointment. Though Fathy’s project was ultimately meant to shelter
up to 20,000 inhabitants, only part of the plan was realized due to political and financial
complications and opposition on the part of the residents to relocation.
Fathy inspired a new generation of architects and planners worldwide through his integra-
tion of traditional materials with modern architectural principles. He is largely credited as a
pioneer of sustainable architecture. Fathy also championed the inclusion and empowerment
of society’s less fortunate through participation in design and building processes, a signature
theme in his seminal publication, Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt (see ap-
pendix C). His innovative mixed-use plan for New Gourna, incorporating schools and other
public buildings, remains a powerful and well preserved element of the village; however, near-
ly 40 percent of the original buildings have been lost.

New Gourna and its environs

6
A village society takes long to measure and needs more subtle
instruments than a tape measure.
—Hassan Fathy, Architecture for the Poor, 51

Opening of the UNESCO meeting, October 2010

Project Development

N
ew Gourna is situated within the boundaries of the Ancient Thebes with its Necropolis
World Heritage Site. The 1979 inscription focused on the significance of Thebes in
antiquity; the value of the village as an important element in modern Egyptian history
was not yet fully recognized. Increasingly over the past decade, the international community
has focused attention on the legacy of Hassan Fathy and, in particular, on New Gourna. In
response to concern over the conditon of the village, UNESCO sponsored a mission in May
2009, after which it was declared a Heritage Protectorate by Egyptian Prime Ministry De-
cree. UNESCO then initiated a Safeguarding Project of Hassan Fathy’s New Gourna Village
to develop a conservation master plan for the community.
After New Gourna was included on the 2010 World Monuments Watch, WMF joined
forces with UNESCO to assess current conditions as part of the planning process. A prelimi-
nary on-site meeting was organized by UNESCO in April 2010, with WMF participation, to
identify initial steps and forge cooperation. In late summer and early fall, UNESCO under-
took a physical survey; WMF complemented these efforts with a community assessment to
integrate social and economic concerns into decision-making about the future of the village.
The preliminary findings of the assessment were presented at a UNESCO Scientific Com-
mittee meeting in Luxor in October 2010, which brought together international and Egyp-
tian experts to inform project development. This report and an ancillary film, Hassan Fathy’s
New Gourna Village: Past, Present and Future, constitute the final outcomes of the community
assessment efforts. World Monuments Fund hopes that these community-based and value-
driven outputs will serve to better inform future planning initiatives at New Gourna.

7
 Plan of the village

8
ASSESSMENT AIMS AND METHODOLOGY

O
ne of the most poignant lessons learned by Hassan Fathy in the experiment of New
Gourna is that community participation is critical. To design or conserve a built en-
vironment requires understanding of its inhabitants—the ways in which they use and
re-shape space, their quality of life, their values. The residents of New Gourna are its primary
stewards. The safeguarding and sustainability of the village hinge on effectively incorporating
the concerns of the community into planning efforts. With this in mind, the aims of this as-
sessment included the following:
• Analyze social conditions
• Analyze economic conditions
• Identify factors of change within the community and environment
• Study use of space and adaptation patterns
• Examine the community’s attachment to place and concerns for its future

To achieve these aims, a number of tools were employed to assess the New Gourna commu-
nity, namely:
• A Literature Review
• A Community Survey, incorporating quantitative data collection as well as qualitative in-
terviews
• Data mapping and analysis assisted by the application of geographic information systems
(GIS) software
• Production of a Community Film

World Monuments Fund consultant William Raynolds undertook the literature review,
focusing on analyses of the experiment of New Gourna and Fathy’s legacy. Findings are dis-
cussed in the Stakeholders and Significance section that follows, and an annotated bibliography
is included in Appendix C.
The literature review informed the development of the Community Survey and the data to
be collected, as did other social science surveys and the United Nations Millennium Develop-
ment Goals, which Egypt endorsed in 2000.

Assessment team interviews

9
The Koran says that things you dislike are often good for you,
and certainly a direct consequence of my disappointment at
Gourna has been a great deepening of my understanding of the
problems of rural housing. For the problem is concerned with
more than just the technical or economic; it is primarily
human, embracing systems and people, professionals as well
as peasants.
—Hassan Fathy, Architecture for the Poor, 193

A field team from Community Consortium undertook on-site data collection, which began
on September 14, 2010. The team included Jeff Allen (a project planner based in Egypt), Sara
Badea (a social development professional focusing on women and children), Eta el-Hosseiny
(a civil engineer specializing in fresh water and sewage management), Gina Haney (a heritage
management practitioner focusing on community engagement), and Heba Mohammed Hos-
ny (an architect and GIS specialist who was also a member of the UNESCO physical survey
team).
The team surveyed and interviewed more than a third of New Gourna’s 174 households.
Members of the survey team spent an average of 90 to 120 minutes with each respondent,
who provided information about their household, workplace, or self-owned business. Sur-
veys were conducted throughout the day to reach a wider spectrum of community members.
Formal interviews were conducted using a survey form of previously determined questions,
allowing for both multiple-choice and open-ended answers (see Appendix A). Numerous infor-
mal interviews were also conducted and enlightened the qualitative analysis. In parallel, while
visiting the various state agencies governing the village, the management context for New
Gourna was clarified and outlined.
The social-economic data was compiled into Arcview attribute tables. This application of
GIS made possible the geographic visualization and analysis of descriptive statistical informa-
tion, and moreover, methodical geoprocessing that derived new information from existing
datasets.
Significantly, the survey did not just look at the issues of this assignment, but beyond to de-
veloping future implementation strategies for New Gourna. In cooperation with the UNES-
CO physical survey team that completed its work prior to the commencement of this survey,
World Monuments Fund collaborated to assemble a combined comprehensive geodatabase
that can be utilized by potential project planners.
Socio-economic data collection was accompanied by a series of mapping exercises partly
informed by the earlier UNESCO physical survey. These maps focused on character-defining
features that are often transitory parts of the New Gourna landscape, such as street furniture
and livestock tending. Views and vistas from New Gourna’s cultural landscape were docu-
mented, and the programming and deprogramming of public, private, and interstitial space
was noted. In addition, existing ground floor plans were compared to those completed by
Fathy in 1948 and a general description of common modifications can be found in the section
entitled Adaptation of the Built Environment.
Finally, a short film directed by Oliver Wilkins and produced by WMF and Community
Consortium serves as a key component of the assessment. Taped during the course of the sur-
vey, the film provided a vehicle through which the residents of New Gourna could give direct
testimony to those engaged in New Gourna’s future. While the literature review, survey, and
mapping provide vital information on New Gourna as it exists today, the film offers context
and nuance, while giving the community both a face and a voice.

10
 Assessment team interviews

Assessment team interviews

11
New Gourna resident with the abandoned community well of the khan behind

STAKEHOLDERS AND SIGNIFICANCE

The legacies of Hassan Fathy and of New Gourna in particular make for a very complex con-
stituency of stakeholders. Various groups, from the local to the international level, have vest-
ed interests in the village.

Government Entities

U
ntil recently the West Bank and city of Luxor were part of the Qena Governorate, a
far-reaching area that included the regional cities of Qena, Esna, and Luxor. In 1989,
owing to its significant economic and historical importance, Luxor (including New
Gourna and other portions of the West Bank) was recognized in a presidential decree as a city
with special character, providing preferred economic treatment. This afforded certain special
privileges and status within the Qena Governorate and within the Egyptian national govern-
ment, too.
In 2009 the cities of Luxor, Esna, and their surrounding areas were partitioned to create
the new Luxor Governorate. The post of Mayor of Luxor was elevated to that of Governor
of Luxor. Former army General and Mayor of Luxor Samir Farag was presidentially-appoint-
ed as head officer of the Governorate, reporting directly to the capital. Governor Farag,
along with UNESCO representatives, initiated the current studies of New Gourna. With
the events of February 2011 in Egypt and the resignation of President Mubarak, any number
of political transformations may occur throughout the country. However, at the writing of
this report the governance structure in Luxor has not changed.

12
 As a newfound governorate, for managerial purposes Luxor was subdivided into several
markaz, translated literally as center, but more administratively in line with the term provin-
cial districts. New Gourna and several nearby West Bank communities were consolidated into
the Qurna Markaz (n.b. the term “Gourna” is a Saidi or Upper Egypt adaptation of the Arabic
word Qurna). The move elevated New Gourna’s status from village to municipality. With this
the Luxor Governorate initiated construction of the Qurna City Council offices, a purpose-
built government administration center, which were under construction in October 2010 on
al-Temsalyn Street behind Hassan Fathy’s amphitheater.
Today New Gourna is governed by an elected local council whose head, an appointed of-
ficial named Mohamed Metwaly, reports directly to the Qurna City Council offices. In turn,
the New Gourna city administration, including Mr. Metwaly, reports directly to the Gover-
norate of Luxor located on the East Bank.
New Gourna is located on property administered by the Supreme Council for Antiqui-
ties (SCA), a branch of national government within the Ministry of Culture. As the village
is within the World Heritage boundaries of Ancient Thebes and its Necropolis (the ancient royal
cemetery comprising the Valleys of the Kings and Queens and the ruins of several important
funerary temples), the SCA has influential authority on the West Bank of Luxor and has halt-
ed some infrastructure development plans in the past. Land tenure of New Gourna residents
has yet to be clarified, though many have papers claiming property title.

The recently-constructed Qurna (Gourna) City Council offices

13
 Local Networks and Residents

T
raditional tribal or familial systems with their village elder courts once governed Old
Gourna; Hassan Fathy based his planning for New Gourna on this community-oriented
system. Although they have lost political power to centralized government in recent
decades, tribal hierarchies and tribal courts still carry social importance in Upper Egypt. For
instance, West Bank politics are dominated by tribal system affiliations, and the al-Tayyeb
family acts as arbitrator during some civil disputes; tribal mediation is often a preferred alter-
native to government intervention.
There are an estimated 1,800 residents in New Gourna today. The community includes
a number of extended families, similar to those recognized by Mr. Fathy in the 1940s, and
dominated by al-Horobat. This family traces its origins back hundreds of years and is consid-
ered the ancestor to many of today’s families. The al-Rasayla descends from this family; it is
from al-Rasayla that the village mayor was once appointed. Family power and wealth in New
Gourna is perceivably held by the Abu al-Haggag family, the largest family and descended
from al-Horobat. The al-Hassasna family is also influential. New Gourna contains several
other smaller families.
Of significant note is the fact that many residents of New Gourna today, including several
surveyed as part of this assessment, trace their family origins to Old Gourna. This informa-
tion contradicts claims that residents of Old Gourna did not actually relocate to New Gourna
and that the new village was occupied primarily by squatters. Although additional research is
needed, it does seem as though migration from Old to New Gourna was a slow but deliberate
process. Family charts (Abu Haggag, Bairat-Dally and Kinawy families) and an accompanying
distribution map in Appendix C track a few of these family histories and support these findings.

International Community

I
n addition to its association with Fathy, New Gourna is located within the Ancient Thebes
and its Necropolis World Heritage Site and is thus a subject of UNESCO interest as well as
that of other international organizations, such as ICOMOS, ICCROM, DOCOMOMO,
CRAterre-ENSAG, World Monuments Fund, and others. The work of Hassan Fathy influ-
enced generations of students and professionals, especially in architecture, planning, earthen
construction, traditional settlements, and green design. The growing discourses surrounding
social equity, participatory planning, appropriate technology, and environmental sustainability
have made his legacy even more relevant in recent years. Thus, professional and academic com-
munities well beyond the borders of Egypt have a vested stake in the future of New Gourna
and the lessons to be learned from this sixty-year old experiment on the West Bank of the Nile.

UNESCO International Scientific Committee visit, October 2010

14
(S. Samar) Damluji: Doesn’t the concept of intimacy apply not
only to interior architectural space, but to town-planning as well?

(Hassan) Fathy: Of course. When you walk in a hara (alley) it is

intimate. Children play and people meet, and the relationship
between them is different from when you have a large street—
what you call a Boulevard—where you have cars and where
people don’t meet.
—S. Samar Damluji, “On the Politics of Space Interview with Engineer Hassan Fathy,” 69-70

A Diversity Of Values

I
n many respects, New Gourna Village is a testament to how the relationship between her-
itage and society is often fraught with multiple meanings and conflicting values. The vari-
ous stakeholders noted above bring diverse interests to the dialogue about New Gourna’s
significance and its future. Some are focused on the village as a Fathy opus to be preserved,
rebuilt, or even expanded to complete the original plan. Others see its proximity to major
tourist destinations as an added value on which the community might capitalize. And many
simply treasure the village as a home and mixed-use neighborhood, where their children can
walk to school and play freely in the streets.
Understanding this multiplicity of values is critical to informed and responsible decision-
making about the future of New Gourna. A robust and participatory analysis of cultural sig-
nificance was not a component of this particular assessment effort. However, review of the
literature reveals many of the values ascribed to New Gourna by the international, profes-
sional, and academic communities, and serves as an important touchstone for the planning
process. The following provides a concise discussion of the scholarly literature, correlating to
the annotated bibliography included in Appendix C.
Throughout the scholarship on New Gourna, the story of the creation of the village itself
is often summarized and repeated in a manner that is remarkably consistent with the way
in which Fathy describes it in Gourna: A Tale of Two Villages. However, accounts diverge as
to how and why New Gourna was never completed, and what its value has been over time.
Fathy himself maintains that, faced with the reluctance of the villagers themselves and the
intractable bureaucracy of the Department of Antiquities, he was unable to continue and had
to accept that the model village had failed. Others claim that New Gourna failed for alternate
or additional reasons: inappropriate use of symbolic architectural forms (Hassan and Plimp-
ton, Mitchell), poor application of an industrial supply system to inherently non-industrial
craft building techniques (Pyla, Safdie), and Fathy’s fundamental inability to understand the
world view of the villagers he was working with (Mitchell, Taragan). Moreover, a consensus
has emerged that Fathy’s “model” village could never provide a true model for a rural society
that, as the bricks were being laid for New Gourna, was migrating en masse to urban centers, a
trend that has continued until present day (Serageldin, Abd el Wahed el Wakil, Safdie, Hassan
and Plimpton, Steele).

15
 Yet, beyond investigations into the causes of its perceived failure, New Gourna has also
been the focal point of what amounts to a posthumous struggle for the architect’s soul. Schol-
arship on Fathy has been chiefly preoccupied with investigating two great tensions in his
character: to what extent did Hassan Fathy adopt the tenets of Modernism/the International
architectural establishment and to what extent did he reject them? In the setting of post-
colonial Egypt, to what extent was his work that of a thoroughly colonized elite and to what
extent did his work reject the values of the West outright? Based on his own writings, Fathy
saw himself as an artist struggling to define a regional architecture grounded in tradition and
appropriate technology against a backdrop of international modernism. At the same time, in
his desire to systematically alleviate the condition of the working class, scholars (Richards,
Steele) place him soundly in the Modernist canon, to the extent that Leila el Wakil’s appeal
to save New Gourna appeared in the DOCOMOMO Journal. The second question is more
complex and indeed significant to the reception of Fathy’s work, and the responses have been
varied. While even supporters like Steele concede that Fathy was part of the “Third Class”
of Egyptian elites who were conversant with both Egyptian and Western values, he is valued
as an innovative nationalist. Detractors such as Mitchell see Fathy as directly complicit in a
plot of the Egyptian government to subdue and control the population of Gourna, and ex-
press concern that his planning techniques have been co-opted in a bastardized form by both
the Egyptian government and international experts, entities that continue to inflict trauma
through their efforts to relocate the community of Gourna. Taragan is more ambiguous, find-
ing that whatever Fathy’s sins might be, he is justified as an artist.

A modified Fathy structure

16
 New Gourna resident and contemporary maziara

In any case, it is in the omissions of these discourses that one may find the most fruit-
ful paths of inquiry in defining its significance and preparing for conservation work at New
Gourna. Foremost amongst these, a clear understanding is needed of who is living in New
Gourna now, and how and why they came to be there. Following the cessation of works at
New Gourna in 1948, there is no readily accessible record of what happened in the village
until Fathy returned thirteen years later, at which point he mentions that there were “squat-
ters” living in some of the houses. Who are these individuals? Why did they accept to live in
the houses that the residents of Gourna had refused, or were these indeed families that had
slowly migrated from Gourna? Fathy was uninterested in such questions, even though, by the
fact that his houses were populated, his village started to enjoy a certain measure of success.
By the time Hassan and Plimpton conducted their study in 1985, the community inhabiting
New Gourna seems to have been quite well established, and they take the answers to these
questions for granted, focusing instead on how the residents had modified Fathy’s original
designs. The work of Kees van der Spek provides a good beginning toward understanding the
history and current conditions of the greater Gourna community, but more research is needed
to fully understand the societal links among Old Gourna, New Gourna, and Taref, a planned
community to which some of the last remaining residents of Old Gourna have been resettled.
Recently constructed several kilometers north of New Gourna, the Taref development is de-
signed to expand and accommodate a much larger population.
Most importantly, an intensive study of the New Gourna community itself is necessary to
understand the relationship between these people and the place in which they live. Such infor-
mation should fundamentally inform the nature of planning and physical conservation works
to be conducted in their community. Such work runs a substantial risk of contributing to the
“rule of experts” presaged by Mitchell, by imposing an international lens and set of values on
the local landscape and community of New Gourna. However, it likewise has the potential to
more fully realize, preserve, and present the vision of Hassan Fathy and the vibrancy of the
Gournawi. With these concerns and intentions in mind, this assessment effort was under-
taken by WMF.

17
Principal street, New Gourna

DEFINING THE COMMUNITY

To better understand the relationship between the people and place of New Gourna, it was
necessary first to define each – the landscape and the resident population – then to examine
how the dynamic between the two characterizes the community.

The Surveyed Landscape

W
ide side streets, intimate gathering spaces and public courtyards uniquely char-
acterize Fathy’s New Gourna Village. This ‘open space’ aspect of Hassan Fathy’s
legacy is steadfastly preserved and appreciated by New Gourna’s residents. The
core area offers a relaxed, organized atmosphere where traffic and commerce are practically
non-existent. People spend their early evenings resting and socializing, enjoying a residential
experience rare in rural Egypt.
In contrast, the main street bordering New Gourna to the south (al-Temsalyn Street) hosts
a variety of businesses including internet cafés, mobile phone sales and support, mini-marts,
women’s clothing shops, and wedding photography studios. Although also serving the sur-
rounding villages, New Gourna residents benefit from proximity to commercial businesses
that cater to their needs and interests. Only two businesses, a restaurant and a papyrus shop,
seem to target tourists. Both are on the perimeter of the village, outside the historic core.
New Gourna owners of the newer buildings along al-Temsalyn benefit from incomes gener-
ated by street-front shops. Rent along the northern side of the street is almost double that on
the southern side. This is partly due to the unstable nature of the southern side where many
businesses operate without licenses under the separate village governance of Bairat. There is a
longstanding order to demolish these buildings and widen al-Temsalyn into a major thorough-

18
Only two things flourish. One is the trees I planted, now grown
thick and strong, perhaps because they were not subject to the
administration, and the other is the forty-six masons we
trained, every one of whom is working in the district, using
skills he learned at Gourna—proof of the value of training
local craftsmen.
—Hassan Fathy, Architecture for the Poor, 192

Internet café, al-Temsalyn Street

Street sign marking New Gourna Village along al-Temsalyn Street

19
 fare/boulevard, like its adjoining section running between New Gourna and Gezira Village
near the Nile ferry dock.
Meanwhile, the taller buildings facing al-Temsalyn serve to shelter New Gourna’s interior
from noise and traffic. New Gourna is hidden from view, marked only by a road sign reading
‘El Mohandes H. Fathi St.’ and New Gourna residents—especially children—enjoy an inti-
mate and relatively safe environment.
Agricultural lands primarily north of New Gourna and directly behind the Fathy-designed
mosque remain a remarkable feature. Perhaps partly because it was never completed, the
north side of the village lacks a formalized boundary and seems entirely integrated with the
green areas. Lands to the northeast are mainly orchards while those to the north and north-
west are fields supporting various crops. Residents use them as a communal backyard, where
fruit is picked, bread is baked, and buffalo are grazed. Views from the northwestern field pro-
vide a visual connection to the Colossi of Memnon, the site of Old Gourna and the Theban
necropolis beyond.
During the assessment process, both the WMF and UNESCO survey teams considered
and mapped several character-defining features. These transitory, at times temporal, features
consist of the ubiquitous Upper Egypt sleeping benches (mastabas), informal washing and dry-
ing areas, country bread ovens and poultry pens to name a few. Only one maziara (a structure
for holding public water jars) exists in New Gourna. It is a modern construction and differs
greatly from New Gourna’s Fathy-era maziara, as represented in Architecture for the Poor.
Both survey teams also recorded mature palms and younger trees. Smaller landscaped fea-
tures as well as sleeping benches are often found under mature trees. A number of younger
trees are recent additions to the open areas within the souk.

View to the east showing the Agricultural School and

necropolis hills from Fathy’s mosque

Tree-lined street in New Gourna

20
 A shaded New Gourna streetscape

Mastabas made from palm trees in a New Gourna yard

21
 The Survey Respondent Group

S
ixty-six respondents (aged 21 to 86) participated in the survey; forty-three males and
twenty-three females. While 71% live in residential dwellings in New Gourna, 29% work
in or own commercial properties within or adjacent to the core area. This core area,
documented in an earlier physical survey by UNESCO, covers the portion of New Gourna
that was designed and built by Hassan Fathy. The respondent group included approximately
one third of those households, thus serving as a statistically representative sample.
Of the respondent pool, 80% formerly occupied or currently live in a Hassan Fathy build-
ing. Among those, 48% currently occupy a Fathy building, and 32% formerly lived in a Fathy
building but now occupy a newer, replacement building. Only 20% of respondents never oc-
cupied a Fathy building. More than 60% of the survey respondents have lived in New Gourna
for over 30 years, and nearly three-quarters reported that their previous home was in Old
Gourna. The following charts illustrate the profile of full respondent group (66) and of the
subset of 54 New Gourna residents within the respondent group. These respondent statistics
are illustrated in the map and charts that follow.

AGE OF RESPONDENT RESPONDENT'S POSITION IN HOUSEHOLD

86 and over Son-in-law or daughter-in-law Grandchild No response
1% 0 to 25 8% 1% 9%
71 to 85
14%
5%
56 to 70 Son or daughter
18% 20%
26 to 40
32%

(n=66)
41 to 55 (n=66)
30% Wife or husband
62%
RESPONDENT TYPOLOGY
Never occupied a Fathy building
20%
Always occupied a Fathy building
48%

(n=66)

Previously occupied a Fathy building

but currently occupying a newer building
32%

LOCATION OF HOME PRIOR TO NEW GOURNA

TOTAL YEARS OF RESIDENCE IN NEW GOURNA
Used to live in First home is
More than 50 10 or fewer another place New Gourna
13% 9% 11 to 20
2% 20% 8%

41 to 50 21 to 30
30% 26%

(n=54) (n=54)

31 to 40 Used to live
20% in Old Gourna
72%

22
 Geographic distribution of survey respondents

23
New Gourna family

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITIONS

Household Profile

F
rom a social perspective several overarching patterns emerged in the course of the sur-
vey, one of which relates to household size. Among surveyed households, more than half
(52%) contain six to nine members; 27% contain from two to five members, and 12%
contain more than nine members. Nearly all (90%) of those interviewed are married and most
often live in households with an average of 6 members. The relatively large household size
within New Gourna can be attributed to three main factors:

• The most significant factor influencing large household size is the tradition of married
sons raising their families close to their parents’ home. This allows commodities and tasks
to be shared and provides support for aging parents. As it is not possible to expand the
footprint of buildings or to acquire adjacent land, many married sons live in the same dwell-
ing as their parents, often on floors above.
• Some men take two or more wives. Custom requires them to provide housing for all wives
equally. In several cases, Fathy homes have been split in half to accommodate two house-
holds; depending on available space this can mean two kitchens and two bathrooms.
• In New Gourna daughters remain in their parents’ home until marriage. The costs associ-
ated with marriage in Egypt have climbed dramatically in recent decades and young people
are consequently staying home longer and marrying at a later age.

These factors engender renovations and the need for modification of Hassan Fathy-era floor
plans (see the Adaptation of the Built Environment section of this report).

24
 Indeed, we should really have subjected the village to a
thorough socio-ethnographic and economic investigation,
conducted with the utmost scientific rigor, since we wished
for reliable information on which to base our planning.
—Hassan Fathy, Architecture for the Poor, 53

The typical family here used to be two or three, now it’s 16 to

40 in an extended family. So these small-sized Hassan Fathy
houses do not take into account the population growth...
This is a tribal society, based on families.
—Abdel Fattah Hassan, New Gourna resident

7 CHART 8 LOWER:
HOUSEHOLD SIZE FOR LOCATION OF SPACES FOR ANIMALS
NEW GOURNA RESIDENTS Within my house EMP
(primarily through reuse of courtyards)
No response 7%
Do not raise animals Three family
More than 9 4%
From 2 to 5 31% members
13% On the roof 13 %
29%
24% Two family
members
20%
Outside
New Gourna
(n=54) 4%
In a ruined house In pens
near my house 32%
From 6 to 9 2%
54%

11 CHART 12: C
RESPONDENT EMPLOYMENT TYPE TRANSPORTATION TO WORK LEVE
Public, government employed Company vehicle Walk
Retired 20% No formal educa
5% 35%
Student 11% 39%
Private vehicle
1% 14%
Ferry
Homemaker
5%
24%

Primary
Daily wage earner Self-employed education Prepar
4% Privately employed 32% 8%
Fixed route public transport Animal (horse
Newor
Gourna children
donkey) educa
8% (West Delta Bus Co., licensed 3%
5%
route microbus or pick up)
25 36%
Sheep and goat pen with country bread oven

Household Income and Expenditures

T
he survey contained questions pertaining to income that respondents proved reluctant
to answer. Although the community was generally welcoming and people generous with
their time, a few business owners refused to be interviewed.
Money-matters are difficult to appraise, partly because undeclared income is often in-
volved in the household finances. There is also the assumption that the more needy people
appear, the more benefits they may receive, resulting in the inclination to portray incomes
as lower than they really are. The matter of estimating household incomes can, however, be
approached from other angles, specifically through an analysis of household budgets and
expenditures.
First, income estimates were informed by responses about household food costs. A large
portion of monthly household income is spent on dry goods and meat. Since 83% of respon-
dents benefit from government food subsidy programs, analysis takes these reduced costs
into consideration. Additionally, many respondents augment meat consumption by raising
their own livestock, especially chickens, which are inexpensive to keep.
Quantitative measures were also compared with qualitative observations on household
wealth. For instance, the type of television, its age, and whether or not it is connected to a
large satellite dish, provides more information about a household’s flexible savings. The pres-
ence and condition of other household appliances, including air coolers or air conditioners,
clothes washing machines, refrigerators, and the like, are all economic indicators.

26
 Similarly, the survey team looked for indicators of quality of life status beyond the house.
An evening, post-workday survey indicated that there are few privately owned vehicles in
New Gourna. This may arise from New Gourna’s convenient location along a major microbus
route or it may indicate that people simply cannot afford one.
In general, it seems that most New Gourna residents who buy expensive items, pay ed-
ucation tuition, and contract basic home maintenance work, do so on credit. Cash pools
(gam’iyyas) are popular informal systems for loaning money amongst neighbors and relatives,
but most respondents said they owe directly to service providers (installment plan payments).
Larger expenditures are paid off slowly, while respondents seem to have financial control of
monthly expenses (food, utilities, mobile phone bills for the young, etc). Several respondents
said they carry monthly load debts exceeding LE100 (USD 17).
Income estimates are further based on employment status and funds generated by small-
scale industries (animal husbandry and agriculture). More than two-thirds of resident respon-
dents are either augmenting their income or feeding their households by raising animals, in-
cluding poultry, sheep, donkeys, cows, horses and water buffalo. Most of these animals are
kept in pens, but about a third are raised on rooftops. For those without bank accounts, rais-
ing sheep is equivalent to having a savings fund, and selling one to a butcher is like a cash
withdrawal.
When asked: “What is your monthly household income?” only 30% of respondents an-
swered directly, supplying an average of approximately LE300-550 (USD 53) per month.
Given all of the above, and cross-referencing the collected data, it appears that the amount of
household income claimed is less than expenditures. A truer income estimate is a third more
or higher than those claimed. Nonetheless, the average family living in a Fathy house still
spends at least 50% of its income on food.
Based on responses, 73% of those surveyed own nearby agricultural land. Although resi-
dents seem to own less than one feddan (1.038 acres), this pattern demonstrates strong ties to
agricultural practices that provide a reliable source of fresh food or feed for animals. Like rais-

New Gourna resident with television in front room

27
 ing animals, basic farming also suits people who mistrust banks and/or are unable to maintain
a savings account.
Significantly, and contrary to nationwide averages, more than 90% of respondents claim to
own the houses in which they live—a result of their historic relocation from Old Gourna. The
issues of ownership and land tenure were not confirmed, nevertheless, they do not pay rent.
Household ownership represents equity capital, eliminates rent, and allows more money to be
allocated for food and basic expenditures.
As mentioned previously, the survey focused on owners of extant Hassan Fathy houses.
Statistically and observationally speaking, these respondents tend to have fewer financial re-
sources than New Gourna residents who own a modern house. Those living in Fathy houses
are often retired from government employment, on fixed-incomes, illiterate and less likely to
have additional moneymakers in the family. They also possess fewer expensive commodities
such as air conditioners and vehicles than their neighbors in modern dwellings.
Those living in modern buildings, whether built to replace Fathy houses or new construc-
tions, have higher incomes than those still occupying Fathy houses. This corresponds to a geo-
graphic pattern. Generally, those living on al-Temsalyn Street, where there is a higher density
of new constructions, have more financial resources. This finding is reinforced by automobile
ownership as well: 28% of those occupying new constructions own cars, whereas less than 7%
of those occupying Fathy houses own cars.
The most significant aspect of the household income and expenditures analysis is the fact
that people still living in Hassan Fathy houses remain there largely because they cannot afford
an alternative. Thus, this segment of the population is an important target group for any as-
sistance efforts in New Gourna – social, economic, and/or physical.

Pigeon nook

28
 The Upper Egypt Flour Mills company now utilizes Fathy’s souk for flour distribution, but employs few New Gourna residents

7
HOUSEHOLD SIZE FOR L
NEW GOURNA RESIDENTS
Employment No response

A
Do n
majority of respondents indicated that only a single household
Moremember
than 9 was4%employed.
About a third (36%) of respondents claimed two to four employed 13% household mem-From 2 to 5
bers. Employment circumstances varied, but 32% are self-employed. A small number 29%
(8%) of respondents claim to work in the City of Luxor. Job-holding New Gourna respon-
dents generally walk, ride an animal, or use public transportation systems to reach work. Only
Outside
17% use private cars, which may be self-owned or a ride provided by an associate. New Gourna
4%
Male Employment In a
ne
The Ministry of Agriculture, the New Gourna municipality, as well as the UpperFromEgypt
6 to 9Flour
Mills, now located in Fathy’s souk, maintain a presence in New Gourna but do54% not employ
large numbers of New Gourna residents. However, most men from the ages of 50 to 65 and
those retired are or were civil servants. Many worked for the Supreme Council of Antiquities
as site guards, a family holdover possession from their ties to Old Gourna. This longstanding
tie to tourism explains, in part, a higher level of comprehension and knowledge of the English
language in New Gourna.
CHART 10: 11
EMPLOYMENT OF HOUSEHOLD MEMBERS RESPONDENT EMPLOYMENT TYPE
ards) Four family No response Public, government employed
Three family members 4% No one is employed Retired 20%
members 2% 11% Student 11% Priva
n the roof 13 % 1%
24% Two family Ferry
Homemaker
members 5%
24%
20%
(n=54) (n=66)

Only one family member Daily wage earner Self-employed

50% 4% Privately employed 32% Fixed rout
8% (West Delta
route mic
29
New Gourna residents grazing animals in adjacent agricultural fields,
with a view of the Theban necropolis in the distance

Night employment within dwelling

In contrast, younger men tend to seek employment in the private sector and several stat-
ed they believe up to 50% work in the tourism industry. As youths, many go to the Red Sea
tourist resort of Hurghada for jobs in hotels, restaurants, hotel security and other tourism-
related services. A place populated early on by migrants from the Luxor vicinity, this number
increased after the 1997 terrorism act at nearby Hatshepsut’s Temple.
As they mature and set up families, most migrate back to New Gourna and the Luxor-
based tourism industry. Local tourism employment opportunities are comparable, but also
include working on Nile cruise boats, serving as tour guides for national and international
companies, and tending hot air sightseeing balloons. Of note, two men, one retired and one
casual worker, benefit from maintaining New Gourna houses serving as informal museums
related to Hassan Fathy.
For the future, residents (including the elderly and those least likely to be in contact with
visitors) envisage benefits to New Gourna from community-based tourism planning. Many
see the relationship amongst tourism, employment, and increased economic opportunity, es-
pecially those with some form of higher education. Of those respondents with a university or
technical school certificate, the majority would like to see tourism opportunities developed
that benefit the community.

Female Employment
Women above the age of 40 are chiefly engaged in household activities. From the ages of 25
to 40 they are wives and mothers. Some of these women maintain small-scale home-based
industries such as sewing (some for the tourism market) and the processing of agricultural and
animal products. The dynamic employment scenarios found in large cities in the Delta and
Cairo are rare in Upper Egypt, and tradition discourages working women. In this respect, only
a few work outside of New Gourna. Most New Gourna women under the age of 25 attend
school or work at home.

30
I wish they would develop a workshop where I could
find employment
—Fatima al Jalan Ali, New Gourna resident
Women And Children

W
omen of New Gourna typically have from three to seven children. Nearly three
quarters (74%) of respondents said their children attend public school. Most
children walk to school. Primary school begins at age six. Most preschool chil-
dren remain home with their mothers, but a few attend a nearby privately owned kinder-
garten.
New Gourna parents are proud of their children’s access to education. Several respondents
allow their older daughters to attend school in Cairo—a recent trend worth note as rural girls
usually do not travel for schooling.
Children of all ages were observed playing in the streets of New Gourna during various
times of the day and 92% of respondents said this was their primary recreational space. Dur-
ing the evening there is a palpable tranquility and security in the village; children roam (there
is little traffic), and on hot nights many people sleep outdoors.
Privately owned bakeries are a fixture in urban Egyptian environments, but are less com-
mon in rural areas. A government-run bakery near New Gourna produces subsidized (small,
thin) round loaves, but locals tend to prefer the homemade sun bread (aish shamsi), a thick
round loaf made of bleached and whole wheat flours. According to a longstanding tradition,
women engage in communal bread baking sessions that begin in early morning, when the
dough is mixed, kneaded, shaped, and left to rise outdoors on clay plates (mugrassa).
Households that own ovens host the baking session on a rotation basis. Both traditional,
dome-shaped, mud brick country ovens and modern, gas-fueled ones are used. Extended fam-
ilies often pool their government flour rations to produce larger quantities of bread. During
a baking session, enough bread is produced to supply several households for at least a week.
In addition, women in New Gourna engage in childrearing, animal tending, and household
chores such as cooking and washing clothes. Women also support their small-scale industries
which are usually based in the home.
See Income and Household Expenditures for further information regarding women and small-
scale industry.

While many are not formally employed, women care for children, tend
New Gourna resident on her way home from a private tutor animals, bake bread, and manage households

31
 In the school it is the children’s
7 souls that will grow, and the
CHART 8 LOWER:
HOUSEHOLD SIZE FOR L OCATION OF SPACES FOR ANIMALS
building must Ninvite them to
EW GOURNA RESIDENTS fly…With a few fateful lines
Withinonmy house
(primarily through reuse of courtyards)
his drawing board,Nothe architect decrees theDoboundaries
response
4%
not raise animals of
7%
More than 9 31%
imagination, the peace of mind, 29% the human stature of
From 2 to 5
13% On the roof
24%

generations to come.
Outside
New Gourna
Fathy, Architecture for the Poor, 83
—Hassan 4%
In a ruined house In pens
near my house 32%
From 6 to 9 2%
54%
Education

H
assan Fathy sought to furnish New Gourna with facilities for important services, edu-
cation being paramount. The New Gourna master plan, which was never fully real-
ized, included separate schools for girls and boys. The girls’ school was never built;
the boys’ school was built but demolished in 1998. Yet Fathy’s vision of accessible education
perseveres,CHART now11mixed-gender
8 LOWER
and several : schools are located either within or CHART 12:
in close prox-
imity to New Gourna. They include: Qurna (Gourna) Secondary School, CHART
Qurna 10:
Preparatory
RESPONDENT EMPLOYMENT TYPE
LOCATION
School, QurnaOF SPACES FOR
Agricultural ANIMALS School.
Secondary A private kindergarten isTalso RANSPORTATION TO WORK
EMPLOYMENT OF located on the
FOR
Within my house HOUSEHOLD MEMBERS
DENTS south side of al-Temsalyn Street.
Public, government employed Company vehicle Walk
(primarily through reuse of courtyards)
Retired 20% some formal advancedFour family No response
A total of 45% of respondents
7%
received education, such
5% as a uni-
35%
Do not raise
versity Student
animals
degree, 11%
diploma, and/or training from a technical
Threeschool. members
familyPrivate
Among the 39% 4%
vehicle of respon-
No one is employed
31% had1% members 14%2%
From 2 to 5 dents who no formal education whatsoever, 81% are illiterate, while 19% read and write. 11%
On the roof 13 % Ferry
29% Consistent with national averages, illiteracy
Homemaker is concentrated in the elderly, and most in the
24%
24% with no formal education were of a mature age.
category family5%
Two This confirms similar employment
members
findings suggesting that many older male residents worked 20% for the government as site/antiqui-
Outsideties guards, for which literacy was not a requirement.
New Gourna Daily wage earner
4%
A majority of elderly respondents cited television as their main source of information. Sev-
Self-employed
In a ruined 4% Privately employed
house
eral residents noted that a portable public
In pens 32%announcement system (mounted
Fixed route on
oneafamily
car orAnimal
Onlytransport
public truck)(horse or donkey)
member
near my house 8%
32%
was frequently used to circulate news of deaths/funerals or special events.
(West Delta Bus Co., 50%
licensed
2% 5%
New Gourna is known region-wide as a center for education, routeand
microbus
many or pick up) take pride
residents
in the quality of local schools. A tour of the schools found well-operated 36% facilities that include
clean classrooms, libraries, and a computer lab. There is also a local charity that provides fi-
nancial assistance to needy students to cover the costs of attendance.

CHARTCHART
15: 12: CHARTCHART
14: 16:
LOYMENT TYPE TRANSPORTATION TO WORK
BEST SOURCE OF INFORMATION LEVELGOF DISPOSAL/REUSE
EDUCATION
ARBAGE
ic, government employed Company vehicle
20% No response Television Walk Re-useNo formal
(feed it to education
kept animals University degree Place in designated
No response
5% 35%
17% 65% or use as 39%
oven fuel) 24% collection points or dustbin
2%
Private vehicle
Friends 7% 37%
14%
15%
Ferry
5% (n=66)
Computer
2%
Diploma/
(n=66) Primary
Self-employed Newspaper technical school
education Preparatory Secondary
1% Amun collects it from the21
house
%
oyed 32% Fixed route public transport Animal (horse or donkey) 8% education education
54%
(West Delta Bus Co., licensed 5% 3% 5%
route microbus or pick up)
36%

CHART 18:
32
19
PARTIES RESPONSIBLE FOR ADDITIONS/IMPROVEMENTS CHART 17:
PRIORITY IMPROVEMENTS TO
CHART 16:
 Assessment team in Qurna (Gourna) Preparatory School

Health

T
he Egyptian national health system maintains a two-level strategy for dispensing ser-
vices in rural areas: hospitals and healthcare units. Hospitals are larger institutions serv-
ing districts and set up for surgery and long-term treatments. Healthcare units provide
basic assistance on an individual community level, and channel patients to hospitals when
necessary.
On the West Bank, while Qurna (Gourna) Central Hospital serves its general vicinity, there
is a shortage of health care units, obliging New Gourna residents to visit the hospital for basic
medical care, a situation that many residents (41 %) consider inadequate. The hospital is also
underequipped, so that people with serious medical problems must go to facilities on Luxor’s
East Bank for proper treatment.
To augment the shortage of quality healthcare, an Egyptian NGO sends physicians from
Cairo to Qurna (Gourna) Central Hospital on a bi-monthly basis. These doctors announce
visiting hours via mobile public announcement systems that drive through the area.
While members of New Gourna’s older generations appear to be in relatively good health
(based on informal interviews and observation), children frequently suffer from illnesses that
may relate to open sewage and poorly sealed septic tanks. Many parents mentioned dangers to
children that they associate with earthen architecture, such as the presence of scorpions and
snakes in cracks and crevices.
Based on the survey team’s observations, health education would greatly benefit New Gour-
na residents, especially the children and young mothers. Information on preventive care and
environmental safety, via healthcare units, may help to reduce health problems and improve
wellbeing.

33
Members of the Amun Company, a private contractor hired by the Luxor Governorate to collect garbage at New Gourtna

Public Services and Infrastructure

N
ew Gourna benefits from external services established by the Luxor Governorate, such
as the nearby West Bank Qurna (Gourna) Central Hospital. An emergency ambulance
is based in the village as are fire and police stations. Security forces stationed at New
Gourna answer to the Ministry of Interior, a national entity headquartered in Cairo. Govern-
mental bodies in the area of New Gourna include civil defense and police authorities, water
and wastewater, electricity and power authorities, and the Ministry of Awqaf (Office of Islamic
Affairs). Mobile phone coverage is reliable and provides G3 internet access.

Transportation
Hassan Fathy also considered proximity to transportation routes as a key asset of New Gour-
na. He situated the New Gourna marketplace (souk, now the Upper Egypt Flour Mills distri-
bution center) beside the small railroad that services sugarcane plantations north and south
of the village. Fathy’s idea was to facilitate New Gourna residents’ access to transportation
carrying their agricultural produce to larger markets.
While there is no evidence that the proximity to the railroad was utilized, the present-
day location of the village along a principal east-west microbus route on al-Temsalyn Street
connects to the Luxor ferry 1.5 kilometers away and beyond that the railway station and an
international airport. Likewise the village rests where al-Temsalyn Street junctions with the
main north-south west bank highway connecting to cities further field and the modern Nile
bridge 7 kilometers to the south. The transportation network puts New Gourna squarely at
the center of West Bank tourism.

34
 CHART 17:
CHART 16: REASONS FOR ADDITIONS/IMPROVEMENTS
ON GARBAGE DISPOSAL/REUSE For additional
family members
Re-use (feed it to kept animals No response Place in designated No response 5% For incorporating a
or use as oven fuel) 2% collection points or dustbin 2% brother-child’s bride or groom
7% 37% 30%
Collapse or
structural failure
28%

(n=54)
For a second wife
Amun collects it from the house General improvements/maintenance 9%
54% 26%

CHART 18:
19 Collection dustbin
SIBLE FOR ADDITIONS/IMPROVEMENTS
Garbage Collection
Garbage collection and disposalPisRIORITY IMPROVEMENTS
competently handled byTOa N EW GOURNA
private VILLAGE
contractor (Amun Com-
Household or extended
No response pany)
member of for the Luxor Governorate. Amun
the family employees
Water and Nocollect garbage
response from
Quality designated bins or,
of housing
5% more commonly because of the wide streets, move from
15% sewage networks 4%building to building
33% collecting waste
left by doorsteps and transferring it to garbage
44% trucks. Residents pay a small fee for the door-
to-door service. Very few complain about the service, which is indeed more efficient than
similar ones operating in Egypt’s larger cities.

Sewage Disposal
All respondents noted the lack of an integrated and updated sewage system. Residents
Economic recog-
prosperity
Educational
Paid worker nize that better sewage disposal could resolve of workshops
many health-related
facilities Quality and concerns,
access especially among
63% 13%
children. It would also improve the local environment
4% and
to mitigate
healthcaregroundwater conditions
that are contributing to the deterioration of Hassan Fathy’s earthen
1% architecture.
Like most of the West Bank, New Gourna is not equipped with a centralized sewage net-
work. Formerly, dwellings had individual septic tanks that discharged directly into the ground,
via a primitive filtration system. Whether due to lack of maintenance or groundwater issues
affecting New Gourna and other West Bank areas (see Environmental and Building Conditions),
most of these tanks are now dysfunctional. Older tanks have generally been replaced by larger
communal holding containers (ghorfa taftish) made of brick and lined with cement and some-
times shared by a number of dwellings. These new chambers, many of which leak and overflow
frequently, do not discharge directly and require regular emptying. The steps for disposal are
as follows:

Sewage collection truck and overflowing septic tank

35
 1. Typically, poorer residents react when they find sewage backing up into household spaces;
the house with the lower floor drain will encounter the problem of rising slurry (mai’a sarf).
Poorer residents throw waste water from dishwashing, laundry and showers into the streets
to save on septic tank emptying costs. In contrast, better-off residents avoid overflow by
scheduling regular septic tank collection. Some tanks require weekly service.
2. Residents call one of the 2–3 water and sewage authority (Luxor Governorate) trucks, or
four privately-owned sewage retrieval trucks that service the entire West Bank. On a given
day, a truck can serve approximately seven houses. Government authorities charge LE11
plus a LE5 tip for service while private trucks charge LE15-20 pounds, plus a LE5 tip. (LE5
= USD1).
3. On-site collection is simple. Trucks position near the septic tank, the hatch is removed
and a hose dropped inside, the vacuum pump is turned on and depending on the size of the
tank, it is emptied within a half an hour into a container on the back of the truck.
4. The waste is transported to a central collection point north of Taref where it is pumped
inland to a regional water sanitation center at the cost of LE3 per truckload. After raising
fines for illegal dumping, trucks surreptitiously parked at irrigation canals are less com-
mon. Nonetheless, given the thousands of households on the West Bank, total control re-
mains a problem. The Luxor Governorate probably foresees a day when it can reduce the
number of West Bank residents using septic tanks. The underutilized infrastructure grid
at Taref and the built-in, over-capacity of the nearby central collection point suggests they
have plans for extending the sewage network to select areas on the West Bank.

Paved roads create impervious surfaces, exacerbating ground water conditions

36
 New Gourna resident showing effects of rising damp

ENVIRONMENTAL AND BUILDING CONDITIONS

Groundwater

O
lder residents who participated in New Gourna’s construction maintain that the wa-
ter table was approximately 3.5 meters below ground level sixty years ago and has now
risen to approximately 40-50 cm below ground level. This may be attributed to a num-
ber of factors:
As noted above, uncollected sewage is a significant problem that is potentially contribut-
ing to groundwater accumulation. Informal interviews conducted at the Egyptian Water and
Waste Water Authority indicate that fresh water delivered through the West Bank piping net-
work for domestic use amounts to around 400,000 m3 per month, while the collected sewage
water is 40,000 m3 per month—a shortfall of 90%.
Local agricultural irrigation and run off, and recent regional irrigation projects and bar-
rages (including the Aswan High Dam) are likely contributing factors to the rise of the water
table.
The increase in impervious surfaces within the village, including the paving of roads (near
the mosque) and the use of concrete and fired brick in construction, have changed the patterns
of groundwater percolation, surface evaporation, and run off. If the groundwater issues are not
addressed at New Gourna, there is little point in rehabilitating Hassan Fathy’s earthen struc-
tures. WMF recommends a geotechnical study drawing on state-compiled water-usage data as
a background for further study of localized water-table related problems, their causes and pos-
sible solutions. Furthermore, WMF has been involved in groundwater mitigation efforts at the
Mortuary Temple of Amenhotep III nearby in Luxor, and a major USAID project was recently
undertaken to drain a large swath of the West Bank from the Ramesseum to Medinet Habu
Temple. Therefore, data exist and are being acted upon albeit with the monuments in mind.
The remaining householders near those monuments are, however, benefiting too.

37
The experiment back then was unique, beautiful, and
comfortable…but now there are negatives. The architecture is
falling apart because of the increase in groundwater, the lack
of a sewage system, and absence of a proper drainage system
for agricultural lands.
—Abdel Fattah Hassan, New Gourna resident

Building Pathologies

A
survey of building conditions was not within the purview of this assessment. However,
observations and initial analyses are provided so as to characterize socio-economic is-
sues that may be factors in the maintenance and modification of the built environment.
Most Hassan Fathy buildings have ashlar limestone foundations that support the mud brick
walls. The groundwater conditions discussed above increase the capillary rise of moisture and
salt migration, contributing to the disaggregation of limestone within foundations and the
de-cohesion of mud bricks. In walls, this results in significant basal erosion, destroying the
outer wythes of earthen bricks. The lower courses show efflorescence, and the failure of the
physical-chemical matrix forms deepening concave features at the wall base. The degradation
compromises structural integrity, thereby reducing the load bearing capacity of foundations
and lower story walls.
In New Gourna, the destruction or renovation of two-story structures, especially those
with vertical voids, archways and domes, seems to precede that of single-story structures.
This may be attributable to varying deterioration patterns..
Structural cracking is observed in buildings with domes where weight distribution is un-
even, especially around voids such as windows and doors. The lower profile domes found in
the khan portico and many houses are more likely to fail. Of note is the large dome in the
former mayor’s house, which exhibits minimal cracking. Its supporting walls, especially in the
corners, appear thicker.
Several respondents expressed fear, having observed the collapse of neighboring houses,
regarding their own homes. Some have consequently abandoned rooms or else use them for
storage. They also shift their sleeping quarters to other parts of buildings, add rooms in the
adjoining open spaces, or sleep in the street.

New Gourna resident and collapse of two-story dwelling

38
 Outside
New Gourna
4%
In a ruined house
Maintenance and Repair From 6 to 9
near my house
2%

A
54%
ll respondents living in Hassan Fathy–designed houses report their attempts to repair
damage caused by rising damp. Typically, these efforts are cosmetic. Some repair tech-
niques only worsen the problem, like applying a layer of cement plaster on the base
of decayed walls or capping flooring with cement that limits evaporation. However, in other
cases residents remove the affected area, substitute it with a masonry infill of fired bricks, and
CHART 10:
apply cement plaster to the area.
MALS 11 C
Only a E few residents OF
MPLOYMENT re-plastered
HOUSEHOLD their infill fired brick with an earth render. There is no
MEMBERS
ourtyards) indication that residents use new mud bricks for infill repairs, RESPONDENT EMPLOYMENT
but one respondent TYPE
reported TRANSP
Four family No response
scavenging mud members
bricks from a 4%
nearby collapsed Fathy building. This was done purely out of
Public, government employed
Three family No one is employed Compan
economic
members necessity,2%
when the house was split11%into two households because
Retired her husband20%took 5
On the roof a second
13 %wife. More often than not, residents paid workersStudent
to make house
11% improvements in- Private vehicle
24% stead
Twooffamily
attempting do-it-yourself repairs, a foreign concept in 1%Egypt. 14%
members Ferry
Homemaker
20% 5%
24%

Only one family member

50% Daily wage earner Self-employed
4% Privately employed 32% Fixed route public transp
8% (West Delta Bus Co., lice
route microbus or pick
36%

CHART 14:
ORK LEVEL OF EDUCATION CHART 15: CHAR
No formal education University degree BEST SOURCE OF INFORMATION GARBAGE DISP
39% 24%
No response Television Re-use (feed it to kept animals No resp
17% 65% or use as oven fuel) 2%
Friends 7%
15%

Computer
Diploma/
Primary
technical school
2%
education Preparatory Secondary
21 %
8% education education
se or donkey) Newspaper
% 3% 5% 1% Amun collects it
54%

Wall repair by New Gourna resident

CHART 17: CHART 18:
REASONS FOR ADDITIONS/IMPROVEMENTS PARTIES RESPONSIBLE FOR ADDITIONS/IMPROVEMENTS
For additional Household or extended
family members No response
member of the family
designated No response 5% For incorporating a 5%
15%
oints or dustbin 2% brother-child’s bride or groom
7% 30% Contractor
Collapse or 20%
structural failure
28%
(n=54)
(n=54)
For a second wife
Paid worker
General improvements/maintenance 9%
63%
26%

39
Thus a village, after many generations have lived in it, comes
not only to fit its inhabitants’ routine of work and recreation,
but grows to reflect the oddities of its community, bricks and
mortar growing into a living whole with harvest and planting,
with weddings and funerals, with buying and selling, with
craft, with trade, with the feelings of family for family and
class for class. The buildings take on the many-dimensioned
shape of the society, as an old shoe takes the peculiar shape of
one man’s foot, or rather as some growing plant constantly
adapts itself to its environment.
—Hassan Fathy, Architecture for the Poor, 51

ADAPTATION OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

A
s explained in the Household Profile section above, there are three primary factors in
habitation patterns that are spurring modification, or in some cases replacement of the
original Fathy buildings:

• Married sons are expected to raise their families close to or in their parents’ home.
• Many men take multiple wives, requiring them to maintain equitable living spaces for
each.
• Daughters remain in the parents’ home until marriage, and marriage age is tracking
higher in recent years.

The above factors, combined with the limited footprint of the New Gourna plan, engender ren-
ovations of Fathy-era structures. Particular household profiles further illustrate this tendency,
alongside the wish to relocate. A few examples:

• A vegetable-seller lives in a deteriorated Hassan Fathy house with his ailing mother, sis-
ter, his pregnant wife, four children (three girls and one boy) and assorted livestock. Their
household income relies on his ability to deliver produce daily, by donkey, to several popu-
lated areas near New Gourna. Despite the convenient proximity of his clients, and the fact
that his donkey grazes on adjoining agricultural land, he still only manages LE50 (USD10)”
a month in savings. The house, previously expanded on the top floor, is now collapsing. As
a safety precaution, the family abandoned the upstairs and parts of the ground floor, and
now lives crowded into two ground floor rooms. The vegetable-seller insists on staying in
New Gourna, whose location facilitates his livelihood. But he believes his house is beyond
saving, and that replacing it with a cement and fired brick structure, which would allow
him to later add floors to house his sons, is the best solution to his problem.

40
• According to another New Gourna resident, he and his three wives and grown children
would gladly move to Taref as he would receive one house per household there—a total of
three units. This would relieve the crowding in his current home, an older, Fathy dwelling,
and provide property for his sons after his death.

• A divorced woman, her mother and young son, live in a Hassan Fathy house that was split in
half to accommodate her brother and his wife, who built rooms on the upper floor to cre-
ate more space. Although they have recently invested in repairs to the eroding walls, they
understand that the rising water table means this solution is only temporary. The inhabit-
ants of this dwelling do not have the immediate pressures of a growing family; as they are
older and have fixed incomes, they are content with the size of their home and wish only
for stability. In their eyes, the best long-term means of achieving stability, maximizing their
resources and leaving an inheritance, would be to replace the earthen Hassan Fathy build-
ing with a fired brick and cement house.

• Four brothers, several of whom have tourism-related jobs, inherited their uncle’s property,
located directly across the street from their childhood home, a Fathy house where their
father still lives. The Fathy house on the inherited plot collapsed. In its place the brothers
built a modern five-story building with apartments on each floor for each brother. (Their
sisters married and moved elsewhere on the West Bank). They are happy to have a house
in New Gourna that is safe, clean, structurally sound and located near their cousins and
elderly father, who was one of the original New Gourna settlers.

A second story added to a Fathy building and prepared as a household for a son’s marriage

41
Why do people want to build in concrete when the temperature
is higher inside? Because they are tired of restoring their mud
houses and they pay a lot of money to do that.
—Abdel Fattah Hassan, New Gourna resident

Hassan Fathy built for small families. People marry. The whole
family living together is very important here—to have my son
and grandson around me.
—Mahmoud Ali Sayed, New Gourna resident

• The occupation history of a small cluster of buildings in north New Gourna is also note-
worthy. Although located outside of the defined Fathy core, the original buildings served as
experimental construction workshops for Hassan Fathy’s builders (1940s) and were aban-
doned when work at New Gourna ceased. These buildings were occupied on a more perma-
nent basis in 1974, when a family moved from Old Gourna to New Gourna and retrofitted
the buildings into residences. When these buildings collapsed in 1993, they were replaced
by a series of new dwellings. Since space was available, each of the original patriarch’s sons
expanded horizontally and built his own adjacent home. One of the small-scale industries
within this cluster is ‘Valley of the Queens,’ a bee-keeping business. In 1989 a demolition
order was issued against these new buildings, but the family had it rescinded by legal judg-
ment in 1998 thus affirming the legitimacy of their tenure.

Bee keeping in New Gourna

42
Infilled Fathy arches and addition to second story Infilled door

Infilled arch Semi-enclosed archway

Building Modifications

F
or the most part, interior spaces have been refashioned to accommodate multiple
households in dwellings intended for a single family’s use. Some families include mul-
tiple wives and their children, with each wife maintaining a separate household. Resi-
dents also seek ways to accommodate their sons’ families, re-shaping Hassan Fathy’s signature
sculpted rooflines and pushing the buildings’ capacity-carrying limits to the maximum to ob-
tain new space. The following are typical:

• Most archways, doorways, and window openings have been modified to accommodate
changing households. Retrofitted doors and window components tend to be rectangular
and smaller than the original opening. The voids are filled, substituted, or partially covered
with cardboard or sheets of wood.

• In all houses, Fathy’s exterior open porches have been transformed into rooms, often small
reception areas.

• Nearly all front rooms constitute the living or most public room (Fathy’s intended use) and
often double as sleeping quarters. These rooms are now entered from the street through
a rectangular doorframe. In many cases, Fathy’s original arched entrances can been seen
from the inside and as masonry traces on facades.

• Almost all open loggias have been roofed and domes demolished to accommodate more
rooms on the second floor. Many residents feel unsafe under Fathy’s domes, but they also
see them as impractical encroachments on usable space.

43
 • Original open staircases have either been enclosed and/or have had balustrades added to
accommodate changes in upper floor usage. Residents cite safety concerns for the elderly
and children.

• Almost every Fathy household has a cooking area and toilets. Many residents devote a
room to stabling animals. When the house is divided to create a household for a married
son or second wife, the second floor or second half of the house may lack these facilities.
Despite modifications, primary cooking areas are generally located on the ground floor
and 87% of respondents claimed separate rooms for kitchens.

Respondents were asked to prioritize household improvements. Among them, 27% desired
a complete reconstruction to improve the dwelling. Many stated they want new buildings to
look like their “Hassan Fathy” houses, yet this remark is based on considerably altered ver-
sions of the original structures.
However, in prioritizing improvements, there is unanimous recognition that structural
problems will only be resolved by finding a solution to sewage disposal and other groundwater
issues. It is widely considered that installing a sewage system would bring many social, health,
and overall lifestyle benefits to New Gourna.

A former entrance passage in a dwelling, now enclosed and converted to a geese pen

44
 54% 26%

CHART 18:
19
LE FOR ADDITIONS/IMPROVEMENTS
PRIORITY IMPROVEMENTS TO NEW GOURNA VILLAGE
Household or extended
esponse
member of the family Water and No response Quality of housing
5%
15% sewage networks 4% 33%
44%

(n=54)

Economic prosperity
Paid worker Educational of workshops
facilities Quality and access 13%
63%
4% to healthcare
1%

Bathroom added with the introduction of fired brick partitions in

the middle of the earthen masonry ground floor

Modified household kitchen

45
 Reconstructions

W
ithin the village, three significant restorations seeking a Fathy-like style were in
various stages of completion at the time of this survey. All demonstrate interven-
tions beyond the financial means and technical capacity of the average respondent.
Two are being financed by outside individuals who have recently obtained property in New
Gourna; the third is being undertaken by a long-time resident supported by outside assis-
tance. Beyond the financing issue, they are a noteworthy barometer of how people perceive
the Fathy legacy.
In the first case, the owner, a relative of the previous owner, is upgrading an existing Hassan
Fathy building partly through traditional means of earthen masonry. Evidence suggests con-
struction materials are being salvaged from a recently collapsed building nearby and reused to
restore failed sections of this project.
In the second case, the owner expanded his Fathy building through provocation, some say,
by appropriating public open space and later verti-
cally adding a second floor. Some of the additions
include earthen materials, but generally they are
limited to fired brick with an earth render. The
original building, which most claim to be the first
built at New Gourna, is now a rambling pastiche
sold to the odd passing tourist as authentic Has-
san Fathy.
Lastly, land with a collapsing building was pur-
chased by an outside individual and admirer of
Hassan Fathy. In this case most of the original
building was removed except for the already al-
tered exterior walls. The foundations and remain-
ing structure were shored, portions of the walls
were rebuilt in fired brick, and the reconstruction
was topped with a dome and other Fathy-like or-
namentations. At the time of this assessment the
project remains incomplete.

Reconstruction in Fathy style reusing ground floor

earthen materials and fired brick above

Mudbrick fabrication in the yard of a Fathy building now under renovation

46
 While most of the khan lies derelict, local residents utilize a few government agencies with offices in the front section

In short, I wanted in the public buildings of Gourna to provide

for all the communal needs of the villagers—for their work
and trade, for their education, for their amusement, and for
their worship.
—Hassan Fathy, Architecture for the Poor, 67

Public Spaces

T
he public spaces that Fathy included in his plan for New Gourna have evolved, some
to meet the evolving needs and demands of the community and some in response to
change in the Qurna district. Some public structures have been retained, stabilized, and
restored, while others have been reclaimed and adaptively reused.
A testimony to Fathy’s enduring legacy, the mosque in New Gourna remains an intact and
iconic centerpiece. Still today, New Gourna contains no other place for collective spiritual
thought, and the landmark continues to form the moral fiber of community identity. It is also
now home to a regional office of Awkaf property management. The public square in front of
the mosque, now paved, remains as a public gathering space for residents as does the khan.
Often dusty and vacant during the week, this open space comes to life to accommodate Friday
prayer attendees, funerals, and other community events.

47
Regarding the souk, there used to be a functioning one here,
but it was moved. Now I have to pay for transportation to shop.
—Abdel Fattah Hassan, New Gourna resident

Adjacent to the mosque and square is the community center or “village hall” as Fathy re-
ferred to it, which was part of the original 1940s master plan. Today, a modern concrete build-
ing replaces Fathy’s hall and holds a variety of community events, including weddings and
funerals. Whenever possible, community members contribute small sums to maintain and
clean the facility as it continues to be an important piece of the social and physical fabric of
New Gourna. A community member noted that if families prefer to hold celebrations at home
or in the public space, the community hall lends its wooden benches (mastaba) at no cost.
Just south of the mosque is the theater. Conceived and constructed as part Fathy’s plan for
New Gourna, the theater is a virtually unused space today despite recent rehabilitation efforts.
Presumably the theater fell into disuse rather quickly; in Fathy’s account of his 1961 visit to
New Gourna, he noted that the theater was “deserted.”7 Built as a place for public art highlight-
ing peasant life, Fathy recognized the theater as an anomaly but believed that it might provide
a needed cultural venue for visitors and residents alike.
Nearby the concentration of public buildings a number of schools can be found. Fathy in-
sisted on the construction of schools as part of the integrated plan for New Gourna. The origi-
nal plan specified that two schools, one for boys and one for girls, were to be constructed. Al-
though the boys school no longer exists in its original form and the girls school was never built,
New Gourna remains a place strongly tied to and proud of its history of accessible education.
Today, a number of operating, mixed-gender schools are located in the immediate vicinity.

Modern village hall

Khan used for vehicle parking

48
Souk now used by the Upper Egypt Flour Mills for storage Lime pickers taking a break in the orchard

The theater in New Gourna

As previously mentioned, many businesses servicing New Gourna residents are currently
located along al-Temsalyn Street. The creation of this street and the likely migration of busi-
ness to it presumably affected the plans for commercial opportunities embodied in Fathy’s
original plan for New Gourna. Envisioned as a place bustling with local merchants, Fathy’s
souk was, by 1961, an underused space. The former souk now houses the Upper Egypt Flour
Mills storage area and distribution point; while the company conveniently services New
Gourna bakers it is the sole enterprise in the former souk.
The continued use of interstitial space, a component of Fathy’s overall vision for New
Gourna, is an important component of the public landscape. Contemporary streetscapes
containing sleeping benches (mastabas), alcoves for water jars (maziara), makeshift stables, and
plantings all reflect Fathy’s plan now and when New Gourna was first occupied.” Outlying ag-
ricultural lands have been continually used by residents of New Gourna for grazing, planting,
and harvesting and many of Fathy’s original planting still exist and are utilized.
New Gourna continues to uphold the vision first employed by Hassan Fathy because uni-
fying elements, mosque and maziara alike, endure and change. The social principles of access
to education, commerce, religion, and community, probably the most important set forth in
Fathy’s plan, are still manifest in the New Gourna of today.

49
There is an expression we say, “Rebuild with the spirit of
Hassan Fathy, but not with the mud of Hassan Fathy.”
—Mahmoud Ali Sayed, New Gourna resident

CONSERVATION CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES

T
hat New Gourna is a treasured place of great importance is not disputed by the various
stakeholders associated with this architectural heritage and the Fathy tradition, from
local residents to international scholars. However, there is less agreement with regard
to the elements and values – tangible and intangible – that constitute its cultural significance.
Therein lies a fundamental tension regarding how New Gourna should be preserved. The
conservation community has traditionally focused on original design and fabric. Scholarship
in the field and shifting paradigms have engendered greater recognition of the evolution of
the built environment over time. Yet New Gourna, as a planned community created during a
distinct moment in history, seems to defy that notion. As Fathy’s greatest opus and most pro-
found disappointment, the fact that the village and its design are an ever evolving construct
is often lost, in reverence to the man and his legacy. As one looks upon the vestiges of this
65-year old experiment, with its graceful architecture and social idealism, it is difficult not to
wish it whole again.
The reality, however, is that New Gourna has changed. As Fathy himself foresaw, “… a vil-
lage, after many generations have lived in it, comes not only to fit its inhabitants’ routine of
work and recreation, but grows to reflect the oddities of its community…The buildings take
on the many-dimensioned shape of the society, as an old shoe takes the peculiar shape of
one man’s foot, or rather as some growing plant constantly adapts itself to its environment.”
The village of New Gourna has indeed grown and adapted. Buildings have been modified,
expanded, and replaced in response to evolving social, economic, and environmental factors.
These same factors have spurred a common trend within the village to abandon the use of

50
earthen materials in such alterations. This dynamic puts conservation interests, which cham-
pion Fathy’s application of sustainable materials and vernacular forms, potentially at odds
with those of local inhabitants.
However, as the primary stewards of New Gourna, residents are critical stakeholders in the
conservation process. Living and working in the historic landscape, they are the linchpin to
preserving the core values of New Gourna, which extend far beyond design and fabric. That
the village remains a vibrant, closely knit community is testament to the endurance of Fathy’s
ideals. He gave dimension to notions of urban intimacy, access to education, and community
engagement, all of which were codified in his innovative, mixed use plan. These elements re-
main as cornerstones of New Gourna’s physical and social foundation, and likewise can serve
as tools for forging common ground amongst the varied interests engaged in planning for its
future.
The institutions involved in safeguarding the village must balance these sometimes con-
flicting values regarding the significance and conservation of New Gourna, but they have a
tremendous resource and precedent in the community. The Fathy legacy is as much about
participatory design as it is about the forms resulting from it. Capitalizing on this history
by engaging the community in cooperative planning would tap a critical resource. It would
enable a sharing of knowledge and inform a more robust program of revitalization, one that
serves community needs as well as heritage interests.

51
I cannot imagine moving any other place, and everyone else
thinks the same. I was born here and have lived here all my
life. My father also found himself here too. Where shall we go—
to the mountains of somewhere just because an outside investor
is coming here?
—Mohamed al-Tayeb, New Gourna resident

Attachment to Place

T
he decisions residents have taken to remain in, manage, and maintain New Gourna
derive from a host of factors. However, the modification of this historic cultural land-
scape should not be readily dismissed as a lack of respect for Fathy’s legacy. On the con-
trary, New Gourna holds significant meaning for its residents, with 78% wanting to remain in
the village, and a large percentage wanting to remain in Fathy dwellings.
Discerning why residents wish to remain in New Gourna is complicated. This initial as-
sessment reveals that a number of families trace their lineage to Old Gourna, and the resettle-
ment to New Gourna serves as a significant moment in family histories. Ancestral mapping of
three significant New Gourna families illustrates how this movement gave rise, over time, to
extended households settling in the immediate vicinity. This may contribute to the fact that
63% of interviewed residents would like to remain in New Gourna because it feels like home.
This sense of grounding is accompanied by the realization of the significance of Fathy’s work.
Over half of interviewed residents believe that Hassan Fathy and the model he created at New
Gourna are of great import. This notion includes the recognition of Fathy’s building style as
good, though not appropriate to current environmental conditions. Residents appreciate the
temperature regulation of the earthen brick as well as the strategic location, scale, and avail-
ability of services found in the village.
In sum, attachment to place is strong within the community and ranges from families
whose lineage can be traced to Old Gourna as well as more recent residents. It will be critical
to consider this element when examining safeguarding initiatives. The cohesiveness that ex-
ists in New Gourna should be seen as an opportunity for innovative and historically sensitive
urban planning and community development.

52
Every day committees visit and we hear we will stay, move,
higher houses will be demolished. We want to hear a
convincing clear statement on these rumors, it just makes
people worry. So if you move the top floor from my house
(a concrete one) where will these people go?
—Abdel Fattah Hassan, New Gourna resident

The Prospect of Change and Community Engagement

T
he prospect of change has loomed large in the minds of New Gourna residents since the
inception and construction of the village. Today, rumors swirling within the commu-
nity have renewed fears regarding tenure and resettlement. Plans to widen al-Temsalyn
Street, the relocation of community schools, and the construction of a tourist hotel are a
few of the stories feeding the worries of residents. The press conferences associated with the
UNESCO meeting in October 2010 reinforced such fears, giving rise to additional reports
that indeed New Gourna residents were to be relocated and the village to become another
attraction for visitors and researchers in Luxor.
Soon after the closing press conference in October, residents of New Gourna met in the
community center to discuss televised reports of the UNESCO event and to share concerns
regarding the future of the community. Fearing a demonstration, local police were in atten-
dance. But this was as much a proactive as reactive gathering. The people of the village want
not only to stay in New Gourna, but also to contribute to its improvement. Nearly half (45%)
of interviewed residents envision New Gourna as a place where residential use and tourism, in
its many forms, can co-exist with mutual benefits. These views underscore the opportunities
for a collaborative planning process that addresses social needs, infrastructure issues, eco-
nomic development, and conservation.
The recent elevation of New Gourna to a municipality within the newly designated gov-
ernorate of Luxor gives political stature to the village. The new city hall, under construction
in October 2010 and located directly behind the Fathy theater, is testimony to this change.
Thus, there is a governance infrastructure and willingness on the part of the community, both
of which could facilitate an inclusive dialogue. Involving the community in a participatory
planning process in which residents feel ownership over the future plans for New Gourna and
are empowered to help manage change is imperative. WMF found New Gourna residents
open to discussion about their past, present, and future—an opportunity for the creation of a
sustainable, values-based, long-term vision for New Gourna.

53
People must be involved in the decision. My opinion alone does not
work...we should all have a voice in order to take the right decision.
—Mohamed al-Tayeb, New Gourna resident

CONCLUSIONS

N
ew Gourna has survived 65 years and is regarded as one of the most remarkable ar-
chitectural achievements of the twentieth century. In turn, Hassan Fathy is widely
respected as a pioneer of sustainable architecture and participatory design. Much
scholarship exists on New Gourna and on Hassan Fathy, one of the more significant being
Architecture for the Poor in which Fathy himself explains his close attention to details affecting
both the physicality and social aspects of constructing and planning New Gourna. It is upon
this work that this assessment builds.

Key Findings
Economic Conditions: The community is varied in terms of income and financial resources. The
large majority of households (83%) receive some form of government food subsidy and on
average more than 50% of household income is spent on food. However, through credit ar-
rangements, many families are able to afford household amenities and to pay education tu-
ition, and a few own vehicles. On the whole, the survey results indicated that income exceeds
expenditures. That said, most respondents articulated a desire to enhance employment and
economic development opportunities for the village and its residents, particularly through
small-scale industries and tourism.

54
Public Services and Infrastructure: Improved housing conditions are a clear priority for the com-
munity, and one that will need to be integrated with conservation efforts. New Gourna’s loca-
tion on a major thoroughfare facilitates access to public services. Transportation, communi-
cation, power, water, and garbage collection systems all seem to meet the primary needs of
the community. An area in need of improvement is that of access to healthcare. The Qurna
(Gourna) Central Hospital is nearby for emergency care and the treatment of major illnesses.
However, there is no local healthcare unit in the area to provide basic treatment, preventive
care, and health education. This appears to most significantly impact the children of New
Gourna. A major problem in New Gourna is the lack of an adequate sewage and wastewater
disposal system. This is a primary concern and need of the community. The absence of effec-
tive sewage disposal appears to contribute to health issues as well as to groundwater problems
that are affecting the built environment.

Environmental Issues: Groundwater is a critical issue in New Gourna. Problems appear to be

influenced by several factors, including uncollected sewage, agricultural irrigation and run
off, barrage construction (including the Aswan High Dam), and the increase of impervious
surfaces within and around the village. Some or all of these are negatively impacting patterns
of groundwater accumulation, percolation, surface evaporation, and run off. This, in turn, is
causing deterioration of building foundations and materials (leading to structural problems)
and contributing to a general dissatisfaction with Hassan Fathy’s earthen structures. Opin-
ions were nearly unanimous that the original houses are no longer compatible with the cur-
rent environment or lifestyle needs of the respondents.

Education: Access to education was a core principle in Fathy’s design of New Gourna and has
remained an enduring and central element in the life of the village as well as a source of pride
for the community. More than 70% of residents have some formal education, with that num-
ber increasing among younger inhabitants. The close proximity of education facilities and
the peaceful safety of the village, both of which allow children to walk to school, are clearly
incentives for families to enroll their children. Rumors regarding the potential relocation of
the New Gourna schools have thus created a great deal of anxiety amongst residents. School
relocation would have a profoundly negative impact on New Gourna.

Qurna (Gourna) Preparatory School

55
Social Conditions and Factors of Change: New Gourna is very much a close knit community in
which residents have formed strong networks of communication and sharing, from bread-
baking to money-lending. The tranquility and safety of the village are palpable; children roam
and play throughout and on hot evenings many residents sleep outdoors. This community
cohesion is due in part to the trend of extended family members remaining within the vil-
lage after marriage and across generations. Shared connections to Old Gourna may also be a
contributing factor. These findings are supported by sample genealogies undertaken as part
of this assessment. While these conditions have made for a resilient social fabric, they have
likewise had a profound impact on the built fabric of New Gourna. With daughters marrying
later and remaining home until marriage, men taking multiple wives, and married sons raising
their families in or near their parents’ home, housing needs are constantly increasing within
the village. The original residential structures cannot accommodate these growing families.

Adaptation of the Built Environment and Conservation Challenges: The aforementioned social dy-
namics and associated population growth, as well as the environmental issues affecting struc-
tures, place a great burden on the built environment. At the time construction was halted on
New Gourna, the completed structures were intended to house 77 households. Those same
building plots now house 174 households. To accommodate these evolving needs, original
buildings have been subdivided, enlarged, and in some cases replaced. However, Fathy’s origi-
nal plan has endured such that the new buildings generally do not extend beyond the estab-
lished footprints. The end result is the densification of New Gourna. Such increases in density
are the most sustainable way to manage urban growth and prevent sprawl around cities. Thus,
in its evolution, New Gourna has ironically maintained Fathy’s principles of sustainability
writ large through such densification. However, this phenomenon is in potential conflict with
heritage conservation, which emphasizes the traditional form and fabric of the cultural land-
scape. A primary challenge of any safeguarding efforts at New Gourna will be to resolve these
tensions through conservation approaches that meet the full range of stakeholder interests.

56
I do not want to go anywhere else. If there are projects we
welcome that because there are many unemployed young
people...we will be the first to join in.
—Mohamed al-Tayeb, New Gourna resident

Attachment to Place, Values, and Community Engagement: Intimate and safe hawaari (residential
enclaves/alleyways), extended families spanning several generations, and visual and physical
connection to Greater Luxor have given rise to a community with a strong sense of and at-
tachment to place. This attachment to place is codified by residents who do care about build-
ing fabric and frequently extend limited family resources to make repairs and renovations. In
the eyes of some conservation professionals, the community has destroyed Fathy’s master-
piece through such modifications. However, this assessment found a great deal of respect for
the history and heritage of New Gourna among residents. Given the evolving social dynam-
ics and the problems caused by changing environmental conditions, their actions are borne
out of necessity. They are taken with the best of intentions, and with limited financial and
information resources. Their stewardship of New Gourna should not be judged by the loss
of original fabric, but rather through their perpetuation of Fathy’s principles of community
empowerment and sustainability.
While many individual Fathy buildings have been replaced and renovated, the findings of
this assessment support the idea that the cultural landscape of New Gourna today is very
much a product of Hassan Fathy. In this respect, the value of this place and of Fathy’s legacy is
not simply that of mud brick and plaster. It is not even that of domed dwellings and open log-
gias. However, it is that of the place-based social fabric that serves to knit together this com-
munity. The unifying, somewhat intangible, elements of this plan concern education, religion,
and economy—all of which remain intact in New Gourna.
The fact that more than three-quarters of New Gourna residents envision remaining in
this place should be regarded as an asset and an opportunity. The community is a vested group
of passionate stakeholders; preservation is half won if residents are successfully tapped as a
resource. If provided a formal means of participation, thoughtful capacity building, and de-
velopment assistance—long missing in the dialogue with villagers—they can be the best solu-
tion to safeguarding New Gourna Village—the logical, sustaining energy to advancing Hassan
Fathy’s experiment.

57
There is much more to this approach than the purely technical
matters that concern the architect. There are social and
cultural questions of great complexity and delicacy, there is the
economic question, there is the question of the project’s
relations with the government, and so on. None of these
questions can be left out of consideration, for each has a
bearing on the others, and the total picture would be distorted
by any omission.
—Hassan Fathy, Architecture for the Poor, xv

Recommendations

O
ne of Fathy’s greatest contributions to architectural scholarship and practice was his
profound understanding of the inextricable link between people and places. Thus,
conservation of the built environment of New Gourna should go hand in hand with
community development. Effectively integrating heritage protection into a broader program
of infrastructure and service improvements, education, and economic development will forge
a strong foundation for sustainable preservation of Fathy’s legacy and improved quality of life
within the village.
Several initial steps can be taken to advance these aims and build the framework for value-
driven planning:

Vehicle for Community Participation: A fundamental first step in safeguarding New Gourna and
engaging its residents is the establishment of a structured vehicle for community participa-
tion. Open, public meetings involving government officials and others engaged in the UNES-
CO project will be a critical element, providing a regular forum for gathering and sharing
information. Such communication will dispel the rumors that prompt anxiety and mistrust
on the part of local residents. The community may also wish to identify key representatives
through whom project information might be channeled for broader communication to the
village between meetings. Ultimately, a structured vehicle for participatory planning will
build mutual respect and trust amongst the various stakeholders and entities involved in the
project.

Land Tenure Analysis: As noted previously, there are questions regarding home ownership in
New Gourna and overall land tenure. New Gourna is located on property administered by the
Supreme Council for Antiquities (SCA), but many residents have papers pertaining to own-
ership/occupancy of dwellings. An investigation encompassing these issues would be a next
logical step in the planning process. Such information should be gathered and assessed so that
any resettlement, conservation, or reclamation initiatives are framed by a clear understanding
of ownership/occupancy within the context of Egyptian law. The Aga Khan Trust for Culture
initiatives in Cairo’s al-Darb-al-Ahmar area present a good model of how this can be done.
Such an analysis would also create the opportunity to further engage the community, beyond
meetings and outreach.

Geotechnical Study: A critical initial step in project planning is a thorough geotechnical study.
As noted above, groundwater issues are extremely problematic and an apparent cause of sig-
nificant deterioration of building materials. Such a study should assess hydrology, soil, and
foundation conditions so as to inform any repairs or program of conservation.

58
History of Interventions and Occupation Patterns: Through the work of this assessment, it became
apparent that there is a significant amount of unpublished and disparate information regard-
ing the physical and social evolution of New Gourna over the past 65 years. The published
literature fails to provide a complete record as well. Contemporary critique and investigation
of the village tends to focus on the original design and conditions today. There is little detailed
analysis of how, when, why, or where change occurred in the period between and how certain
physical and social occupation patterns began to emerge over time. Mapping the evolutional
transformation of Fathy’s architecture and correlating it to social dynamics would provide
extremely useful data for defining a practical strategy for preservation and informing overall
planning.
New Gourna is the icon of Fathy’s legacy. The ideas he engendered are made manifest
through social housing, public facilities, urban design, and the evolution of this community.
New Gourna remains a dynamic living settlement. Its sense of place derives from tangible and
intangible assets envisioned and executed by Hassan Fathy. This study provides a broader view
of New Gourna, demonstrating how and why residents have changed the built fabric, but also
maintained Fathy’s ideals. There is an inextricable link between the place and its people, and
Fathy’s vision of community participation remains a powerful tool in the preservation of New
Gourna and his legacy.

59
Appendix A
SURVEY FORMS

New  Gourna  Village,  Socio-­‐Economic  Survey,  2010  

Community  Assessment  
 

World  Monuments  Fund  

 
 
Hello,  my  name  is  ____________and  I  am  from  the  World  Monuments  Fund  and  we  are  working  with  UNESCO.  We  
are  conducting  a  survey  of  the  people  living  in  your  area  and  of  the  historic  village  of  New  Gourna.  The  findings  from  
this  survey  will  be  presented  to  the  Governor  of  Luxor  in  order  to  better  understand  the  conditions  of  New  Gourna.  
Participation  in  the  survey  is  voluntary.  Your  responses  will  be  kept  confidential  and  will  be  used  for  planning  purposes  
only.  We  hope  that  you  will  participate  in  the  survey.  Your  response  is  important  and  very  much  appreciated.  
 
Inventory  number  
Numerical  identification  based  on  base  map    
 
Interviewer(s)  
 
Date  
Indicate  the  day,  month  and  year  
Start  time    
Finish  time    
 
 
General  Data  (GD)  (for  all  respondents)  
 
GD01  /  Name  of  respondent  
Name  in  Arabic  and  English  
 
GD02  /  Building  address  
If  available  in  Arabic  and  English  
 
GD03  /  Gender  
1. Male  
2. Female  
 
GD04  /  Age  or  approximate  age  
Specify  number  of  ______________________  years  
 
GD05  /  Landline  and  mobile  phone  number(s)  
Specify  ______________________  numbers  
 
GD06  /  Marital  status    
1. Married  (indicate  wife  number)  
2. Married,  separated  
3. Divorced  
4. Widowed  
5. Unmarried,  engaged    
6. Unmarried  
 
GD07  /  Who  is  the  head  of  the  household?  
Name  in  Arabic  and  English  
 
 
 

60
GD08  /  What  is  your  position  in  the  household  (relation  to  head  of  house)?  
1. Wife  or  Husband    
2. Son  or  Daughter    
3. Son-­‐in-­‐law  or  Daughter-­‐in-­‐law    
4. Grand  child    
5. Parent    
6. Wife’s  relative    
7. Brother  or  Sister    
8. Niece  or  Nephew    
9. Not  related    
10. Other,  specify  ______________________  
 
Education  (ED)  (for  all  respondents)  
 
ED01  /  What  is  your  highest  educational  attainment?  
1. University  degree  
2. Diploma/technical  school  
3. Secondary  education  
4. Preparatory  education    
5. Primary  education  
6. No  formal  education  (see  ED02)  
 
ED02  /  Can  you  functionally  read  and  write?  
1. Yes  (literate)  
2. No  (illiterate)  
 
ED03  /  How  do  you  receive  most  of  your  information?  
(Interviewer:  the  answer  may  only  be  one)  
1. Television  
2. Radio    
3. Newspaper  
4. Computer  
5. Friends  
6. Other,  specify  ______________________  
 
General  Employment  (EM)  (for  all  respondents)  
 
EM01  /  How  many  people  in  your  family  work?  
Specify  number  of  ______________________  people  
 
EM02  /  What  are  your  employment  circumstances?  
1. Government    
2. Police  and  defense  personnel  
3. Self-­‐employed    
4. Private    
5. NGO  or  civil  society  organization  
6. Daily  wage  earner  
7. Home  maker    
8. Student      
9. Retired    
10. Un-­‐employed  (between  18-­‐65  years  old)    
11. Unable  to  work  due  to  chronic  illness    
12. Unable  to  work  as  physically  impaired    
13. Other,  specify______________________  
 

61
EM03  /  If  you  are  self-­‐employed,  do  you  own  a  business  in  New  Gourna?  
1. Yes  (Continue  with  GB01)  
2. No  (Skip  the  next  section  on  NG  business  owners  to  EM04)  
 
If  answered  YES,  continue  with  this  section,  if  NO  skip  down  to  ‘General  employment  
continued’  and  EM04  
 
***  
New  Gourna  business  owners  only  (GB)  
 
GB01  /  What  kind  of  business(es)  do  you  own  in  New  Gourna?  
Specify      ______________________  
Specify      ______________________  
 
GB02  /  Business  address(es)  of  respondent:  
Specify  addresse(s)  ______________________  inventory  code(s)    ________________  
 
GB03  /  How  many  years  have  you  owned  your  business(es)  in  New  Gourna?  
Specify  number  of  ______________________  years  
 
GB04  /  Do  you  see  New  Gourna  as  a  good  location  for  your  business?  
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
GB05  /  What  are  the  advantages?  
Specify      ______________________  
 
GB06  /  What  are  the  disadvantages?  
Specify      ______________________  
 
GB07  /  Do  you  have  a  partnership  in  the  business?  
1. Yes  
2. No  (Skip  GB08)  
 
GB08  /  If  yes,  how  many  partners?  
Specify  number  of  ______________________  partners  
 
GB09  /  How  many  people  work  at  your  business?  
Specify  number  of  ______________________  people  
 
GB10  /  Where  are  most  of  your  workers  from?  
(Interviewer:  only  one  answer)  
1. New  Gourna  village  
2. From  the  surrounding  West  Bank  villages  
3. Luxor  and  the  surrounding  East  Bank  
4. Outside  of  the  Luxor  Governorate  
 
GB11  /  Who  is  the  owner  of  the  building  where  your  business  is  located?  
1. You  (Skip  GB12)  
2. Your  parents  
3. One  of  your  relatives  
4. Other  
 
 

62
GB12  /  If  it  is  not  you,  where  does  the  building  owner  live?  
1. New  Gourna  
2. Outside  of  New  Gourna  
 
GB13  /  What  is  the  approximate  square  meter  area?  
2
Specify    ______________________  m  
 
GB14  /  Where  do  most  of  your  customers  come  from?  
(Interviewer:  only  one  answer)  
1. New  Gourna  village  
2. From  the  surrounding  West  Bank  villages  
3. Luxor  and  the  surrounding  East  Bank  
4. Outside  of  the  Luxor  Governorate  
5. International  
 
GB15  /  Has  your  business  grown  in  the  last  five  years?  
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
GB16  /  If  yes  or  no,  specify  why?  
 Specify      ______________________  
 
 
General  employment  (EM)  continued  
 
EM04  /  The  number  of  years  at  this  place  of  employment  
Specify  number  of  ______________________  years  
 
EM05  /  What  is  your  work  location?  
Specify  village  or  city  ______________________  
 
EM06  /  How  many  kilometers  commute  one  way  to  your  place  of  work?  
Specify  number  of  ______________________  kms  
 
EM07  /  How  do  you  get  to  work?    
(Interviewer:  the  answer  may  be  a  combination  of  two  or  more)  
1. Walk  
2. Bicycle  
3. Animal  
4. Fixed  route  public  transport  (West  Delta  Bus  Co.,  licensed  route  microbus  or  pick  up)  
5. Non-­‐fixed  route  transport  (tuk-­‐tuk  or  motorcycle  hire)  
6. Taxi  
7. Ferry  
8. Private  vehicle  
9. Company  vehicle  
10. Other,  specify_____________________  
 
EM08  /  Are  there  family  members  working  outside  of  the  Luxor  area?  
1. Yes  
2. No  (Skip  EM09)  
 
EM09  /  If  yes,  where  are  they  working?  
Specify    ______________________  
 

63
 Residence  (RE)  
 
RE01  /  Are  you  a  resident  of  New  Gourna?  
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
If  answered  YES,  continue  with  this  section,  if  NO  skip  down  to  Tourism  and  Fathy  (TF)    
 
***  
RE02  /  How  many  years  in  residence  at  this  address?    
Specify  number  of  ______________________  years  
 
RE03  /  What  is  the  basis  for  occupancy  in  the  present  dwelling?  
1. Sole  owner,  residential  building/family  dwelling  
2. Partial  owner,  residential  building/family  dwelling  
3. Tenant,  new  lease  
4. Tenant,  old  lease      
5. Informal  agreement  
6. Other,  specify______________________  
 
RE04  /  If  you  pay  or  collect  rent,  how  much  is  it  each  month?  
Specify      ______________________  EGP  
 
RE05  /  Where  did  your  family  previously  live?    
1. This  is  our  first  home  
2. New  Gourna  (if  yes,  ask  the  next  two  questions)  
3. Old  Gourna  (if  yes,  skip  to  the  third  question  below)  
4. Another  place  (if  yes,  skip  to  the  fourth  question  below)  
 
RE06  /  If  New  Gourna,  where  was  the  previous  home  located?    
Specify  address  ______________________  inventory  code  ____________________  
 
RE07  /  How  many  years  in  that  residence  at  this  address?    
Specify  number  of  ______________________  years  
 
RE08  /  How  many  years  of  total  residence  in  New  Gourna?    
Specify  number  of  ______________________  years  
If  the  total  years  exceed  the  two  previous  addresses  then  repeat  the  two  questions  again    
 
RE09  /  If  you  previously  lived  in  another  place  outside  of  New  Gourna  where  was  it?  
Specify      ______________________  place  
 
RE10  /  If  you  lived  in  Old  Gourna,  how  many  properties  did  you  own?    
Specify  number  of  ______________________  properties  
For  compensation  history,  take  notes  on  the  tenure  of  these  properties  regarding  single  or  joint  ownership.    
 
RE11  /  Do  you  have  papers  addressing  your  ownership/tenure  in  the  present  property?    
1. Yes  
2. No  (Skip  RE12)  
 
RE12  /  If  yes,  what  type  of  paperwork  do  you  have  as  evidence?    
Specify  ______________________  
 

64
 Children  of  the  Household  (CH)  
 
CH01  /  How  many  children  (below  secondary  school)  still  live  in  the  household?  
Specify  number  of  ______________________  children  
Note  if  it  is  an  extended  family  and  children  belong  to  many  nuclear  families,  identify  the  generations.  
 
CH02  /  Where  do  your  children  play?  
Specify  ______________________  
Depending  on  early  answers,  we  may  try  to  later  quantify  these.  
 
CH03  /  Where  do  school  aged  children  go  for  education?  
(Interviewer:  only  one  answer)  
1. Public  school  
2. Private  kindergarten/school  
3. Do  not  attend  
4. Other,  specify______________________  
 
CH04  /  How  do  they  get  to  school?  
(Interviewer:  the  answer  may  be  a  combination  of  two  or  more)  
1. Walk  
2. Bicycle  
3. School  transport  
4. Fixed  route  public  transport  (West  Delta  Bus  Co.,  licensed  route  microbus  or  pick  up)  
5. Non-­‐fixed  route  transport  (tuk-­‐tuk  or  motorcycle  hire)  
6. Group-­‐hire  private  transport  
7. Ferry  
8. Private  vehicle  
9. Group  shared  transportation  
10. Other,  specify______________________  
 
Household  Attributes  and  Facilities  (HA)  
 
Indicators  to  determine  wealth,  look  for:  
• Television  (note  the  type)  
• Satellite  dish  (shared  or  not)  
• Computer  
• Internet  line  (shared  or  not)  
• Generator  (suggests  electrical  shortages)  
• Refrigerator  
• Automatic  clothes  washer  (open  top  drum,  semi-­‐  or  full  automatic)  
• Air  cooler  
• Air  conditioner  
• Dishwasher  
• Automobile  
Use  the  section  on  physical  modifications  to  explore  the  house  for  these  purchases  and  the  other  following  attributes  
 
Interviewer  remarks:      ______________________  
 
***  
HA01  /  Number  of  rooms  in  the  household:  
Specify  number  of  ______________________  rooms  
 
HA02  /  What  is  the  number  of  people  living  in  the  household?    
Specify  number  of  ______________________  people  

65
Household  physical  modifications  (HM)  
 
Indicators  to  look  for:  
• Wall  cracks  
• Sloping  floors  
• Wall  stains  
• New  wall  paint  
• Plastering  
• Plumbing  leaks  
• Brick  erosion  
 
Interviewer  remarks:      ______________________  
 
HM01  /  Do  you  have  problems  in  your  household  or  building?  
1. Yes  
2. No  (Skip  HM02)  
 
HM02  /  If  yes,  what  kind  of  problems?  
1. Structural  (walls,  roof,  floors,  stairs)  
2. Plumbing  
3. Other,  specify      ______________________  
 
HM03  /  Did  you  try  to  solve  structural  problems  in  the  past?    
1. Yes    
2. No    
 
HM04  /  If  yes,  how?    
1. Plastered  walls  
2. Brick  replacement  for  walls  
3. Added  a  layer  of  cement  or  concrete  to  the  ground  floor  
4. Modified  the  ceiling  or  roof  
5. Partially  or  totally  rebuilt  the  house  
 
HM05  /  Have  there  been  additions/improvements  to  the  living  spaces?    
1. Yes  
2. No  (Skip  HM06  and  HM07)  
 
HM06  /  If  yes,  why  were  they  made?  
(Interviewer:  the  answer  may  be  a  combination  of  two  or  more)  
1. For  additional  family  members  
2. For  incorporating  a  brother,  child’s  bride  or  groom  
3. For  a  second  wife  
4. General  maintenance  improvements  
5. Fearing  of  collapse  
6. Other,  specify    ______________________  
 
HM07  /  Who  made  them?    
(Interviewer:  the  answer  may  be  a  combination  of  two  or  more)  
1. Household  or  extended  member  of  the  family  
2. Paid  worker  
3. Contractor  
4. Other,  specify______________________  
 
HM08  /  Do  you  perform  regular  maintenance  to  your  house?    
1. Yes  
2. No  

66
  
HM09  /  If  yes,  what  is  the  usual  interval?  
Specify  number  of  ______________________  months  
 
Household  food  and  cooking  (HF)  
 
Indicators,  look  for:  
• Bread  ovens  
• Number  of  bread  baking  plates  (do  a  rough  count)  
• Stove  type    
 
Interviewer  remarks:      ______________________  
 
HF01  /  Do  you  have  a  separate  room  for  the  kitchen?    
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
HF02  /  What  type  of  fuel  is  mainly  used  for  cooking?  
1. Line-­‐fed  gas  
2. Bottled  gas  (imbouba)    
3. Kerosene  Stove  (bagour)  
4. Coal    
5. Wood    
6. Other,  specify______________________  
 
HF03  /  What  is  your  monthly  expenditure  on  food?  
1. Meat  and  poultry   ___________  EGP  or  ___________  Kilograms  
2. Fish       ___________  EGP  
3. Dry  goods     ___________  EGP  
 
HF04  /  Are  you  enrolled  in  the  government  subsidized  system?  
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
 
Household  fresh  water  (HW)  
 
Indicators  to  look  for:  
• Buckets  full  of  water  
• Containers  full  of  water  
• Long  water  hoses  
 
Interviewer  remarks:      ______________________  
 
HW01  /  Do  you  have  piped  water  running  into  the  house?  
1. Yes  
2. No  (skip  HW02)  
 
HW02  /  Do  you  have  a  water  meter?  
1. Yes  
2. No  (Skip  HW03  to  HW06)  
 
HW03  /  If  yes,  how  much  do  you  pay  per  month  for  water?  
Specify      ______________________  EGP  
 

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HW04  /  Does  the  authorized  supplied  water  periodically  go  off?  
1. Yes  
2. No  (Skip  HW05  and  HW06)  
3. Sometimes  (usually  when  the  authority  is  making  system  repairs  
 
HW05  /  If  yes,  how  often  does  it  happen?  
1. Daily  
2. Weekly  
3. Monthly  
4. Seasonally  
 
HW06  /  What  is  the  duration  of  the  disconnection?  
1. Part  of  a  day  
2. A  day  
3. More  than  a  day  
 
HW07  /  If  no  authorized  piped  water,  what  is  the  main  source  of  water  for  the  household?  
1. Makeshift,  piped  into  residence    
2. Public  communal  tap    
3. Neighbor’s  house  tap  
4. Ground  well    
5. Bottled  water    
6. Other,  specify  ______________________  
 
HW08  /  How  frequently  must  the  water  be  resupplied?  
1. Never  (if  piped  water)    
2. Every  day    
3. Every  1  to  2  days    
4. Every  3  to  4  days    
5. Every  5  to  6  days  
 
Household  electricity  (HE)  
 
HE01  /  Do  you  have  authority-­‐metered  electricity?  
Yes  (Skip  to  HE03)  
No  
 
HE02  /  How  much  do  you  pay  per  month  for  electricity?  
Specify      ______________________  EGP  
 
HE03  /  Who  is  the  person  responsible  for  metered  electricity?  
1. Occupying  family  member  
2. Non-­‐occupying  family  member  (deceased  or  not  a  resident)    
3. Landlord    
4. Other,  specify  ______________________  
 
HE04  /  Are  there  frequent  power  outages?  
1. Yes    
2. No  (Skip  HE06  and  HE07)  
3. Sometimes  (usually  when  the  authority  is  making  system  repairs  
 
HE06  /  If  yes,  how  often  does  it  happen?  
1. Daily  
2. Weekly  
3. Monthly  
4. Seasonally  

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HE07  /  What  is  the  duration  of  the  disconnection?  
1. Part  of  a  day  
2. A  day  
3. More  than  a  day  
 
Sewage  and  waste  (HS)  
 
Indicators  to  look  for:  
• Water  stains  
• Rising  damp  
• Recent  plastering  on  the  lower  walls  
• Plumbing  problems  
• Inspection  chamber  
• Flies  and  insects  
• Vacuum  trucks  
 
Interviewer  remarks:      ______________________  
 
HS01  /  Do  you  have  a  bathroom  inside  the  house?  
1. Yes  (Skip  HS02  and  HS03)  
2. No  (Ask  the  next  two  questions)  
 
HS02  /  If  no,  where  does  the  household  usually  wash?  
(Interviewer:  only  one  answer)  
1. Public  bathroom  facility    
2. Use  neighbors/relative’s    
3. Arrange  a  space  inside  the  house    
4. Other,  specify  ______________________  
 
HS03  /  If  no,  where  does  the  household  go  for  a  toilet?  
(Interviewer:  only  one  answer)  
1. Public  bathroom  facility    
2. Use  neighbors/relative’s    
3. Arrange  a  space  inside  the  house    
4. Other,  specify  ______________________  
 
HS04  /  Do  you  have  a  septic  tank?  
1. Yes    
2. No  (Skip  HS05  and  HS06)  
 
HS05  /  If  yes,  how  do  you  empty  it?  
1. By  myself  
2. Authority  vehicle    
3. Contracted  vehicle  
4. Embedded  disposal  system  
5. Other,  specify  ______________________  
 
HS06  /  What  problems  do  you  have  with  this  system?  
(Interviewer:  the  answer  may  be  a  combination  of  two  or  more)  
1. Floods  inside  the  house  
2. Floods  outside  the  house  
3. The  truck  does  not  come  to  empty  it  
4. Expensive  
5. Authority  notification  system  to  order  service  
6. Other,  specify    ______________________  
 

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HS07  /  Where  does  the  household  dispose  of  garbage  and  waste?  
(Interviewer:  the  answer  may  be  a  combination  of  two  or  more)  
1. On  open  ground/throw  it  outside    
2. Outside  of  the  neighborhood    
3. In  designated  collection  points/dustbin    
4. Garbage  man  collects  it  from  the  house  (authorities)  
5. Garbage  man  you  pay  collects  it  from  the  house  (Zabal)  
6. Private  company  collects  it  
7. Re-­‐use  (feed  it  to  kept  animals,  oven  fuel)  
8. Other,  specify  ______________________  
 
HS08  /  Do  you  have  problems  with  the  garbage  collection  system?  
Specify    ______________________  
 
 
***  
HA03  /  After  this  discussion,  if  you  could  choose,  what  one  improvement  would  you  make  to  
your  house?  
1. Nothing  specific  
2. Plastering    and  finishing  
3. Septic  tanks  and  plumbing  improvement  
4. Rehabilitation  
5. Restoration    
6. Expansion  
7. Rebuilt  
8. Buy  another  apartment  
Note,  the  question  was  left  open  ended  and  the  above  are  respondent  answers  later  quantified.  
 
Household  rural  activities  (HR)  
 
Indicators  to  look  for:  
• Animal  pens  
• Odors  connected  to  animals  
• Feed  stacks  
• Increase  in  flies  
• Waste  piles  in  front  of  houses  
 
Interviewer  remarks:      ______________________  
 
HR01  /  Do  you  raise  animals  in  New  Gourna?    
1. Yes  
2. No  (Skip  HR02)  
Typically  families  will  take  their  animals  to  nearby  fields  during  the  day.  Fridays  and  evenings  is  more  likely  when  to  
find  them  at  the  houses.  
 
HR02  /  If  yes,  what  kind  of  animals?    
1. Poultry        
2. Goat      
3. Sheep    
4. Cow  or  buffalo    
5. Donkey      
6. Horse  
7. Others,  specify__________  
 
 

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HR03  /  Where  do  you  keep  them?  
(Interviewer:  the  answer  may  be  a  combination  of  two  or  more)  
1. Within  the  house  (primarily  reuse  of  Fathy  courtyards)  
2. On  roof  
3. In  pens    
4. Free  roaming  on  the  street  
5. In  a  ruin  house  near  my  house  
6. Outside  New  Gourna  
7. Other,  specify______________________  
 
HR04  /  Do  you  own  nearby  agricultural  land?  
1. Yes    
2. No  (Skip  HR06  and  HR07)  
 
HR05  /  If  yes,  is  it  in  New  Gourna?  
1. Yes    
2. No  
 
HR06  /  What  is  the  area  in  feddans?  
Specify      ______________________    feddans  
 
Household  environment  (HV)  
 
HV01  /  Would  you  consider  working  with  your  neighbors  or  other  community  members  to  
improve  New  Gourna?  
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
HV02  /  Do  you  have  problems  with  neighbors  or  other  community  members?  
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
HV03  /  To  which  organizations,  clubs  and  religious  events  do  you  participate?    
Specify  types  and  locations    ______________________  
 
 
HV04  /  Do  you  own  other  property  in  NGV?    
1. Yes  
2. No  (Skip  HE05)  
 
HV05  /  If  yes,  specify  where?  
 Addresses      ______________________  inventory  code(s)  _______________  
 
HV06  /  What  is  your  opinion  of  the  medical  services  in  the  immediate  area  of  your  household?  
(Interviewer:  only  one  answer)  
1. Available  and  good  
2. Available,  but  bad  
3. Good,  but  insufficient  
4. Bad  and  insufficient  
5. Specify    ______________________  
 
HV07  /  Does  anyone  in  your  family  suffer  a  chronic  health  problem?  
Specify      ______________________  
 

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HV08  /  Please  rank  three  priorities  from  this  list  you  would  like  to  see  improve  in  New  
Gourna:  
• Quality  of  housing  
• Economic  prosperity  of  workshops    
• Quality  and  access  to  healthcare  
• Educational  facilities  
• Security  
• Cleanliness  
• Water  and  sewage  networks    
• Access  to  fresh  produce  markets  
• Transportation  
• Communication    
 
HV09  /  Do  you  want  to  continue  living  in  this  locality  in  the  future?      
1. Yes  (Skip  HE10)  
2. No  
 
HV10  /  If  no,  why?  
Specify      ______________________  
 
Household  finances  (HN)  
 
HN01  /  What  is  your  monthly  expenditure  on  healthcare?  
Specify      ______________________  EGP  
 
HN02  /  What  is  your  monthly  expenditure  on  food?  
Specify      ______________________  EGP  
 
HN03  /  What  is  your  monthly  household  income?  
Specify      ______________________  EGP  
Note  that  many  original  settlement  dwellers  living  in  Hassan  Fathy  houses  are  pensioners  thus  on  fixed  incomes.    
 
HN04  /  Do  you  have  any  debts?  
If  yes,  learn  about  the  types      ______________________  
 

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 Tourism  and  Fathy  (TF)  
 
TF01  /  Do  you  know  who  Hassan  Fathy  was?  
1. Yes  
2. No  (continue  directly  with  TF05)  
 
TF02  /  Why  do  you  think  he  was  important?  
1. Except  for  the  foundations,  he  built  a  good  quality  model  village  and  building  style  
2. He  was  interested  in  helping  people  by  providing  improved  services  and  housing  
3. He  did  his  best  to  design  the  village  
4. He  is  a  well-­‐known  architect  and  famous  for  other  work  outside  of  NGV  
5. He  wanted  to  help  the  community  and  preserve  monuments  
Note,  the  question  was  left  open  ended  and  the  above  are  respondent  answers  later  quantified.  
 
TF03  /  What  do  you  like  about  Hassan  Fathy’s  work  in  New  Gourna?    
1. His  good  architectural  aesthetic  
2. The  public  buildings  like  the  khan,  mosque  and  amphitheatre  
3. Appropriate  seasonal  climate  control  systems  for  interior  spaces  
4. Large  internal  spaces  
5. The  street  and  open  space  designs  between  buildings  
6. The  strategic  location  on  the  West  Bank  (Qurna  center)    
Note,  the  question  was  left  open  ended  and  the  above  are  respondent  answers  later  quantified.  
 
TF04  /  What  do  you  not  like  about  the  Hassan  Fathy  built  houses  at  New  Gourna?    
1. The  building  foundations  are  weak  and  insufficient  for  the  environment  
2. They  are  not  appropriate  for  today’s  modern  life  style  
3. After  modifications  were  made  they  do  not  provide  enough  privacy  
4. Poor  choice  of  construction  material    
5. Difficult  to  keep  clean  of  dirt  and  pests  
6. They  were  provided  with  a  primitive  sewage  system  
7. The  rising  water  table  affects  the  building  depositing  salts  on  the  walls  
8. The  materials  limit  expansion  upwards  and  the  urban  plan  restricts  horizontal  extension  
9. The  thick  walls  decrease  residential  living  space  
Note,  the  question  was  left  open  ended  and  the  above  are  respondent  answers  later  quantified.  
 
TF05  /  Have  you  noticed  an  increase  in  visitors  at  New  Gourna?  
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
TF06  /  What  types  of  visitors  do  you  see  in  New  Gourna?  
Specify      ______________________  
 
TF07  /  Would  you  like  to  see  more  visitors  to  New  Gourna?  
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
TF08  /  If  yes  or  no,  why?      
1. For  the  general  benefits  it  will  provide  all  of  the  community  
2. For  the  increased  income/job  opportunities  associated  with  tourism  
3. For  the  recognition  it  will  bring  to  the  village  
4. Would  encourage  an  overall  improvement  and  upgrading  in  the  village  
5. It  would  not  make  a  difference  
6. Increased  tourism  might  not  respect  local  community  traditions  
7. Tourist  will  not  find  interesting  architecture  to  visit  
Note,  the  question  was  left  open  ended  and  the  above  are  respondent  answers  later  quantified.  

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TF09  /  Are  you  interested  in  tourism  employment  in  New  Gourna?  
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
Sense  of  Place  and  Future  (PF)  
 
PF01  /  In  your  opinion,  what  is  important  at  New  Gourna?  
1. Significant  public  buildings  like  the  mosque,  khan  and  amphitheatre  
2. Its  distinguished  physical  design  and  village  plan  
3. Its  strategic  location  on  the  West  Bank  (Qurna  center)  
4. The  village’s  strong  sense  of  community  identity  and  association  
5. Good,  nearby  public  services  
Note,  the  question  was  left  open  ended  and  the  above  are  answers  provided  by  respondents  
 
PF02  /  How  do  you  view  New  Gourna  in the  next  25  years?  
(Interviewer:  only  one  answer)  
1. A  place  for  living    
2. A  place  for  earthen  architecture  research  
3. A  place  for  tourism  
4. A  place  for  business  
 
PF03  /  If  there  was  a  plan  to  improve  the  village  based  around  Hassan  Fathy’s  architecture  
would  you  want  to  continue  to  live  or  work  in  New  Gourna?  
1. Yes  
2. No  
 
 
 
********************************************  
Complied  by  Community  Consortium,  2010  
 

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 Appendix B

First  genera+on First  genera+on

father mother
 from  Old  Gourna from  Old  Gourna  
(deceased) (deceased)

From  Old  Gourna,  moved  into

FAMILY MAPPING

a  Hassan  Fathy  building  1075  

in  New  Gourna  Village

Second Second Second   Second Second   Second Second   Second

genera+on genera+on genera+on   generation genera+on   genera+on   genera+on   genera+on  
1st  son  (deceased) wife 2nd  son wife 3rd  son wife 4th  son wife

Married  and  moved  into   Married  and  moved  into  

88
Married  and  moved  into   Married  and  moved  into  
Fathy  building  1077  and   Fathy  buildings  1089  and  
Fathy  building  1018a Fathy  building  1007a
later  1092  with  his  sons later  1090a  with  his  sons

Fathy  building  1018a  collapsed,   Fathy  building  1077  collapsed, Fathy  building  1090a  collapsed,  
replaced  with  a  mul+-­‐storey  building   replaced  with  a  new  mul+-­‐storey   replaced  with  a  new  mul+-­‐storey  
where  4  sons  now  live building  where  3  sons  now  live building  where  2  sons  now  live

Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on

1st  son  and  family 1st  son  and  family 1st  son  and  family

Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on

2nd  son  and  family 2nd  son  and  family 2nd  son  and  family

Third  genera+on Third  genera+on

3rd  son  and  family 3rd  son  and  family

Third  genera+on
4th  son  and  family
 First  genera+on First  genera+on
father mother
 from  Old  Gourna from  Old  Gourna

From  Old  Gourna,  moved  into

Hassan  Fathy  building  1062  
in  New  Gourna  Village

Second Second Second   Second Second   Second

genera+on genera+on genera+on   genera+on genera+on   genera+on  
only  son wife 1st  daughter 2nd  daughter 3rd  daughter 4th  daughter

Married  and  moved  into  

Married  to  families  outside  of  Hassan  Fathy’s  New  Gourna  Village
Fathy  building  1062  
and  moved  elsewhere  on  the  West  Bank  
that  later  collapsed  and  was  rebuilt

89
Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on
1st  son 3rd  son 1st  daughter 3rd  daughter

Married  and  moved  into   Married  and  moved  into   Married  and  moved  into   Married,  moved  elsewhere  
Fathy  building  1056 Fathy  building  1011 Fathy  building  1027 on  the  West  Bank

Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on

2nd  son 4th  son 2nd  daughter

Married  and  moved  into   Married,  

Married  and  moved  into  
mul+-­‐storey  modern   moved  elsewhere  on  
Fathy  building  1061
building  1062 the  West  Bank
 First  genera+on   First  genera+on First  genera+on
1st  mother  from   father 2nd  mother
Old  Gourna  from  Old  Gourna from  Old  Gourna

From  Old  Gourna,  moved  into From  Old  Gourna,  

Hassan  Fathy  building  1093   she  moved  to  Bairat  and  
in  New  Gourna  Village raised  a  second  family

Second Second Second   Second Third  genera+on Third  genera+on

genera+on genera+on genera+on   generation 1st  daughter  and  family 2nd  daughter  and  family
1st  son wife 2nd  son wife

Married  and  stayed  in   Married  and  moved  into  

Married  and  live  in  Bairat
Fathy  building  1093 Fathy  building  1087

90
Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on
1st  son  and  family 2nd  son  and  family 3rd  son  and  family 4th  son  and  family 1st  daughter  and  family 2nd  daughter  and  family

Married,  moved  and   Married,  moved  and  

Married,  these  siblings  moved  elsewhere
subdivided   subdivided  
on  the  West  Bank
Fathy  building  1086(a) Fathy  building  1086(b)

Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on Third  genera+on
1st  son  and  family 2nd  son  and  family 3rd  son  and  family 4th  son  and  family 1st  daughter  and  family 2nd  daughter  and  family

Their  uncle’s  Fathy  building  1087  collapsed,   Married,  both  daughters  moved  elsewhere
replaced  with  a  mul+-­‐storey  building  where  4  sons  now  live on  the  West  Bank
91
Appendix C
ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

T
his annotated bibliography is not a comprehensive faced in order to provide a rationale for why work stopped
review of Fathy scholarship. Rather it focuses on the at the site. A catalogue of difficulties follows: incompetent
New Gourna experiment and the lessons learned assistants assigned by the Department of Antiquities, lack
about the place, its evolution, and its community. The texts of materials (particularly straw and explosives for quarrying
and resources are categorized as follow: stone), political intrigue against the project at the hands of
bureaucrats who had been proven derelict in their duties,
• Fathy on New Gourna problems obtaining the necessary permissions for collect-
• Others on Fathy and New Gourna ing raw materials like sand, foremen putting relatives on
• Sources in Arabic the payroll without them providing any useful work, slow
• Web Sources speed of the government-sponsored tender process, bud-
• Other Bibliographies of Fathy’s Work get irregularities on the part of the accounts department,
• Relevant Archives corruption of members of the Inspectorate, lack of human
concern on the part of Cairo authorities during a cholera ep-
idemic, reluctance on the part of the Gournawis to abandon
tomb-robbing, sabotage of a dike that flooded the buildings
Fathy on New Gourna to a height of half a meter, and refusal of various ministries
including the Ministry of Social Affairs, the Housing De-
While architecture was his primary pursuit, Fathy was a partment and the Fellah Department to take up the project
prolific author. In addition to formal commentary on his after the Department of Antiquities refused to proceed.
work, he eagerly wrote plays, parables, and short works of Though Fathy considers the possibility that his village was
fiction to advance his ideas. While his early writings on poorly received for symbolic reasons (evoking tomb archi-
New Gourna have been amply disseminated, his later stud- tecture of Upper Egypt), he ultimately finds that the failure
ies on the restoration of New Gourna (conducted during of New Gourna lay in the intractable mire outlined above,
the 1970’s and 80’s) have not been published, but may be concluding that for a visionary artist, cooperating with the
consulted at the Rare Books and Special Collections Li- bureaucracy is “soul destroying, nothing less.” When Fathy
brary of American University in Cairo. revisited New Gourna in 1961 during the course of prepar-
ing his manuscript, he found that the village was “exactly as
[he] had left it; not a single new building had been erected,”
Fathy, Hassan. Gourna: A Tale of Two Villages. Cairo: mostly empty with the exception of the boys’ school and a
Ministry of Culture, 1969. “few houses inhabited by squatters.” Finally, he outlines his
hopes to advance the vision of New Gourna in his mother’s
This work, first published in a limited run of 1000 copies hometown of Nabaroh (this project never occurred).
by the Egyptian Ministry of Culture, then appeared in a
shortened form as Construire avec le Peuple in Paris in 1970,
and later as Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Fathy, Hassan. “What is a City?” in Hassan Fathy by
Egypt, in 1973. It marked a turning point in his career, as James Steele. London: Academy Editions,
his message of appropriate technology and traditional tech- 1988: 122-136.
niques was received with significantly more enthusiasm
internationally than it had been in Egypt. Introducing his This lecture, delivered at al Azhar University in Cairo in
design and planning philosophy, he begins by describing his 1967, outlines Fathy’s conviction that architects and plan-
quest to “build a village where the fellaheen would follow the ners have unique social responsibilities, and that those
way of life that I would like them to” as a childhood dream. responsibilities are different in the Arab world than else-
In lyrical language, he describes the sources of his inspira- where. Following the neglect of traditional Arab architec-
tion: the Nubian vaults of Garb Aswan, the domes of the tural crafts, Fathy claims that foreign elements have filled
Fatimid cemetery of Aswan, the Monastery of St. Simeon, their place, resulting in an architecture that is “totally
the vaulted granaries of the Rameseum, and Tuna el Gebel. unsuitable.” He finds that the labels International, Func-
He relates the beginnings of his work with the Department tional, and Modern are “backward,” at least as applied to
of Antiquities and the bureaucratic struggles that he faced the Middle East, and urges young architects to heed the
from the outset of design work in August, 1945, going on “strong scientific basis” for traditional Arab architecture,
to explain the three seasons of construction work at New allowing the “life force of tradition” to buoy their work at a
Gourna, with particular attention to the obstacles that he higher level of achievement.

92
Fathy, Hassan. Natural Energy and Vernacular versity, a university for women in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.
Architecture. Chicago: University of Chicago While this dissertation does not delve deeply into the
Press, 1986. rich body of theory discussing the difference between
“Western” and “Non-western” perspectives (for better
While this is the most technical of Fathy’s published works theoretical contextualization, see Steele 2002), it is most
and he does not mention New Gourna directly within its concerned with evaluating Hassan Fathy’s legacy and
pages, it is nevertheless significant for his explanation of his place in the canon of twentieth century architectural
the principles underlying his selection of both materials history. El-Shorbagy posits that rather than considering
and forms for his architecture. He focuses on the relatively Fathy’s work as a simple reaction to modernism, it should
high thermal insulation provided by mud brick walls; the be seen as a separate experiment exploring the relationship
mashrabiya wooden lattice as an element that controls the between natural material, forms of building and patterns of
passage of light and air flow, reduces the temperature of the life—and more broadly, the relationship between the built
air current while at the same time increasing its humidity, environment, ecology, and human society—thereby antici-
all while providing for the privacy of inhabitants; the per- pating and indeed fostering the debate regarding environ-
formance of the Egyptian malqaf and Persian badgir wind mental and social sustainability of building. Drawing on
catchers; the takhtabush outdoor seating area adjacent to the works of many Fathy acolytes, including Abd el Wahed
the courtyard; and the salsabil marble plate with water run- el Wakil and RasemBadran, El-Shorbagy demonstrates
ning over it and evaporative cooling properties. that the materials, techniques and forms advocated by
Fathy have enjoyed tremendous success around the world
(particularly in the context of individual buildings rather
Others on Fathy and New Gourna than planned communities), though his central vision of
“architecture for the poor” has been largely abandoned.

Damluji, Salma Samar. “On the Poetics of Space:

Interview with Engineer Hassan Fathy,” Alif: Journal El-Wakil, Abd el Wahed. “Introduction” in Hassan
of Comparative Poetics.No. 6, Spring 1986: 62-72. Fathy by James Steele. London: St. Martin’s
Press, 1988: 7-8.
About the author: Of Hassan Fathy’s numerous pupils, Sal-
ma Damluji is perhaps the most involved in the documen- About the author: Abd el Wahed el Wakil is a former pu-
tation and preservation of cultural heritage, with a par- pil of Hassan Fathy and practices architecture primarily
ticular interest in the earthen architecture of the Arabian in Egypt and Saudi Arabia. He has twice received the Aga
Peninsula. Also author of such books as The Architecture of Khan Award for Architecture.
Oman, The Architecture of Yemen: From Yafi to Hadramut, and Praising Fathy for his sense of communal architecture and
The Architecture of the United Arab Emirates, she cites Fathy innovative use of mud brick, El-Wakil addresses the ques-
as a prime influence. tion of the appropriate extent of earthen architecture and
This interview, though primarily oriented toward theo- whether or not it can be made to fulfill new urban require-
reticians, is a notable instance in which Fathy explains how ments. He suggests that, according to Fathy, it was critical
he conceives of architecture as a tool used to domesticate to begin by attempting to solve the problems existing in less
space. Elaborating on spaces both within an individual dense rural areas, using the lessons learned there to discover
building (the courtyard and bedroom, the lobby and hall solutions for more complex urban environments.
of a theater, etc.) as well as the experience of buildings in
a streetscape and the harmonious rhythm of nodal points
that capture the attention of the viewer, Fathy argues that El-Wakil, Leila. “Un Avenir pour Nouveau Gourna,”
the poetics or musicality of space contributes to our feel- Mediterra 2009 Proceedings. Monfalcone:
ing of belonging to the space that surrounds us. This qual- Edicom Edizione, 2009: 295-303.
ity is one that he sought to create in his own architecture,
particularly in town plans like that of New Gourna. About the author: Leila El-Wakil is Maitre d’enseignement
et de recherche at the University of Geneva. She is the
founder of Save the Heritage of Hassan Fathy, a Geneva-
El-Shorbagy, Abd el Moniem M. The Architecture based organization that advocates the preservation of
of Hassan Fathy: Between Western and Non-western Fathy’s work.
Perspectives. Dissertation Presented to the University At Mediterra 2009, the first Mediterranean conference
of Canterbury, 2001. on earthen architecture, El-Wakil expanded the article
she co-authored in the March 2008 DOCOMOMO Jour-
About the author: After receiving his doctorate in Art His- nal by suggesting several preliminary guidelines to shape
tory from the University of Canterbury in New Zealand, conservation plans for New Gourna: 1) Given the univer-
El-Shorbagy is now an Assistant Professor of Architecture sal importance of New Gourna, she calls for international
and Design in the Architecture Department of Effat Uni- experts and laboratories dedicated to the study of earthen

93
architecture assist their Egyptian colleagues in conduct- modified or remodeled their homes from Fathy’s original
ing a thorough assessment of existing conditions. 2) The designs. The most significant changes include the replace-
entire village of New Gourna and its immediate surround- ment of domes and vaults with flat roofs supported by tim-
ings should be treated as one entity and conservation plans ber cross beams, the filling of arched doors and windows
should address it as such, rather than focusing on particu- so that they could accommodate rectangular door and win-
lar buildings. 3) Since only 1/3 of New Gourna as originally dow frames, a general reduction of window area, and the
conceived by Fathy was constructed, the land adjacent to addition of crested parapets to the roof lines. Following
the existing buildings should also be a part of the conserva- these modifications, these houses more closely matched
tion plan. 4) The Hassan Fathy archives maintained by the the character of others found on the West Bank of Luxor.
Rare Books and Special Collections Library at the Ameri- Thus, the authors conclude that one reason the people
can University of Cairo must be consulted since they con- of Gourna did not readily adopt Fathy’s architecture was
tain material compiled by Fathy and his disciples during their fondness for rectilinear forms rather than vaults/
the 1970’s and 80’s while preparing proposals for the reuse domes/arches as well as a preference for dark, enclosed
of New Gourna. 5) For New Gourna, the process of study spaces over light, open spaces, the former being easier to
and analysis prior to conservation work will be at least as, heat in the winter time than the latter. While they concede
if not more, important than the conservation works them- that Fathy’s architecture served these families well in a
selves. Thus, while some emergency conservation measures functional sense, New Gourna was victim of a “symbolic
should be deployed on an as-needed basis, the preparatory disparity” as Fathy deployed architectural forms that were
study should be given the due time and funding it deserves. uncomfortable for the intended residents, implying that
he had created “architecture for the rich” rather than “ar-
chitecture for the poor.” Finally, citing a change in “socio-
El-Wakil, Leila and Nadia Radwan. “Save Hassan economic and population conditions” on the West Bank,
Fathy’s New Gourna,” DOCOMOMO Journal. No. 38: the authors assert that the use of traditional materials may
March, 2008: 4-8. no longer be an appropriate architectural solution for the
people’s needs.
About the authors: As mentioned above, Leila El-Wakil
teaches at the University of Geneva and Nadia Radwan is
a former student of El-Wakil who is now an assistant in- Mitchell, Timothy. “Heritage and Violence,” in Rule of
structor at the University of Geneva and also serves as the Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity. Berkeley:
Secretary for Save the Heritage of Hassan Fathy. University of California Press, 2002: 179-205.
Asserting that Fathy’s work in general and New Gourna
in particular represent an exceptional cultural production About the author: Timothy Mitchell is a Professor in the
that helped frame contemporary debates about sustain- Department of Middle East and Asian Languages and Cul-
able development and appropriate technology, El-Wakil ture at Columbia University.
and Radwan advocate for the preservation of New Gourna. In what is perhaps the most biting critique of Fathy’s
Following a discussion of Fathy’s work and the construc- work at New Gourna, Mitchell outlines how Fathy’s plan-
tion of New Gourna, which they contextualize as a mani- ning process was complicit in a broader scheme on the part
festation of the same trend of exploring social housing for of the Egyptian government to create a national identity
the working class found amongst inter- and post-war Euro- through the use of acts of disruption and violence to as-
pean architects, they briefly describe current conditions at sert greater control over the Egyptian public, including the
the site and call for an international heritage listing of New residents of Gourna who were to be forcibly evicted from
Gourna as a way to stimulate preservation efforts. their homes and moved to New Gourna. Though Mitchell
credits Fathy for including the residents in the planning
process, what was then a radical departure from established
Hassan, Fekri A. and Christine Plimpton. “New planning practice, he explains that Fathy’s vision failed to
Gourna: Vernacular Remodeling of Architectural encompass the obvious: that the villagers might prefer to
Space,” Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Working stay in the houses that they had already designed and built
Paper Series.v. 16, 1985: 49-77. themselves. Furthermore, Fathy’s insistence in borrowing
vaulted forms from the Kanuzi Nubians of Gharb Aswan
About the authors: Fekri Hassan holds the Petrie Chair of and domes from tomb architecture suggest that the ideal
Archaeology at University College London and is honorary village that he saw in his mind could not be found in any
president of the Egyptian Cultural Heritage Organization, actual village, providing him with further justification for
dedicated to “making archaeology work to protect Egypt’s destroying existing villages in order to preserve (though,
heritage.” Christine Plimpton teaches anthropology at in actual fact, create) an ideal, amalgamated concept of
Portland Community College. Egyptian architectural heritage. Mitchell dismisses Fathy’s
Surveying two houses in New Gourna in 1985, Has- claim that the vaults and domes were necessary due to tim-
san and Plimpton catalogued the ways in which, after in- ber shortages, since the traditional material of palm wood
habiting the spaces for roughly twenty years, families had from surplus male palms was always available in abundance.

94
Finally, Fathy’s innovative planning process requiring de- Plimpton, and Mitchell. Nevertheless, his time at this
tailed architectural, social, and cultural surveys as well as firm followed his work at New Gourna and preceded the
community participation has been subverted by later gen- publication of Gourna: A Tale of Two Villages, and it seems
erations of international planners and consultants, who to have shaped the way in which Fathy portrayed his expe-
have done a less thorough job and who have failed entirely rience at New Gourna. Faced with designing new villages
to honestly reappraise the need to relocate the residents for Greater Mussayib, Iraq, Fathy came into conflict with
of Gourna in the first place. According to Mitchell, nei- Doxiadis, insisting that each unit be designed individually
ther the residents nor the tourists have been satisfied by rather than designing just a handful of prototypes as Doxi-
this process, while the “experts” involved in producing this adis demanded. While his plans for Greater Mussayib can
work have enriched themselves considerably. be considered a reapplication of the housing typology he
created at New Gourna, the pressure of Doxiadis seems to
have prompted Fathy to recognize that one of the reasons
Moustaader, Ali. “Gourna: The Dream Continued,” that New Gourna failed was that he had not anticipated
MIMAR: Architecture in Development. 16, 1985: 54-59 the intricacies of large-scale production and had not coor-
dinated it appropriately.
About the author: Ali Moustaader is an architect whose
practice is based in Casablanca, Morocco.
This article relates the experience of a group of young Richards, J.M. “In the International Context,” in
architects from Egypt, Lebanon, and Morocco who joined Hassan Fathy. Singapore: Concept Media, 1985: 10-14.
Fathy to restore the theater at New Gourna during a five-
month training session in 1982-83. While Moustaader About the author: Sir James Maude Richards (1907-1992)
identifies the theater as being entirely divorced from an- was a British author, architectural theorist, and personal
cient or contemporary Egyptian civilization, drawing its friend of Hassan Fathy.
inspiration instead from ancient Greece and Elizabethan While editor of The Architecture Review during the
England, he explains that Fathy had foreseen the need for 1950s, Richards and his contemporaries struggled to de-
such a structure during festivities and plays—events which fine and achieve an architectural vocabulary that was in-
had formerly only occurred during weddings. Prior to con- timate and contextual while still employing novel materi-
servation works, the team of architects also conducted an als and innovative building techniques. After visiting New
in-depth study of the remnants of the village, producing Gourna and reading Gourna: A Tale of Two Villages, Richards
surveys, photos, sketches, and interviews with villagers, published a summary of Fathy’s work, excited by the sense
though it remains unclear why the theater was singled out that Fathy had reconciled the perceived tension between
for conservation. As for works at the theater, the first stage “vernacular” and “modern” architecture. Fathy’s reliance
was to demolish the NE walls, four cupolas, and a fallen on research to assess social need was thoroughly modern,
SW section at Fathy’s instruction since they were deemed yet he had fulfilled these needs with a traditional archi-
to be beyond repair. Then, with the assistance of a group of tectural vocabulary. Thereby, he provided a model for ar-
Nubian masons and twenty-eight young local apprentices, chitects about how to approach urgent housing problems
the team repaired the building while instructing a new around the world.
generation of craftsmen in the techniques of mud brick
masonry. Moustaader argues that Fathy’s ability to blend
architecture with society is a testament to his mastery of Safdie, Moshe. “Joy in Mudville,” The New York
the “human environment.” Review of Books. Dec. 11, 1975.

About the author: Moshe Safdie is an architect, notable

Pyla, Panayiota. “Hassan Fathy Revisited: Postwar designer of Habitat 67, director of Moshe Safdie and As-
Discourses on Science, Development and Vernacular sociates, and Ian Woodner Professor of Architecture and
Architecture,” Journal of Architectural Education. 60, Urban Design at Harvard University Graduate School of
No. 3, Feb. 2007: 28-39. Design.
In his review of Architecture for the Poor, Safdie finds
About the author: Panayiota Pyla received her doctorate in that Fathy’s techniques were wise given the material con-
History and Theory of Architecture at MIT, focusing on straints that he faced at the time. Nevertheless, he ques-
the study of Ekistics, a movement that Fathy was exposed tions whether Fathy’s ideas can remain valid as more of the
to while working with Doxiadis Associates in Athens, as a rural poor in Egypt move to dense urban environments.
precursor to the sustainability movement. She is currently He also suggests that New Gourna failed in part because
an assistant professor of architecture at the University of it relied on scheduling and coordinating production on a
Illinios at Urbana-Champaign. fairly large scale and that the traditional building methods
While this work mostly concerns Fathy’s 1957-1961 did not fit that kind of organization. Safdie concludes by
collaboration with Doxiadis Associates, Pyla seconds the commending Fathy for having created one of the “most at-
points of criticism of New Gourna voiced by Hassan and tractive and human environments that have been built in

95
recent times,” but urges Fathy and others to consider the rate the village economically, people in the Said had a long-
difficult questions about how to preserve human scale in standing suspicion of plans that originated in Cairo, and,
an urban setting with more expedient construction tech- most importantly, Fathy was fighting against a strong cur-
niques in order to create a “contemporary vernacular.” rent trying to revolutionize housing for the poor in rural
areas at the same time that this demographic was migrat-
ing en masse to urban centers and Cairo in particular.
Serageldin, Ismail. “An Egyptian Appraisal,” in Hassan
Fathy. Singapore: Concept Media, 1985: 16-24.
Steele, James. An Architecture for the People: The
About the author: Ismail Serageldin is the director of the Complete Works of Hassan Fathy. London: Thames and
Biblioteca Alexandrina in Alexandria, Egypt. Hudson, 1997.
Serageldin focuses on the paradox of Fathy, a man who,
from the Egyptian perspective, was the dominant Near This work is the expansion of an architectural monograph
Eastern architect of the twentieth century, yet an architect that originally appeared almost a decade earlier (see cita-
whose ideas were stronger than his buildings. Through- tion above), with more photographs relevant to New Gour-
out his career, he remained outside of the Egyptian main- na. Though it has as its scope Fathy’s entire oeuvre, this
stream, and this prolonged lack of local acceptance seems summary relates only to the portions concerning Fathy in
to have driven Fathy to internationally promote his cause, general and New Gourna in particular. Steele characterizes
which he pursued at times with a certain bitter resolve. Fathy’s work as consistently conforming to six principles: 1)
Serageldin faults Fathy for three broad shortcomings: 1) Fathy was fundamentally a humanist with deep concern for
his architectural forms, particularly the courtyard house the users of his buildings; 2) Fathy saw architecture as in-
rely on an overly romantic vision of the past and a mysti- volving every aspect of human endeavor and drew inspira-
cal understanding of Islamic culture, 2) the construction tion from numerous other disciplines; 3) buildings should
techniques and architectural vocabulary of Fathy are only use “appropriate” technology; 4) end users should have a
applicable in a rural setting and fail to address the prob- role in the design process and fundamentally inform the
lems associated with the rapid urbanization of Egypt dur- work of the architect; 5) architecture should be grounded
ing the second half of the twentieth century, and 3) Fathy in tradition; 6) architecture should be a point of cultural
did not experiment with the new materials available in his pride. After summarizing the story of its construction
time and dismissed them too readily in favor of mud brick. and providing a general description of current conditions,
Steele largely commends Fathy’s work. While he acknowl-
edges that Fathy has been criticized as a romantic who did
Steele, James. Hassan Fathy. London: Academy not understand the villagers of Gourna, he ultimately finds
Editions, 1988. that Fathy’s design demonstrates tremendous foresight,
and any perceived shortcomings arose from Fathy being
About the author: James Steele is a Professor of the history overzealous in the way in which he provided for the wel-
and theory of architecture at the University of Southern fare of the villagers (building a theater that they never used,
California and is perhaps the most prolific author on the amongst other examples). In contrast to other authors sum-
architecture of Hassan Fathy. marized in these pages, Steele finds that the houses that are
In addressing New Gourna in this monograph, Steele now occupied in New Gourna are largely unchanged and
proposes two questions: If New Gourna was so carefully that Fathy’s design has remained intact. He also claims that
researched and well designed, why did the villagers choose the current residents are NOT Gournawis themselves, but
not to live there? Why did New Gourna fail to foster a hous- have come from somewhere else. Finally, he emphasizes
ing revolution amongst the Egyptian rural poor as Fathy that New Gourna failed due to the concerns recognized by
had envisioned? In answer to the first question, Steele Fathy himself (i.e. reluctance/sabotage on the part of the
agrees with Fathy’s assessment: the residents of Gourna intended inhabitants, wartime shortages, political intrigue
never had any intention of moving from there homes but amongst the various ministries), rather than for symbolic
followed along with the Ministry of Housing to a certain reasons related to the forms of the architecture.
extent in order to forestall forced evacuation. While the
building technology deployed in New Gourna seems to
have been appropriate, Steele posits that the communal Steele, James. Orientalism and the Other: the Case of
institutions did not serve the community well; the khan Hassan Fathy. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty
did not stimulate local craftsmanship and the theater did of the Graduate School, University of Southern
not stimulate local artists. Furthermore, the spatial system California, May, 2002.
that Fathy borrowed from his studies in medieval Cairo
and the concept of the courtyard house was derived from Frustrated with several contradictions he had long strug-
wealthy merchants in an urban context and was inappro- gled with in Fathy’s work (Fathy as a member of the Egyp-
priate as the basic building block for a rural village. As for tian elite vs. champion of the poor, Fathy as a tradition-
the second question, the “crafts revival” failed to reinvigo- alist vs. modernist, failure of New Gourna despite such

96
intensive planning), Steele embarked on a study of Fathy reconstructing a culture. Recognizing the intrinsic tension
in light of post-colonialist studies, ultimately concluding between the desire of Hassan Fathy the artist to create a
that the mode of thought associated with Edward Said’s monument to his own talent and Hassan Fathy the artisan
Orientalism is so restrictive that even an innovative na- who lived to satisfy the needs of the villagers, Taragan sug-
tionalist like Fathy must be considered a latent Oriental- gests that the desire of the artist prevailed. She underlines
ist. Drawing from broader sources of post-colonial theory, the examples of New Gourna’s shortcomings that appear
including Amilcar Cabral, James Clifford, Frantz Fanon, in Ghanim’s work: a village woman says that a building with
and Gwendolyn Wright, Steele finds that Fathy’s work did a domed roof can only be used as a tomb and that should
not constitute collaboration with the western, imperial, the government wish to move her there, then they can do
orientalist discourse but rather was a sustained effort to so after she’s dead; a man from Gourna complains that the
counteract the use of that discourse to destroy an Egyptian separate quarters for animals in the New Gourna houses
collective identity. In Fathy’s nostalgia for the social rela- meant that he could no longer watch over his donkey at
tions of a pre-industrial past, his desire to “re-enchant” the night and was concerned that it would be stolen. Never-
world through a utopian vision, and his wish to improve theless, Taragan casts doubt on whether Fathy was wholly
living conditions for a working class exploited by capital- complicit in a government effort to control the villagers, as
ism, Steele finds that Fathy’s work fits well with several of posited elsewhere by Mitchell. Instead, she portrays both
the main themes of the Modern Movement, though admit- Fathy and Ghanim (via his fictional narrator) as neither
tedly the means of executing his vision was different and authentically Egyptian nor authentically Orientalist, elite
distinctly regional. artists who are trapped in between. And she is willing to
give Fathy the benefit of a doubt--after all, he justified his
arrogance in telling the villagers how to live by trying to
Swan, Simone. “Elegant Solutions” and “Fame and surround them with beauty.
Fiasco in New Gourna,” Saudi Aramco World. Vol. 50,
No. 4, July/August 1999: 16-27.
Van der Spek, Kees. Making a Living in the City of
About the author: Simone Swan directs the Swan group the Dead: History, Life, and Work at al-Hurubat in the
in Presidio, Texas. After personally assisting Fathy arrange Necropolis of Thebes, al-Qurna, Luxor. Doctoral Thesis
his papers and archival material at the end of his life, Swan presented to Australian National University, 2004.
became the foremost proponent of Fathy’s building tech-
niques in the American southwest, advancing this cause About the author: Kees van der Spek’s new book, The Mod-
through the Adobe Alliance. ern Neighbors of Tutankhamun will be published later this
This article is one of several in an issue of Saudi Aramco year by AUC Press.
World devoted to Fathy’s work. Swan’s piece was selected In what constitutes the most comprehensive anthro-
because work from the other authors has been reviewed pological study of the modern inhabitants of Luxor’s West
elsewhere in these pages. Nevertheless, the complete issue Bank, Van der Spek traces the history of these people from
is available for consultation at http://www.saudiaramco- the sixteenth century to present day, providing a compel-
world.com/issue/199904/. Swan outlines her understand- ling narrative of their current economy and relationship
ing of Fathys work and her own connection to him. Swan with the contested space of the Theban Necropolis. In es-
casts New Gourna in an uncommon light, claiming that sence, he seeks to deconstruct two basic claims advanced
one of the intentions behind the relocation was to change by several generations of heritage managers and govern-
the Gournawi economy from tomb-robbing to farming. ment policy makers to support plans to relocate the resi-
In Swan’s eyes, New Gourna failed because the Gournawi dents of this community. Van der Spek disputes the first
found farming “less attractive and less lucrative” than their claim, that the villages of Gourna are relative new comers,
previous profession. arriving only after there was need for labor to support the
efforts of foreign archaeological missions in the latter half
of the nineteenth century, with fragmentary accounts of
Taragan, Hana. “Architecture in Fact and Fiction: The travelers passing through the area as much as three hun-
Case of New Gourna Village in Upper Egypt,” Muqa- dred years earlier. He challenges the second claim, that
rnas: An Annual on the Visual Culture of the Islamic the Gournawis historically and currently derive much of
World. XVI, 1999: 169-178. their income from robbing Pharaonic tombs, through the
documentation of the European role in fueling earlier fren-
About the author: Hana Taragan is a professor of Art His- zies for illicit antiquities and by providing a portrait of a
tory at Tel Aviv University. contemporary system of economy in Gourna that is rela-
Drawing extensively from the novella al-Jabal, a work tively diverse, including agriculture, work for the Supreme
that is based loosely upon the experience of Hassan Fathy Council of antiquities and foreign archaeological missions,
at New Gourna and written by Fathi Ghanim in 1957, and the production of tourist curios. While he remains op-
Taragan questions whether any work of artistic expres- timistic that Gourna is a community resilient enough to
sion (including architecture) is capable of authentically survive the current relocations, he laments that anthropo-

97
logical studies have not been incorporated into a holistic Attia, Asaam. “Karathafi al uqsour”
approach of heritage management, particularly at World AkharSa’a.11-2-2009.
Heritage sites that are host to indigenous communities.
This is a recent news article from an Egyptian illustrated
weekly news magazine, featuring New Gourna. It empha-
Wassenaar, Steven and Phillippe Groscaux. “New sizes the danger that New Gourna faces, both due to ani-
NewGourna: The Dynamics of Intransigence,” Archis. mals that villagers have long let inhabit the spaces as well as
No. 3: 2004: 27-33. new pressure on the site from unrestricted building (the ar-
ticle mentions planned office buildings) since a new build-
About the authors: Steven Wassenaar is a freelance writer ing code has transferred the authorization for new build-
and Philippe Groscaux is a photographer; both are based ings in the area from the Supreme Council of Antiquities
in Paris. to the local governor.
Casting doubt on the rationale behind relocating the Gour-
nawis, Wassenaar and Groscaux comment favorably on the
settlements of Old Gourna, going so far as to liken their col- Faraj, Nabil. alAmarah al Insaniahl’ilMuhandis Hassan
orful facades to those of St. Tropez. They then describe a Fathy. Al maktabah al anglo al masriah: 1979.
trend in which Gournawis, facing pressure from their grow-
ing population and the continuing resettlement, have moved This short work concerns Hassan Fathy’s entire oeuvre,
into New Gourna and other government housing projects of which Faraj is decidedly fond. On the subject of New
and have appropriated the space as their own by modifying Gourna, Faraj focuses on Fathy’s desire to provide sanitary
it to better fit their sensibilities. In the case of New Gour- housing facilities for the rural poor, and though he does
na, the residents have removed Fathy’s domes (which these not explore the issue in depth, he finds that Fathy’s work
authors, like many others, link to negative connotations as- has attempted to solve one of the most pressing problems
sociated with tomb architecture), and have added concrete facing al alamaththalith, the third world. Furthermore, he
and brick walls on the ground floor such that the foundation concurs with Fathy that the future of Arab architecture
will be more stable for the addition of additional floors as lies in finding a way not just to incorporate traditional ele-
the family expands. Wassenaar and Groscaux also mention ments, but embrace the traditional spirit that lies behind
modifications at another government housing project 2 km the elements.
north of Gourna called Gabawi. Here, where 260 domed
dwellings were designed by the architecture faculty at the
University of Cairo in a style reminiscent to Fathy’s own.
Rejecting this architecture as well, the Gournawi who have Web Sources
been relocated to Gabawi have often destroyed these domes
and in some cases, they have destroyed the house entirely, www.qurna.org
building new houses to their own specifications. The au- This is the website for the Qurna History Project, run
thors note that while this process of alteration seems to be by Caroline Simpson a close collaborator of Kees van der
common for relocated Gournawi, it has not occurred at an- Spek. It includes some of the content that was formerly
other resettlement location, the Village Susanne Mubarak, on display at the Qurna Discovery house in Sheikh abd el
perhaps due to increased governmental control of a project Qurna, before it was destroyed as part of the Qurna reloca-
associated with Egypt’s First Lady. tion in May 2010.

http://fathyheritage.over-blog.com/
The website for Save the Heritage of Hassan Fathy, the or-
Sources in Arabic ganization directed by Leila El-Wakil, with updates about
the status of conservation activities for New Gourna in
Fathy’s work was largely unknown outside of Egypt prior particular.
to the publication in English and French of his experiences
at New Gourna. Following this tradition, the vast majority http://luxor-news.blogspot.com/
of scholarship conducted on Fathy has relied on and gen- A blog maintained by Jane Akshar, dedicated to “news,
erated texts in languages other than Arabic. Even scholars events, and Egyptology from Luxor.” It is probably the
of Arab heritage (El-Shorbagy) and those with consider- most frequently updated English language source for
able knowledge of Arabic (Mitchell, Steele) do not rely on news pertaining directly to Luxor. See the recent post
sources in this language much beyond interviews, govern- (9/12/2010) with photos of a Fathy-designed garden house
ment documents, and notes and texts by Fathy himself. in Ma’adi, which he claimed was a prototype for houses in
Thus, this bibliography contains a paltry amount of mate- New Gourna.
rial in Arabic, though such sources may yet be found to ex-
ist and may provide a better understanding of how Fathy
and New Gourna have been conceptualized in Egypt itself.

98
http://archnet.org/library/parties/one-party.jsp?party_id=1 Hezel, Dieter. Architekten-Hassan Fathy. Stuttgart:
The ArchNet page for Hassan Fathy, including a useful IRB Verlag, April 1993.
chronology and list of works with links to photographs and
plans. Bibliography with 47 entries and brief annotations in Ger-
man, indexed according to keywords.
http://archnet.org/library/sites/one-site.jsp?site_id=156
The ArchNet page for New Gourna, with 151 images.
Relevant Archives
AKDN Asset Bank for Hassan Fathy
While this URL is password protected, it provides an ex- Aga Khan Development Network
tensive collection of project images and plans, as well as a
significant number of texts by Fathy and audio and video The AKDN has a substantial body of Fathy’s unpublished
material unavailable elsewhere. work, much of it available through their Asset Bank.

American University in Cairo Rare Books and Special

Other Bibliographies Collections Library
of Fathy’s Work This library hosts the vast majority of Fathy’s archival
material and unpublished manuscripts. As suggested by
This annotated bibliography directly addresses only a small Leila El-Wakil, this archive is particularly relevant to the
selection from the significant corpus of texts that have research of New Gourna because it contains the unpub-
been written by and about Hassan Fathy. While much of lished results of studies conducted by Fathy and his pupils
this material is not immediately relevant to New Gourna while drawing up plans for the restoration of buildings in
and has therefore been excluded, these sources may enrich the village.
our understanding of his work as the project develops. To
this end, other bibliographies are included herein so that
additional material can be consulted on an as-needed basis. MIT Rotch Library

chronologically arranged collection of articles, lectures,

Aga Khan Trust for Culture. Bibliography. (DATE broadsheets, journal issues, bibliographies, drafts, off-
UNCERTAIN, roughly 1984). prints, and unpublished material by and about Hassan
Fathy.
A seven-page list of works by and about Fathy. Compared
to the other bibliographies listed below, it seems to be rela-
tively out of date.

American University in Cairo, Libraries & Learning

Technologies. Hassan Fathy: A Selected Bibliography.
(DATE UNCERTAIN, roughly1998).

A fifteen-page list of works pertaining to Fathy, with a se-

lection of relevant websites at the end.

Doumato, Lamia. Hassan Fathy. Monticello, IL: Vance

Bibliographies Architecture Series A 1833, June 1987.

This is a simple, seven page bibliographical list of works

by and about Fathy, as well as works concerning tropical
climate and architecture.

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