Bringing The Focus Back

Journal of International Women's Studies
Volume 22 Issue 9 Article 21
September 2021
Bringing the Focus Back: Aurat March and the Regeneration of

Feminism in Pakistan
Syeda Mujeeba Batool
Aisha Anees Malik
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Recommended Citation
Batool, Syeda Mujeeba and Malik, Aisha Anees (2021). Bringing the Focus Back: Aurat March and the
Regeneration of Feminism in Pakistan. Journal of International Women's Studies, 22(9), 316-330.
Available at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol22/iss9/21
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Women’s Studies.
Batool and Malik: Bringing the Focus Back
This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or
systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form
to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2021 Journal of International Women’s Studies.
Bringing the Focus Back: Aurat March 1 and the Regeneration of Feminism in Pakistan
By Syeda Mujeeba Batool 2 and Aisha Anees Malik 3
Abstract
This paper traces the evolution and regeneration of the feminist movement in Pakistan. It
examines the contemporary feminist movement in the country against the backdrop of strong
opposition faced by protest style congregations named ‘Aurat March’ on international women’s
day. Weaving the narrative through conversations of leading feminists and prominent individuals
belonging to the religious right, it postulates how the backlash to raising issues of sexuality and
body politics has regenerated the feminist movement in Pakistan.
Keywords: Feminist movement in Pakistan, Body politics, Feminist activism
Introduction
This paper summarizes how the feminist movement in Pakistan has evolved and where it
stands today. The movement in Pakistan advanced from reform-based feminism in the early years
of Pakistan to secularist/street politics during the 1980s, to diffusion/co-optation/NGO-isation
during the 1990s and 2000s, and finally to its current phase of taking up issues of sexuality and
body politics epitomised by the slogan, “my body, my choice”. The unprecedented flow of
information, emergence of widespread social media, and global events like the “#MeToo”
movement in the 2010s have contributed towards the recalibration of contemporary Pakistani
feminism. This strand of feminism challenges all forms of patriarchy by bringing women’s
sexuality and body politics to the centre stage. One of the most exemplary ways it does so is by
using iconic slogans, such “personal is political” and “mera jism, meri marzi”, meaning “my body,
my choice”.
Pakistan’s contemporary feminist movement has regained focus that was arguably lost
during 1990s and early 2000s. Although it took up a few important issues during that time, the
movement remained silent about many women, and when it did raise a voice, support for those
stances was not strong enough. As such, the movement’s lackadaisical efforts to tackle body
autonomy, sexuality, LGBT issues, private patriarchy and division of labour, etc., did not amount
to much in the 1990s.
1
Aurat is the Urdu word for a woman. Aurat March stands for women’s march.
2
Syeda Mujeeba Batool is an independent researcher and human rights activist. She specializes in women’s and
child rights advocacy and brings 20 years of diverse experience concentrated mainly in women, children, and human
rights research, and advocacy. She has designed, led, and managed numerous seminal and complex research studies,
assessments, and evaluations focused on gender discrimination, gender parity in education, child marriages, sexual
harassment in the workplace, and violence against women.
3
Dr. Aisha Anees Malik is currently an Assistant Professor in the Centre of Excellence in Gender Studies, Quaid-i-
Azam University, Islamabad. She obtained her PhD in 2010 from the University of Cambridge where she researched
gender and social policy. She also has an MPhil in Development Studies from the University of Cambridge. Her
research interests span gender, development, religion, identity, diasporas, and diversity.
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Journal of International Women’s Studies Vol. 22, No. 9 September 2021
Published by Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University, 2021 1
Journal of International Women's Studies, Vol. 22, Iss. 9 [2021], Art. 21
Because of hotly contested debates surrounding the Aurat March, no study of the
movement will be complete without understanding the views of its proponents and opponents. The
Aurat March has been deemed the third generation of feminism or the new wave by its proponents;
partly because of this, it has generated a stronger backlash than any of its predecessors. This paper
attempts to investigate the reasons as to why Aurat March has attracted unprecedented criticism.
Qualitative research was carried out to explore the subjectivities, realities, and opinions of
women who have been part of Pakistan’s feminist movement, as well as men and women belonging
to the religious right. A purposive and judgement sample was selected, keeping in mind the
research questions and consideration of the research resources available. The method of inquiry
relied on in-depth interviews of Feminist Research Methodology (FRM) to gain insight into the
opinions of preselected research participants. Being part of Women Action Forum (WAF) and the
feminist movement for over two decades ourselves, we were able to connect to both veteran
feminists and young and contemporary feminists. Thus, we also used a snowballing technique to
identify additional research participants. To contact opponents of feminism or participants who
used a religious framework to position women in the society, we asked friends and acquaintances
for assistance. Overall, 30 in-depth interviews were conducted with participants from both camps.
Most of the interviews were conducted face to face. Some were also conducted via telephone. Only
two interviews were conducted through email; in those, we shared a list of questions, including
probes, to facilitate detailed responses.
General Perceptions about the Feminist Movement in Pakistan

The feminist movement remains controversial in Pakistan. It has often been maligned
publicly and privately as a foreign import and a hobby of elitist women who wish to imitate western
culture while rejecting their own traditions and religion. Opponents claim that the movement is a
western conspiracy, determined to corrupt and destroy the social, cultural, and religious values of
an Islamic society. They argue that feminism does not represent all women, and its benefits are
limited to urban, educated, and elite women. Pakistan’s feminist movement still receives severe
opposition from right-wing groups and from most Pakistani men. Society in general and men in
particular think that feminism is only about hating men. Thus, feminists are often ridiculed and
demonized as “feminazis”, a pejorative used to describe what the men imagine to be a movement
run by elitist angry women to establish their supremacy over men in order to dominate them. The
perceptions surrounding feminist attitudes and actions are quite extreme in Pakistan; a demand for
equality is seen as being tantamount to a belief in supremacy over men. The opponents also claim
that feminism is not an indigenous phenomenon, and therefore, does not have any ethical and
political base. These general perceptions have caused damage to the feminist movement’s
credibility.
It is worth mentioning that even some renowned feminists have been critical and sceptical
of the local feminist movement until recently. Figures such as Dr. Rubina Saigol, Saba Gul
Khattak, and Dr. Farzana Bari have criticised the feminist movement with respect to
achievements, challenges, and silences in its articulations. To them, the movement—which was
robust and vibrant during the 1980s—has reached a saturation point. It diffused and stalled in the
1990s and early 2000s with the advent of NGOs, vis-à-vis funded activism. They also believe that
the movement has lost steam with the policies of respective governments routinely co-opting it.
However, the same evidence can be used to argue that the feminist movement interacting and
lobbying with different governments has allowed it to evolve, transform, and progress in different
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directions. Nonetheless, the movement’s influence on policy and practice with regards to putting
women’s rights on the national agenda by the feminists’ activism and lobbying cannot be denied.
Even a look at the legislative reforms during the last decade alone will reveal several pro-women
laws passed by the Parliament, such as the Women Protection Act, the honour killings bill,
legislation against acid attacks and other harmful practices (in Jan 2021, the Lahore High Court
(LHC) abolished virginity tests, including the two-finger test (TFT) for examination of sexual
assault survivors "illegal and against the Constitution), and the ability to secure an increased
number of seats in the parliament and local governments. However, some factions of the feminist
movement are of the view that the movement was diffused and depoliticised due to the surge in
funded activism (NGO-ization), and co-optation from governments over time has resulted in
immense fragmentation.
Rubina Saigol says that “welfare and service delivery organizations are generally believed
to be neither rights-based nor feminist in orientation. Movements, such as Sindhyani Tehreek 4,
which espouse feminist principles, exist in small pockets.” She also believes that the founding
members of the movement have failed to mentor or inspire young women from the second and
third generations. She reiterates that movements are fuelled by passion, commitment, and
volunteerism and cannot be salaried 9-5 projects. These projects seldom address structural
injustices and patriarchy, because they risk jeopardizing their own positions within the system, and
funding from NGOs is tied to agendas which dilute and depoliticise the movement. A funded
movement therefore cannot be an autonomous movement, either financially or in terms of agendas
and ideology (Saigol, Feminism and the Women’s Movement in Pakistan, 2016, pp. 43-45).
Saba Gul Khattak and Dr. Farzana Bari also pointed out that due to subtle differences in
the manner in which these bodies conceptualize the women’s movement, the efforts and work done
by NGOs cannot be termed feminist or a decisive part of the women’s movement. They also
reiterated that whenever social structures are threatened, particularly the institution of patriarchy,
the governments are not amenable to change. Additionally, global changes have depoliticised and
weakened the movement. In their article, they say,
“it stayed aloof from issues that revolved around cultural constructs or addressing
issues considered to belong to private spheres, such as family, marital rape or
domestic violence…. the movement cannot claim substantial success, especially
when it comes to family and community” (Bari, 2001, p. 76).
Feminist Movement in Pakistan: Conversations with Leading Feminists

Feminists and women’s rights activists interviewed for this research unanimously called
feminism a full-fledged socio-political movement and recalled numerous achievements of feminist
movement in Pakistan. All social, political, and economic emancipation women have achieved
since the inception of Pakistan is mostly attributed to the untiring efforts of feminists who kept
struggling to bring attention to women’s problems, despite facing numerous challenges and
opposition. The movement has grown and evolved over time in the face of criticism from outside
and from within, and has continued to impact state policy. Saigol, in her report for FES, writes,
4
Sindhyani Tehreek was launched in 1980 by rural women of Sindh province of Pakistan to fight the discriminatory
laws against women promulgated by General Zia ul Haq, a dictator who led the coup d'état, abrogated 1973
constitution, and overthrew elected government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in 1977.
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“The relationship between the women’s movement and the Pakistani state has
undergone significant shifts, from mutual accommodation and a complementary
ethos to confrontation and conflict, followed by collaboration, co-optation and,
finally, collusion, depending upon transformations in the nature of the state at
particular moments in history” (Saigol, Feminism and the Women’s Movement in
Pakistan, 2016).
Commonly held views regarding feminism dismiss it as an “imported ideology” which contradicts
Pakistani traditions, values, and culture. Pakistani Feminists contest with these allegations
questioning the nature of what is considered “indigenous” and deconstruct notions of what is
considered fundamentally “Pakistani”; emphasizing that Islam came from Saudi Arabia and
Democracy from the West. They work to redefine what feminism means in context: when women
start working for their rights, they eventually become conscious of feminism regardless of whether
they belong to the East or West. Popular claims that feminism is foreign, westernized, elitist, and
exclusive is refuted by feminists with reference to active politics, where the salient trend is of the
right-wing siding with the elite. Taking the personal is political as a reference point; they
emphasize women gaining political consciousness due to their personal experiences, with
experiences shaped by a larger political context. Feminism in Pakistan can then be branded as a
movement shaped by women reacting to their circumstances: a woman facing violence on the
daily, attempting to change the customs, values, and norms that legitimize violence against women,
is a feminist.
Although, Pakistani feminists duly acknowledge the development of feminist theories
developed in the western academy, they brought their own experiences to the feminist movement,
taking a more intersectional approach championed by scholars of the global south. Taking a more
nuanced approach to the struggle, they acknowledge that the lived realities that form a basis for
women’s’ political consciousness vary greatly depending on age, class, ethnicity, race, and even
occupation and marital status. Pakistani feminists consider how many foreign ideas and
movements have been welcomed and often “localised” with greater ease: ideas such as liberal
democracy and Islamic socialism have been made palatable in different time periods, and they
question why localized feminism cannot be provided the same leverage.
Farida Shaheed expresses in her article,
“those who deliberately promoted the myth that women who engage in the struggle
for women’s rights are, ipso facto, westernized and alien to their own societies
ought to be robustly contested…. the absence of vernacular terms facilitates the
suggestion – that ‘feminism’ is a North American/ European agenda, if not an
outright conspiracy, and its local ‘westernized’ proponents, at best, out of touch
with the grounded reality of ‘local women’ and representatives of their needs at
worst agents of imperial agendas” (Shaheed, 2005).
Confronting the opponents’ allegation that the feminist movement in Pakistan does not have any
strong political base, the proponents of feminism strongly emphasize that it has established itself
as a political movement through various deliberations and articulations. As Afiya S. Zia writes in
her book Faith and Feminism, “The absence of a political base for any movement would mean
that such an enterprise becomes limited to an academic exercise” (Zia A. S., p. 22). She reiterates
if there was no political substance to the feminist movement in Pakistan, it would have died out
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long ago: it is a movement in continuous transformation. Another reason provided for its salience
is that it is not comprised of a homogenous group of women; there are several initiatives taken up
by rural, peasant women, urban working-class women, polio workers, and Lady Health Workers.
The feminist movement in Pakistan cannot be understood without considering the diverse
backgrounds of its members.
Aurat March is seen by feminists as a vehicle for centring women’s concerns in political,
parliamentary, social, and journalistic discussion. It has helped bring the question of women’s
oppression out of drawing rooms and into the public sphere; the debates generated at all levels are
considered as one of the biggest gains. Moreover, it has been inclusive in every way as women
from all walks of life have participated: urban, rural, working class, housewives, educated, young
and old, artists, and writers and thinkers from all walks of life were part of the March. It represented
all ideologies of feminism: liberals demanding personal liberties, welfare and legal provisions;
radical feminists who want to break the shackles of patriarchy, and socialist feminists seeking
freedom from capitalism and patriarchy. The organizers ask why their demands for equal rights,
an end to gender-based violence, discrimination, and subjugation are seen as excessive, addressing
matters regarding body politics, forced conversions and marriages, and access to public spaces.
Feminism in Pakistan has evolved to the next stage and is taking up issues concerned with
the public and private, the state, society, home and family, centring sexuality and body politics in
the debate. During the 1980s and even now the state has remained obsessed about women’s bodies,
particularly with covering and concealing them. “Chadar aur chardewari” (the veil and the four
walls of the home) was glorified during General Zia’s regime which aimed at confining women to
their homes. The new generation’s feminist politics are premised on the understanding that the
personal is political; women’s lived experiences and their relationship, and access to physical
space are now gaining importance.
Bring the Focus Back: Aurat March and the Regeneration of Feminism in Pakistan
Introduction and Background to Aurat March
Since independence, the mainstream feminist approach has shifted from reform-based
feminism to secularist street politics fighting for women's rights in the mid-1980s while resisting
General Zia's Islamization policies. During the 1990s and after the War on Terror era feminism
grew, and by the 2010s the current manifestation of contemporary Pakistani feminism consolidated
itself. One of its most recognizable slogans from this current period is “mera jism, meri marzi”,
translating to “my body, my choice”, a slogan which has sparked controversies and debates online,
in the media, in discussion circles, and in the academy.
During the 1990s and early 2000s, the robust socio-political feminist movement diffused
due to NGOization and co-optation of the movement by state bodies. However, since 2017,
international women’s day has taken on new relevance; the day marks a full-fledged women’s
movement (Aurat March) taking to the streets, raising questions about structural (public) and
private patriarchy, women’s subjugation, and oppression. The Aurat March has been choosing a
different theme every year on 8th March (International Women’s Day) since 2017. The event is
organized to bring together Pakistani women in an intersectional event to raise their voices
collectively against oppression and subjugation within the private and public spheres. The March
was seen as a harbinger, the first ever organic feminist movement in the country in which gatherers
refused to remain silent on violence against women.
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The organizers of the Aurat March—feminists, human rights activists, and victims of
online trolling—determined that a vibrant feminist movement is essential for changing the status
quo, which is characterised by patriarchy and its performativity, social injustice, and inequality.
Every annual Aurat March in Pakistan is followed by severe backlash from the religious right. The
conservative segments of society reiterate that it is a ‘western agenda’ that endangers men,
allowing them to raise ‘what about men’ questions.
The Aurat March is significant in many ways. First, it is an organic and inclusive event
organized every year by diverse groups of women, men, and trans-people from all walks of life,
mainly in four major cities, i.e., Karachi, Lahore, Islamabad, and Faisalabad. Second, the March
receives unprecedented backlash every year from several segments of society, ranging from
politicians, religious scholars, actors, and even some rights activists and veteran feminists. This
backlash is laced with unusual ferocity because the women hold posters and placards containing
slogans with sexual connotations. The critics of the March say that women’s self-expression is
vile, immoral, and against Pakistani culture, values, traditions, and religion. Third, soon after the
March, its women organizers start receiving threats of violence, rape, and even death. A
parliamentarian of the ruling party urged the government to initiate an inquiry against the March
organizers to find out who was behind the movement to hold them responsible for exercising their
constitutional rights. Another lawmaker from Sindh filed a complaint against the organizers for
promoting vulgarity. The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly went a step ahead and passed a
unanimous resolution against Aurat March and condemned the “shameless and un-Islamic”
slogans, placards, and demands of the procession.
Some of the most notorious slogans of the March were: “Mera Jism Meri Marzi” (My body
my choice), Khana khud garm karo (heat up the food yourself), “Keep your dick pics to yourself”,
“Mein awaara, Mein baddchalan” (I loiter, I’m characterless), “Divorced and happy” and
“Anything you can do, I do while bleeding” etc.
Additionally, Aurat March seeks to provide an alternative to the prevailing liberal feminist
discourse, characteristic of previous eras of state and NGO co-opted activism, by explicitly
including questions of class, imperialism, and widespread oppression of the weak by the powerful
under the mantle of “women’s issues”. Another objective is to bring a new feminist agenda and
narrative into the mainstream. While describing the Aurat March, feminists were divided into
liberal progressive and socialist feminist groups. Both factions agreed that body politics is the need
of the time and is essential for furthering women’s issues.
The organizers also viewed it as an interclass organic feminist movement, with women
from different social and economic classes actively participating. They acknowledged that
although many of the organizing committee members were from the middle and upper classes,
there were many others from diverse backgrounds whose contributions were imperative. The
March was also attended by students from marginalized areas, women from Katchi Abadis
(informal settlements, slums), women doing minority work, and women representing labour
unions, and trans-activists. There was also diversity across religions, genders, and ethnicity. The
March was deemed inclusive and embraced everyone who was progressive and wished to
contribute to the feminist movement in Pakistan. They see Aurat March as a potential platform to
bring more long-lasting and transformative change for the many who can’t even think of raising
their voices.
The organizers claim that the current wave of feminism, of which the Aurat March is a
crucial focal point, differs from previous movements because it functions without compulsions,
obligations, or the need for patronage from the state or other influential groups. To them, this
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movement is radically different from the earlier women’s movements because it is organic; it
spurred from within and was not led by any single organization, and it did not push any specific
political ideology. They emphasise when the movements are independent of any pressures or
patronage, they are better poised to present their own narrative more freely. Secondly, the March
does not demand concessions from the state; it challenges all the oppressive structures and
ideologies which need the attention from the whole of society.
Gender-based discrimination, violence against women, and physical and sexual abuse are
rampant in the country. Pakistan is lagging on almost all economic and human development
indicators and has been ranked as the 3rd to last country on the Gender Development Index (GDI)
and the 6th most dangerous place for women in the world. In this context, Aurat March 2019 was
considered by feminists as a historical moment. It was the first time that women openly brought
up issues regarding sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, consent, marriage and divorce, and
the body in the public sphere. These topics have traditionally been silenced and relegated to the
private sphere, with women deeply impacted by sexual violence and harassment burdened with
fear and insecurity. The 2019 March broke taboos by enabling women to address issues that they
face every day in the vicinity of their homes, in the markets, at work, and in public without fear or
shame. Posters and placards referring to reproductive health and menstruation, to those demanding
the shutting down of unsolicited content online, brought issues pushed into the realm of the private
to the streets.
Backlash against Aurat March

Aurat March was revolutionary in how vocal it was; slogans were chanted about the
violence against women and demands for an end to the abuse. The opponents wasted no time in
explaining how women’s agency could not exist in Pakistani culture as Pakistani values, traditions,
and religion are premised on women’s silence. Feminists and activists gave their views on why the
Aurat March received exceptionally aggressive and violent reactions from so many people.
According to Kishwar Naheed, a poet and activist said, the reason behind the backlash against
Aurat March can be summed up in one line: “Why the women went ahead of time.”
Feminists believe the Aurat March has garnered such a strong response because of the
many ways in which it differs from the movement in previous eras. For the first time, instead of
limiting their demands to specific reforms or concessions, they used the March to address their
experiences in society, bringing up notions of sexuality and body autonomy in the public, an issue
seldom discussed previously. The March served to critique the systems underpinning society as a
whole, as opposed to specific policies, which hit close to home as activists highlighted men’s
complicity towards women’s sexual subservience, even in cases where men are allies, revealing
instances of benign sexism. Unearthing deep systemic issues created a shift in the narrative
surrounding women’s demands; it positioned all members of society as complicit in women’s
subjugation. With the critique aimed at society as whole, backlash has rebounded from multiple
segments that feel under attack.
Another reason for the backlash is the crucial shift in the narrative in this third wave which
has repositioned women as agents and not victims. The Aurat March has been a deeply assertive
movement: women aim to reclaim public space, power, and their rights by taking to the streets, as
opposed to asking for them. Organisers of the March suggest that when a woman asserts herself,
there is always a strong reaction from society, citing examples of Malala or Mukhtran Mai. When
women adopt “victim-mode”, society is more receptive as this is a more palatable role. When a
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woman challenges the atrocities she faces or registers a FIR and comes out in the public, then she
is torn apart, as she is considered a threat to the system.
In Pakistani society, a woman is considered the property of man, is identified in relation to
a man, and her sexuality is subordinate to his. A woman cannot claim her sexuality and bodily
autonomy independent of her relationship with a man. Another reason for the magnitude of the
backlash against the March is due the to the “Mera Jism Meri Marzi” chant, which translates to
“my body, my choice”. This demand for control over one’s sexuality and reproductive health
threatens the family system which is a core organizational pillar in Pakistani society. The
‘paradigm of control’ gets threatened when women assert “I belong to myself” ; relinquishing
identifying oneself with relation to man not only threatens the family system but also questions
the role men play in society as caretakers, custodians, and breadwinners. The feminist awakening
has provided women with many new avenues for expression and self-identification but threatens
the roles that men, and in some cases women, traditionally play in society. The vitriol that
assertions of bodily autonomy and expressions of independent sexuality garner, can then said to
stem from the fear of losing one’s place in society.
“When women express their sexuality, or talk about autonomy of their body, the
pro status quo forces get insecure, because the hierarchy of the status quo is built
on the subservience of women, and people are programmed to react strongly when
this hierarchy is challenged.” Fouzia Saeed said conclusively in the interview with
researchers.
The victims of online trolling and threats say that their resolve has only strengthened. They are
more committed than ever before to body politics and want to break the taboo surrounding
women’s sexuality.
The organizers of the Aurat March have also termed “the March” as the third wave of
feminism in Pakistan. It was
the first time that women from all segments of society joined to air grievances stemming
from their specific experiences living under patriarchal conditions; and the reaction of this scale
was generated because women addressed problems in the system by pointing to daily micro-
aggressions and instances of sexism. They addressed the system by pointing to daily instances that
occur in the lives of women from all backgrounds, linking the specific to the universal. This
method, while successfully pointing towards systemic causes, also seems to challenge individual
perpetrators at a personal level. Organisers have often been asked about the appropriateness and
exigency of slogans used in the March such as ‘Khana khud garm karo’ (heat up your own food).
These slogans are able to probe the division of labour at home and in the institution of the family;
by connecting the universal to the specific, they addressed individuals and their relationship to the
system at a personal level. They believe that feminism is the only political struggle which not only
challenges the state as an abstract entity but also questions the immediate relations within the
family
Afiya Sheharbano Zia is one of the few authors and academics who have produced work
on women’s sexuality and body politics in Pakistan. As a feminist and academic with over 25 years
of contributions to the feminist movement, they saw the controversial slogans and placards as a
sign of women becoming more politically active and aware, connecting their lived realities with
the wider political sphere. The “Personal is Political” is being brought to the front and centre in
Pakistan—a massive stride forward. Zia sees the backlash as inevitable, stating that:
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“Aurat March became a threat because the slogans they chanted were thought to be
a threat to the state. Small politics and large politics are terms of anthropology,
politics with small P and politics with big P. The Aurat March may have been a
small P but as old feminists, we insist that it must connect with the big P. The
slogans chanted in the Aurat March were not mere slogans; those were the demands
for equality and freedom from patriarchal subjugation. Through social and
electronic media, it is inculcated into people that they should look at the slogans
only superficially and not dig deep into politics behind these slogans. The agenda
behind the politics of these slogans needs to be understood.”
The organizers knew these slogans would attract backlash and false accusations, but they reject
these allegations and ignore this backlash completely. Their stance remains that the March was
premised on intersectionality entirely with organizers and attendees including both trans people
and men. The female attendees came up with these slogans themselves, but the way in which they
have been received by society has pointed to a severe lack of understanding of sexuality and the
body in society, suggesting that there is a greater need for discussion on the topic to be normalized
in healthy and accessible ways.
The organizers of the March who faced severe online backlash resolved to continue their
struggle and they believe that their movement can’t be silenced by scaring them. However, to
counter these attacks they approached multiple sources for their protection and support due to the
more atrocious reactions from several factions of society. The police were informed, and the
organizers even sought support from progressive politicians and parliamentarians. Some young
organizers contacted Bilawal Bhutto (Chairman of Pakistan People’s Party) to seek support and
bring his attention to the resolution against Aurat March which was tabled by the PPP’s woman
parliamentarian—Nighat Orakzai—in KP Assembly. The Assembly passed a unanimous
resolution against what they deemed “shameless and un-Islamic” slogans, placards, and demands
raised at Women’s Day marches in major cities across the country. However, Bilawal Bhutto
issued a statement in support of Aurat March and sought explanation from Nighat Orkzai and also
reprimanded her for going against the party’s policy. Although the Aurat March has received a
great amount of backlash due to the approaches they have taken, the backlash has enabled
conversations with these centres of power. Organizers believe that their continued efforts, despite
this criticism, will help carry the movement forward.
To summarize, the third wave of feminism, of which the Aurat March is a crux has garnered
backlash and violent criticism for several reasons: it addresses systemic issues in society as
opposed a singular state policy, urging for deep structural changes in society. In addition to this,
by bringing bodily autonomy and female sexuality to the forefront it threatens the power of certain
crucial institutions and renders individual roles irrelevant. The March is also seen as a threat
because of its assertive nature, viewing women as agents and not victims, and its diverse member-
base manages to target every individual’s personal relationship to a system that subjugates women.
Despite the amount of backlash, the movement continues to work towards addressing these issues,
with the criticism revealing what needs to be worked upon, and how the movement can strategize
and evolve.
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Conversation with Religious Right about Aurat March and Feminism

Despite the Aurat March facing vehement opposition from all segments of society, the most
blatant and vocal comes from the religious right. Men and women from the religious right viewed
the Aurat March from a religious standpoint and deemed it antithetical to the religious and social
values of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. When Dr. Farhat Hashmi was contacted—the Canada
based founder of Al-Huda, an organization which runs religious schools and seminaries—she
refused to participate in the research. Her organization explained why they do not believe in
feminism and do not support any activities related to Aurat March:
“We have studied your questionnaire and we feel that Al-Huda International is an
educational and welfare organization and does not have an expertise in responding
to such matters. We as a nation are citizens of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and
our actions as a nation should embody Islamic morals and values. Allah (s.w.t) has
specified roles of men and women in the Quran and Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w)
has explained and guided regarding every matter in detail. We need to implement
the divine laws in our lives as individuals and collectively as a nation. A Muslim
woman has been given a very dignified role in the society as a daughter, wife and
mother and we need to study and implement it in our lives to be successful in this
world and in the Hereafter.”
Most men and women from the religious right interviewed for this research analysed feminism
and the most recent Aurat March (2019) through a similar religious framework. The consensus
among them was that the slogans chanted in the March were vile, immodest, and against Islamic
and Pakistani cultural values. The Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) chairman stressed that there
is a dire need to examine these slogans and see if Islamic and family values are on the verge of
collapse. The chairman held a special meeting at CII to review the situation. He could not
understand why women spoke of sexuality in the public and claimed that the family institution and
social fabric was in crisis.
The chairman CII considered Aurat March as an elitist intervention, not grounded in the
grassroots. He stated that issues raised in the Aurat March are not the issues of most women of
Pakistan. According to him, the slogans such as “look for your own socks”, “heat up the food”,
and “I will warm your bed”, are worrisome and require CII’s attention as they point to the
deterioration of the family system, relationships between men and women, and husbands and
wives. The slogan “My body my choice”, should not be looked at in isolation but needs to be
studied in the context of deterioration of a value system and considered the demand a call for free
consensual sex outside of marriage.
A female Dean of a public university refused to be interviewed, expressing her dismay at
why supervisors at universities allow their students to undertake research on issues that are
culturally and religiously inappropriate. Ironically, women from the religious right showed more
resistance to discuss the issue than their male counterparts. This shows that women are perhaps a
step ahead in accepting and internalizing their secondary role in the society, and reinforces the idea
that the lack of identification vis-à-vis men and prescribed gender roles which the March calls for,
threatens women as well as men.
The former Nazim of Jamiat Talaba-e-Islam and member of Jamat-e-Islami disapproved
of Aurat March and contended that slogans raised by a “few shameless women” do not represent
women living in an Islamic society. He urged the government to investigate the immodest
325
behaviour of women exhibited at the March, stating that the March is backed by a “western
agenda” and ought to be exposed. Elaborating on the Aurat March’s agenda, he considered the
movement a conspiracy to damage Islam and the country’s ideological foundations, alongside
Pakistani cultural values. He stressed that if women become immoral and immodest, it is the duty
of the men in society to correct their behaviour.
Another respondent from this group found it inappropriate for women to chant such slogans
and voiced their disapproval of it by saying that no decent society would endorse these, that it
would be immoral conduct irrespective of gender. According to them, slogans such as ‘my body,
my choice’ are a natural outcome of the secular education which is inherited from the British and
French colonialism.
One of the right-wing respondents, a former Vice Chancellor of Islamic International
University, Islamabad, believed Aurat March to be an unfortunate outcome of colonization which
has transformed the nation from family-centred to self-centred. According to him, “Islam gives us
a sense of belonging to family and society. Positivist secular western paradigm reduces us to
“individuals”. He opined that people have become not only self-centred, but materialistic; they are
deprived of human compassion, love, cordiality, sacrifice, service, and empathy; I-ness and my-
ness takes over we-ness and togetherness. In his view, capitalism and materialism have given
society the gift of individualism and consequently people are able to talk in terms of “my body,
my car, my refrigerator, my life, and my personal time”.
The respondents acknowledged that the Quran has very clearly stated that believers have
to observe ethical conduct regardless of gender. It does not say that only women have to be
observant, while men can be as licentious as possible; it asks both to act ethically. It recognizes
the presence of sexual attraction, while recognizing the centrality of family: adhering to the
Quran’s code of conduct for sexual relationships between man and wife is part of piety. Members
of the religious right that were surveyed acknowledge the need for discussions on sex, depending
on the context. The where and how these discussions take place is of great importance, with Islam
permitting them to approach these subjects but with appropriate decorum dictated by the Quran of
Hadith, using language which is not “provocative” or “obscene”, in closed quarters.
Additionally, they believe that it is unethical for two individuals to think as separate
individuals after making a public contract in the form of a marriage. Islam bestows freedom of will
upon everyone, however, after a contractual arrangement has been made between two persons as
husband and wife, it becomes a matter of mutual understanding, trust, sacrifice, love, compassion,
and togetherness. They don’t remain just two individuals, after getting married but become a single
family unit. Therefore, the idea of ‘my body my choice’ undermines the sanctity of marriage. It is
an imported concept from the capitalist-positivist societies.
The religious right considers feminism western propaganda, a conspiracy against values,
traditions, and Islamic beliefs because of its liberal and secular ideas about women’s rights,
equality, oppression, and subjugation. It is often termed as Bad or Hyper Feminism. The religious
right—including Islamic feminists (if any)—insist on a religious framework to determine the
strategy, demands, and decorum of a movement asking for women’s rights. As such, its ideas of
women’s rights exist within the Islamic moral values which are derived from the source, i.e., the
Quran and Sunnah. This section of society looks at feminism as a foreign ideology touted by a
club of promiscuous misandrists, and finds it alien, irrelevant, and a threat to Islamic or Pakistani
society.
An almost unanimous claim from the right wing remains that Feminism in Pakistan is an
elitist movement started by elitist women. They believe the entire concept of feminist movement
326
is misleading in the context of Pakistan due to the nature of the problems Pakistan faces. The
movement is frequently criticised for not addressing or involving the problems of Pakistan’s “poor,
underprivileged, uneducated” women; their emancipation should be a priority for the movement
according to the religious right. In addition to this, members of the religious right have agreed that
men need to be sensitized toward women’s needs, increasing awareness of rights accorded by
Islam (i.e., inheritance rights). However, they view the feminist movement as one that consists
solely of women belonging to affluent families whose demands are limited to wanting to wear
revealing garments and move freely with no barriers of social and religious traditions and no effort
to “uplift” women from lower socio-economic backgrounds.
Additionally, they believe displays and discussions of sexuality are detrimental to the
cause. They think feminism in Pakistan or elsewhere in the world does not bring freedom or respect
to women but is responsible for the exploitation of women’s sexuality which is the outcome of the
“unbridled liberties” it stands for. The terms sexuality or reproductive health, for them, evoke
images of a society where pornography, night clubs, dancing, and other “immoral” acts are
normalized. They believe these to be disrespectful and view these freedoms as counterproductive
and servicing to men.
Respondents from the religious right countered liberal and secular feminism by arguing
that feminism is not a popular movement even in western societies and use critiques of the
movement by sociologists and anthropologists to support their ideas. The idea that the feminist
movement emerged in the West, and anti-feminist movements emerged in response in Europe and
America is often cited to discredit the movement.
The respondents from religious right insist that feminism is relevant in westerns societies
but not in societies like Pakistan:
“I believe that in societies which follow a European society model, the emergence
of feminism was a natural phenomenon. But in societies where that cultural,
epistemic, historical background does not exist, feminism is something that is
external and which cannot gel with the culture and society. Unfortunately, it’s not
only your topic. Most of the young MS or PhD scholars come up with findings that
are then studied, analysed and concluded in a paradigm which is very suitable for
an empiricist environment, where empirical reality is the only reality; there is no
room for any ethical moral, cultural values.” Dr Anis the vice chancellor of Riphah
University expressed.
One of the respondents from the religious right emphasised that social issues are non-binary issues
whereas Islam addresses society as a whole: it does not divide people into men and women.
According to the respondent, feminists are obsessed with gender slogans, while male chauvinists
are obsessed with male superiority; he considered both as wrong and expressed that Islamic culture
and faith does not allow such movements because Islamic justice is not simply for women or men.
It is for the whole of humanity and different paradigms are needed to address issues of different
cultures.
There was a consensus among the research participants from the religious right that
feminism is an implant and a foreign idea. Many vocal opponents of feminism and Aurat March
declined to be part of the research after knowing the topic of research.
327
Conclusion
Aurat March 2019 created a moral panic in Pakistan, sparked by marchers holding posters
and placards with slogans such as Mera Jism Meri Marzi, Happily Divorced, Khana Khud Garm
Karo, Bister Main Garm Kar Doon Gi and main Awara Main Bad Chalan etc. Feminists and young
organizers of the Aurat March received death and rape threats in a tidal wave of massive
harassment and trolling online, facing intense backlash from all groups in society, in both print
and electronic media. The slogans were considered provocative, obscene, and immoral; they were
seen as an insult to Pakistani religious and cultural values. However, the feminists maintained that
these placards exposed the inherent fragility of patriarchal structures and opened avenues for a
new wave of feminism which finally raised issues of sexual violence, the division of labour, and
oppression at the hands of their immediate relations. They consider the reaction a manifestation of
the growing intolerance in a society that is still operating based on outdated patriarchal values and
which systemically oppresses women. These slogans were embedded in the lived realities of
women, and by focusing on the specific, drew to attention to the universal, resulting in an all-
around critique of structural inequalities in society.
Critiques from the very same irate society frequently analyse important issues such as
women’s rights, violence against women, sexual harassment, abuse, and access to publics space
voyeuristically. For instance, the slogan ‘Mera Jism Meri Marzi’ triggered a morality debate in the
country because women's bodies are seen as inherently sexual objects, regardless of age, location,
dress code, etc. The slogan was used by several feminists to show the autonomy and protection
from unwarranted advances women championed, celebrating women’s agency. But the
interpretation was distorted; the choice made by the opponents in interpreting the slogan revealed
more about their biases and tensions in society regarding sexuality. Women are viewed in this
scheme according to the Madonna-Whore complex: either the female body is sexualized and seen
as inherently sinful or as a sacred (as is the case with mothers). This includes any talk of
reproductive health or rights, because these are considered inherently sexual for women. The
oscillation between guilt and shame from the blurring of the binary caused an explosion of rage.
The all-around unprecedented moral panic and violent reaction reinforces the argument
that Aurat March has managed to strike precisely at deep-seated insecurities and critical fissures
in society, revealing and making structural issues clear to the public. Through the Aurat March,
Pakistani feminism has been regenerated, picking up from where its predecessors left off in the
1980s. It can be argued that the March is the descendant of the WAF protests and will be
remembered accordingly by historians. The March represents a third wave of feminism with its
most pressing concerns located in the body, in sexuality, and in challenging private and structural
patriarchy. It differs from previous eras because of its focus on intersectionality, grassroots
activism, and its assertive nature that focuses on society and each individual’s role in the structure
as opposed to making specific demands from specific actors.
328
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Bringing The Focus Back

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Journal of International Women's Studies

Volume 22 Issue 9 Article 21

Bringing the Focus Back: Aurat March and the Regeneration of

Aisha Anees Malik

Follow this and additional works at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws

Part of the Women's Studies Commons

By Syeda Mujeeba Batool 2 and Aisha Anees Malik 3

Keywords: Feminist movement in Pakistan, Body politics, Feminist activism

General Perceptions about the Feminist Movement in Pakistan

Feminist Movement in Pakistan: Conversations with Leading Feminists

Backlash against Aurat March

Conversation with Religious Right about Aurat March and Feminism

Shah, B. (2014, August 20). New York Times. Retrieved from

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