DYNAMICS OF FEMINISM, THIRD WORLD WOMEN, CULTURE AND ISLAM: A POSTCOLONIAL READING OF AURAT MARCH PJAEE, 19 (1) (2022)

DYNAMICS OF FEMINISM, THIRD WORLD WOMEN, CULTURE AND

ISLAM: A POSTCOLONIAL READING OF AURAT MARCH

Dr Bushra Naz1, Zeenat Shahid2, Sadia Irshad3

1
Assistant Professor (English Literature), The Islamia University of Bahawalpur
2
Air University Islamabad
3
Assistant Professor (Linguistics), Air University Islamabad

Bushra Naz, Zeenat Shahid, Sadia Irshad. Dynamics Of Feminism, Third World
Women, Culture and Islam: A Postcolonial Reading of Aurat March-- Palarch’s
Journal of Archaeology of Egypt/Egyptology 19(1), 7-22. ISSN 1567-214x

Key Words: Third World Women, Islam, Culture, Pakistan, Feminism

ABSTRACT
This article takes issue with the Western notion of feminism and argues that it is not adequate
to explain the lives of Pakistani Muslim women. Highlighting Western feminism contentious,
the study explores an inevitable network of Islamic culture and feminism at play in Pakistan
for being not only an Islamic but also a Third World country truncated in its postcolonial
history. To further problematize this issue of how these overlapping projects continue to
engage and collide in the recent debates on culture, Islam, and women’s rights in which the
scope and nature of post coloniality, I will interpret Lila Abu-Lughud’s philosophy of cultural
difference building upon women discourses of R. Seodo Herr, and Chandra Talpade Mohanty
in terms of the ideology of colonialism and third world and fight against it for sociopolitical
and cultural freedom a crucial element of Pakistani feminism especially of women’s
representation and conflicts of individual autonomy through a reconceptualization of Aurat
March in the context of Islam and culture in Pakistan.

INTRODUCTION
This article takes issue with the Western notion of feminism and argues that it
is not adequate to explain the lives of Pakistani Muslim women. Highlighting
Western feminism contentious, the study explores an inevitable network of
Islamic culture and feminism at play in Pakistan for being not only an Islamic
but also a Third World country truncated in its postcolonial history. To further
problematize this issue of how these overlapping projects continue to engage
and collide in the recent debates on culture, Islam, and women’s rights in which
the scope and nature of post coloniality, I will interpret Lila abuLughud’s
philosophy of cultural difference building upon women discourses of R. Seodo
Herr, and Chandra Talpade Mohanty in terms of the ideology of colonialism

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DYNAMICS OF FEMINISM, THIRD WORLD WOMEN, CULTURE AND ISLAM: A POSTCOLONIAL READING OF AURAT MARCH PJAEE, 19 (1) (2022)

and third world and fight against it for sociopolitical and cultural freedom a
crucial element of Pakistani feminism especially of women’s representation and
conflicts of individual autonomy through a reconceptualization of Aurat March
in the context of Islam and culture in Pakistan.

LITERATURE REVIEW
Khushbakht and Sultana in their recent study "The Women Activism in
Pakistan: An Analysis of 'Aurat March," have extensively discussed the
situation of women's activism in Pakistan with a detailed analysis of Aurat
March. By utilizing discourse analyses as a methodology, they argue that the
recent feminism movement has failed because of its inclination towards
westernization while overlooking the real issues concerning women in Pakistan.
According to the researchers, Aurat March has not considered religious, cultural
and legal boundaries and promoted western culture and lifestyle through 'bogus'
placards and posters. Additionally, the slogans were not reflective of the
collective and individual life issues of women in Pakistan. The authors
concluded that “Feminism is a presented tool of the improvement of women’s
status is nothing but a mere fantasy created by the elite class for their own
specific purposes. It convinced many women by showing them a picture of
liberated women. Unfortunately, it leads them to be a woman without a man, a
confused, strong but alone woman. It misleads them and took them back into
the centuries” (Khushbakt & Sultana, 2020, p.66). The article raised a critical
point by highlighting that religion and culture have not been considered. They
strongly opposed borrowing western policies and traditions of feminism. They
suggested modifications in placards and slogans and eliminating any borrowed
ideas from the western ideology.

On the contrary, Sabeer Lodhi’ does not perceive religion and culture as a
source of women emancipation and empowerment. Criticizing the placards in
Aurat March, Sabir Lodhi (2019) explicates that "[i]t is unnecessary to create
the "shocker effect" by using controversial, albeit sassy and courageous,
placards since ensuring and the fight for equality is not a revolution but a
process." Tuba Umair Shamsi (2019) argues that "the actual fight for the rights
of women deprived seems to have been forgotten. Suddenly, all this seems to
be reduced to a catfight, where each party is just looking for an excuse to put
the other down". The authors sum up the research by saying that before making
any policies or following foreign strategies, it is integral that Islamic values and
tradition are not ignored, and boundaries are not crossed and they end their
research with a suggestion to modify the policies, aspirations and plans to make
the movement in accordance with religious and cultural values which is
definitely very important for a country like Pakistan. “This marginalized group
of ‘Aurat March must realize that getting recognition through ridiculous ideas
is not a success or development. If they are really concerned about women’s
rights and status, they would definitely have to modify their policies,
aspirations, and plans in accordance with our religious and country values''
(Khushbakht and Sultana, 2020, p.67)

More comprehensive research on the interpretation of slogans has been

conducted by Ali et al. (2020). Their research analyzes the language used in the
slogans that, according to them, represents an anti-Islamic perspective. The

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research findings demonstrate that the main focus of the study was on the
Islamic perspective about women's rights and status and hence supports the
Islamic ideology. They accentuate that Aurat March has a hidden agenda of
destroying Islamic values and the family system in the country. Although the
research critically evaluated the linguistic choices of slogans, it has very biased
and illogical arguments; for instance, it is assumed from the analyses of slogans
(Mujhy Kia MalomTmare Mozay Kahan Hain?) that women are demanding
freedom from the duties of home and husband which is a very bogus
assumption. Another analysis of the slogan (My Body Is Not Your
Battleground) has been interpreted by the researchers as harming women's
modesty and morality because she denies the right of a husband to wife. The
researcher has interpreted another slogan (Rebellious Women will Change the
Society) as a rebellion towards Islamic ideology or challenging the values of
Islam, which is again not true. The article also used ayahs from the Quran to
justify the argument. It is quoted from Surah Buqrah; "Women are your fields,
sow (raise generation) in them as you desire," (Chapter1, verse 223) but not the
complete verse has been quoted, but only half of it which does not provide
complete meaning as the whole verse have a background verse as well as
following verse that clarifies its actual meaning which is about the do and don'ts
of a marital relationship. The researchers also mocked the slogan about
husbands warming their meals, considered it a liberal approach, and forgot to
consider our Prophet PBUH's life, which is an example for all Muslims. He did
all his chores by himself despite having several wives; he preferred to do it
himself. The research concludes that vulgar language in the slogan is an open
violation of the Islamic perspective, but it failed to prove it with any authentic
references.

The aforementioned studies have highlighted the current situation of feminism

in Pakistan and controversial issues related to Aurat March. A review of the
related research highlighted two major issues in Aurat March: inappropriate
language in the procession and the demands/March not aligning with Islamic
ideology and culture. However, previous studies lack adding Islamic feminism
and its discourse to the discussion. The present study aims to look at Aurat
March with reference to Islamic Feminism with the nuances of culture, and
Islam, which is entirely different from western ideology

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Indigenous culture, language, and tradition has never found adequate attention
and respect in the eyes of the West. Western feminists are usually inclined
towards a complete and totalizing identity. They keep their own culture and
customs as a standard to evaluate the rest of the world (Mishra, 2013, p.131).
Western Feminisms attempted to impose European model feminism on all
women. They ignored the blind spots of culture and the concept of 'double
colonization' that is a critical issue in colonized societies (Sirri, 2021). Lila Abu-
Lughod, while talking about the idea of what feminism is, accentuates that [W]e
needs to develop . . . a serious appreciation of differences among women in the
world—as products of different histories, expressions of different
circumstances, and manifestations of differently structured desires (Abu-
Lughod, 2002 p. 783). She asserts “Instead of political and historical
explanations, experts were being asked to give religio cultural ones, instead of

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questions that might lead to the exploration of global interconnections, we were

offered ones that worked to artificially divide the world into separate spheres—
recreating an imaginative geography of West versus East, us versus Muslims”
(Abu-Lughud, 2002, p. 784).

Lila Abu-Lughod in her work "Do Muslim Women Need Saving?"

deconstructed the western ideas about Muslim women. Her criticism lies upon
the perception of the West about the sufferings of Muslim women. According
to her, many pulp nonfiction books narrate tragic stories of women in third-
world countries and project Muslim women as victims of 'patriarchal'
oppressive and misogynistic culture. Lughod fights back this perception through
intimate and true stories of women in their real lives. She dismantles the notion
women's suffering is due to religion or culture. She adds that women's suffering
is due to global inequality and oppressive military and state regimes. Moreover,
instead of calling for 'moral crusades' to 'save Muslim women' out of a sense of
superiority, one should carefully analyze their own situation and recognize
common humanity (Abu-Lughod, 2013).Lughud quotes while talking about veil
as oppression that “This was a selective concern about the plight of Egyptian
women that focused on the veil as a sign of oppression but gave no support to
women's education and was professed loudly by the same Englishman, Lord
Cromer, who opposed women's suffrage back home” (Abu-Lughod,
2002,p.784).

Do Muslim Women Need Saving? is a question that has become a paradigm to

critique western philosophy about Muslim women. Lughod argues that the West
intervened in the Orients to save them just as they did in Iraq and Afghanistan.
She accentuates that there are many other ways of saving, emancipation, and
liberation rather than just a 'western way.' Such intervention has a very negative
effect on Muslim women in the East. Western scholars tend to speak on behalf
of Muslim women and their often-negative narrative and portrayal of Muslim
women is because of their narrow perception of Islam. Lughod opines that we
need to address those meanings that have been attached to Islam and Islamic
culture. For instance, the West measures women's freedom through her body
and clothes, a woman in modest clothing and covered properly is often assumed
as less free. According to many Western feminists, a veiled woman is seen as
'lacking agency'. Thus, it is inferred from her veiling that she has no choice over
body and life, which is false. Moreover, discussing the matter of clothing and
generalizing it as oppression shows the lack of diversity in perception of the
West.

Lughod states that western scholars refuse to accept that other worldviews and
cultures are different from the perception of the West regarding culture, which
is a problematic attitude. It is imperative to acknowledge that Muslim women
want equality and emancipation that is Islamic and fulfill Islamic living
standards and align with Islamic values that might conflict with the western
form of liberation. In another work, Lughod fights back the Western portrayal
of Muslim women as backward and oppressive and points the finger back at the
West by reminding them of their hypocrisy. She Quoted Osama bin Laden,
"You are a nation that exploits women like consumer products or advertising
tools, calling upon customers to purchase them… You then rant that you support

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the liberation of women". AbuLughod further adds that the Quran gave women
the right to vote 1400 years ago, whereas American women only received that
right within the last century (Abu-Lughod, 2006).

Kimberle Crenshaw in Race, Gender and Sexual Harassment (1991) elucidates

that woman of color experience racism differently than experienced by men of
colour; similarly, sexism is experienced in another way that is not parallel to
white women. Therefore, a kind of feminism that western feminism is trying to
impose in the postcolonial society and women is not appropriate to them as it
fails to address the sensitive peculiarities of the culture. Lemmerich too
underscores the same point of view by drawing upon Gayatri Spivak’s view
given in Can the Subaltern Speak, she counters the Western feminists'
assumption of speaking on behalf of all women. She believes that neither
universalism nor a representation of all women can be achieved through western
feminism since the interest of Western feminists does not align with the needs
of third-world women (Lemmerich, 2010). Transnational feminists have
challenged the idea of Western feminists regarding third world women that all
women are the same as this idea did not consider race, class, religion, citizenship
and culture and hence problematic. Abu Lagoud states that a Islamic feminists
elucidates that Islam always believes in the empowerment of women and favors
their rights. Albeit, other factors like lack of authentic knowledge of Islamic
teachings and the amalgamation of traditions and cultural norms from other
religions oppress women and make their lives miserable.

The Problematics of Aurat March in Pakistan

The Dynamics of Culture: Dilemma of Post coloniality, third world and

Pakistani Women

Pakistan, a Third World Islamic country, has always shown rigidity and
repulsion towards feminism and its goals. It has been considered a dirty word
for a long time and viewed as a western construct manifested in Islamic culture
to destroy its values and ethics. Despite its dislikeness towards feminism and its
goals, the feminists in Pakistan were not the silent observer of the movements
happening in the world to fight patriarchy. Since independence, women in
Pakistan have been active in their pursuit of equal rights. They remained the
strong advocate of the Muslim Personal Law of Sharia 1948 and protested
against Hudood Ordinance 1979; their struggle is laudable (Akhtar et al., 2021;
Tarar et. al., 2020). Era of Zia’s dictatorship depicts Pakistani women’s
resistance and resilience. They fought for their rights despite all constraints.

However, it must also be noted that why a third World Muslim countries like
Pakistan are particularly pointed out for its crimes and ratios of incidents related
to women. As Abu-Lughud pointed out that the West is more aligned towards
looking for incidents related to women in third world countries. She talks about
the cultural framing and proposes that such “cultural framing, it seemed to me,
prevented the serious exploration of the roots and nature of human suffering in
this part of the world, instead of political and historical explanations, experts
were being asked to give religio cultural ones, instead of questions that might
lead to the exploration of global interconnections, we were offered ones that

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worked to artificially divide the world into separate spheres—recreating an

imaginative geography of West versus East, us versus Muslims” (Lughud, 2002,
p. 784).

Feminism is a political movement that advocates the equality and rights of

women in all spheres of life in Pakistan. It is difficult to identify the difference
between women's rights and feminism as they overlap each other. However,
women that were part of either of these movements’ fight for the shared goal
and agenda which is women’s equal rights, gender-based discrimination,
reproductive rights, etc and all these falls under the umbrella of human rights
accentuates that the “women’s movement would include all those seeking to
bring about more gender-equal rights and greater autonomy for women within
the operative structures of state and society. Feminists see the essential problem
as that of patriarchy as a system …. manifest in the structures of both state and
society” (shaheed, 2010, p.2). One thing is sure that there is no one type of
feminism but many. Furthermore, another misleading thought is that feminism
is a western phenomenon (Ahmed, 2009). This misconception happens because
the works of writers of the nineteenth and twentieth-century euro-centric world
got all the limelight. Hence, the work of indigenous feminists from other parts
of the world got ignored. It is a fact that western feminism had a lot of impact
on the globe, but parallel feminist movements were also emerging in various
parts of the world. For example, 19th and 20th-century Egyptian feminism
paralleled U.S. and U.K. activities, although their sphere of activity and
concerns differed (Ahmed, 2009).

Postcolonial feminists criticize Western feminists on their universalizing and

homogenizing women’s issues without considering the sensitivities of culture,
race, gender, imperialism, and furthermore believe that their texts represent all
women of the world. Mohanty deconstructs western politics in her work, she
argues that, in the process of colonialism just as men reduced women to the
other which she called double colonization, so the white women had constructed
the Third World women as the other to herself (Tolan, 2006, p. 334). According
to Edward Said in his work Orientalism, the discourse of the West defined the
Muslim and the Oriental as “irrational, depraved (fallen), childlike, "different"”
thus incapable of representing himself or governing himself (Said, 2003, p.41).
The western discourse turned Islam into an outsider against which the whole of
European civilization from the Middle Ages was founded on. Even the issue of
Muslim’s identity is still in crisis as Barlas argues that:

Although most Muslims live in a state of apartheid in Europe, we are all

inhabitants of …‘intertwined worlds’….. As I see it, without respect for
religious and political autonomy and diversity, secular democracy will have no
promise in Muslim countries regardless of how many bridges are built across
divides. After all, bridges are meant to enable travel in opposite directions and,
without this possibility and mutuality, I feel some bridges are better left
uncrossed” (Barlas, 2013, p. 423).

Thereby creating a question of cultural identity and difference. Mohanty (1991)

also endorses the same point in her influential article Under Western Eyes:
Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses, she critiques Western feminism

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and considers it ‘ethnocentric’ she states that Western feminism does not
consider “the unique experiences of women residing in postcolonial nations”
(Mohanty, 1991, p.53). she criticizes Western feminism opinion regarding all
women as a homogeneous group without having any sense of difference
pertaining to race, class, and circumstance” (Mohanty, 1991, p.59).

The cultural heritage of the Muslims is radically different from western culture
as Muslims refer to the Quran and Sunnah for every matter of life and anything
that is against it is deemed unacceptable but because of its cultural history in the
subcontinent reflects upon the lives of the people. As Asma Barlas argues that
As many recent studies reveal, women’s status and roles in Muslim societies,
as well as patriarchal structures and gender relationships, are a function of
multiple factors, most of which have nothing to do with religion. The history of
Western civilization should tell us that there is nothing innately Islamic about
misogyny, inequality, or patriarchy. And yet, all three often are justified by
Muslim states and clerics in the name of Islam (Barlas, 2019, p.2).

Therefore, the feminism that would appeal to Muslim women and society must
be different from western feminism and must be in accordance with Islamic
believes and values. Western women are fighting for legal and social rights that
were already granted to Muslim women in the 7th century; therefore, Muslim
women's struggle in this movement is quite different (Ahmed, 2009). The
feminism that Muslim women need must be an indigenous form of feminism
that is embedded in the Islamic faith rather than the one espoused by western
women, which does not align with the problems and goals of Muslim women
because Muslim women take Islam very seriously, it is a vital part of their
identity. It is important to understand that the problems of third-world countries
are different from the rest of the world. Seodu Herr in her work Reclaiming
Third World Feminism talks about transnational feminism. She argues that
Third-world feminism and transnational feminism separately deals with
women’s rights or feminism in the Third World, however, both kinds emerged
as resistance towards western or second-wave feminism which opines that all
women face similar oppression because of their gender. Race, class,
imperialism and colonialism and other cultural contexts were ignored by them
(Herr, 2014).

Mohanty in her work Feminism without Borders: Decolonizing theory,

Practicing Solidarity (2003) explains the difference between ‘feminism without
borders and ‘borderless feminism’, she argues that border-less feminism
recognizes the lines of differences, conflicts and fears that borders have. It also
accepts “that the lines between and through nations, races, classes, sexualities,
religions, and disabilities, are real-and that a feminism without borders must
envision change and social justice work across these lines of demarcation and
division” (Mohanty, 2003, p.36). Establishing the significance of cultural
difference and religious distinctions involving gender differences and
inequalvalities, Marnia Lazreg (1988) argues on the same grounds, she states
that the feminist discourse on Middle East and North Africa often considers
religion as the cause of gender inequality and made a reason of
underdevelopment in many of modernization theory. She adds that the feminist
discourse on women from Middle East and North Africa is actually the personal

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interpretation of theologians in Islam and has no factual grounds. Such

interpretations have been created to deprive women of “self-presence, of-being”
(Lazreg, 1988, p.87).

Pakistan being a third world country has her own sociopolitical and cultural
dynamics. While talking about western feminists' representation of postcolonial
women and their rights, Sara Suleri accentuates in her critical essay "Women
Skin Deep" that it is not the voice of postcolonial women that western feminists
heard but their own; the use of 'postcolonial women' is to assert their own rights
rather than third-world women. She argues that postcolonial women in western
feminists; critique never rise above the status of an object. She further adds that
gender and race are historically interwoven and they are inseparable (Suleri,
1992, p. 758). Therefore, the feminism that would appeal to Muslim women and
society must be different from Western feminism and must be in accordance
with Islamic beliefs and values. Margot Badran has contributed a lot in the field
of cultural feminism, Islamic feminism. In her article Islamic Feminism: What's
in a Name? (2002), she discusses the contradiction between secular feminism
and Islamic feminism in detail. She argues that these two –isms are different
because of their strategies and ideologies. Islamic feminism, according to her,
is entirely based on the Islamic paradigm. She deeply studies the feminist
movement in Egypt (Badran, 2013; Ullah, 2020). She asserts that “Islamic
feminism explicates the idea of gender equality as part and parcel of the
Qur’anic notion of equality of all insan (human beings) and calls for the
implementation of gender equality in the state, civil institutions, and everyday
life. It rejects the notion of a public/private dichotomy (by the way, absent in
early Islamic jurisprudence or fiqh) conceptualising a holistic umma in which
Qur’anic ideals are operative in all space” (Badran, 2006 ,p.9-15).

Like religion, culture also holds an essential place in people's lives, and it is as
much a part of life as religion is. This amalgamation has somehow blurred the
difference between culture and religion. Some traditions are practiced so much
that they are considered part of religion which creates confusion and
misunderstandings. Comparing Third World feminism and transnational
feminism in the context of colonialism, Herr argues that both “share important
similarities, such as the rejection of false universalism presupposed by white
feminism and an emphasis on Third World women’s complex and intersecting
oppressions and multiple forms of resistance. (R. S. Herr, 2014, p. 2). The
problem arises because of the lack of knowledge of Islam and the Quran, many
practices and traditions even go against the teachings of Islam but they are part
of the culture. People without investigating and studying their religion attach
them with the religion. We need to understand that Pakistan has diverse cultures
and ethnicities, and it is imperative to look at its historical and political context.
Although the end of colonial rule brought many challenges and one of them was
reclaiming old identities. Bhabha (1996, p.57) argues that a new kind of hybrid
identity emerged because of interwoven elements of the colonizer and
colonization, which challenges the validity and authenticity of any essentialist
cultural identity. According to Barlas,

an argument can be made that the persistence of many anti-women traditions in

Muslim societies is a legacy not only of a flawed Scriptural exegesis, but also

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of latter-day encounters between Muslim and non-Muslim/Western

civilizations (Barlas, 2001, p.124).

Third-world feminism emerged as a consequence of colonialism. Therefore,

unlike western feminism, they firmly conflated gender with issues of cultural
identity and colonial subjugation (Khan, 2011, p. 1074). Pakistan's national and
cultural identity is based on its religion 'Islam.' it is the focal point of all other
cultural-related values and norms. Hence, anything that comes from external
force and does not resonate with its culture will not be appreciated. If Aurat
March is to become the change required here, its cultural values, and political
situation must be considered. It must resonate in a way that it becomes
acceptable.

The Clash Between Islamic Ideology and Western Ideology of Women’s

Rights

There is a continuous clash between Islamic ideology and western ideology of

women's rights and freedom. Al- Faruqi (2005) argues that many of the aims of
Western feminism do not resonate with other cultures as it is uneven, distorted
and if Western feminism is promoted in Islamic culture, it will face severe
vilification and will not be accepted by Muslim women in particular and Islamic
society as a whole (Al-Faruqi, 2005). Feminism is not a new thing in the Muslim
world; it has had its association from the beginning of 19 century. In the 1890s,
Egypt was an influential proponent of feminism in the Muslim world. Because
of that movement, Muslim men and women both used arguments to bring
reforms in the repressive practices imposed in the name of religion. Later on,
feminism changed into a more secular nationalism that advocated rights for all
Egyptians, either Muslim or non-Muslim in an independent nation. Heba Roauf
Ezzat (2001) argues that Muslim women joined the Islamic feminism movement
not to return to subservient and secluded roles but to find their social presence
and political activism. It is a deviation from western modernity and keeps
steadfast with Islamic faith and beliefs (Tohidi and Bayes, 2001). Abdullahi An-
Naim while talking about two different types of discourse of women’s rights i-
e secular and Islamic contemplates that it is vital to engage religion for a social
change. He believes that the advocates of women’s rights must take religious
discourse seriously and should enlighten themselves with Islamic concepts and
techniques so they can have the necessary competence to challenge the
traditional Islamists (An- Na’im, 1995). For example, discussing the tradition
of veil in Islam Abu-Lughud proponds:

It is common popular knowledge that the ultimate sign of the oppression of

Afghan women under the Taliban- and-the-terrorists is that they were forced to
wear the burqa….We need to be more sensible about the clothing of "women of
cover, and so there is perhaps a need to make some basic points about veiling,
First, it should be recalled that the Taliban did not invent the burqa, It was the
local form of covering that Pashtun women in one region wore when they went
out and worn as a convention for symbolizing women's modesty or
respectability. The burqa, like some other forms of "cover" has, in many
settings, marked the symbolic separation of men's and women's spheres, as part

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of the general association of women with family and home, not with public
space where strangers mingled. (Abu-Lughud, 2002, p.785)

It has been observed that the Aurat March movement faced severe backlash over
the language that has been used in placards/posters. They possess the authority
of a lost empire to provoke anger, action, and aggression into a passive and
indolent subject to obey the command of the master, as Badran expounds:

History attests that feminism is the creation of both easterners and westerners,
of Muslims and those of other religions, of the colonized and colonizers, and of
women of different races and ethnicities. Those who claim that feminism is
‘western’ and ‘white’ do not know their history and perpetuate the circulation
of myths. Until today feminism remains in many ways a prisoner of colonialism
(Badran, 2008, p.25).

The reason can be understood by drawing a comparison in Jawad’s view that

the rationale behind such an approach is, as we have explained, to re-visit the
traditional legalistic commentaries to re-address gender inequity. In other
words, they are principally concerned with the exoteric aspect of the Law
(Shariah). But while these efforts are commendable, they tend to be oblivious
to the other important aspect of Islamic tradition: that is, its spiritual dimension
which has, historically speaking, favored women and allowed the pursuit of
feminine activities. This is crucial if one has to present a balanced approach to
women's rights in Islam. Without taking into account the spiritual dimension of
the tradition, the misrepresentations of the image of Muslim women can hardly
be corrected (Jawad, 2003, p. 108).

It is argued that language used by the participants of Aurat March does not align
with Pakistani/ Islamic culture and has hurt the sentiments of many people. It
has been perceived that many posters and demands were borrowed from the
West. Mohanty argues that the west has created a dichotomy between West and
the third world and has identified them with labels. She quotes “Third World
women as a group or category are automatically and necessarily defined as
religious (read: not progressive), family-oriented (read: traditional), legally
unsophisticated (read: they are still not conscious of their lights), illiterate (read:
ignorant), domestic (read: backward), and sometimes revolutionary (read: their
country is in a state of war; they must fight!). This is how the "Third World
difference" is produced” (Mohanty, 2003, p. 40). For instance, "My body, My
Choice" (Mera Jism, Meri Marzi) faced much hostile response and is considered
a notion from the West. Amina Yaqin postulates that the March has initiated a
new wave of feminism in Pakistan that demands structural changes and
'inclusivity in a gendered struggle against misogyny. She further adds that the
objections that are raised over dress and language are actually diverting the
attention from the real cause of sexual violence against women (Yaqin, 2021).
One of the problems of Aurat March’s problematic of recognition and culture
is concerned with:

Nation-states and nationalism. I believe that such lapses considerably

undermine the transnational feminist claim that it represents Third World

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women’s interests, as nation-states and nationalism have crucial relevance for

Third World women’s activism. (Herr, 2014, p.3)

Similarly, Pakistani society does not seem prepared for the discussion on sexual
rights and body autonomy. As Mohanty asserts that the identity of women are
constituted through a multifaceted interaction between class, culture, religion,
and other ideological institutions and frameworks, such concepts cannot be
assumed universally applicable as the homogenization of class, race and
religion in the third world can create a false sense of the “commonality of
oppressions, interests, and struggles between and among women globally.
Beyond sisterhood there is still racism, colonialism, and imperialism (Mohanty,
2003, p.36). It is considered taboo to talk about such matters, and when they are
represented on placards and particularly in a provocative way, they stimulate
much opprobrium and become highly controversial. The blame was again on
the western agenda as the debates on sexuality and agency are very common in
their society. Similarly, some placards were also reflective on demanding body
agency by asking for reproductive rights like " Woman is not baby producing
machine" (Aurat Bacha paida krny ki machine Nahihai), from which it is
inferred that many women have understood the importance of autonomy and
looking for reproductive rights, which is very common in western society
undoubtedly, the signs that were used in the protest offer tantalizing debate on
the significant issues in Pakistani feminism, however, the reception of these
placards were very severe. Fatima Mernissi extensively studied the early
Islamic period, the Quran and the ahadith to understand the root cause of the
indifferent and misogynistic attitude towards women. She also analyzed the
referred texts such as 'al-Tabari, IbnHisham, Ibn Sa'), collections of Al-Bukhari
and Al- Nasa'i. She wanted to clarify the misconceptions that are part of Islamic
history to elucidate further that they are not part of Islam or the Quran. She looks
for the evidence from the lives of shahbiyat and found that "women's rights are
a problem for some modern Muslim men [not] because of the Koran nor the
Prophet, nor the Islamic tradition, but simply because those rights conflict with
the interests of the male elite” (Mernissi, 1999, p.).

Lack of Engaging Government

Since the independence of Pakistan, different Laws have been made to protect
the rights of women and minorities but their implementation has been limited
to none. Some of them are discussed below; Few laws were also stressed upon
by the proponents of Aurat March in their Manifesto.

The Protection of Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act, 2006

It deals with matters like kidnapping, abducting or inducing, or compelling

women to act against their will. It also includes laws for rape, prostitution, Zina,
etc.

The Protection Against Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2010

This allows the victim to file a complaint against the alleged harasser. It is to be
implemented on all provincial and federal levels. Manifesto also demands safe

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DYNAMICS OF FEMINISM, THIRD WORLD WOMEN, CULTURE AND ISLAM: A POSTCOLONIAL READING OF AURAT MARCH PJAEE, 19 (1) (2022)

and dignified workplaces by strict implementation of the ‘Protection against

Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act, 2010’ (Manifesto, 2020)

The Prevention of Anti-Women Practices (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act,

2011

It disallowsnumerouscruel and discriminatory customs practiced towards

women in Pakistan.

Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929-

This act restrains child marriages and applies to all citizens regardless of caste,
race, culture, etc. Aurat March manifesto 2020 demands to amend this act and
raise the minimum age of marriage to 18 which is 16 for females and 18 for
males as per Act 1929. The government has not amended this act yet.

Christian Divorce Act 1869

This law requires the allegation of adultery as a ground for divorce. Manifesto
considers very narrow grounds for dissolution of marriage to violate and
damage the dignity of Christians, especially Christian women, due to the social
and cultural implications ascribed to the accusations of adultery.

Punjab Domestic Workers Act 2019

In manifesto of Aurat March, demand has been made for the implementation of
existing laws such as which protects women from any sort of physical or mental
abuse in the domestic workplace as well as safeguard their several other rights
like wages, holidays, medical, etc.

Despite all these measures, laws, policies, and practices fail to address women's
issues and provide justice. The implementation of these laws is limited to none.
The Human rights commission has reported in Pakistan that at least 11 rape
cases are being reported every day in Pakistan; however, only 77% of the
accused have been convicted, which is 0.3 % of the total figure (Human rights
commission report, 2020). It must be considered that only half of the cases are
being reported; the rest are not reported because of the honor and reputation of
the family. There is a problematic condition of the state as the state does not
interfere in domestic matters that give rise to violence against women. Neither
does it help women in their financial troubles.

SUGGESTIONS, CONCLUSION, NEW PATHWAYS

Aurat March as a movement also became controversial because of its lack of
engagement with Islam in Pakistan. A country where people's sentiments are
highly attached to religion. It is crucial to involve religion so the message that
one wants to convey can be reached to a targeted audience. The lack of
engagement received severe backlash from religious parties and scholars and
hence called it an anti-Islamic movement. However, nothing was going against
Islamic values as Islam itself empowers women and emphasizes giving rights

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DYNAMICS OF FEMINISM, THIRD WORLD WOMEN, CULTURE AND ISLAM: A POSTCOLONIAL READING OF AURAT MARCH PJAEE, 19 (1) (2022)

but not bringing religion in the discourse has somehow disabled its ability to
resonate with the majority of its audience.

The backlash happened because of inaccurate propaganda and lack of awareness

and has no significant and factual value. Some arguments were raised as; Allah
and the Quran have already given women in Pakistan their rights, and there is
no need for the protest. Many feminists answered back as the Quran has given
equality to both men and women; however, the practice of equality between
both genders has been hijacked by patriarchy over the centuries by
misinterpreting Quran verses and using it for the subjugation of women. Few
Islamic feminists came up with the translation and interpretation (Tafseer) of
the Quran with their perspectives and knowledge, giving it a new understanding
that is not hijacked by patriarchy. In her work, Wudud discusses how patriarchal
beliefs have impacted the true spirit of Islam and women. Wadud believes that
the Quran is neutral towards patriarchy (Wadud, 1999, 219), whereas, Barlas
argues that the Quran is ‘anti-Patriarchal’ (Barlas, 2019, p.2). Sirri deduced it
from the fact that the Quran rejects the ‘patriarchal image of God’ as a
father/Male and that there is no mention of sex or gender inequalities (Sirri,
2020, p.54). Hassan contemplates that to save Pakistan and all other Muslim
countries from the extremists (religious or anti-religious), it is imperative to
bring an educated group of people who believes that it is possible to build a
justice-centered society while remaining in the ethical framework of the Quran,
which is the Magna Carta of Human rights (Hassan, 1982). As Said rationalizes
that the modern world is discordant with Islam is due to the gradual
disappearance of the extraordinary tradition of Islamic ijtihad has been one of
the major cultural disasters of our time, with the result that critical thinking and
individual wrestling with the problems of the modern world have simply
dropped out of sight. Orthodoxy and dogma rule instead (2003, xxii).

In this perspective, engaging Islamic feminism will be beneficial for a country

like Pakistan, where people's sentiments are attached to religion. Margot Badran
asserts that engaging Islamic feminism will extend the parameters of knowledge
and allow broadening and refining of new analytical and conceptual vocabulary
(Badran, 2008, p. 34). Western feminism presents Islam as a reason behind the
miserable condition of Muslim women, it also argues that even though
patriarchy cannot be reduced to religion, it is equally valid that Islam cannot be
de-genderized into a neutral observer of gender relations and operates as a
colonial rule. As Barlas argues that Western colonialism, which came, it said,
to liberate us from our cultural and religious heritage, actually occasioned the
re entrenchment of many practices and symbols (notably, the veil) which
Muslims came to see as markers of their identities, hence differences from the
West (Barlas, 2001, p.124).

The problematic condition of feminism does not lie in Pakistan only but is all
pervasive in the west. She further adds that the inequality among genders is a
global problem and not a religion-directed plan. Hassan’s (1991) work "Muslim
Women and Post-Patriarchal Islam," also elucidates similar views, she argues
that Muslim women have been assumed lesser beings by Western society and
by Muslim men. She argues against the three theological assumptions that
women are inferior to men; the creation of woman from man, the fall from

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paradise because of woman, and third, the primary creation of Allah is a man.
According to her, these three theological assumptions are not in the Quran but
a misinterpretation of the Quranic text. Two of them are Judeo-Christian
concepts and made part of Ahadith that Muslims believe are in the Quran. She
gave several references from Quran to justify her arguments on the equality of
men and women in Islam (Hassan, 2019). In this context, it will be more
beneficial if Aurat March posters/slogans/language are carefully monitored and
take into account the complicated cultural dynamics of the country; it is
imperative to understand that feminism is not against men and giving equal
rights to one gender does not take away the rights from the other gender.
Mahmood asserts "feminism is not designed to undermine men" and there is "a
dire need to discover a mutual ground for both genders, rather than playing a
tug-of-war from a distance" (Mahmood, 2018).

No doubt, the Aurat March has served to amplify the voices of women and
minorities in Pakistan. The feminist movement in Pakistan still has a long way
to go as the fundamental rights of women and minorities are not met yet, let
alone the crucial matters like equal job opportunities, inheritance, and political
representation (Akhtar et al, 2021, p.148). This recent evolution of feminism
has started to bring out new discourse on feminism in Pakistan. It will bring
about new challenges, new trends that might cause a cultural dialogue in society
and at the international level.

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