THEME 104 THEMES IN WORLD HISTORY

5 NOMADIC EMPIRES

THE term ‘noma1dic empires’ can appear contradictory: nomads

are arguably quintessential wanderers, organised in family
assemblies with a relatively undifferentiated economic life and
rudimentary systems of political organisation. The term ‘empire’,
on the other hand, carries with it the sense of a material location,
a stability derived from complex social and economic structures
and the governance of an extensive territorial dominion through
an elaborate administrative system. But the juxtapositions on
which these definitions are framed may be too narrowly and
ahistorically conceived. They certainly collapse when we study
some imperial formations constructed by nomadic groups.
In Theme 4 we studied state formations in the central Islamic
lands whose origins lay in the Bedouin nomadic traditions of the
Arabian peninsula. This chapter studies a different group of
nomads: the Mongols of Central Asia who established a
transcontinental empire under the leadership of Genghis Khan,
straddling Europe and Asia during the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries. Relative to the agrarian-based imperial formations in
China, the neighbouring nomads of Mongolia may have inhabited
a humbler, less complex, social and economic world. But the
Central Asian nomadic societies were not insulated ‘islands’ that
were impervious to historical change. These societies interacted,
had an impact on and learnt from the larger world of which they
were very much a part.
This chapter studies the manner in which the Mongols under
Genghis Khan adapted their traditional social and political
customs to create a fearsome military machine and a sophisticated
method of governance. The challenge of ruling a dominion
spanning a melange of people, economies, and confessional
systems meant that the Mongols could not simply impose their
steppe traditions over their recently annexed territories. They
innovated and compromised, creating a nomadic empire that had
a huge impact on the history of Eurasia even as it changed the
character and composition of their own society forever.

The steppe dwellers themselves usually produced no

literature, so our knowledge of nomadic societies comes

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mainly from chronicles, travelogues and documents produced

by city-based litterateurs. These authors often produced
extremely ignorant and biased reports of nomadic life. The
imperial success of the Mongols, however, attracted many
literati. Some of them produced travelogues of their
experiences; others stayed to serve Mongol masters. These
individuals came from a variety of backgrounds – Buddhist,
Confucian, Christian, Turkish and Muslim. Although not
always familiar with Mongol customs, many of them produced
sympathetic accounts – even eulogies – that challenged and
complicated the otherwise hostile, city-based tirade against
the steppe marauders. The history of the Mongols, therefore,
provides interesting details to question the manner in which
sedentary societies usually characterised nomads as primitive *The term
barbarians*. ‘barbarian’ is
Perhaps the most valuable research on the Mongols was done derived from the
by Russian scholars starting in the eighteenth and nineteenth Greek barbaros
centuries as the Tsarist regime consolidated its control over which meant a non-
Greek, someone
Central Asia. This work was produced within a colonial milieu
whose language
and was largely survey notes produced by travellers, soldiers, sounded like a
merchants and antiquarian scholars. In the early twentieth random noise: ‘bar-
century, after the extension of the soviet republics in the region, bar’. In Greek texts,
a new Marxist historiography argued that the prevalent mode barbarians were
of production determined the nature of social relations. It placed depicted like
Genghis Khan and the emerging Mongol empire within a scale children, unable to
of human evolution that was witnessing a transition from a speak or reason
properly, cowardly,
tribal to a feudal mode of production: from a relatively classless
effeminate,
society to one where there were wide differences between the luxurious, cruel,
lord, the owners of land and the peasant. Despite following slothful, greedy and
such a deterministic interpretation of history, excellent politically unable to
research on Mongol languages, their society and culture was govern themselves.
carried out by scholars such as Boris Yakovlevich Vladimirtsov. The sterotype
Others such as Vasily Vladimirovich Bartold did not quite toe passed to the
Romans who used
the official line. At a time when the Stalinist regime was
the term for the
extremely wary of regional nationalism, Bartold’s sympathetic Germanic tribes,
and positive assessment of the career and achievements of the Gauls and the
the Mongols under Genghis Khan and his successors got him Huns. The Chinese
into trouble with the censors. It severely curtailed the had different terms
circulation of the work of the scholar and it was only in the for the steppe
1960s, during and after the more liberal Khruschev era, that barbarians but none
of them carried a
his writings were published in nine volumes.
positive meaning.
The transcontinental span of the Mongol empire also meant
that the sources available to scholars are written in a vast
number of languages. Perhaps the most crucial are the sources
in Chinese, Mongolian, Persian and Arabic, but vital materials
are also available in Italian, Latin, French and Russian.
Often the same text was produced in two languages with
differing contents. For example, the Mongolian and Chinese
versions of the earliest narrative on Genghis Khan, titled
Mongqol-un niuèa tobèa’an (The Secret History of the

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Mongols) are quite different and the Italian and Latin versions
of Marco Polo’s travels to the Mongol court do not match.
Since the Mongols produced little literature on their own and
were instead ‘written about’ by literati from foreign cultural
milieus, historians have to often double as philologists to pick
out the meanings of phrases for their closest approximation
to Mongol usage. The work of scholars like Igor de Rachewiltz
on The Secret History of the Mongols and Gerhard Doerfer on
Mongol and Turkic terminologies that infiltrated into the
Persian language brings out the difficulties involved in
studying the history of the Central Asian nomads. As we will
notice through the remainder of this chapter, despite their
incredible achievements there is much about Genghis Khan
and the Mongol world empire still awaiting the diligent
scholar’s scrutiny.

Introduction
In the early decades of the thirteenth century the great empires of the
Euro-Asian continent realised the dangers posed to them by the arrival
of a new political power in the steppes of Central Asia: Genghis Khan
MAP 1: The Mongol
(d. 1227) had united the Mongol people. Genghis Khan’s political vision,
Empire however, went far beyond the creation of a confederacy of Mongol

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tribes in the steppes of Central Asia: he had a mandate from God

to rule the world. Even though his own lifetime was spent
consolidating his hold over the Mongol tribes, leading and directing
campaigns into adjoining areas in north China, Transoxiana,
Afghanistan, eastern Iran and the Russian steppes, his
descendants travelled further afield to fulfil Genghis Khan’s vision
and create the largest empire the world had ever seen.
It was in the spirit of Genghis Khan’s ideals that his grandson
Mongke (1251-60) warned the French ruler, Louis IX (1226-70): ‘In
Heaven there is only one Eternal Sky, on Earth there is only one
Lord, Genghis Khan, the Son of Heaven… When by the power of
the Eternal Heaven the whole world from the rising of the sun to
its setting shall be at one in joy and peace, then it will be made
clear what we are going to do: if when you have understood the
decree of the Eternal Heaven, you are unwilling to pay attention
and believe it, saying, “Our country is far away, our mountains are
mighty, our sea is vast”, and in this confidence you bring an army
against us, we know what we can do. He who made easy what was
difficult and near what was far off, the Eternal Heaven knows.’
These were not empty threats and the 1236-41 campaigns of
Batu, another grandson of Genghis Khan, devastated Russian
lands up to Moscow, seized Poland and Hungary and camped
outside Vienna. In the thirteenth century it did seem that the
Eternal Sky was on the side of the Mongols and many parts of
China, the Middle East and Europe saw in Genghis Khan’s
conquests of the inhabited world the ‘wrath of God’, the beginning
of the Day of Judgement.

The Capture of Bukhara

Juwaini, a late-thirteenth-century Persian chronicler of the
Mongol rulers of Iran, carried an account of the capture of ACTIVITY 1
Bukhara in 1220. After the conquest of the city, Juwaini reported,
Assume that
Genghis Khan went to the festival ground where the rich
Juwaini’s
residents of the city were and addressed them: ‘O people know account of the
that you have committed great sins, and that the great ones capture of
among you have committed these sins. If you ask me what proof Bukhara is
I have for these words, I say it is because I am the punishment of accurate.
God. If you had not committed great sins, God would not have Imagine yourself
sent a punishment like me upon you’… Now one man had as a resident of
escaped from Bukhara after its capture and had come to Bukhara and
Khurasan. He was questioned about the fate of the city and Khurasan who
heard the
replied: ‘They came, they [mined the walls], they burnt, they slew,
speeches. What
they plundered and they departed.’
impact would
they have had
on you?
How did the Mongols create an empire that dwarfed the achievements
of the other ‘World Conqueror’, Alexander? In a pre-industrial age of

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poor technological communications, what skills were deployed by the

Mongols to administer and control such a vast dominion? For someone
so self-confidently aware of his moral, divinely-dispensed right to
rule, how did Genghis Khan relate to the diverse social and religious
groups that comprised his dominion? In the making of his imperium
what happened to this plurality? We need to start our discussion,
however, with a humbler set of questions to better comprehend the
social and political background of the Mongols and Genghis Khan:
who were the Mongols? Where did they live? Who did they interact with
and how do we know about their society and politics?

Social and Political Background

The Mongols were a diverse body of people, linked by similarities of
language to the Tatars, Khitan and Manchus to the east, and the
Turkic tribes to the west. Some of the Mongols were pastoralists
while others were hunter-gatherers. The pastoralists tended horses,
sheep and, to a lesser extent, cattle, goats and camels. They nomadised
in the steppes of Central Asia in a tract of land in the area of the
modern state of Mongolia. This was (and still is) a majestic landscape
with wide horizons, rolling plains, ringed by the snow-capped Altai
mountains to the west, the arid Gobi desert in the south and drained
by the Onon and Selenga rivers and myriad springs from the
melting snows of the hills in the north and the west. Lush, luxuriant
grasses for pasture and considerable small game were available in
a good season. The hunter-gatherers resided to the north of the

Onon river plain in

flood.

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pastoralists in the Siberian forests. They were a humbler body of Listed below are
people than the pastoralists, making a living from trade in furs of some of the great
animals trapped in the summer months. There were extremes of Central Asian steppe
temperature in the entire region: harsh, long winters followed by confederacies of the
brief, dry summers. Agriculture was possible in the pastoral regions Turks and Mongol
people. They did not
during short parts of the year but the Mongols (unlike some of the
all occupy the same
Turks further west) did not take to farming. Neither the pastoral nor region and were not
the hunting-gathering economies could sustain dense population equally large and
settlements and as a result the region possessed no cities. The complex in their
Mongols lived in tents, gers, and travelled with their herds from their internal
winter to summer pasture lands. organisation. They
Ethnic and language ties united the Mongol people but the scarce had a considerable
impact on the
resources meant that their society was divided into patrilineal
history of the
lineages; the richer families were larger, possessed more animals nomadic population
and pasture lands. They therefore had many followers and were but their impact on
more influential in local politics. Periodic natural calamities – either China and the
unusually harsh, cold winters when game and stored provisions adjoining regions
ran out or drought which parched the grasslands – would force varied.
families to forage further afield leading to conflict over pasture
lands and predatory raids in search of livestock. Groups of families Hsiung-nu (200 BCE )

would occasionally ally for offensive and defensive purposes around (Turks)
richer and more powerful lineages but, barring the few exceptions, Juan-juan (400 CE )
these confederacies were usually small and short-lived. The size of (Mongols)
Genghis Khan’s confederation of Mongol and Turkish tribes was
perhaps matched in size only by that which had been stitched Epthalite Huns
together in the fifth century by Attila (d. 453). (400 CE) (Mongols)
Unlike Attila, however, Genghis Khan’s political system was far T’u-chueh (550 CE )
more durable and survived its founder. It was stable enough to
(Turks)
counter larger armies with superior equipment in China, Iran and
eastern Europe. And, as they established control over these regions, Uighurs (740 CE )
the Mongols administered complex agrarian economies and urban (Turks)
settlements – sedentary societies – that were quite distant from
Khitan (940 CE )
their own social experience and habitat.
(Mongols)
Although the social and political organisations of the nomadic
and agrarian economies were very different, the two societies
were hardly foreign to each other. In fact, the scant resources of
the steppe lands drove Mongols and other Central Asian nomads
to trade and barter with their sedentary neighbours in China.
This was mutually beneficial to both parties: agricultural produce
and iron utensils from China were exchanged for horses, furs and
game trapped in the steppe. Commerce was not without its tensions,
especially as the two groups unhesitatingly applied military
pressure to enhance profit. When the Mongol lineages allied they
could force their Chinese neighbours to offer better terms and
trade ties were sometimes discarded in favour of outright plunder.
This relationship would alter when the Mongols were in disarray.
The Chinese would then confidently assert their influence in the
steppe. These frontier wars were more debilitating to settled
societies. They dislocated agriculture and plundered cities. Nomads,
on the other hand, could retreat away from the zone of conflict with

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marginal losses. Throughout its history, China suffered extensively

from nomad intrusion and different regimes – even as early as the
eighth century BCE – built fortifications to protect their subjects.
Starting from the third century BCE, these fortifications started to
be integrated into a common defensive outwork known today as
the ‘Great Wall of China’ a dramatic visual testament to the
disturbance and fear perpetrated by nomadic raids on the agrarian
societies of north China.

The Great Wall of

China.

The Career of Genghis Khan

Genghis Khan was born some time around 1162 near the Onon
river in the north of present-day Mongolia. Named Temujin, he
was the son of Yesugei, the chieftain of the Kiyat, a group of
families related to the Borjigid clan. His father was murdered at
an early age and his mother, Oelun-eke, raised Temujin, his
brothers and step-brothers in great hardship. The following decade
was full of reversals – Temujin was captured and enslaved and
soon after his marriage, his wife, Borte, was kidnapped, and he
had to fight to recover her. During these years of hardship he also
managed to make important friends. The young Boghurchu was
his first ally and remained a trusted friend; Jamuqa, his blood-
brother (anda), was another. Temujin also restored old alliances
with the ruler of the Kereyits, Tughril/Ong Khan, his father’s old
blood-brother.
Through the 1180s and 1190s, Temujin remained an ally of Ong
Khan and used the alliance to defeat powerful adversaries like Jamuqa,
his old friend who had become a hostile foe. It was after defeating him

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that Temujin felt confident enough to move against other tribes:

the powerful Tatars (his father’s assassins), the Kereyits and Ong
Khan himself in 1203. The final defeat of the Naiman people and
the powerful Jamuqa in 1206, left Temujin as the dominant
personality in the politics of the steppe lands, a position that was
recognised at an assembly of Mongol chieftains (quriltai) where he
was proclaimed the ‘Great Khan of the Mongols’ (Qa’an) with the
title Genghis Khan, the ‘Oceanic Khan’ or ‘Universal Ruler’.
Just before the quriltai of 1206, Genghis Khan had reorganised
the Mongol people into a more effective, disciplined military force
(see following sections) that facilitated the success of his future
campaigns. The first of his concerns was to conquer China, divided
at this time into three realms: the Hsi Hsia people of Tibetan origin
in the north-western provinces; the Jurchen whose Chin dynasty
ruled north China from Peking; the Sung dynasty who controlled
south China. By 1209, the Hsi Hsia were defeated, the ‘Great Wall
of China’ was breached in 1213 and Peking sacked in 1215. Long-
drawn-out battles against the Chin continued until 1234 but Genghis
Khan was satisfied enough with the progress of his campaigns to
return to his Mongolian homeland in 1216 and leave the military
affairs of the region to his subordinates.
After the defeat in 1218 of the Qara Khita who controlled the
Tien Shan mountains north-west of China, Mongol dominions
reached the Amu Darya, and the states of Transoxiana and
Khwarazm. Sultan Muhammad, the ruler of Khwarazm, felt the
fury of Genghis Khan’s rage when he executed Mongol envoys. In
the campaigns between 1219 and 1221 the great cities – Otrar,
Bukhara, Samarqand, Balkh, Gurganj, Merv, Nishapur and Herat
– surrendered to the Mongol forces. Towns that resisted were
devastated. At Nishapur, where a Mongol prince was killed during
the siege operation, Genghis Khan commanded that the ‘town
should be laid waste in such a manner that the site could be
ploughed upon; and that in the exaction of vengeance [for the
death of the prince] not even cats and dogs should be left alive’.

Estimated Extent of Mongol Destruction

All reports of Genghis Khan’s campaigns agree at the vast number of
people killed following the capture of cities that defied his authority. The
numbers are staggering: at the capture of Nishapur in 1220, 1,747,000
people were massacred while the toll at Herat in 1222 was 1,600,000
people and at Baghdad in 1258, 800,000. Smaller towns suffered
proportionately: Nasa, 70,000 dead; Baihaq district, 70,000; and at Tun
in the Kuhistan province, 12,000 individuals were executed.
How did medieval chroniclers arrive at such figures?
Juwaini, the Persian chronicler of the Ilkhans stated that 1,300,000 people
were killed in Merv. He reached the figure because it took thirteen days to
count the dead and each day they counted 100,000 corpses.

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Opp. page: Mongol forces in pursuit of Sultan Muhammad pushed into

‘Barbarians’ as Azerbaijan, defeated Russian forces at the Crimea and encircled
imagined by a
the Caspian Sea. Another wing followed the Sultan’s son,
European artist.
Jalaluddin, into Afghanistan and the Sindh province. At the banks
of the Indus, Genghis Khan considered returning to Mongolia
through North India and Assam, but the heat, the natural habitat
and the ill portents reported by his Shaman soothsayer made him
change his mind.
Genghis Khan died in 1227, having spent most of his life in
military combat. His military achievements were astounding
and they were largely a result of his ability to innovate and
transform different aspects of steppe combat into extremely
effective military strategies. The horse-riding skills of the
Mongols and the Turks provided speed and mobility to the army;
their abilities as rapid-shooting archers from horseback were
further perfected during regular hunting expeditions which
doubled as field manoeuvres. The steppe cavalry had always
travelled light and moved quickly, but now it brought all its
knowledge of the terrain and the weather to do the unimaginable:
they carried out campaigns in the depths of winter, treating
frozen rivers as highways to enemy cities and camps. Nomads
were conventionally at a loss against fortified encampments
but Genghis Khan learnt the importance of siege engines and
naphtha bombardment very quickly. His engineers prepared
lightportable equipment, which was used against opponents
with devastating effect.

c. 1167 Birth of Temujin

1160s-70s Years spent in slavery and struggle

1180s-90s Period of alliance formation

1203-27 Expansion and triumph

1206 Temujin proclaimed Genghis Khan, ‘Universal Ruler’ of the Mongols

1227 Death of Genghis Khan

1227-60 Rule of the three Great Khans and continued Mongol unity

1227-41 Ogodei, son of Genghis Khan

1246-49 Guyuk, son of Ogodei

1251-60 Mongke, son of Genghis Khan’s youngest son, Toluy

1236-42 Campaigns in Russia, Hungary, Poland and Austria

under Batu, son of Jochi, Genghis Khan’s eldest son
1253-55 Beginning of fresh campaigns in Iran and China under Mongke

1258 Capture of Baghdad and the end of the Abbasid caliphate. Establishment
of the Il-Khanid state of Iran under Hulegu, younger brother of
Mongke. Beginning of conflict between the Jochids and the Il-Khans

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1260 Accession of Qubilai Khan as Grand Khan in Peking;

conflict amongst descendants of Genghis Khan; fragmentation of Mongol realm
into independent lineages – Toluy, Chaghatai and Jochi (Ogodei’s
lineage defeated and absorbed into the Toluyid)
Toluyids: Yuan dynasty in China and Il-Khanid state in Iran;
Chaghataids in steppes north of Transoxiana and ‘Turkistan’;
Jochid lineages in the Russian steppes,
described as the ‘Golden Horde’ by observers

1257-67 Reign of Berke, son of Batu; reorientation of the Golden Horde from Nestorian
Christianity towards Islam. Definitive conversion takes place only in the 1350s.
Start of the alliance between the Golden Horde and Egypt against the Il-Khans
1295-1304 Reign of Il-Khanid ruler Ghazan Khan in Iran. His conversion from Buddhism to
Islam is followed gradually by other Il-Khanid chieftains

1368 End of Yuan dynasty in China

1370-1405 Rule of Timur, a Barlas Turk who claimed Genghis Khanid
descent through the lineage of Chaghatai. Establishes a steppe empire that
assimilates part of the dominions of Toluy (excluding China),
Chaghatai and Jochi. Proclaims himself ‘Guregen’ – ‘royal son-in- law’ –
and marries a princess of the Genghis Khanid lineage

1495-1530 Zahiruddin Babur, descendant of Timur and Genghis Khan, succeeds to Timurid
territory of Ferghana and Samarqand, is expelled, captures Kabul and in 1526
seizes Delhi and Agra; founds the Mughal empire in India

1500 Capture of Transoxiana by Shaybani Khan, descendant of Jochi’s

youngest son, Shiban. Consolidates Shaybani power (Shaybanids also
described as Uzbeg, from whom Uzbekistan, today, gets its name) in Transoxiana
and expels Babur and other Timurids from the region

1759 Manchus of China conquer Mongolia

1921 Republic of Mongolia

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The Mongols after Genghis Khan

We can divide Mongol expansion after Genghis Khan’s death into
two distinct phases: the first which spanned the years 1236-42
when the major gains were in the Russian steppes, Bulghar, Kiev,
Poland and Hungary. The second phase including the years 1255-
1300 led to the conquest of all of China (1279), Iran, Iraq and
Syria. The frontier of the empire stabilised after these campaign.
The Mongol military forces met with few reversals in the decades
after 1203 but, quite noticeably, after the 1260s the original impetus
of campaigns could not be sustained in the West. Although Vienna,
and beyond it western Europe, as well as Egypt was within the
grasp of Mongol forces, their retreat from the Hungarian steppes
and defeat at the hands of the Egyptian forces signalled the
emergence of new political trends. There were two facets to this:
the first was a consequence of the internal politics of succession
within the Mongol family where the descendants of Jochi and
Ogodei allied to control the office of the great Khan in the first two
generations. These interests were more important than the pursuit
of campaigns in Europe. The second compulsion occurred as the
Jochi and Ogodei lineages were marginalised by the Toluyid branch
of Genghis Khanid descendants. With the accession of Mongke, a
descendant of Toluy, Genghis Khan’s youngest son, military
campaigns were pursued energetically in Iran during the 1250s.
But as Toluyid interests in the conquest of China increased during
the 1260s, forces and supplies were increasingly diverted into the
heartlands of the Mongol dominion. As a result, the Mongols fielded
a small, understaffed force against the Egyptian military. Their
defeat and the increasing preoccupation with China of the Toluyid
family marked the end of western expansion of the Mongols.
Concurrently, conflict between the Jochid and Toluyid descendants
along the Russian-Iranian frontier diverted the Jochids away from
further European campaigns.
The suspension of Mongol expansion in the West did not arrest
their campaigns in China which was reunited under the Mongols.
Paradoxically, it was at the moment of its greatest successes that
internal turbulence between members of the ruling family
manifested itself. The next section discusses the factors that led
to some of the greatest successes of the Mongol political enterprise
but also inhibited its progress.

Social, Political and Military Organisation

Among the Mongols, and many other nomadic societies as well, all the
able-bodied, adult males of the tribe bore arms: they constituted the
armed forces when the occasion demanded. The unification of the
different Mongol tribes and subsequent campaigns against diverse
people introduced new members into Genghis Khan’s army complicating
the composition of this relatively small, undifferentiated body into an

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incredibly heterogeneous mass of people. It included groups like

the Turkic Uighurs, who had accepted his authority willingly. It
also included defeated people, like the Kereyits, who were
accommodated in the confederacy despite their earlier hostility.
Genghis Khan worked to systematically erase the old tribal
identities of the different groups who joined his confederacy. His
army was organised according to the old steppe system of decimal
units: in divisions of 10s, 100s, 1,000s and [notionally] 10,000
soldiers. In the old system the clan and the tribe would have coexisted
within the decimal units. Genghis Khan stopped this practice. He
divided the old tribal groupings and distributed their members into
new military units. Any individual who tried to move from his/her
allotted group without permission received harsh punishment. The
largest unit of soldiers, approximating 10,000 soldiers (tuman) now
included fragmented groups of people from a variety of different
tribes and clans. This altered the old steppe social order integrating
different lineages and clans and providing them with a new identity
derived from its progenitor, Genghis Khan.
The new military contingents were required to serve under his
four sons and specially chosen captains of his army units called
noyan. Also important within the new realm were a band of followers
who had served Genghis Khan loyally through grave adversity for
many years. Genghis Khan publicly honoured some of these
individuals as his ‘blood-brothers’ (anda); yet others, freemen of a
humbler rank, were given special ranking as his bondsmen (naukar),
a title that marked their close relationship with their master. This
ranking did not preserve the rights of the old clan chieftains; the
new aristocracy derived its status from a close relationship with
the Great Khan of the Mongols.
In this new hierarchy, Genghis Khan assigned the responsibility
of governing the newly conquered people to his four sons. These
comprised the four ulus, a term that did not originally mean fixed
territories. Genghis Khan’s lifetime was still the age of rapid conquests
and expanding domains, where frontiers were still extremely fluid. For
example, the eldest son, Jochi, received the Russian steppes but the
farthest extent of his territory, ulus, was indeterminate: it extended
as far west as his horses could roam. The second son, Chaghatai, was
given the Transoxianian steppe and lands north of the Pamir mountains
adjacent to those of his brother. Presumably, these lands would shift
as Jochi marched westward. Genghis Khan had indicated that his
third son, Ogodei, would succeed him as the Great Khan and on
accession the Prince established his capital at Karakorum. The youngest
son, Toluy, received the ancestral lands of Mongolia. Genghis Khan
envisaged that his sons would rule the empire collectively, and to
underline this point, military contingents (tama) of the individual
princes were placed in each ulus. The sense of a dominion shared by
the members of the family was underlined at the assembly of chieftains,
quriltais, where all decisions relating to the family or the state for the
forthcoming season – campaigns, distribution of plunder, pasture
lands and succession – were collectively taken.

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Genghis Khan had already

fashioned a rapid courier
system that connected the
distant areas of his regime.
Fresh mounts and despatch
riders were placed in outposts
at regularly spaced distances.
For the maintenance of this
communication system the
Mongol nomads contributed a
tenth of their herd – either
horses or livestock – as
provisions. This was called
the qubcur tax, a levy that the
nomads paid willingly for the
multiple benefits that it
brought. The courier system
(yam) was further refined
after Genghis Khan’s death
and its speed and reliability
surprised travellers. It
enabled the Great Khans to
keep a check on developments
at the farthest end of their
regime across the continental
landmass.
The conquered people,
however, hardly felt a sense
of affinity with their new
nomadic masters. During the
campaigns in the first half
of the thirteenth century,
cities were destroyed,
agricultural lands laid waste,
trade and handicraft
production disrupted. Tens of
thousands of people – the
Family tree of Genghis exact figures are lost in the exaggerated reports of the time –
Khan. were killed, even more enslaved. All classes of people, from the
elites to the peasantry suffered. In the resulting instability, the
underground canals, called qanats, in the arid Iranian plateau
could no longer receive periodic maintenance. As they fell into
disrepair, the desert crept in. This led to an ecological devastation
from which parts of Khurasan never recovered.
Once the dust from the campaigns had settled, Europe and China
were territorially linked. In the peace ushered in by Mongol conquest

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 NOMADIC EMPIRES 117

(Pax Mongolica) trade connections matured. Commerce and travel

along the Silk Route reached its peak under the Mongols but, unlike
before, the trade routes did not terminate in China.
They continued north into Mongolia and to Karakorum, the heart
of the new empire. Communication and ease of travel was vital to
retain the coherence of the Mongol regime and travellers were given

MAP 2: The Mongol

Campaigns

ACTIVITY 2

Note the areas

traversed by the
Silk Route and
the goods that
were available to
traders along the
a pass (paiza in Persian; gerege in Mongolian) for safe conduct. way. This map
Traders paid the baj tax for the same purpose, all acknowledging does not reflect
thereby the authority of the Mongol Khan. one of the
The contradictions between the nomadic and sedentary eastern terminal
elements within the Mongol empire eased through the thirteenth points of the silk
century. In the 1230s, for example, as the Mongols waged their route during the
successful war against the Chin dynasty in north China, there height of Mongol
power.
was a strong pressure group within the Mongol leadership that
advocated the massacre of all peasantry and the conversion of
Can you place
their fields into pasture lands. But by the 1270s, when south
the missing city?
China was annexed to the Mongol empire after the defeat of the
Could it have
Sung dynasty, Genghis Khan’s grandson, Qubilai Khan (d. 1294), been on the Silk
appeared as the protector of the peasants and the cities. In the Route in the
1290s, the Mongol ruler of Iran, Ghazan Khan (d. 1304), a twelfth century?
descendant of Genghis Khan’s youngest son Toluy, warned Why not?
family members and other generals to avoid pillaging the
peasantry. It did not lead to a stable prosperous realm, he
advised in a speech whose sedentary overtones would have made
Genghis Khan shudder.

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 118 THEMES IN W ORLD HISTORY

ACTIVITY 3 Ghazan Khan’s Speech

Ghazan Khan (1295-1304) was the first Il-Khanid ruler to convert
Why was there a
conflict of to Islam. He gave the following speech to the Mongol-Turkish
interests nomad commanders, a speech that was probably drafted by his
between Persian wazir Rashiduddin and included in the minister’s letters:
pastoralists and ‘I am not on the side of the Persian peasantry. If there is a
peasants? purpose in pillaging them all, there is no one with more power
Would Genghis to do this than I. Let us rob them together. But if you wish to be
Khan have certain of collecting grain and food for your tables in the future,
expressed I must be harsh with you. You must be taught reason. If you insult
sentiments of
the peasantry, take their oxen and seed and trample their crops
this nature in a
into the ground, what will you do in the future? … The obedient
speech to his
nomad peasantry must be distinguished from the peasantry who are
commanders? rebels…’

From Genghis Khan’s reign itself, the Mongols had recruited civil
administrators from the conquered societies. They were sometimes
moved around: Chinese secretaries deployed in Iran and Persians
in China. They helped in integrating the distant dominions and
their backgrounds and training were always useful in blunting the
harsher edges of nomadic predation on sedentary life. The Mongol
Khans trusted them as long as they continued to raise revenue for
their masters and these administrators could sometimes command
considerable influence. In the 1230s, the Chinese minister Yeh-lu
Ch’u-ts’ai, muted some of Ogedei’s more rapacious instincts; the
Juwaini family played a similar role in Iran through the latter half
of the thirteenth century and at the end of the century, the wazir,
Rashiduddin, drafted the speech that Ghazan Khan delivered to his
Mongol compatriots asking them to protect, not harass, the peasantry.
The pressure to sedentarise was greater in the new areas of Mongol
domicile, areas distant from the original steppe habitat of the
nomads. By the middle of the thirteenth century the sense of a
common patrimony shared by all the brothers was gradually replaced
by individual dynasties each ruling their separate ulus, a term which
now carried the sense of a territorial dominion. This was, in part, a
result of succession struggles, where Genghis Khanid descendants
competed for the office of Great Khan and prized pastoral lands.
Descendants of Toluy had come to rule both China and Iran where
they had formed the Yuan and Il-Khanid dynasties. Descendants of
Jochi formed the Golden Horde and ruled the Russian steppes;
Chaghatai’s successors ruled the steppes of Transoxiana and the
lands called Turkistan today. Noticeably, nomadic traditions
persisted longest amongst the steppe dwellers in Central Asia
(descendants of Chaghatai) and Russia (the Golden Horde).
The gradual separation of the descendants of Genghis Khan into
separate lineage groups implied that their connections with the memory

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 NOMADIC E MPIRES 119

and traditions of a past family concordance also altered. At an

obvious level this was the result of competition amongst the cousin
clans and here the Toluyid branch was more adept in presenting
their version of the family disagreements in the histories produced
under their patronage. To a large extent this was a consequence
of their control of China and Iran and the large number of literati
that its family members could recruit. At a more sophisticated
level, the disengagement with the past also meant underlining the
merits of the regnant rulers as a contrast to other past monarchs.
This exercise in comparison did not exclude Genghis Khan himself.
Persian chronicles produced in Il-Khanid Iran during the late
thirteenth century detailed the gory killings of the Great Khan and
greatly exaggerated the numbers killed. For example, in contrast
to an eyewitness report that 400 soldiers defended the citadel of
Bukhara, an Il-Khanid chronicle reported that 30,000 soldiers
were killed in the attack on the citadel. Although Il-Khanid reports
still eulogised Genghis Khan, they also carried a statement of relief
that times had changed and the great killings of the past were over.
The Genghis Khanid legacy was important, but for his descendants
to appear as convincing heroes to a sedentary audience, they could
no longer appear in quite the same way as their ancestor.
Following the research of David Ayalon, recent work on the
yasa, the code of law that Genghis Khan was supposed to have
promulgated at the quriltai of 1206, has elaborated on the complex
ways in which the memory of the Great Khan was fashioned by
his successors. In its earliest formulation the term was written
as yasaq which meant ‘law’, ‘decree’ or ‘order’. Indeed, the few
details that we possess about the yasaq concern administrative
regulations: the organisation of the hunt, the army and the postal
system. By the middle of the thirteenth century, however, the
Mongols had started using the related term yasa in a more general
sense to mean the ‘legal code of Genghis Khan’.
We may be able to understand the changes in the meaning of
the term if we take a look at some of the other developments that
occurred at the same time. By the middle of the thirteenth century
the Mongols had emerged as a unified people and just created the
largest empire the world had ever seen. They ruled over very
sophisticated urban societies, with their respective histories,
cultures and laws. Although the Mongols dominated the region
politically, they were a numerical minority. The one way in which
they could protect their identity and distinctiveness was through a
claim to a sacred law given to them by their ancestor. The yasa was
in all probability a compilation of the customary traditions of the
Mongol tribes but in referring to it as Genghis Khan’s code of law, the
Mongol people also laid claim to a ‘lawgiver’ like Moses and Solomon,
whose authoritative code could be imposed on their subjects. The
yasa served to cohere the Mongol people around a body of shared
beliefs, it acknowledged their affinity to Genghis Khan and his
descendants and, even as they absorbed different aspects of a
sedentary lifestyle, gave them the confidence to retain their ethnic

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 120 THEMES IN W ORLD HISTORY

identity and impose their ‘law’ upon their defeated subjects. It was
an extremely empowering ideology and although Genghis Khan may
not have planned such a legal code, it was certainly inspired by his
vision and was vital in the construction of a Mongol universal dominion.

Yasa
ACTIVITY 4
In 1221, after the conquest of Bukhara, Genghis Khan had
Did the meaning assembled the rich Muslim residents at the festival ground and
of yasa alter had admonished them. He called them sinners and warned them
over the four to compensate for their sins by parting with their hidden wealth.
centuries
The episode was dramatic enough to be painted and for a long
separating
Genghis Khan
time afterwards people still remembered the incident. In the late
from ‘Abdullah sixteenth century, ‘Abdullah Khan, a distant descendant of Jochi,
Khan? Why did Genghis Khan’s eldest son, went to the same festival ground in
Hafiz-i Tanish Bukhara. Unlike Genghis Khan, however, ‘Abdullah Khan went
make a to perform his holiday prayers there. His chronicler, Hafiz-i
reference to Tanish, reported this performance of Muslim piety by his master
Genghis Khan’s and included the surprising comment: ‘this was according to the
yasa in yasa of Genghis Khan’.
connection with
‘Abdullah
Khan’s prayer at
the Muslim Conclusion: Situating Genghis Khan and the
festival ground?
Mongols in World History
When we remember Genghis Khan today the only images that
appear in our imagination are those of the conqueror, the
destroyer of cities, and an individual who was responsible for
the death of thousands of people. Many thirteenth-century
residents of towns in China, Iran and eastern Europe looked
at the hordes from the steppes with fear and distaste. And yet,
for the Mongols, Genghis Khan was the greatest leader of all
time: he united the Mongol people, freed them from interminable
tribal wars and Chinese exploitation, brought them prosperity,
fashioned a grand transcontinental empire and restored trade
routes and markets that attracted distant travellers like the
Venetian Marco Polo. The contrasting images are not simply a
case of dissimilar perspectives; they should make us pause
and reflect on how one (dominant) perspective can completely
erase all others.
Beyond the opinions of the defeated sedentary people, consider
for a moment the sheer size of the Mongol dominion in the thirteenth
century and the diverse body of people and faiths that it embraced.
Although the Mongol Khans themselves belonged to a variety of

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 NOMADIC EMPIRES 121

different faiths – Shaman, Buddhist, Christian and eventually

Islam – they never let their personal beliefs dictate public policy.
The Mongol rulers recruited administrators and armed contingents
from people of all ethnic groups and religions. Theirs was a multi-
ethnic, multilingual, multi-religious regime that did not feel
threatened by its pluralistic constitution. This was utterly unusual
for the time, and historians
are only now studying the
ways in which the Mongols
provided ideological models for
later regimes (like the Mughals
of India) to follow.
The nature of the
documentation on the Mongols
– and any nomadic regime –
makes it virtually impossible to
understand the inspiration
that led to the confederation
of fragmented groups of people
in the pursuit of an ambition
to create an empire. The
Mongol empire eventually
altered in its different milieus,
but the inspiration of its
founder remained a powerful
force. At the end of the
fourteenth century, T imur,
another monarch who aspired
to universal dominion,
hesitated to declare himself
monarch because he was not
of Genghis Khanid descent.
When he did declare his
independent sovereignty it was
as the son-in-law (guregen) of
the Genghis Khanid family.
Today, after decades of Soviet
control, the country of Mongolia
is recreating its identity as an The Capture of
independent nation. It has seized upon Genghis Khan as a great Baghdad by the
national hero who is publicly venerated and whose achievements Mongols, a miniature
are recounted with pride. At a crucial juncture in the history of painting in the
Chronicles of Rashid
Mongolia, Genghis Khan has once again appeared as an iconic al-Din, Tabriz,
figure for the Mongol people, mobilising memories of a great past fourteenth century.
in the forging of national identity that can carry the nation into
the future.

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122 THEMES IN W ORLD HISTORY

Qubilai Khan and

Chabi in camp.

Exercises
ANSWER IN BRIEF
1. Why was trade so significant to the Mongols?
2. Why did Genghis Khan feel the need to fragment the Mongol
tribes into new social and military groupings?
3. How do later Mongol reflections on the yasa bring out the uneasy
relationship they had with the memory of Genghis Khan.
4. ‘If history relies upon written records produced by city-based literati,
nomadic societies will always receive a hostile representation.’
Would you agree with this statement? Does it explain the reason
why Persian chronicles produced such inflated figures of casualties
resulting from Mongol campaigns?

ANSWER IN A SHORT ESSAY

5. Keeping the nomadic element of the Mongol and Bedouin
societies in mind, how, in your opinion, did their respective
historical experiences differ? What explanations would you
suggest account for these differences?
6. How does the following account enlarge upon the character of
the Pax Mongolica created by the Mongols by the middle of the
thirteenth century?
The Franciscan monk, William of Rubruck, was sent by Louis IX of
France on an embassy to the great Khan Mongke’s court. He reached
Karakorum, the capital of Mongke, in 1254 and came upon a woman
from Lorraine (in France) called Paquette, who had been brought
from Hungary and was in the service of one of the prince’s wives who
was a Nestorian Christian. At the court he came across a Parisian
goldsmith named Guillaume Boucher, ‘whose brother dwelt on the
Grand Pont in Paris’. This man was first employed by the Queen
Sorghaqtani and then by Mongke’s younger brother. Rubruck found
that at the great court festivals the Nestorian priests were admitted
first, with their regalia, to bless the Grand Khan’s cup, and were
followed by the Muslim clergy and Buddhist and Taoist monks…

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