Human Development Report 2004 Punjab Full Report

Punjab HDR
Punjab is at a more
advanced stage of
development than most
other Indian states. However,
the remarkable achievements of the
state have not been equitable. Amidst
prosperity, pockets of deprivation remain
among sections and areas. This report is an
important research-cum-policy document, which
focuses on the current levels of achievement, as
well as areas of concern and possible ways of
progress with reference to crucial
socio-economic indicators.
Human Development Report 2004
PUNJAB
Government of Punjab
INDIA
Published by
The Government of Punjab
© The Government of Punjab 2004
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or transmitted
in any form or by any means without the prior permission of the Government of Punjab.
Tel.: 0172 - 2704540. Fax: 0172 - 2703288
Price: Rs. 500/-
Cover & layout, design, typesetting and printing by

New Concept Information System Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi.
Foreword
I am very pleased to introduce the first Human Development Report for Punjab.
Human development is defined by the United Nations Development Programme
as enlarging the range of people’s choices. The most critical of these wide ranging
choices are to live a long and healthy life, be educated and to have access to
resources required for decent standard of living.
Punjab has the distinction of being one of the most prosperous state in the country.
India’s transition from a food importing country to a country not only self-sufficient
in food grains but as a food exporter, is in large measure a success of the Green
Revolution spearheaded by Punjab. The state also has high levels of achievement
in education and health sectors. However, there is still a lot of scope for
improvement.
The gains of development have not benefited all equally. The Punjab Human
Development Report highlights the disparities in the levels of achievement among
the various sections of the society. I am confident that this report would enable
the formulation of future strategies for further improving the human development
attainments in Punjab.
I would like to thank the Planning Commission, Government of India, and the
United Nations Development Programme for all the assistance and support
provided for the preparation of this report and look forward to future cooperation
in following up the messages of this report. I also thank the ‘Sanket’ and Economic
& Statistical Organisation, Punjab, Department of Planning, for preparing this report.
August 28, 2004 (Captain Amarinder Singh)
III
Message
Punjab has a creditable record of development. It is the trendsetter state in the
green revolution strategy adopted during mid-sixties. It is not only the country’s
largest granary but also plays a crucial role in defending India against military
aggression. India’s journey from a country, which had to import food-grains to
one, which now produces a food surplus has been led by Punjab. The enterprise
and hard work of the Punjabi farmer and the support provided by both Central &
State Governments have contributed in crucial ways to Punjab’s agricultural
dynamism.
However, amidst prosperity, pockets of deprivations remain amongst sections

and areas. In other words, the benefit of development has not reached equally
to various sections of the population or to people living in different regions of
the State. In particular progress has been uneven in the field of education, health
& nutrition despite the remarkable growth of the economy. In this background
under the dynamic leadership and guidance of the Hon’ble Chief Minister, the
State Government had undertaken the preparation of the first Human Development
Report as part of its commitment to “people-centred” development. This report
is an important research-cum-policy document, which focuses on the current
levels of the achievement, area of the concern and possible ways of progress
with reference to crucial socio-economic indicators. The purpose of the report
is to provide an independent and objective assessment of the status of human
development within the state to help in deciding inter-sectoral as well as inter-
regional financial allocations and enable us to identify areas that require particular
policy attention. With this in mind I am extremely pleased to share the report
with the people of Punjab and all who have stake in the future progress of this
strategic state.
August 31, 2004 (Surinder Singla)
IV
Planning Commission
Message
We congratulate the Government of Punjab for preparing its first Human
Development Report.
The state of Punjab occupies an extremely important position in India. India’s

transition from a food Importing country to a country not only self-sufficient in
food grains but as a food exporter has been spearheaded by Punjab.
Yet, as the report highlights, the remarkable achievements of the state have not
been equitable. Development in Punjab has had a gender dimension, a class and
caste dimension and even a geographical dimension to it. The Punjab Human
Development Report analyses the challenges faced by agriculturists, the backward
sections, the migrants and women in the state.
Punjab is at a more advanced stage of development than most other Indian states
and is currently facing second generation development challenges, The state
can once again lead the nation by demonstrating how to overcome these
challenges, as it did during the Green Revolution.
We once again felicitate the Government of Punjab for preparing its Human
Development Report and hope that the report will give an impetus to the
Government’s effort towards equitable development.
Rohini Nayyar Maxine Olson

Adviser (RD), Planning Commission UNDP Resident Representative &
Government of India UN Resident Coordinator
V
VI
PUNJAB HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT
Glory of Punjab
Acknowledgements
The Preparation of the first Punjab Human Development Report (HDR) has been
an initiative of the Government of Punjab supported by the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) and the Planning Commission, Government of
India. The dynamic leadership of Captain Amarinder Singh, Hon’ble Chief Minister
of Punjab, and the constant support and encouragement of Shri Surinder Singla,
Hon’ble Minister-in-Charge of Finance and Planning, was crucial in preparation of
the report. Earlier, the then Minister-in-Charge of Finance and Planning, S. Lal Singh,
played a vital role in this process.
A unique feature of the Human Development Report for Punjab, is that it has
been prepared by a well-known non-government agency, namely Sanket, having
rich experience and expertise in preparing State Human Development Reports.
The aim of assigning this report to a non-government agency was to have an
objective view of the reality of the Punjab state. We wish to thank the Sanket
team that prepared the report – Mr. Sandeep Dikshit, Mrs. Romila Dhawan,
Ms. Monika Banerjee, Ms. Deeksha Vasundhara, Mr. Rajkumar, Ms. Sutiksha
Mishra and Mr. Devkant Tripathi.
A large number of experts offered valuable support in preparing this report. The
chapter Background to Punjab has benefited from a number of background
papers. Dr. Indu Banga’s paper served as the basis for the section on History of
Punjab, the section on Green Revolution draws from the background papers by
Prof. Sucha Singh Gill and Prof. Gopal Iyer. Prof. Gopal Iyer also contributed to the
sections on Peasant Movement in Punjab, Naxalite Movement in Punjab and
Militancy in Punjab. The section on Militancy in Punjab benefited from discussions
with several other resource persons and the literature available.
The chapter Economy and Livelihoods is based on background papers written

by Prof. Sucha Singh Gill, Dr. Sukhvinder Singh and Dr. Jasvinder Singh Brar. The
papers written by Prof. Pam Rajput and Dr. Manvinder Barar contributed to the
chapter Women and Children – Facets of Human Development. Mr. Rakesh
Kaushik wrote the section on women and children. The chapter The Agriculturalist
in Punjab draws on papers written by Prof. S.S. Gill and Prof. Gopal Iyer.
Prof. Gopal Iyer also wrote background papers for the chapters Dalits – On the
Margins of Development and Migrant Labour – Problems of the Invisible. For the
chapter Education – Building People, discussions and a note by Prof. Harkishen
Singh Mehta served to highlight the issues.
We wish to thank Dr. Rohini Nayyar, Adviser, Rural Development, and Mr. B.N.
Nanda, Director, Rural Development, Planning Commission, for their support in
the preparation of this report.
VII
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The Human Development Resource Centre (HDRC), UNDP India Country Office,
provided valuable support throughout the preparation of the HDR.
Dr. R.Sudarshan and his successor Dr. K.Seeta Prabhu along with Dr. Suraj
Kumar provided substantive guidance and steered the process of preparation
of the report. Ms. Elena Borsatti provided support during the initial stages.
Dr. Kalyani Menon-Sen, Ms Alka Narang and Ms. Meenakshi Kaithel reviewed
and revised the chapter on women and children. Ms. Ritu Mathur provided
technical inputs during the preparation of the report. Ms. Sagarika Ghose
diligently edited the Punjab Human Development Report.
Extensive discussions were held with the officers of the departments concerned
of Govt. of Punjab during the process of preparation of this report. We thank the
officers of all these departments.
The report has been enriched with the valuable inputs and observations made by
Dr. S.S. Johal, Vice-Chairman, and Sh. R.R. Bhardwaj, Dy. Chairman of the Punjab
State Planning Board.
Economic and Statistical Organisation, Punjab, provided the extensive database

and co-ordination for the preparation of this report. In particular, we would like to
acknowledge the services of Mr. H.I.S. Grewal and Mr. A.P.S. Virk, former Economic
Advisers, Mr. Samir Kumar, the present Economic Adviser, Mr. G.S. Bains, Director,
Mr. S.C.Gupta, Joint Director, Mr. Harvinder Singh, Dy. Economic & Statistical
Adviser, Mr. Charanjit Singh, Research Officer, Mr. Rakesh Kalia, District Statistical
Officer, Smt. Meena Rani, Statistical Assistant of Economic and Statistical
Organisation, Punjab.
Ms. Kusamjit Sidhu, Mr. Sudhir Mittal and Mr. Sarvesh Kaushal, former Secretaries,
Planning, Mr. J.S. Kesar, former Principal Secretary, Planning, made valuable
contribution in the process of preparation of this report.
A.R.Talwar, IAS
Secretary to Govt. of Punjab
Department of Planning
VIII
Contents
Foreword iii
Messages iv
Acknowledgements vii
Chapter 1
Introduction 1
Chapter 2
Punjab: A Background 11
Chapter 3
Economy and Livelihoods 31
Chapter 4
Health in Punjab 61
Chapter 5
Education – Building People 93
Chapter 6
Women and Children – Facets of Human Development 111
Chapter 7
Dalits – On the Margins of Development 143
Chapter 8
Migrant Labour – Problems of the Invisible 155
Chapter 9
The Agriculturist in Punjab 167
Chapter 10
An Agenda for Human Development 179
Technical Notes 187
Statistical Tables 193

District Profiles 211
Glossary 229
Abbreviations 231
References 235
IX
List of Tables
Table 1.1 Human Development Index for India – Combined 5
Table 1.2 Human Development Index – 1991 6
Table 1.3 Human Development Index – 2001 8
Table 1.4 Gender-related Development Index in Punjab – 2001 8
Table 3.1 Average Annual Compound Growth Rate of Gross State/National Income
(in Percentage) 32
Table 3.2 Percentage Share of Capital Formation of Gross State Domestic
Product of Punjab 33
Table 3.3 Percentage Distribution of Net State Domestic Product of Punjab at
Factor Cost at Constant Prices (at 1980–81 prices) 34
Table 3.4 Distribution of Workforce in Punjab 35
Table 3.5 Decennial Rate of Growth of Per Hectare Returns at Cost A1, B2, and C2 40
Table 3.6 Distribution of Operational Land Holdings in Punjab, 1970–71, 1980–81,
1990–91 and 1995–96 41
Table 3.7 Livestock Population in Punjab – 1977, 1990 and 1997 (in lakhs) 44
Table 3.8 Composition of Milch Animals in Punjab – 1997 44
Table 3.9 Agricultural Labour in the Total Workforce of Punjab, 1971, 1981
and 1991 45
Table 3.10 Distribution of Main Workers in Punjab (in Percentage) 46
Table 3.11 Number of Non-Agricultural Establishments and Persons usually Working 47
Table 3.12 Trend of Growth Rates in Output of Manufacturing and Agricultural
Sectors of Punjab 50
Table 3.13 Trend of Growth Rate of Factory Sector Industries in Punjab 1979–80 to
1996–97 (at 1981–82 prices) 51
Table 3.14 Selected Indicators of Industrial Progress in Punjab (in percent) 52
Table 3.15 Industrial Workforce in Punjab – 1971,1981 and 1991 Census 52
Table 3.16 Value of Exports and Industrial Production of Industrial Goods in Punjab,
1974–75 to 1998–99 55
Table 3.17 Share of Industrial Workforce in Public and Private Sectors in Punjab
1971–98 55
Table 4.1 Life Expectancy in the Indian States 62
Table 4.2 Life Expectancy by Sex and Place of Residence (1992–96) 63
Table 4.3 Ranking of Districts by Life Expectancy in Punjab, 1981 and 1991 64
Table 4.4 Infant Mortality Indicators by Place of Residence 66
Table 4.5 Regional Estimates of Infant Mortality Rate in Punjab, 1992 67
Table 4.6 Age Specific Share of Deaths to Total Estimated Deaths in 1996
(in Percentages) 69
Table 4.7 Age Specific Mortality Rates of Women in Punjab 69
Table 4.8 Estimate of TFR for Punjab 70
Table 4.9 Number of Persons Ailing per 1000 (Population) in Indian States 71
Table 4.10 Rate of Prevalence of Diseases of Poverty by Place of Residence and
Estimated Number of Patients, 1993 71
X
Table 4.11 Broad Category-wise Outdoor Patients, Indoor Patients treated and
Number of Deaths among Indoor Patients in Punjab, 1999 72
Table 4.12 Cases Treated at the De-addiction Centre, Mohali
(November 1991– December 1998) 76
Table 4.13 Hospitalised and Non-Hospitalised Treatment Received in Punjab
and India 77
Table 4.14 Public Medical Institutions in Punjab by Location and Ownership, 2000 78
Table 4.15 Public Medical Institutions in Punjab by Type of Institution, 2000 79
Table 4.16 Population Served per Medical Institution, per Bed, per Medical and
Paramedical Personnel in Punjab 80
Table 4.17 Number of Children Expected to be Born in 2001 per 1000 Females in
the Reproductive Ages 82
Table 4.18 Targets and Achievements of the Immunisation Programme in Punjab,
1999–2000 84
Table 4.19 Vaccination Coverage in Punjab as per NFHS I and II, and, NSS 52nd
Round, 1995–96 84
Table 4.20 Villages Covered under Rural Drinking Water Supply Schemes in Punjab
(Year 2000) 85
Table 4.21 Number of Households per 1000 Using Different Processes to Clean
Drinking Water 87
Table 4.22 Types of Latrines and Types of Drainage Used per 1000 Households in
Punjab 88
Table 4.23 Budget Allocation for Health in Five Year Plans 89
Table 4.24 Expenditure on Medicine and Public Health by Government of Punjab,
State Budget 1998–99 90
Table 5.1 Literacy Rates by Sex in Punjab (in percent) 94
Table 5.2 States and Union Territories Ranked by Literacy Rate, 2001 95
Table 5.3 Ranking of Districts by Literacy (in percent) 96
Table 5.4 District-wise Data on the Rural-Urban Divide and Percentage Decrease in
Rural-Urban Differential 98
Table 5.5 District-wise Literacy Rates by Sex 99
Table 5.6 Comparative Male-Female Literacy Rates in Punjab 99
Table 5.7 District-wise Male and Female Literacy in Urban and Rural Areas,
Punjab, 2001 100
Table 5.8 Decadal Decrease in Illiteracy Rates of Males and Females, 1991–2001 101
Table 5.9 Estimated Enrolment Rates in Primary Schools in Punjab, 1999 102
Table 5.10 Year-wise Provision of Schools 103
Table 5.11 Teacher-Student Ratio at the Three Levels of Education 103
Table 5.12 Graduate and Post Graduate Education Institutions in Punjab 104
Table 6.1 HDI for Indian States, 2001 114
Table 6.2 Gender Equality Index (GEI) for Indian States, 1991 115
Table 6.3 HDI and GEI for Indian States, 1991 116
Table 6.4 HDI and GDI for the Districts in Punjab 116
XI
Table 6.5 Ranking of Districts by Sex Ratio: 1991 and 2001 118
Table 6.6 Sex Ratio of Punjab and its Districts 1901 – 2001 119
Table 6.7 Sex Ratio in the 0-6 age Group for Punjab and its Districts 120
Table 6.8 Districts with the Lowest Child Sex Ratio in India, 2001 121
Table 6.9 Age-specific Mortality Rate by Sex and Residence, 1997 (Punjab) 123
Table 6.10 District-wise Total Infant Mortality Rate, Male Infant Mortality Rate and
Female Infant Mortality Rate for 1981 and 1991 123
Table 6.11 Mortality Rate of Children Under 5 Years 124
Table 6.12 Birth Rate and Total Fertility Rate in Punjab (1971–1997)
by place of residence 124
Table 6.13 Some Maternal Health Indicators of 15 Major States, 1995–96 126
Table 6.14 Literacy Rate in Punjab 128
Table 6.15 District-wise Literacy Rate in Punjab: 2001 129
Table 6.16 Ranking of Districts by Sex Ratio and Literacy Levels 2001 130
Table 6.17 Total Workers, Main Workers, Marginal Workers and Non-Workers as
Percentage of Total Population, 1991 and 2001 131
Table 6.18 (a) Percentage of Main, Marginal and Non-Workers in Punjab by Sex 132
Table 6.18 (b) Ranking of Districts by Female Workforce Participation Rate and
Sex Ratio 132
Table 6.19 Representation of Women in Lok Sabha from Punjab 1952–1998 133
Table 6.20 Representation of Women in State Legislative Assembly, 1952–1997 134
Table 6.21 Corporators in Punjab as on 1.11.97 134
Table 6.22 Number and Percentage of Electors and Voters in Punjab in 1999 135
Table 6.23 District-wise Number of Crime Cases Against Women 137
Table 7.1 Population of Major Scheduled Castes in Punjab, 1991 146
Table 7.2 Population and Literacy amongst Scheduled Castes in Punjab, 1991 148
Table 7.3 Literacy Rate amongst Scheduled Castes in Punjab in 1991 148
Table 7.4 Sector-wise Share of Employment of SC and non-SC Community in
Punjab in 1991 149
Table 8.1 Estimation of Inter-State Migrant Labour in Punjab in late 1990s 156
Table 8.2 Estimates of Total Migrant Workers in Punjab Agriculture 157
Table 9.1 Occupational Distribution of Scheduled Castes, 1991 169
Statistical Tables
Table 1 Human Development Index 2001 – Punjab 193
Table 2 Gender-related Development Index 2001 194
Table 3 District Information 195
Table 4 Demography 195
Table 5 Sex Ratio 196
Table 6 Sex Ratio (Children below 6 years) 196
Table 7 Work Participation Rate 197
Table 8 Land Use 197
XII
Table 9 Percentage Distribution of Net State Domestic Product at Factor Cost
by Sectors in Punjab at Constant 1993–94 Prices (percent) 198
Table 10 Percentage Distribution of Net State Domestic Product at Constant
Prices (1980–81) for Punjab State 199
Table 11 Per Hectare Yield of Wheat and Rice in Punjab (kg.) 200
Table 12 Per Hectare Yield of Cotton in Punjab (kg.) 201
Table 13 Number of Non-Agricultural Own Account Enterprises by Major
Activity Groups, 1998 202
Table 14 Transfer of Resources from Centre to Punjab (Rs. Crore) 202
Table 15 Advance-Deposit Ratio of Public Sector Banks 203
Table 16 Distribution of Registered Working Factories and Workforce Employed
by Size-Groups 203
Table 17 Share of Manufacturing Sector Output of Registered and Unregistered
Sectors in Punjab 204
Table 18 Growth of Registered & Working Factories and Workers Employed in
Punjab – 1971–1999 204
Table 19 Growth Pattern of Small and Medium/Large Industries in Punjab,
1970–71 to 1998–99 205
Table 20 Structure of Output and Workforce Employed in the Manufacturing
Sector of Punjab 206
Table 21 Life Expectancy at Birth 207
Table 22 Infant and Child Mortality 207
Table 23 Population Served per Medical Institution, per Bed, per Medical and
Paramedical Personnel in Punjab 208
Table 24 Health – District-wise Number of Institutions 208
Table 25 District-wise Male and Female Literacy in Urban and Rural Areas,
Punjab, 2001 209
Table 26 Infrastructure 209
List of Maps
Map 1 Punjab Human Development Index – 2001 7
Map 2 Punjab Gender Related Development Index 9
List of Boxes
Box 1.1 UNDP Human Development Reports 2
Box 2.1 Guru Nanak (1469–1539) 12
Box 2.2 Guru Gobind Singh (1666–1708) 13
Box 2.3 The Freedom Struggle 14
Box 2.4 Case Study of Village Barwali Khurd, Machchiwara Block, Samrala
Tehsil, Ludhiana 19
Box 4.1 Ailments and Births in a Year 79
Box 4.2 Immunisation of Children 83
Box 4.3 Following the Example of Kerala 91
Box 5.1 Jomtien Declaration, 1990 93
XIII
Box 6.1 Why Invest More in Women? 112
Box 6.2 Misuse of Diagnostic Techniques for Male Child 121
Box 6.3 Engendered Education 130
Box 6.4 Violence Women Face over the Life Cycle 136
Box 7.1 Policy of Job Reservation: Effective since 1974 151
Box 7.2 Case Study 1: Village Langedi, District Jalandhar 152
Box 7.3 Case Study 2: Dalits in the Shivalik Region 152
Box 7.4 Case Study 3: Caste-based Discrimination in Doaba Region 153
Box 8.1 Features of Bondage 162
Box 8.2 Case Study: Bonded Labour, Hoshiarpur (Manjit Singh, 1995) 162
Box 9.1 Migration to Other Countries 170
Box 9.2 Condition of Labourers in Malwa 171
Box 10.1 Programmes with People’s Involvement 180
List of Figures
Figure 3.1 (a) : Per Hectare Yield of Wheat in Punjab (in kg) 39
Figure 3.1 (a) : Per Hectare Yield of Rice in Punjab (in kg) 39
Figure 3.2 Per Hectare Yield of Cotton in Punjab (in kg) 39
Figure 3.3 Composition of Milch Animals in Punjab – 1997 44
Figure 4.1 Life Expectancy at Birth – Indian States, 1992–96 63
Figure 4.2 Infant Mortality by Sex and Residence, 1998 (SRS estimates) 64
Figure 4.3 Infant Mortality Rate from 1971 to 2000 – Kerala, India and Punjab 65
Figure 4.4 Child Mortality in Punjab by Sex and Residence, 1996 (SRS estimates) 67
Figure 4.5 Death Rates in Punjab and India, 1988–1997 67
Figure 4.6 Regional Death Rates in Punjab, 1987–1992 68
Figure 4.7 Share of Deaths in Different Age Groups to Total Estimated Deaths, 1996 68
Figure 4.8 Anaemia amongst women 76
Figure 4.9 Percentage of Ailments Receiving Non-Hospitalised Treatment from a
Government Facility, 1985–86 and 1995–96 78
Figure 4.10 Households Reporting Insufficient Drinking Water for Some Part of
the Year, 1998 86
Figure 4.11 Type of Cooking Fuel used per 1000 Households, Punjab 1993 89
Figure 4.12 Allocation to Medical and Public Health in Five Year Plans 90
Figure 5.1 Region-wise Literacy Rate for Males 96
Figure 5.2 Region-wise Literacy Rate for Females 97
Figure 5.3 Distribution of District as per their Literacy Levels by Sex and Place of
Residence 101
Figure 7.1 Literacy Rates among SCs and non SCs in Punjab, 1991 147
Figure 7.2 Comparison of Child Mortality Rates, 1993-94
(National Family Health Survey I) 150
XIV
1. Introduction
The state of Punjab occupies an extremely because of the contribution of Punjab. The
important place in India. It is the country’s largest enterprise and hard work of the Punjabi farmers
grain producer, and plays a crucial role in defending and the state and central government have played
India against military aggression. In the last a major role in the state’s agricultural achievement.
century, the state’s geographical boundaries have In addition, Punjab’s law and order agencies have,
shifted twice—the violent partition of India in 1947 after prolonged struggle, been able to curb militancy.
and the administrative division of Punjab state in
1966 into present day Punjab and the states of However, amidst prosperity, pockets of deprivation
Haryana and Himachal Pradesh. In recent years, remain. In southern and south-western Punjab,
the state has also faced two periods of internal poverty rates are high. In Hoshiarpur district, the
crisis. There was the Naxalite inspired Left literacy level crossed 80 percent in 2001, but in
movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The 1980s and Mansa district, literacy rates are only slightly higher
early 1990s saw the state plunge into a militant than that of Bihar. While in India, between 1991
movement. Yet, in spite of these disturbances, and 2001 the gender ratio rose from 927 to 933, in
today human development indicators in Punjab rival Punjab, it fell from an abysmal 882 in 1991 to an
the best in the nation. even lower 874 in 2001.
Economic development in Punjab has been led by Certain communities are inevitably more deprived
agriculture. In addition, thousands of small than others. Among all India’s states, Punjab has
manufacturing units across the state have led to the highest population of Scheduled Castes.
fairly high income levels. Investments in roads, rural Scheduled Caste communities constituted 28
electrification, safe drinking water, as well as percent of Punjab’s population in 1991. The
schools and health centres, have provided the literacy rate of Scheduled Caste communities was
people of Punjab with the basic amenities of life only 41 percent in 1991, compared to a 58 percent
still unavailable in large parts of the country. literacy rate for the whole of Punjab in the same
year. Only 31 percent of Scheduled Caste women
In India, the Green Revolution was launched with were literate. Also land owned by Scheduled
special focus on Punjab. From being an importer Castes is a mere tenth of their share of the total
of foodgrain, India now produces surplus food. population.1
This achievement has been possible largely
1 Data from the All India Agriculture Census for 1985-86 shows that just 4.5 percent of all agriculture operational holdings were with
Scheduled Castes, and they operated just 2.02 percent of all area cultivated in the then Punjab. This situation improved somewhat by
1990-91, when Scheduled Castes operated 4.8 percent of all holdings and 2.4 percent of the land under agricultural operational
holdings. (Statistical Abstract of Punjab 1997, ESO, Govt. of Punjab, 1997, pages 204-07, Statistical Abstract of Punjab 1999, ESO,
Govt. of Punjab, 1999, pages 202-07)
1
INTRODUCTION
Thus, development in Punjab has been uneven. The In 1990, the United Nations Development
idea of human development calls for a concerted Programme brought out the first global Human
effort to identify, recognise and then remove with Development Report, a report produced under the
affirmative action, disparities between regions and leadership and inspiration of Mahbub-ul-Haq.
communities. Addressing relative deprivations These reports, apart from becoming a regular
amongst regions and people in education, in feature, attracted international and national
health, in standard of living, in security, in dignity attention towards the concept of “human
and in basic human rights, is a serious concern of development”. They set in motion a debate on
human development. “people-centred” human development, which was
a radical conceptual change from previous
A Human Development Report must identify, models. The reports talked of whom development
document and state these deprivations. To quote was for and how it was affecting target groups.
a speech during the presentation of the Budget of Only if the ‘how’ satisfied the criteria of human
2000–2001 to the state assembly. “Over the past development, was it considered positive.
fifty years or so… period has also given rise to The concept of “human development” derives
serious socio-economic disparities…. There is an its philosophical underpinnings from the works
alarming chasm between the rich and the poor and of Nobel laureate Prof. Amartya Sen, whose
the gap is increasing by each passing day”.2 writings have given rise to a new vocabulary of
development.
Human Development
From the second half of the last century, there has The Human Development Report of the United
been a growing school of thought that material Nations states that “the process of human
prosperity on its own does not necessarily amount development must transmit itself, essentially by
to overall equitable growth. Economic means of enlarging the choices of all persons
improvement both in the developed nations and concerned....”. The most critical of these wide
the developing nations did not on its own reduce ranging choices are to live a long and healthy life,
poverty levels, improve health or end gender and to be educated and to have access to resources
social community-based discrimination. required for a decent standard of living. Hence,
Box 1.1: UNDP Human Development Reports
Mahbub-ul-Haq writing on Human Development indispensable but they cannot be allowed to obscure
Reports said “The central thesis of these reports is human lives. The focus of our reports is on those
that it is people who matter—beyond the confusing human lives—how they change over time, how they
maze of GNP numbers, beyond the curling smoke of contribute to national and global economic
industrial chimneys, beyond the endless fascination opportunities, how they share these opportunities, how
with budget deficits and balance of payments crises— the range of people's choices can be measured—
it is people who matter. People must be at the centre whether economic or political, whether individual or
of our development debate—what really counts is how national. The study of people, in national and global
they participate in economic growth and how they settings, is our central preoccupation and our
benefit from it. Production processes are overwhelming mandate.”
(Occasional Paper 1 – Human Development in a Changing World, UNDP, 1993)
2 Speech of Finance Minister to the Punjab Vidhan Sabha, 22nd March 2000, Government of Punjab, Chandigarh, page 1, 2
2
to measure development, the most crucial Sri Lanka. Although in general, an individual living
indicators that were considered were quality of in Punjab may enjoy a far higher standard of living
health, extent of education, level of employment than in any other state with the exception of
and real income levels. Kerala, there are regions in Punjab where literacy
rates are as abysmally low as in some parts of
The Punjab Human Development Report Bihar. There are parts of the state where infants’
The Government of Punjab has undertaken a lives are lost with greater regularity than in parts
Human Development Report for the state as of Rajasthan.
part of its commitment to development, as the
state shows silent indications of the beginning of Agriculture and manufacturing, the backbone of
a crisis. Punjab, are facing declining growth rates and an
increase in the relative deprivation of different
The economic growth of Punjab and many of its economic actors. Several sections of the Punjabi
social indicators put the state on a unique community have been left out of the new
trajectory. Would it be safe to say that a lesser prosperity. Scheduled Castes still remain
number of infants die in Punjab than in Gujarat agricultural labourers and their literacy is a good 10
or Uttar Pradesh? Should we be satisfied that percent lower than that of the other communities.
all our villages have roads and electricity, or that The migrant labourer, whose labour supports
our income levels are amongst the highest in agriculture, suffers not only from the problems of
India? The challenge for Punjab is to derive its migration, but is increasingly trapped in debt cycles
growth targets from those achieved by the and bondage. Along with the landless labourer, the
developed nations and in some cases, from crisis of peasant indebtedness affects small and
India’s own states. If Kerala has an infant marginal farmers as well.
mortality rate of 12, a literacy of over 90 percent,
then it is towards these goals that Punjab must The woman in Punjab has suffered discrimination.
strive. If only one out of five Punjabis in The statistics on gender ratio and particularly on
Hoshiarpur is illiterate, then we have to strive to Juvenile Sex Ratio imply that male female
ensure that in Bathinda, Sangrur, Firozpur, differential is alarming in Punjab and therefore a
Muktsar, and Mansa—all of which have female great cause of concern.
literacy between 45 and 53 percent—female
literacy rate rises to match that of Hoshiarpur There are three dimensions in the structure of the
(76 percent female literacy). report.
Structure of the Report The first speaks of the state of human development
Punjab has reduced the number of its poor of Punjab, looks at Punjab through its history, both
(income poverty3) to a mere six percent. In health, before and since Independence and notes the
it is still behind Kerala, whose human development successes that have been achieved.
achievements are praiseworthy. And in education,
it is among the best performing states of India. The second profiles health and education and
scrutinises development levels among the poor
However, Punjab’s health and education compare and marginalised.
poorly with those of countries like Vietnam and
3 The National Sample Survey Organisation undertakes periodic surveys of people who live below the poverty line based on expenditure
levels at which they survive. This type of poverty is often referred to as income poverty, to distinguish it from other forms of poverty.
3
INTRODUCTION
The third section looks specifically at the Human Development in Punjab
fundamental rights and human development of National domestic product calculations, per capita
women, children, dalits, migrants and agricultural incomes, trends in national sensex ratings,
labourers. estimates of income and poverty and purchasing
power of a population are used to measure growth.
Human Development and Governance If the economy was doing well people were
Through the period of militancy, Punjab witnessed assumed to be “better off” and some would even
many years of Governor’s rule, when law and say “happier”.
order was the priority of the state. In spite of
efforts, development, good governance, civil However, pure economic growth or per capita
service institutions, democratic institutions were incomes often do not reveal an accurate level of
relegated to the background. Now the State has well-being. An individual may have a low income
emerged from the impact of this era and is on but if the state provides him a clean environment
the path of good governance and development. and proper education, he may enjoy a better
The people’s bodies & collectives have started quality of life than a richer person living in an urban
getting the benefits of decentralisation under the slum. Further, estimates of per capita income hide
various development programmes. Though many aspects of deprivation. A healthy life, the
Panchayati Raj Institutions have been ability to read, write and be a part of the lettered
strengthened and have been given certain world, the basic freedom to make choices, have
powers, yet these are to be levelled as in Kerala, access to basic amenities like drinking water,
West Bengal, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, decent shelter and clothing, basic and adequate
Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and like. nutrition, and for the woman, to be as equal
and as blessed as her brother or her husband –
Following the end of militancy and the these are not captured by simply measuring per
establishment of popular government, public good capita incomes.
faith needs to be restored. Affirmative action
programmes should be initiated to demonstrate Morris D. Morris’ work on Physical Quality of Life
the state’s commitment to public care by Index began a wide-ranging reassessment of the
reinvigorating the bureaucracy and infusing indicators that represent development.
government institutions with new enthusiasm to
tackle welfare objectives. In the late 1980s, a marriage took place between
the ideas of Amartya Sen, Mahbub-ul-Haq and the
Although Punjab has already undertaken the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
exercise of fiscal reforms yet a lot is required to and the first global Human Development Report
be done in this direction. To overcome the fiscal was released in 1990.
deficits the unpleasant decisions such as right-
sizing the Govt. machinery and disinvestment of Although the impact was not dramatic, yet the idea
non performing PSUS are still to be taken. Towards that ’people-centred’ development should be the
this end, Certain decisions of the militancy years, cornerstone for nations gradually spread across
such as budgetary allocations for law and order the globe.
can now be done away with.
One of the most influential and debated parts of
The Human Development Report tries to chart a the Human Development Report has been
way by which a hitherto ’law and order state’ can the Human Development Index (HDI). Developed
become a ’development state’. by Amartya Sen, the index offers an indicator
4
to replace or be read alongside economic have been experimenting, changing and improving
indicators. the composition and methodology of these
indices. Geography, data availability and relevance
The HDI combines three essential elements of a of index components, often change, leading to
decent life. These are longevity—the opportunity changes in index methodologies. In India, much
to live a long and basically healthy life, knowledge— work has taken place on changes in the HDI. The
which brings empowerment and the capacity to National Human Development Report 2001
interact equally with society, and finally per capita reflected some of these changes in
income—which provides access to a decent methodologies. At the state level, in creating their
standard of living. own district-level indices, Madhya Pradesh and
Karnataka have modified UNDP’s methodologies.
The Human Development Index
The National Human Development Report (2001) We have used UNDP’s methodology for the
prepared by the Planning Commission, districts of Punjab, with a few modifications
Government of India ranks the State second for depending on data.
HDI 2001 among 15 major States (Table 1.1) and
ranks Punjab 12th for HDI 1991 calculated for 32 Measuring of Human Development
States and Union Territories (Table 1.2). Longevity
Longevity is measured by expectancy of life at birth.
The Human Development Index (HDI) was This is a comprehensive indicator covering all
developed in UNDP’s first Human Development aspects of health. It can be assumed, that if people
Report in 1990. The methodology used has in a society live longer, then by and large they would
undergone many changes over the thirteen years also be healthier, their environment cleaner, a
since the first report was published. Apart from greater number of their infants would survive their
the methodology that UNDP uses, countries, first year, female foeticide would decline and
individuals, states, and smaller administrative units women would be better nourished.
Table 1.1: Human Development Index for India – Combined

States/UTs 1981 1991 2001
Value Rank Value Rank Value Rank
Andhra Pradesh 0.298 9 0.377 9 0.416 10
Assam 0.272 10 0.348 10 0.386 14
Bihar 0.237 15 0.308 15 0.367 15
Gujarat 0.360 4 0.431 6 0.479 6
Haryana 0.360 5 0.443 5 0.509 5
Karnataka 0.346 6 0.412 7 0.478 7
Kerala 0.500 1 0.591 1 0.638 1
Madhya Pradesh 0.245 14 0.328 13 0.394 12
Maharashtra 0.363 3 0.452 4 0.523 4
Orissa 0.267 11 0.345 12 0.404 11
Punjab 0.411 2 0.475 2 0.537 2
Rajasthan 0.256 12 0.347 11 0.424 9
Tamil Nadu 0.343 7 0.466 3 0.531 3
Uttar Pradesh 0.255 13 0.314 14 0.388 13
West Bengal 0.305 8 0.404 8 0.472 8
All India 0.302 0.381 0.472
Source: Planning Commission (2002), National Human Development Report, 2001, Government of India.
5
INTRODUCTION
Table 1.2: Human Development Index – 1991
States/UTs Rural Urban Combined Gender Disparity
Index
Value Rank Value Rank Value Rank Value Rank
Andhra Pradesh 0.344 23 0.473 29 0.377 23 0.801 23
Arunachal Pradesh 0.300 28 0.572 15 0.328 29 0.776 18
Assam 0.326 26 0.555 19 0.348 26 0.575 30
Bihar 0.286 30 0.460 31 0.308 32 0.469 32
Goa 0.534 3 0.658 3 0.575 4 0.775 13
Gujarat 0.380 18 0.532 23 0.431 17 0.714 22
Haryana 0.409 15 0.562 17 0.443 16 0.714 17
Himachal Pradesh 0.442 12 0.700 1 0.469 13 0.858 4
Jammu & Kashmir 0.364 22 0.575 14 0.402 21 0.740 25
Karnataka 0.367 21 0.523 24 0.412 19 0.753 11
Kerala 0.576 1 0.628 9 0.591 3 0.825 2
Madhya Pradesh 0.282 32 0.491 28 0.328 30 0.662 28
Maharashtra 0.403 16 0.548 21 0.452 15 0.793 15
Manipur 0.503 7 0.618 12 0.536 9 0.815 3
Meghalaya 0.332 24 0.624 10 0.365 24 0.807 12
Mizoram 0.464 10 0.648 5 0.548 7 0.770 6
Nagaland 0.442 13 0.633 7 0.486 11 0.729 21
Orissa 0.328 25 0.469 30 0.345 28 0.639 27
Punjab 0.447 11 0.566 16 0.475 12 0.710 19
Rajasthan 0.298 29 0.492 27 0.347 27 0.692 16
Sikkim 0.398 17 0.618 11 0.425 18 0.647 20
Tamil Nadu 0.421 14 0.560 18 0.466 14 0.813 9
Tripura 0.368 20 0.551 20 0.389 22 0.531 29
Uttar Pradesh 0.284 31 0.444 32 0.314 31 0.520 31
West Bengal 0.370 19 0.511 26 0.404 20 0.631 26
Andaman & Nicobar Is. 0.528 5 0.653 4 0.574 5 0.857 1
Chandigarh 0.501 8 0.694 2 0.674 1 0.764 7
Dadra & Nagar Haveli 0.310 27 0.519 25 0.361 25 0.832 14
Daman & Diu 0.492 9 0.629 8 0.544 8 0.714 8
Delhi 0.530 4 0.635 6 0.624 2 0.690 10
Lakshadweep 0.520 6 0.545 22 0.532 10 0.680 24
Pondicherry 0.556 2 0.591 13 0.571 6 0.783 5
All India 0.340 0.511 0.381 0.676
Source: Planning Commission (2002), National Human Development Report, 2001, Government of India.
Direct estimates of district level life expectancy are in school all through these years. For the population
not available, but we have data on district estimates above 14 years, the UNDP index uses literacy, as
for 1971, 1981 and estimated for 1991, all based it represents the basic measure of having had the
on Census tables. Based on these tables, and the benefit of education.
life expectancy of Punjab as a whole, projections
have been made on life expectancy for districts. This indicator poses problems in Punjab. Date on
These estimates are applied for the HDI. adult literacy, or literacy for ages 15 years and
above, is available by district only for 1991, derived
Knowledge from Census data. Hence we have taken the total
Knowledge is measured by two variables. UNDP literacy rate for 2001, in place of adult literacy and
uses enrolment of children aged five to 14 years in continued to use school enrolment data for ages
school, as it signifies the right of every child to be up to 14 years.
6
Adjusted Incomes other. The second is that this index is not strictly
The third component of the HDI is income, or per comparable to the international index used in the
capita income. Since, there are massive variations UNDP Human Development reports. This is
in per capita income figures even in a single district, because of some differences in methodology and
these figures often do not provide a different maximum and minimum targets used for
comprehensive picture. Furthermore, beyond a the income component of the index.
certain limit, income might create luxurious living
which does not necessarily create general welfare The HDI for the districts of Punjab have been
for all. Such living by itself is not a problem, but assessed for the Human Development Report,
such large income, as compared to the three other and presented in Table 1.3. Ludhiana district tops
indicators used to measure HDI, may give an the state with an index value of 0.761, followed by
unnecessary high value to very large income. the districts of Rup Nagar, Fatehgarh Sahib,
Gurdaspur and Hoshiarpur. Mansa, with an index
Since very high income often become what value of 0.633, is the lowest in this table. The other
economists call diminishing marginal returns, districts in ascending order of index value are
UNDP has devised a way of deflating income Muktsar, Sangrur, and Bathinda. The areas in south
beyond a particular limit. For the Punjab district HDI, and south-western Punjab come lowest in the
we also use a limit, and adjust income accordingly. human development list.
For the international HDI, in order that incomes The districts have been mapped on the basis of
across countries are compared on an equal the Human Development Index and the Gender-
footing, UNDP uses purchasing power parity related Development Index (Map 1 and Map 2).
adjustments for national income. This is not The districts have been divided into three classes
required for district income indices, as across based on the HDI or GDI value keeping the class
districts, the purchasing power of the rupee does intervals equal.
not change.
District Human Map 1: Punjab Human Development Index – 2001

Development Index
The Punjab District Human
Development indices have been
developed for this report and
are presented in Table 1.3 and
Map 1. (For details please refer
to technical notes.) While
reading the table and analysing
the indices, we must keep two
factors in mind – one is to note
the relative position of districts,
as this relative ranking and
difference between the index
amongst districts is a
representation of where
districts stand vis-à-vis each
7
INTRODUCTION
Gender-related Development Index have greater access to productive sources.
Compared to women, men usually get better Further, very often women get paid less for the
access to education, better nutrition and medical same work than men do and their status varies
care. Men are more gainfully employed, as well as widely even within the same family.
In order to assess this difference, UNDP has also

Table 1.3: Punjab Human Development Index – 2001 generated a gender-sensitised development index,
District HDI Rank called the gender-related development index, or
GDI. The parameters used are the same as for the
Amritsar 0.700 9 HDI. The index assumes that men and women
Bathinda 0.674 14
F. G. Sahib 0.740 3 would share in development equally and benefit
Faridkot 0.698 10 equally from it. This index compares the state of
Firozpur 0.689 12
development of women with others.
Gurdaspur 0.723 4
Hoshiarpur 0.718 5
Jalandhar 0.708 6 The GDI shows that Rup Nagar tops all districts in
Kapurthala 0.707 7
Ludhiana 0.761 1 women’s development, followed by Kapurthala
Mansa 0.633 17 and Hoshiarpur (Table 1.4). Fatehgarh Sahib and
Moga 0.683 13 Gurdaspur, which were third and fourth among the
Muktsar 0.651 16
Nawanshehar 0.707 7 HDI districts slip down to 16th and 15th positions
Patiala 0.697 11 respectively. There is considerable movement of
Rup Nagar 0.751 2
Sangrur 0.654 15
districts in ranking comparisons between HDI and
Punjab 0.667 GDI. Districts with GDIs much lower than HDI and
those whose GDI ranks are slipping, must be
targeted to improve the social and economic status
Table 1.4: Gender-related Development Index of women.
in Punjab – 2001
District GDI Rank
There are two problems regarding the Punjab GDI.
One is that since it is not affected by gender ratios,
Amritsar 0.544 17 low gender ratios are not reflected in the GDI.
Bathinda 0.625 7 Secondly, female work participation rates in Punjab
F. G. Sahib 0.556 16
Faridkot 0.643 4 are very low and prevent women from becoming
Firozpur 0.643 4 economically empowered. Yet the GDI is
Gurdaspur 0.565 15
Hoshiarpur 0.645 3
insensitive to low female work participation rates.
Jalandhar 0.632 6
Kapurthala 0.652 2 The Measures
Ludhiana 0.619 9
Mansa 0.586 13 The true value of HDI indices lies in the fact that
Moga 0.607 10 they enable us to make comparisons of HDI and
Muktsar 0.606 11
Nawanshehar 0.623 8
show how far districts have to travel before they
Patiala 0.600 12 achieve a level of development that can be called
Rup Nagar 0.669 1 satisfactory. While the level of satisfaction is highly
Sangrur 0.575 14
Punjab 0.614 subjective,4 there are still some broad objectives
4 As individuals it will be very difficult to cite any particular state that satisfies all, but we can say with confidence that there are
some achievements that are both necessary and which will provide a better quality of life to all and provide greater measure of
satisfaction to more people.
8
Map 2: Gender-related Development Index in Punjab – 2001
that people, especially their government, can form Bahujan Hitaaya and Bahujan Sukhaay. The idea of
for themselves and pursue. human development was also integral to Gandhiji’s
call to work for the Daridra Narayan, the poorest
The HDI tells us what some of these broad of the poor.
goalposts are. When the planning process begins,
the general framework of human development Simultaneously, in order to measure and assess
helps considerably. If we need to push life development, we would use result-based
expectancy to 85 years, then we need to ensure indicators, and not input-based indicators. Let us
an infant mortality rate (IMR) of about 10, and take two examples from health – we would refer
ensure that even the poorest and most deprived to fertility rate5 rather than couples effectively
group of people do not have an IMR of more than covered to assess the success of our efforts in
20 or 30. If we talk of universal enrolment till class population control, and IMR rather than target
five, then it means providing a functional school coverage of immunisation for the success of basic
to every child and ensuring that every child attends health programmes.
school throughout these five years.
Regional indices provide guidance on which
In India, the concept of human development geographical areas are most in need of attention
already exists in some form in traditional, political and investment.
and social discourse, for example, the call for
5 Fertility rate or Total Fertility Rate (TFR) is the estimated average number of children a women would have in her life time.
9
INTRODUCTION
2. Punjab: A Background
This chapter provides an account of Punjab’s Punjab witnessed important political changes over
history. Important social and political changes are the last millennium. Its rulers from the 11th to the
traced and the highs and lows of Punjab’s past 14th century were Turks. They were followed by
are charted. To start with, the chapter surveys the Afghans in the 15th and 16th centuries, and by
Punjab’s history up to the time India achieved the Mughals till the mid-18th century. The Sikhs
Independence. Then there is a focus on the Green ruled over Punjab for over eighty years before the
Revolution, which dramatically transformed advent of British rule in 1849. The policies of the
Punjab’s economy, followed by a look at the Turko-Afghan, Mughal, Sikh and British rulers; and,
tumultuous period of Naxalite-inspired militancy in
the state. Subsequently, there is an account of the
period of militancy in the state in the 1980s until its
collapse in the early 1990s. These specific events
and periods have been selected because they have
left an indelible mark on the life of the people.
Additionally, Punjab, like all other states of the
country, is a land of three or four distinct regions.
Often many of the state’s characteristics possess
regional dimensions and many issues are strongly
regional. Thus, the chapter ends with a comment
on the regions of Punjab.
History of Punjab
The term ‘Punjab’ emerged during the Mughal
period when the province of Lahore was enlarged
to cover the whole of the Bist Jalandhar Doab and
the upper portions of the remaining four doabs or
interfluves. `Punjab’ is thus actually co-terminous
with the Mughal province of Lahore, that is, the
Mughal Lahore became known as the province of
panj aab. The boundaries of Punjab changed
several times thereafter, under Maharaja Ranjit
Singh, the British and in independent India.
11
PUNJAB: A BACKGROUND
the religious movements during these centuries, led to the emergence of new towns in the well
as well as the freedom movement in the rest of cultivated upper doabs of Punjab. Merchants of
India had important affects on the economic and Multan and Lahore began to play a crucial role in
social life of the province. domestic and external trade. By the early 17th
century, Punjab had an active commercial life,
Punjab – Early Years involving a wide range of traders, peddlers,
There were many social changes as a result of brokers. The cash nexus was fairly well established
Turkish rule. Traditional society so far had been under the Mughals, and interdependence between
closed and hierarchical, dominated by a rigid caste towns and the countryside increased considerably
system in which the relative positions, duties and by the end of the 17th century.
disadvantages of its different segments were
determined by birth and were believed to be divinely The introduction of the ‘Persian wheel’ facilitated
ordained. This social structure began to artificial irrigation, resulting in considerable
significantly transform itself during the Turko- increase in agricultural production. A certain degree
Afghan, Mughal, Sikh and British periods. The of commercialisation of agriculture was in
ruling class, or Rajputs, lost their status to newer evidence during the early 17th century. The spinning
elites and the Brahmins too lost state patronage. wheel, carding-bow and improved wooden loom
The upper castes, including Brahmins (priests) and brought a major change in weaving technology and
Kshatriyas (rulers) were thus forced into other resulted in rapid growth in the textile industry under
occupations. The former took to secular the Mughals. The introduction of lime mortar as
occupations; and the latter became, at best, cementing material and the abundance of lime
chaudharis, collecting revenue from a group of (chuna) in Punjab facilitated brick-and-stone
villages. Others became cultivators, traders and construction and gave impetus to the building
shopkeepers. industry. After the Turks introduced the
manufacturing of paper, Sialkot emerged as an
As a result of the hierarchical order being important centre of paper manufacture. Artisanal
weakened by the Turko-Afghans and the Mughals, production, on the whole, continued to be carried
much greater social mobility became possible. on with elementary technology and simple tools
Artisans and service-providing groups could move in a system of production which was rooted in the
from rural to urban areas and serve the new ruling caste society and based on the family as a unit of
class in cities and towns, which were increasing production. Minute specialisation by each
in size and numbers, due to a spurt in craft occupational sub-caste created a vested interest
production and trade. The extension of cultivation in static labour-intensive technology. Since
Box 2.1: Guru Nanak (1469-1539)
GURU NANAK (1469-1539) based his message on the applicable to all his followers. Social responsibility and
ideas of equality, universality and social commitment. spirituality were the two sides of the same ideological
All human beings, men and women, could join his coin. By installing one of his followers as the Guru in
path and become equal among themselves. They his lifetime, Guru Nanak made the position of the Guru
worshipped together in congregation (sangat), and ate and the disciple interchangeable. This concept served
together a common meal (langar). These two practices as the basis of the unity of Guruship, leading eventually
institutionalised the ideal of equality. All norms and to the uncompromisingly democratic idea of the Panth
values, whether spiritual or ethical, were equally as the Guru.
12
production of necessities like textiles, metal The egalitarian nature of the Sikh Panth was
articles, leather goods and agro-manufactures reinforced by the institution of the Khalsa in 1699.
was highly localised, mass production and In addition to equality in congregational worship
technological innovation became relatively difficult. and the community meal, the Khalsa encouraged
equality in social and political life. The ideal was
Islamic Law was introduced for the administration embodied in the doctrines of the scriptural Guru,
of justice under Turko-Afghan and Mughal rule. that is, ‘Guru-Granth Sahib’, and the Guruship of
Islam made spirituality accessible to all sections the collectivity of the Khalsa, that is, Guru-Panth.
of society and Punjab soon developed a sizeable
Muslim population. The 18th century struggle of the Khalsa was in many
ways made possible by their faith in the Gurus,
A Period of Social and Religious Change the doctrines they had propounded and the
By the 16th century, many new ideas began to institutions they had evolved. It is significant that
emerge. Sufism and the Sikh Panth gained Punjab remains one of the few examples in India
considerable ground and popularity amongst the where the peasantry and backward castes were
masses. Guru Nanak and his successors able to achieve political power. The Sikh social
introduced and popularised a new ethic, which order was much more democratic than the
made no distinction on the basis of birth. To a large traditional caste system which had so far
extent, spirituality became universally accessible. dominated society.
The ideology of Guru Nanak and his successors British Rule

had a special appeal for labouring sections. Day- British rule in Punjab introduced new institutions
labourers, craftsmen, agriculturists, traders and and technologies. The colonial state subscribed
shopkeepers were electrified by the radical new to the values of humanism, rationalism and
doctrine. Their voluntary contributions to the progress. Yet the state was geared towards using
common funds of the community enabled the its technological and industrial superiority to
Gurus to establish religious centres and establish perpetuate its own domination and maximise its
new towns, which became centres of production economic advantages.
and exchange. The financial independence of the
community and its organisational networks spread Thus an increase in agrarian production meant that
all over the Mughal empire, making the Sikh Panth the surplus was taken away by foreign agencies.
a sort of state within the Mughal empire. The network of perennial canals built by the new
Box 2.2: Guru Gobind Singh (1666-1708)
GURU GOBIND SINGH (1666-1708) invited all the Sikhs pursue. In the process, Guru Gobind Singh sharpened
to become his Khalsa by offering direct affiliation to the distinctive identity of the Sikhs and added political
him, accepting the new baptism of the (khanda) commitment to the idea of social responsibility. The
double-edged sword, with the obligations, among order of the Khalsa was more emphatically an
others, of keeping the hair uncut (kesh) and bearing egalitarian social order. He institutionalized the ideal
arms. His objective was to unify the Sikh Panth in order of equality by vesting Guruship in the Khalsa Panth.
to meet any external threat. He had already evolved Guru Gobind Singh’s mission was the culmination of
the idea of war in the way of righteousness the Sikh movement, and a point of departure leading
(dharmayuddha), which the Khalsa were now to to the Khalsa Raj.
13
Box 2.3: The Freedom Struggle
India’s Freedom Struggle received a uniquely rich input orientation, combined with an international outlook and
from Punjab. In terms of sacrifice of life, property, jobs, the vision of a radically different society entailed the
and personal freedom, Punjab suffered more than any Ghadar and the Naujwan Bharat Sabha. The latter also
other province of British India. Relatively, among the gave the war cry of inquilab zindabad and subscribed
Punjabis, the Sikhs suffered more, both as the to the goal of complete independence before the
revolutionaries and the peaceful agitators. The efficacy Congress adopted it. Through the Jallianwala incident,
of non-violent passive resistance was successfully Bhagat Singh and the INA trials, the Punjabis gave three
demonstrated first in the Akali morchas. The concern powerful symbols to the freedom struggle. The issue
for swadeshi as an ideology and as a weapon was of partition of India and of Punjab was clinched finally
voiced first by the Punjabi Aryas. A secular all-India by the Punjabis themselves.
state, combined with new agricultural techniques, market. But the small peasant often had to depend
implements and seeds, made Punjab agriculturally on the moneylender to meet the fixed revenue
the best-developed region of India. The bulk of its demand. Thus, notwithstanding agricultural
agricultural surplus entered foreign trade. The expansion and increase in production, an
commercialisation of agriculture transformed the overwhelming proportion of the actual cultivators
large peasant proprietor in the upper doabs and in colonial Punjab began to exist at the level of
the canal colonies into a producer for the world subsistence.
As machine-made goods became available, the

traditional artisan was faced with a shrinking
market. As his incomes fell he began to look for
opportunities outside the village community.
However, not many opportunities were available
since industry was slow to grow in Punjab. An
increasing number of artisans thus became skilled
and unskilled labourers on construction sites,
railway tracks and railway workshops. Some
migrated to the British colonies in Africa, Latin
America and South-east Asia in search of work.
However, others took to the new education and
became professionals like teachers, lawyers and
engineers. Some turned to petty trading and jobs
related to industry; others joined the police, army
and civil administration. Indeed, the new education
became the single most important means of
effecting a change in occupation.
The colonial state took two policy decisions

regarding education: one, that it was the
responsibility of the state to impart education to
Shaheed-A-Azam, Sardar Bhagat Singh
the people, and two, that it should focus mainly
14
on Western knowledge and English language. The
system of education, thus, was aimed primarily to
provide manpower for the administrative, technical
and military requirements of the colonial state. The
content of education developed by the
government was totally secular, consisting of
natural and social services, languages and
literature.
However, Christian missionaries were not only

allowed but also encouraged to undertake
educational projects. Often, the evangelical
content of their educational programme motivated
English-educated Punjabis to devise their own
programmes of education. By 1900, several
educational institutions came up in the Punjab
under the aegis of the Arya Samajis, Singh Sabhas
and Islamic Anjumans. The 20th century saw the
extension of private enterprise in education along
with an enlargement of the educational
responsibilities of local bodies, particularly through
municipalities. The principle of free elementary Jallianwala Bagh, Memorial, Amritsar
(Inset Shaheed Udham Singh)
education for boys was conceded in 1919 and for
girls in 1940. In this instance, humanism and privileged enclaves occupied by the Europeans and
progress were allowed to triumph over the needs congested urban centres and far flung rural areas
of the colonial state. in which Punjabis lived. Notwithstanding the
number of hospitals and dispensaries in colonial
A similar tendency is evident in the sphere of Punjab, elementary health care reached only a
medicine and health. By the time the British small proportion of the population. Rural people
annexed Punjab, the idea of regular Western-style suffered more than urban and women suffered
hospitals for Europeans and soldiers was well more than men.
established. Within the first two decades of British
rule in Punjab, civil hospitals and dispensaries of Social and Political Movements
different grades were established mainly at the Social and religious reform was to a significant
district and tehsil headquarters, and a medical extent spurred by Christian missionaries. A
school was set up in 1860 at Lahore. Dispensaries reaction and interface with Western Christian
and hospitals were also run by the missionaries thought resulted in many educated Punjabis
and charitable institutions, which received some organising themselves into such organisations
assistance in the form of grants-in-aid. However such as the Anjuman-i-Islamia, Lahore (1869), the
most of these dispensaries catered to the urban Lahore Brahmo Samaj (1863), the Singh Sabha,
population. Amritsar (1873) and the Arya Samaj, Lahore (1877).
These spread themselves throughout Punjab by
Municipalities were expected to take care of the end of the century. Religion became the
sanitation. There was great disparity between the dominant concern of the reformers. Their other
15
major concern was the spread of education. They different sections of its population were differently
were deeply interested in the upliftment of women affected by a century of colonial rule. Economically,
through education, establishing a higher age of and in terms of urbanisation, the upper doabs and
marriage and reforming customs related to canal colonies were better developed than the
marriage and death. Other organisations taking an south-eastern districts comprising the Haryana
interest in religious and social reform of some kind area. Hindus and Sikhs were better off, compared
were the Namdharis and Nirankaris among Sikhs; to Muslims. Specifically, the segments that did well
the Dev Samaj and the Sanatan Dharm among as the collaborators of the colonial state were the
Hindus; and the Ahmadiyahs among Muslims. professional middle classes, large landholders and
traders. Those artisans who diversified from their
However, certain measures adopted as reforms traditional vocations also benefited. However,
led to communal bitterness and competitiveness compared to the 1840s, a much larger proportion
for power, position and honours in the colonial of artisans, small cultivators and landless labourers
context. appear to have become impoverished. They lived
in a situation of slow famine created by a large
The resistance to British rule in Punjab goes back external trade, fixity of revenue demand and
to the 1840s. However, the freedom struggle in growing indebtedness. Those of the rural poor
the official sense was a phenomenon of the early who managed to move to the cities were forced
20th century. The ideal of swadeshi became to live in slums and earn a survival wage.
popular at this time. The period 1920-22 was one
of the peaks of the struggle, when three Punjab in Independent India
movements converged, namely, the movement for In 1947, 13 out of 29 British districts of Punjab in
Gurdwara reform led by the Central Sikh League undivided India came to East Punjab, which was
and the Shiromani Akali Dal, the Non-cooperation renamed Punjab (India) on 26 January 1950. In
Movement led by Mahatma Gandhi and the Khilafat 1948, the former princely states were organised
agitation, which mobilised the Muslims. separately as Himachal Pradesh and PEPSU
(Patiala and East Punjab States Union), the latter
While sporadically responding to the Gandhian merging with Punjab in 1956. Following the Akali
movements, many Punjabis became increasingly agitation for a Punjabi-speaking state, and the
preoccupied with rivalries over provincial posts. Reorganisation Act of 1966, the territory of Punjab
The Muslim League’s demand for Punjab and was bifurcated into the linguistic states of Punjab
professional rivalries between Hindus and and Haryana, with the remaining hill areas going
Muslims led to a sharpening of the communal to Himachal Pradesh. Post-bifurcation, Punjab
divide which soon extended to villages. The came to have an area of 50,362 sq. kilometres
determined resistance of the Akalis to the idea of which was one-seventh of its size before
Pakistan eventually obliged the government and the independence. The new state was divided into
Congress to accede to their demand for the eleven districts, including Rup Nagar, created as
partition of the British province of Punjab rather part of the reorganisation. Structurally, the
than force non-Muslims to live in Pakistan. development blocks which were introduced in
1952 presented the only new feature up to
To sum up, the British Raj greatly transformed this period.1
Punjab. Different sub-regions of the province and
1 Gopal Krishan and Surya Kant, ‘Administrative Space’, Punjab in Prosperity and Violence: Administration, Politics and Social Change
1947-1997, eds. J.S. Grewal and Indu Banga (Chandigarh: Institute of Punjab Studies, 1998), p. 4.
16
Following the re-organisation, Punjab took
centrestage in the Green Revolution launched by
the Government of India and the states. Much of
what has happened in Punjab subsequently owes
its origins, nature and impact in some direct or
indirect way to the Green Revolution.
The Green Revolution

In this section an attempt has been made to
understand why the Green Revolution was so
successful in Punjab, to scrutinise its results and
contrast it with the present agrarian crisis.
High-Yielding Variety of Rice
India has gone from a food-deficit to a food-

surplus country largely because of the agricultural In fact, before the Green Revolution, Punjab had
transformation of Punjab. The economic experienced certain developments that set the
transformation of rural Punjab is basically a story stage for its rapid spread. Before Independence,
of agricultural transformation. During the 1960s a Punjab’s agriculture had been dominated by
fundamental change occurred in the institutional peasant proprietors (Singh, 1989). The rapid
and economic infrastructure due to massive public settlement of land claims after the partition of the
investment. There was irrigation and power state, and the completion of the consolidation of
development, agricultural research and land holdings by the end of the 1950s created a
extension services, and the strengthening of the favourable man-land ratio. The fragmentation of
co-operative credit structure. Already, land holdings seen in other states of India was
consolidation of holdings and the predominance thus taken care of. This encouraged peasant
of owner farmers had created crucial pre-requisites proprietors to invest in land improvement and
for the Green Revolution. adopt new technologies, as their holdings had
become economically viable. Land reform
Punjab led the country’s Green Revolution of the measures also encouraged several land owners
1960s and earned for itself the distinction of to reclaim their land from tenants for self-cultivation
becoming India’s `bread basket’. The Green (Gill, 2001). Punjab was also a major beneficiary of
Revolution introduced a new technology of British investment in irrigation works and
production in agriculture. The technology consisted development of canal colonies where peasants
of a package of inputs, such as, high-yielding from the east and central Punjab were resettled.
varieties of seeds, chemical fertilisers, pesticides, In the post-Independence period, canal irrigation
insecticides, weedicides, machines like tractors, was further developed by the state. By 1960-61
threshers, pumpsets/motors, combine harvesters/ the net sown area irrigated in Punjab had gone up
reapers and others. The proper usage of these to 54 percent.
inputs required an assured irrigation system, a
peasantry with the will and capacity to adopt the During the British period, agriculture in Punjab,
new technology and a government willing to lend particularly in the canal colonies was largely
its support and investment. All these conditions commercialised. The peasants who migrated to
were present in Punjab. Indian Punjab from western Punjab in 1947-48
during Partition were experienced in and geared
17
towards commercial agricultural production. The impact was dramatic. Between 1965-66 and
Thus, even before the availability of the Green 1970-71 the per hectare yield of wheat doubled,
Revolution technology, Punjab was showing signs from 1104 kg per hectare in 1965-66 to 2238 kg in
of rapid agricultural development. Between 1953- 1970-71. Following the success of the new
55 to 1963-65, the index of agricultural production technology in wheat in the mid-1970s, a
of all crops experienced a growth rate of 4 breakthrough was achieved in dwarf high-yielding
percent compared to 2.2 percent at the all India varieties of paddy. After wheat, paddy provided a
level (Singh, 2001). These conditions in Punjab major push to agricultural prosperity in the state.
were accompanied by an official policy of By the mid-1980s, except for the southern parts
strengthening and promoting agricultural of Punjab, the state began to follow a ‘wheat-
research and extension. The College of Agriculture paddy rotation’ pattern in cultivation, and, as a
at Ludhiana was converted into the Punjab consequence Punjab became the food bowl of the
Agricultural University (PAU) in 1962. PAU was put country. It became the largest contributor to the
in charge of agricultural research and education central pool of procurement of food grains both
in the state and played an active role. It is for food security, as well as for running the public
renowned for its work on high yielding varieties distribution system of food grains. With the
of seeds and technical innovations like fertiliser minimum support price for wheat and paddy
drills and threshers. combined with the procurement system of the
union government, crop production was greatly
Simultaneously, the government invested supported.
massively in rural development, ranging
from irrigation works, drainage of rain water, The Green Revolution has been the backbone of
reclamation of land to solve the problem of land Punjab’s development. It increased cropping
salinity. To promote investment at the farm level, intensity from 126 percent in 1960-62 to 185
arrangements were made for credit on long and percent in 1996-97, and the net sown area as a
short term crop loans through land mortgage, percentage of the geographical area rose from
banks and a network of cooperative 75 to 85 during this period. The number of
credit societies. tractors rose from 10,646 in 1962-65 to 234,006
in 1990-93 and pumps sets from 45,900 to
High-yielding dwarf varieties of wheat from the 721,220. Fertiliser (NPK) consumption increased
International Centre for Maize and Wheat from 30,060 tonnes in 1962-65 to 1212,570 tonnes
Improvement (CIMMYT) Mexico, were introduced in 1990-93. Consumption of chemical inputs also
leading to bumper crops. The availability of increased.
assured irrigation for fertile lands provided a
conducive environment that enabled a dynamic An important social affect of the Green Revolution
peasantry to accept innovations in seed was the destruction of the old jajmani system
technology. Several farmers already possessed and its replacement by a contractual relationship.
the immediate capacity (supported by the This severely affected the fortunes of service
government) to make the necessary investments castes and artisans and resulted in
in the new technology. These initial innovators were unemployment and underemployment. Many
immediately imitated by other farmers, irrespective were driven to poverty.
of the size of their holdings, when they observed
the sudden jumps in per hectare yield. Another social change was the disappearance of
caste rigidities and the emergence of the middle
18
Box 2.4: Case Study of Village Barwali Khurd, Machchiwara Block, Samrala Tehsil,
Ludhiana
Some of the major changes found in this study that The social gap between the higher and the lower
may have taken place in a period of 30 years falling castes became negligible in this period. A major
between 1965 and 1995 are highlighted as follows: change in the caste hierarchy was visible in both public
ceremonial functions and interpersonal relations,
The increase in agriculture productivity was reflected strengthening the cross-caste alliance. The cross-caste
in the increase in capital investment. More and more similarity of lifestyles, helped to promote egalitarian
pucca houses were constructed and roads were social interaction.
paved. The village presently has a middle school, a
rural dispensary, telephone service, pucca roads, a co- Many agricultural labourers migrated from UP and Bihar
operative bank, a milk collection post, police post and and this led to a change of occupation for the local
a focal point. labourer from agriculture to other occupations like
masonry, construction work, driving, plumbing, etc.
Sources: B.L. Abbi and Singh . “Post-Green Revolution Rural Punjab: A Profile of Economic and Socio-Cultural Change (1965-1995)”.
and rich peasants as the dominant peasantry in required to be supplied at cheap rates. Thus,
the state. A significant feature of the agrarian successive governments responded by granting
society in Punjab is the numerical preponderance subsidies.
of Jat Sikhs in rural areas. Scheduled Castes
form what is called the agricultural proletariat or The impact of the Green Revolution differed
labour force. through the regions of Punjab. The Doaba region
saw a sizeable immigration of Sikhs to England,
The Green Revolution also brought changes in United States and Canada. Money remittances
lifestyle. Aspirations increased—there was from overseas communities were used by the Jat
demand for better education for children, better Sikh farmers in the Doaba to improve their houses,
housing and better consumer goods. The increase lands and to buy machines. Recruitment
traditional ‘joint family’ system was gradually in the army has always been an important adjunct
replaced by the ‘nuclear family’. to the agricultural economy. However, the trend of
supplementing agricultural income from other
Politics also changed. There was a gradual shift sources was unevenly spread through the different
of power from the urban elite to the rural elite. The regions. The Doaba region was foremost in this
Jat Sikhs became the dominant political group and trend, followed by Majha and, only a part of the
as a result, development of agriculture became the Malwa region, like the districts of Ludhiana and
top priority of every successive government. Patiala. One area where the impact of the Green
Supply of agricultural inputs at cheaper rates Revolution was least felt was the so-called Kandi
became a core demand. In order to relieve farmers region (the area of the Himalayan foothills). Until
from moneylenders, co-operative societies and today, the Kandi belt continues to remain relatively
commercial banks were established in large backward socially and economically.
numbers to provide agricultural credit to the
farming community. As agriculture became The Green Revolution technology worked very well
modernised, electricity for agricultural purpose until the beginning of the 1980s. But subsequently
was required at cheap rates for long hours. agriculture began to show signs of fatigue.
Similarly, fertilisers and pesticides were also Productivity slowed, and stagnation set in. PAU
19
estimates show that on an average the Punjab a series of strikes and agitations by tenants, which
farmer achieved 75 percent of the achievable were supported by the communists. These peaked
potential yields of rice and wheat with the currently with the Kisan demonstration at Amritsar in July
available technology (PAU, 1998). 1938. As a result, the British and the Unionist Party
government of Punjab were forced to accede to
As union and state government support to their demand of cancellation of debts of small
agriculture has declined, the present cropping farmers and led to land revenue being replaced by
pattern and production system seems to be income tax.
economically unsustainable. Additionally, the
Green Revolution technology has put great The significant peasant struggles, both during the
pressure on the ecological system, leading to a pre-Independence and post-Independence periods
fall in the level of the ground water table, and soil were conducted under the leadership of the United
depletion. Thus, the initial prosperity that the Communist Party of India (CPI) which in the early
peasantry achieved is at this time diminishing at a 1960s split into the Communist Party of India (CPI)
very rapid rate. Punjab now requires new and the Communist Party of India, Marxist CPI(M).
technology to make the present crops more Both parties formed separate organisations of
profitable, as well as ecologically sustainable. agricultural labourers on a nationwide basis.
Hence was born the All India Organisation of
Box 2.4 presents a case study on the impact of Agricultural Labour, which was named Bharatiya
the Green Revolution on rural Punjab by Abbi and Khet Mazdoor Union by the CPI and the Dehati
Singh prepared in 1997. Khet Mazdoor Union by the CPI (M).
Peasant Movement in Punjab This was followed by the formation of the Radical
A distinct period of peasant activism was noticed Peasant Union, which later became known as the
in the 1960s and the 1970s in different parts of the Naxalite movement under the leadership of the
state. However, the roots of peasant unrest stretch Communist Party of India–Marxist-Leninist CPI (M).
far beyond Independence. In fact, the Punjab
peasantry has always contributed in important The formation of an independent agricultural labour
ways to the present social and political structure. organisation was a distinct departure from the
Prior to Independence, the most influential ideology earlier peasant organisations, which were confined
of the peasants was Sikhism. Sikhism, with its to the concerns of the land-owning peasantry. The
notions of equality and austerity, appealed to combined effect of pre-Independence peasant
poorer sections, particularly the farmers. The movements, and the early phase of the peasant
notion of martyrdom, as exemplified by the various movements in the 1950s, was successful in
Gurus, occupies an important position in Sikh ensuring proprietary rights to the occupancy
philosophy. The cult of the hero has always been tenants but it did not make any significant
popular and heroes such as Chandrashekhar difference to the status of the tenants-at-will and
Azad, Bhagat Singh and their comrades inspired agricultural labourers. In fact, the condition of the
many. tenants-at-will worsened in the early 1950s as
landlords took to massive eviction. The woes of
This culture of socially activist rebel-heroes the tenants-at-will remained largely unaddressed.
encouraged the growth of militant groups such
as the Kirtis and Akalis and provided support to Immediately after Independence and after the
peasant/tenant protests. Starting in 1935 there was Partition of Punjab in 1947, there arose the issue
20
of the Abad Kars (agricultural workers/owners of the Kisan Sabha and Mazdoor Sabha. Rai Sikhs
small land holdings). This was closely linked with and Scheduled Castes made up the cadres of
the land allotment policy of the Punjab Government. these movements at the grassroots. The Joint
After the initial problems of rehabilitation of the Action Committee undertook massive mobilisation
peasants who had migrated from Pakistan, the of affected and deprived sections and highlighted
attendant problems of settlement in different the following demands:
phases with temporary allotment, quasi permanent
allotment and permanent allotment left only the Spot verification of occupants of land through
inferior lands in the river beds of Sutlej and Ravi at Girdawari.
the central government’s disposal. These lands Right of ownership of land occupied by Abad
were transferred to the government of Punjab in Kars up to 5 acres per family.
the early 1960s, with the directive that these lands Lands occupied by Abad Kars not to be given
were to be distributed among the landless to soldiers.
harijans, landless tenants and other poor
cultivators. The Punjab Government, on the other This mobilisation forced the Punjab Government
hand, adopted a policy of open auction of evacuee to ensure the property rights of these small
lands, which resulted in large chunks of land being occupants of rural evacuee lands with the pre-
grabbed by influential people, and the Abad Kars conditions that the Abad Kar should be in
were evicted. continuous and undisputed occupation since 1976
Rabi crop; and, such a person should not own
Talib’s observations are noteworthy here. He more than five ordinary acres inclusive of his own
states that the poor tillers could not mobilise the land [e.f. Desai, AR, pp. 494-495].
requisite resources to compete with those who
were rich and better connected who took away Thus, only a nominal element of social justice was
the land. In addition, these affluent sections had rendered to the landless.
the goodwill and patronage of the auctioning
officers on their side. As a result, the poor and Another significant achievement of the Kisan
needy who usually depended on agricultural loans Sabha during the 1950s and 1960s was the Anti-
were deprived of the opportunity to purchase their Betterment Levy agitation, which ultimately led
lands. Thus, the result of the open auction led to to the non-payment of the Betterment Levy all
the uprooting of the actual tillers of the land. The over Punjab, including the present Punjab and
cherished ideology of providing ”land to the Haryana. Talib rightly remarks that this was one
landless tillers” was thus largely overthrown. (Ibid, of the most broad-based struggles in the post-
Desai, A.R, pp. 493-94). independence years.
This led to a confrontation between the tenant When capitalism arrived in Punjab’s agriculture,
Abad Kars and government officials in the river caste barriers became diluted but class polarities
bed areas along the Sutlej. The centre of the sharpened. In the rural areas there emerged a clear
agitation was Nakodar tehsil of Jalandhar district. divide between the capitalist farmers and rich
Other major centres of agitation were in the district peasants on the one hand, and agricultural
of Ludhiana and in Kot Isse Khan in Zira tehsil of labourers on the other. This social milieu
Firozpur district. These struggles were commonly contributed in important ways to the growth of
known as Abad Kar struggles and were conducted extremist movements.
under the aegies of the Joint Action Committee of
21
Naxalite Movement in Punjab Sahib on April 30, 1969, the police began to crack
Far away from Punjab, in the village of Naxalbari in down much more strongly on strikers.
Alipurduar district of West Bengal, the famous
Naxalite movement which took its name from this The last mass struggle took place at Kila Hakima
village. This movement spread over many parts of in Sangrur district in June 1969. Unlike the Bhikhi-
India, including Punjab where it spread widely Samaon struggle, at Kila Hakima, the Naxalites
through cities, universities, villages and farmer remained in the village or in the surrounding areas
organisations. to sustain the seizure of land. Confronted with the
large police force that was sent to the area, they
Three phases may be discerned in the Naxalite burnt farm buildings. At this stage, the Ghadar
movement in Punjab. These are: Party, the Babbar Akalis and the Red Communists
were the inspiration of the Naxalite leaders.
(1) Mass struggles, which were organised up to
1969. Thus, the major targets of the Naxalite attacks
(2) Implementation of ‘annihilation of class were the big landlords and moneylenders, who
enemies’ line were identified as the class enemy. Naxalites also
(3) Withdrawal of ‘annihilation line’ and adoption attacked police informers who were instrumental
of militant agitations. in the arrest of their comrades. The districts of
Jalandhar and Kapurthala saw significant Naxalite
The Naxalites organised peasants according to the activity.
above objectives by means of forcible harvesting
of crops, seizure of landholdings of the landlords Most of the Naxals were university students and
and demand for an increase in wages of hostels were their natural hiding places. The
agricultural workers. Naxalites organised three Naxalite-led movements, however began to wane
militant mass struggles. However, their gains could after 1981, when a different movement began to
not be sustained. grow, which far outshadowed the Naxalite
agitations. This was the rise of militancy.
The first among these struggles was organised at
Bhikhi-Samaon in Bathinda (now Mansa) district. The Naxalite movement in Punjab failed to focus
On December 8, 1968, hundreds arrived in Samaon on the fundamental concerns of all agricultural
and the land of the rich landlords was occupied labourers, and remained confined instead to the
by hoisting red flags in the fields. The seizure was demands of the marginal and small peasants. It
mainly symbolic in character. was only later that the Naxals took up more
universal concerns of the land-owning peasantry
The second struggle involved the organisation of such as remunerative prices for agricultural
workers employed by the Birla Farm. The Punjab produce, reduction of electricity tariff and the
Government had leased 1,000 acres of land to the abolition of indebtedness.
Birlas near Rup Nagar for seed multiplication. The
Naxalites organised farm labourers who went on There were sub-groups within the Naxalite
strike on April 10, 1969 demanding higher wages. movement. One of these was the Kirti Kisan Union,
The farm management comprising at landlords, large which had a strong base in the lower peasantry,
farmers and absentee landlords used the police, as particularly in the Doab region. The KKU initially
well as local chieftains to end these strikes. After the organised the Kala Sangathan struggle against the
Naxalites attacked the police station at Chamkaur landlords in the Doaba. Later, it shifted the focus
22
of its struggle to the issue of remunerative prices The dominant theme that unites all these
and took up specific problems raised by the explanations is the emerging centrality of Sikh
capitalist transition in Punjab agriculture. religion and Sikh identity. Sikh identity, as a
separate identity, was an idea used by communal
The Naxalite movement in Punjab, unlike its forces to propagate ideas that all Sikhs should
counterparts in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar, failed have common social, economic and political
to focus strongly enough on the agricultural interests and, should therefore unite against the
labourer, although in the aftermath of the Green State which was seen as representing the interest
Revolution, during the 1970s, the CPI and CPI(M) of the Hindu majority. Religion was manipulated
did carry out several successful struggles on the to suit the political ambitions of a few. Thus,
question of agricultural labourers’ wages. “exploitation of religion for political gains has
become a permanent feature of our political
The massive influx of migrant labourers to Punjab system, posing a serious threat not only to the
from the rest of India, that began from the 1960s national unity, but also to the purity of religion and
severely affected the movement and wage rates sanctity of religious places.”2
of local agricultural labourers. Local farmers
preferred to employ migrant labour, as it was Jurgensmeyer’s3 explanation that militancy drew on
cheaper and these labourers worked longer hours. a religious sanction for violence in times of perceived
Studies conducted during the 1970s and early threat is also significant. He says the perceptions
1980s pointed to simmering discontent among of those who participated in militancy in the name
local agricultural labourers. The Left parties were of religion were crucial. In his opinion, Sikh militants
unable to lead local and migrant labourers on the felt they were justified, to a certain extent, when they
wage issue. Subsequently, militancy dealt a body claimed that they acted as a result of religious
blow to the Left in Punjab and buried any future conversions which, they felt were going on at this
mobilisation of agricultural labourers. time, even while upholding notions of Indian
secularism. He stressed that the militant movement
Militancy in Punjab: An Overview in Punjab was an instance of a religious struggle
Militancy has left an indelible mark on Punjab and emanating from a perceived threat and that religion
has had drastic social, political and economic was used to legitimise violence.
consequences. After Partition, it was militancy that
once again revived communal identities as masses There are scholars who view economic and
were mobilised to protect the Sikh identity and regional disparities as being the real cause for the
establish its difference from Hindus. rise of militancy. These explanations argue that
although the Green Revolution was a success, it
Rise of Militancy failed to provide sustainable and homogeneous
Militancy in Punjab had its origin in several social, development throughout the state. The effects of
historical, religious, political, cultural, riparian and the Revolution also produced far reaching social
linguistic factors, combined with simmering changes. Environmentalist Vandana Shiva, an
frustrations and feelings of identity crisis. It would advocate of this argument says that the Green
be inaccurate to attribute the rise of terrorism only Revolution led to a destruction of the community
to economic factors. and a consequent homogenising of social
2 Samiliddin, 1985
3 Jurgensmeyer, 1988
23
relations, purely on a communal criteria. Thus an however, contests the view that the majority of
overriding concern with economic growth, with militants came from poor and middle peasant
total disregard to environmental and social factors families. He states that a sizeable number of
led to a collapse of the community, giving rise to a militants came from well-off, rich peasant landlord
violent situation. Gupta (1992) is also of the view families. Many studies have shown that militancy
that the Green Revolution failed to distribute was to a large extent, a middle class phenomenon.
benefits equally and thus made communal
mobilisation possible. Age-Wise Distribution
A predominant majority (80 percent) of the militants
Other scholars believe that communal mobilisation were young, ranging usually from 14 to 25 years
among the Sikhs occurred as a result of the (Puri and Judge, 1999); about 15 percent were
anxieties generated by the process of between 26 and 35 years; only 5 percent were
modernisation. Sikhs feared being assimilated into above 35 years. In contrast, the study of Satyapal
Hinduism (Bomwall, 1985). They feared that in the Dang (1988) reports that only 37.5 percent were
name of national integration, their identity would below 25 years and the remaining 62.5 percent
be submerged within that of the majority were above 25 years. Notwithstanding the age
community. differences as shown in the studies, it can be
concluded nevertheless that a sizeable proportion
In conclusion, it can be said that militancy grew of militants were young.
from a growing distrust with the State and its
initiatives. It also grew from a deep dissatisfaction Educational Status
with the perceived discriminatory policies practised Studies show considerable variation in the
by the government and a lack of a responsive educational qualifications of the militants. The
political will to address the needs of the people. study of Puri and Paramjit Singh shows that 24.15
The only successful policy had been the Green percent of the militants were illiterate, 25.70
Revolution and even this was riddled with percent had acquired education up to the middle
problems. It had created a vast mass of restless, level and another 41.18 percent were matriculates,
unemployed youth who now became the cadres and only 8.5 percent had received education
for the militant movement. beyond the matriculation level. This indicated that
on an average, militants had a low educational
Profile of Militants status. The study of Narayan Kumar confirms this.
In the following section, a profile of militants based
on various studies has been attempted. However, variations are seen in Dang’s study where
47.5 percent were illiterates, 5.5 percent were
Class and Caste Representation matriculates, and 47 percent had acquired higher
From the studies done by Puri and Judge (1999) education. Hence, militants seem to have received
and Ram Narayan Kumar (1997), it has been a fair amount of education.
concluded that the largest number of militants was
from the land-owning Jat Sikh sections of the Regional Distribution
peasantry. Puri and Judge’s study indicates that Macro-level figures on the incidence of militancy
two-thirds of the militants were from landless show that the majority of the militants were from
labourer and small farmer communities, 22 percent the Majha region from the districts of Amritsar and
were middle farmers and a small percentage were Gurdaspur, which border Pakistan (Source: Police
rich farmers. The study of Satyapal Dang (1988), Department, Punjab Government).
24
Motives for Joining Militancy Fairer allocation to Punjab of the waters of Ravi,
Puri and Judge show that there existed wide Sutlej and Beas, to which it was the only Indian
disparities in factors that operated in the village riparian state, including control over canal
and the speeches on political objectives and headworks and hydro-electric installations
grievances of the Sikh community that were being based on them.
articulated by Sikh leaders and spokesmen.
For a long time the Anandpur Sahib resolution
The available evidence questions both the remained on the backburner. The Akali Party did
government’s definition of the problem as a confirm its commitment to this resolution at an
secessionist movement, as well as the ideological annual conclave in Ludhiana, and when they came
interpretation given by leaders. The evidence also to power in the state in 1977, the case of re-
defied another prevalent notion that most of those allocation of river waters was submitted to the
who took to armed struggle joined as a purview of the Supreme Court. However, the
consequence of police atrocities on them or on demand of the Anandpur Sahib resolution always
the members of their families. hovered on the fringes of Punjab politics.
The work of Jasbir Singh states that feelings of In the early 1980s, things started to change. The
discrimination and alienation coupled with All India Sikh Student’s Federation (AISSF) arrived
widespread unemployment among educated youth on the political scene. Their determined demand
substantially contributed in pushing the youth for a ban on the sale of tobacco in 1981 led to a
towards militancy. clash with some Hindu organisations demanding
not only a ban on the sale of tobacco but also of
Most of the other studies, however, point to the liquor and meat. From then onwards, militancy
need to assert the Sikh identity arising from entered its most violent phase.
religious and political discrimination and alienation
from the State. Following the AISSF strike, a period of violence and
killings was unleashed in Punjab. The instances and
Towards Militancy – Tracing the details of killings are too numerous to relate here. It
Landmarks included not just killings of police and militants, but
It is necessary to state the instance and events killings of innocent civilians, large-scale killings during
that led to this period of upheaval. Operation Bluestar in Punjab, and many other anti-
terrorist operations by both the army and police.
An important milestone in the road towards a
more autonomous Punjab was the adoption of the Militancy in Punjab came to an end after strong
Anandpur Sahib resolution in April 1973 by the Akali and effective intervention by the government from
Party. In addition to demands for further autonomy, the late 1980s to the early 1990s. The determination
the resolution also demanded: of the political executive and its support to the
police force was crucial, as was the leadership and
Chandigarh as the capital of Punjab (with valour shown by the police.
adequate compensation to Haryana to build a
capital of its own). However, the undercurrent of this problem which
Readjustment of the state boundaries to thrives on various unseen linkages, both internal
include Punjabi-speaking areas of Haryana, as well as external, are still strong. In fact, heavy
Himachal and Rajasthan. recoveries of lethal explosives and weapons as
25
well as arrests of suspected terrorists during the the region lies Pakistan, with Amritsar and Gurdaspur
last five years, indicate that efforts are afoot to districts forming a long international boundary. It
revive militancy. Under these circumstances, the has an area of 8658 square kilometres, 17.17% of
motivation and morale as well as up to date the total area of Punjab. Majha is one-fourth the size
equipment of the police must be maintained to of Malwa and slightly smaller than Doaba.
meet future challenges.
Majha is the most densely populated region in
Certain basic lessons can be learnt from the period Punjab. According to the 2001 Census, the average
of militancy. Unresolved issues need to be taken density of population of the region is 597 persons
up energetically. The state should be able to per square Km. Though constituting only 17
formulate and present policies that can create long, percent of the area of Punjab, Majha contributes
unhindered phases of development. Regional around 21 percent of the population to the state
disparities must be addressed and the concerns (Census 2001). Amritsar has the largest
of educated and unemployed youth must be taken population—12.65 percent of the total population
into consideration. The state must be sensitive to of the state. A majority of the people of the region
communal identities while at the same time taking live in villages. Around 25 percent of the people in
care not to allow these identities to be fanned by Gurdaspur district and 40 percent of the people
extremists. of Amritsar district live in towns (Census 2001).
Amritsar is the second largest city of Punjab, after
The Regions of Punjab Ludhiana, and has recently become a city of over
Punjab roughly forms a plain; however the shifting a million people (Census 2001).
courses of rivers and various processes of
denudation have resulted in variations in relief, Amritsar is the Mecca of Sikhism and as expected,
drainage, soils, and vegetation. In addition, there Sikhs constitute 75.63 percent of the total
are cultural variations and each region possesses population of the district. Also, the district is home
a separate cultural identity of its own. to 50 percent of the Christian population of Punjab.
Majha region as a whole has 70 percent of the
Culturally, Punjab can be divided into three total Christian population of the state. The town
regions—Majha, Doaba and Malwa. The rivers of Quadian is the headquarters of the Shia sect of
mark the boundaries of these regions. Over time, Muslims in India. People in Majha speak the Majha
each region has metamorphosed into distinct dialect, which is similar to the Doabi dialect.
regions, separate in their physical environment,
economic structure, social organisation and Majha has a typical continental climate with hot
cultural pattern. Therefore, each region is also called summers and cold winters. Maximum temperature
a ‘folk region.’ Though there exist inter-regional during summers ranges between 40 and 45
differences, within regions there is a uniformity in degrees Celsius. Winters are severe, with the
geography, climate, vegetation, soils, drainage, temperature at times, going below 0 degree
livelihood and cultural environment. Celsius. The region receives a moderate rainfall of
50 cm per year. Part of this rainfall is caused by the
Majha western disturbances, which is good for the rabi,
Also called the ‘Upper Bari Doab’, this region is or winter crops.
surrounded by three rivers, Ravi in the west, Beas
in the east and Sutlej in the south. It consists of the Vegetation follows relief and rainfall patterns. It
districts of Amritsar and Gurdaspur. To the west of becomes gradually thin as one moves westwards
26
in the region. Pathankot tehsil has the maximum at the foothills. The two rivers, Sutlej and Beas
vegetation cover with its chirpine forests. However, along with two other seasonal streams provide
these are depleting over the years. Bamboo, drainage to the region. Besides these, the Kandi
mulberry and khair trees can be found in low region is full of seasonal streams.
altitude areas. Almost the whole of Amritsar
district and southwestern Gurdaspur have semi Doaba has a continental climate. Temperature in
dry deciduous vegetation. Eucalyptus is summers ranges from 30 to 32 degrees Celsius
omnipresent. Like the rest of Punjab, Majha is poor while the maximum can go up to 45 degrees
in minerals. However, the region is endowed with Celsius. Winters are moderately cold with normal
hydroelectric potential and a number of temperatures falling between 10 and 15 degrees
powerhouses constructed on the Upper Bari Doab Celsius. Loo in the summers and frost in the
canal provide power to the state. A dam on the winters are common features. Clay loams are found
river Ravi is currently under construction. in Doaba, which turn to sandy loam as one moves
to the eastern part of the region. In the extreme
The presence of flat lands, fertile clay loamy soil, east, the soil becomes pebbly.
extensive irrigation from canals and tubewells,
coupled with the hardworking people of Majha have Doaba is a densely populated region, accounting
made this region agriculturally prosperous. The land for 19.64 percent of the population of Punjab (2001).
is intensively sown and irrigated. In fact, about three- Average density of population was 465 persons
fourths of the net cultivated area is sown more than per square kilometre in 1991, which increased to
once a year. Wheat, rice and sugarcane are the 539 persons (Census 2001). Jalandhar has the
important crops here. As far as industry is second highest population density in the state,
concerned, about 17.3 percent of registered coming second to Ludhiana in Malwa. The eastern
working factories are found in Majha. Important parts of Hoshiarpur and Nawanshehar have a low
industries include sugar, cotton, wool and textiles. population density because these regions have
choe–ridden hilly tracts. Sikhs do not predominate
Doaba in the Doaba region. In 1991, there were 44% Sikhs
The tract of land between the rivers Beas and in Jalandhar and 42% in Hoshiarpur district.
Sutlej, including the districts of Hoshiarpur,
Nawanshehar, Kapurthala, and parts of Fazilka, The dialect of the region is distinct and so is its
Jalandhar and Gurdaspur, is a cultural buffer zone, cultural identity, which draws heavily on the folk
where the influences of Majha and Malwa mingle. traditions of Punjab. The dialect of the region was
This region is called the Doaba or the Bist Doaba heavily influenced by the Persian reign during the
region. It is separated from Himachal Pradesh by 11th century A.D. The script was originally Persian-
the Shivaliks. It is triangular in shape, with its base Arabic (Shahmukhi) and was later changed to
at the Himachal border, and apex on the Beas- Gurmukhi by one of the Gurus. Doabi is actually
Sutlej confluence. It has an area of 8844 square the most common dialect spoken. The Doabis are
kilometres, 17.6 percent of the total area of Punjab. adventurous people and migrate all over the world.
There is a choe ridden (ravine-ridden) belt in the
area bordered by the Shivaliks called the Kandi Doaba has a well-developed agriculture with large-
area. This area is a bhabhar, or a piedmont plain, scale irrigation facilities by tubewells. In fact,
lying at the foothills of the Shivaliks and formed by tubewells provide around 90 percent of the total
the coalescence of various alluvial fans resulting irrigation. Bist Doab also provides canal irrigation.
from the deposition of sediments by various choe Wheat, rice, maize, potatoes and sugarcane are
27
Gidha; the women folk dance of Punjab
the major crops grown in the area. Maize was the east and Pakistan in the west. Malwa
traditionally the main crop although in recent comprises two-thirds of the total area of Punjab
decades the farmers have taken to the cultivation and is vast and undulating. The eastern parts of
of wheat, sunflower and other cash crops. The Rup Nagar are uneven and hilly, while the
region is rich in water power. The Pong dam on southwestern parts are studded with sand dunes.
the river Beas and various powerhouses on the
Mukerian Hydel Canal provide power to the region. Malwa is climatically different from Majha and
Major industries include cotton textiles, sugar, Doaba and is comparatively hot, dry and arid.
leather and paper. Jalandhar is famous for sports Aridity increases as one goes south-westwards.
goods production. Doaba has the highest road Summers are hot, with the mean temperature in
density of all the regions in Punjab. Ludhiana being 32.5 degrees Celsius, while the
mean temperature in winter is 14.1 degrees
Malwa Celsius. Maximum temperature goes up to 49
The area south of the river Sutlej is called Malwa. degrees Celsius in summers. Monsoons bring in
The name has its source from a clan called Molosis some respite. Rainfall decreases west and south-
(sometimes written as Malawis in ancient works) westwards. The average rainfall of Ludhiana is
who once ruled this area. Malwa constitutes 11 68 cm and for Abohar it is 26.9 cm.
districts of Punjab, and is thus, the largest region
of the state. The Jat landlords, who, it might be Compared to Majha and Doaba, Malwa is sparsely
said, control the political pulse of Punjab, dominate populated. Although it covers 65.2 percent area
this region. Malwa is very representative of Punjabi of the state, it is home to only 59.07 percent of the
folk traditions. The people of the region speak the population (Census 2001). Population density has
Malwa dialect, which is similar to Punjabi. increased from 365 (1991) to 436 (2001) persons
per squares km. Ludhiana is the most populated
Malwa is surrounded by the river Sutlej in the north, district of Malwa, accounting for 12.48 percent of
the river Ghaggar in the south, the Shivalik Hills in the population of the state. Ludhiana was the city
28
in Punjab with a population of a million in 1991 and soil; excellent irrigation from tubewells and canals
still has the highest population amongst all the is available; and holdings are comparatively small.
other districts of Punjab. The south-western parts Agriculture is intensively practised here. However,
of Malwa are very sparsely populated. in the south-western part of the state, which has a
semi-arid climate, frequent occurrence of sand
Malwa has a preponderance of Sikh population with dunes, slightly undulating topography, canal
the highest percentage of Sikh population recorded irrigation, sandy loam soils and large holdings,
in Faridkot. The people of this region speak Malwa, extensive and moderately intensive farming is
which can be called a dialect of Punjabi. practised. Important crops include wheat, rice,
cotton, pulses, oilseeds, bajra and sugarcane.
Malwa does not have any mineral wealth. Thermal Irrigation is the mainstay of agriculture in Malwa
power forms the chief source of power. It is as the climate is semi-arid and there is always a
obtained from the two coal-based power plants water deficit, which requires an expansion of
at Rup Nagar and Bathinda. In Rup Nagar district, irrigation facilities.
the Nangal Hydel Channel has two powerhouses,
which produce hydro-electricity. Malwa has the largest network of canal irrigation
in Punjab, although the chief source of irrigation is
Agriculture is the main occupation in Malwa. In the tube wells. Cotton, sugar and paper are the main
eastern districts of Malwa, there is good quality industries of the region.
29
30
3. Economy and Livelihoods
This chapter is an attempt to examine the level and The state continued to occupy the first rank among
rate of material development of Punjab. It examines the major states until 1992-93. In 1993-94,
shifts in income, the nature of the workforce, Maharashtra displaced Punjab's position and
relative development of various sectors and became the highest income state among the major
associated issues. The analysis of problems is states. Although Punjab continues to rank second
accompanied by suggestions for improvement. An in per capita income, the gap between the per
attempt is also made to provide a brief review of capita income of Punjab and Maharashtra
the various alternative policy options currently being fluctuates between one to ten percent of each
discussed for Punjab. other. In 1992-93 at constant prices of 1980-81,
Punjab’s per capita income was higher than that
Per Capita Income and Punjab's Rank of Maharashtra by 2.45 percent. But in 1998-99
Punjab remains one of India’s most advanced Maharashtra's per capita income was higher than
states. Growth rates of Net State Domestic that of Punjab by 12.47 percent. Punjab's per capita
Product (NSDP) have been dynamic for most of income had grown to more than double of the all
the post-Independence period. Being the cradle India average in 1979-80. But in 1998-99 Punjab’s
of the Green Revolution, it acquired a very high per capita income was only 44.30 percent higher
growth rate in the decade and a half since the mid- than the all India average.
1960s. In the 1970s, Punjab was projected as a
role model of development for other states. In per The changes in Punjab's rank in per capita income
capita income, Punjab ranked fourth in 1960-61 but among major states and its relative position vis-à-
took first position in 1964-65. vis the all India average is explained by the
behaviour of growth rates of the gross state
income. Table 3.1 shows that till 1978-79, Punjab
continued to record higher growth rates in the
gross state income compared to growth rates of
gross national income of India as a whole. The
annual compound growth rate (ACGR) of the
state's gross income was 3.6 percent between
1960-61 and 1965-66 compared to growth of gross
national income of the country at the rate of 2.7
percent during this period. The state's annual
compound growth rate became the highest during
the late 1960s. The state recorded a growth-rate
The new technology in agriculture: Harvesting combine
of 8.4 percent compared to the all India annual
31
ECONOMY AND LIVELIHOODS
Table 3.1: Average Annual Compound Growth Rate of Gross State/National Income
(in Percentage)
Time Period Punjab India
P S T O P S T O
1960-61 to 1965-66 2.4 6.0 4.5 3.6 -0.9 6.9 5.6 2.7
1965-66 to 1968-69 9.9 6.7 6.8 8.4 4.5 2.9 3.9 4.0
1970-71 to 1975-76 2.86 5.87 5.95 4.21 0.5 3.9 4.5 2.5
1974-75 to 1978-79 5.74 8.70 7.93 6.87 3.62 6.39 6.49 5.14
1980-81 to 1984-85 5.37 5.04 5.14 5.23 5.63 6.05 5.42 5.66
1985-86 to 1989-90 5.24 8.65 5.22 5.98 3.58 6.49 7.41 5.79
1992-93 to 1996-97 3.08 7.10 5.78 4.81 3.85 8.28 7.87 6.76
1997-98 to 2001-02 (Prov.) 1.84 6.20 5.38 4.08 2.21 4.52 7.77 5.34
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab (Various Issues).

Note: (i) P - Primary sector, S - Secondary sector, T - Tertiary sector and O - Over all growth-rate.
(ii) Up to 1968-69 growth rates are at 1960-61 prices; for period between 1970-71 to 1978-79; at 1970-71 prices;
between 1980-81 and 1996-97, at 1980-81 prices, and for 1997-98 to 2001-02, at 1993-94 prices.
growth rate of 4.0 percent. It is evident that Punjab's during 1974-75 to 1978-79 (Fifth Five Year Plan
growth performance was higher than the all India period) was 6.8 percent compared to the all India
average between 1960-61 and 1978-79. average of 5.1 percent. In fact, during 1997-98 to
1998-99, Punjab's growth rate had fallen to 3.58
State policy in the 1980s was concentrated on the percent against 5.91 percent of India as a whole.
fight against insurgency, and development policies The economies of Maharashtra, Gujarat, West
took a back seat. Consequently, Punjab's growth Bengal, Kerala and Rajasthan grew at a much higher
performance slowed down. For the first time since rate during the 1990s. The average annual growth
1960-61, Punjab's annual compound growth rate rate of Maharashtra was 9.5 percent during 1991-
(ACGR) fell to lower than the all India average during 92 to 1996-97 followed by Gujarat (8.0 percent) and
the period 1980-81 to 1984-85. The state recorded Rajasthan (7.2 percent).
an annual compound growth rate of 5.23 percent
compared to the all India growth rate of 5.66 The relative slowdown in the growth rate of Punjab’s
percent during the same period. In the following economy vis-à-vis that of the Indian economy and
five years (i.e. 1985-86 to 1989-90), Punjab's growth fast growing states like Maharashtra, Gujarat and
rate of 5.98 percent was marginally higher than the Rajasthan is a cause of concern. The decade of the
all India average of 5.79 percent. Thus, on an 1990s has seen liberalisation, privatisation and
average, Punjab's growth rate roughly matched the globalisation, but these have not helped Punjab to
all India average for the entire decade of 1980s. improve its growth performance.
The 1990s, despite being a time of political stability
with two popularly-elected governments, was not Several factors at the macro level have led to the
a decade of satisfactory growth. poor performance of Punjab’s economy. These
include: Punjab’s comparatively low share in the
Between 1992-93 and 1996-97 (coinciding with the level of proposed investment, low share of
Eighth Five Year Plan period), the average annual assistance disbursed by the Punjab State Financial
growth rate of Punjab was 4.8 percent compared Corporation and by all India financial institutions
to a national average of 6.8 percent. Punjab's and a low credit-deposit ratio. Credit-deposit ratio
position reversed in the 1990s as compared to the on the last Friday of March 1998 in Punjab was
1970s. The average annual growth rate of Punjab 38.6 percent compared to 72.3 percent in
32
Maharashtra and 48.2 percent in Gujarat. Punjab's Sectoral Growth and Sectoral Shift in
share in India's total population is 2.37 percent Income
(Census 2001) and share in all India income was The primary sector of Punjab’s economy is
3.5 percent in 1996-97. However, the state’s share agriculture and livestock. The contribution of other
in the financial assistance provided by all India components such as forestry and logging, fishing,
financial institutions cumulative up to 31 March mining and quarrying has always been negligible
1997 was only 2.3 percent. in the gross state domestic product. The
combined share of the three components has
The share of assistance disbursed by the Punjab been less than 1 percent (0.56 percent in 2000-01)
State Financial Corporation cumulative up to March of the gross state domestic product since
1997 was 3.6 percent and the state's share of the 1960-61. On the other hand, the combined share
proposed investment under industrial memoranda of agriculture and livestock is more than 40 percent
(August 1991 to March 1998) was 3.3 percent. But (41.93 percent in 2000-01) of the gross state
in the case of Maharashtra and Gujarat, these domestic product.
shares were much higher than their share in the-all
India income (N. J. Kuriyan, 1999). Further, the share Agriculture and livestock are organically linked, as
of the state domestic product of Punjab used for most people engaged in agriculture also rear milch
capital formation has been either stagnating or cattle as a subsidiary occupation. Traditionally,
declining. It stood at 22.98 percent in 1993-94 livestock provided animal power for most
but varied between 20.21 percent and 23.71 agricultural operations such as ploughing and
percent up to 2000-01 except for the year 1995- levelling of land, harvesting of crops, as well as
96, when it rose abnormally to 32.41 percent (Table for well irrigation and transport of agricultural
3.2). This rise was experienced largely in the produce. However, with the mechanisation of
manufacturing sector. The share of development agriculture, tractors, motor pumps, threshers and
expenditure in the total government expenditure, power-operated combines have almost replaced
which stood at 75.85 percent in 1991-92, declined the bullock. Bullocks have been replaced by
to 54.46 percent in 1997-98. In order to improve buffaloes and cows as milch animals.
Punjab’s rank, both public and private investment
must increase, the credit-deposit ratio of the Except for the period of 1965-66 to 1970-71 the
commercial banks must rise to the all India share of the primary sector in the net state
average and the Punjab State Financial domestic product (NSDP) has been declining. In
Corporation must play a more productive role. the primary sector, the share of agriculture
increased marginally till the 1970s but has since
Table 3.2: Percentage Share of Capital Formation of been continuously on the decline. Contrary to this,
Gross State Domestic Product of Punjab the share of livestock in the state domestic
product continuously increased till early 1990s,
Years Share of Gross
State Domestic Product
after which it stagnated. The higher growth rate
1993-94 22.98
of the livestock sector has contributed to an
1994-95 23.71 increase in the rate of growth of the primary sector
1995-96 32.41 and increased the share of the livestock sector in
1996-97 20.21
1997-98 21.32 the state domestic product.
1998-99 21.05
1999-2000 20.50
2000-01 21.41
The growth rate of the secondary sector has
remained above 5 percent for all the years since
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab (Various Issues)
33
1960-61. In this sector, the registered industries Workforce and its Sectoral Shift
have performed the best. Construction has also Economic development is always accompanied by
shown improvement in its share of NSDP. The share changes in economic structure. Incomes in various
of unregistered manufacturing and electricity & sectors change and there are changes in the
water supply has remained stagnant in the NSDP. workforce’s share in employment in various sectors.
While unregistered manufacturing has shown a
decline in its share of NSDP from previous decades Changes in the sectoral share of the NSDP of
except for 1990-91, electricity and water supply Punjab have been discussed in the preceding
experienced considerable increase before their section. Shifts in income in various sectors are
share fell. The tertiary sector of the state has accompanied by shifts in employment. Agriculture
generally grown at a rate closer to the overall rate (and livestock) remains the major employer of the
of growth of Punjab’s economy. The activities Punjab workforce. It accounted for 62.66 percent
which have improved their share in NSDP are of the total workforce in 1971, 58.02 percent in
banking, insurance, real estate, ownership of 1981, 55.26 percent in 1991 and 39.4 percent in
dwellings and public administration. Activities like 2001. Employment in agriculture includes self-
transport, communication and storage, trade, employed cultivators and agricultural labourers.
hotel and restaurants and other services The loss in the share of employment by the primary
experienced minor decline in their share of NSDP. sector (agriculture) has been due to a shift of the
Table 3.3 reflects the percentage contribution of workforce to the secondary and tertiary sectors.
various sectors in NSDP of Punjab in 1980-81 and The share of manufacturing increased from 11.30
1990-91. percent in 1971 to 12.28 percent in 1991.
Table 3.3: Percentage Distribution of Net State Domestic Product of Punjab at

Factor Cost at Constant Prices (at 1980-81 prices)
Sector 1980-81 1990-91
Agriculture 48.46 47.63
(i) Agricultural Proper 32.22 30.69
(ii) Livestock 16.24 16.94
Forestry & Logging 0.99 0.59
Fishing 0.03 0.09
Mining &Quarrying 0.02 0.02
Sub Total Primary 49.50 48.33
Manufacturing 11.01 16.27
(i) Registered 5.91 9.41
(ii) Unregistered 5.10 6.86
Electricity, Gas & Water supply 1.31 2.45
Construction 6.15 3.82
Sub Total Secondary 18.47 22.54
Trade Hotels & Restaurants 14.59 11.33
Transport, Storage &communication 2.05 2.32
Banking & Insurance 2.55 4.67
Real Estate, ownership of dwellings and 4.26 3.21
Business services
Public Administration 2.82 3.28
Other services 5.76 4.32
Sub-Total Tertiary 32.03 29.13
Total SDP 100 100
Source: Statistical Abstracts of Punjab
34
Table 3.4: Distribution of Workforce in Punjab
Year Agriculture Manufacturing Construction Transport, storage Others Total
& communication
1971 2451858 442070 77356 109611 831697 3912592
(62.66) (11.30) (1.98) (2.80) (21.26) (100.00)
1981 2859511 648592 100663 183877 1135116 4927759
(58.02) (13.16) (2.04) (3.73) (23.04) (100.00)
1991 3370038 749136 156045 233787 1589368 6098374
(55.26) (12.28) (2.55) (3.83) (26.06) (100.00)
Source: (i) Data For 1971, 1981 and 1991 are from Census of India
Note: Data in parenthesis denotes percentages.
The share of construction improved by 0.57 widened over time. The per worker income in
percent and that of transport and communication agriculture as a ratio of average per worker income
by 1.0 percent during 1971 and 1991. Service in the state declined from 91.69 percent in 1971 to
activities have been the major gainers in terms of 82.62 percent in 1991 while that of workers in non-
their share in total absorption of the state agricultural activities increased from 114.54 percent
workforce. The share of these increased from in 1971 to 123.90 percent in 1991. The average per
21.26 percent in 1971 to 26.06 percent in 1991 worker income in non-agricultural activities in 1991
(Table 3.4). was 50 percent more than that of workers in the
agriculture sector.
The comparative study of Table 3.3 and Table 3.4
indicates that a shift in workforce from agriculture The relative shift of the workforce from agriculture
to non-agriculture sectors is taking place at a rate to non-agricultural activities conforms to the Fisher-
less than the rate of shift in income share to the Clark-Kuznets hypothesis on structural change in
non-agricultural sectors. This also explains the the economy. Although the direction of structural
cause of the shift of the workforce from agriculture change is indicative of a progressing economy, yet
to non-agricultural sectors. The income share of in terms of employment requirements, the pace
the non-agricultural sector in the NSDP is higher of shift of the workforce is slow. This indicates
than its share of the workforce. This indicates that that a large number are trapped in agriculture and
the per worker income in these sectors is higher need to be shifted elsewhere. Given the present
than the per worker income in agriculture. If we level of development in Punjab, the fact that more
just take the per worker distribution of income in than 50 percent of the workforce remains
different categories by dividing the share of employed in agriculture is not a healthy indicator.
income to share of workers, we find that the per Unless the manufacturing sector accounts for
worker share in agriculture was 86.6 percent in more than 20 percent of the workforce, the state
1971, as against 123 percent for non-agriculture cannot be treated as industrially advanced.
workers and this trend has been maintained over
the years. It is obvious that the higher per worker Workforce Utilisation and
income available in non-agricultural activities is Unemployment
pulling workers out of agriculture. Punjab's total population is 2,42,89,296 (Census
2001), out of which 66 percent resides in rural areas
The differences in per worker income between and 34 percent in towns and cities. As per the
agriculture and non-agricultural activities have Census 2001, the work participation rate (WPR) in
35
Punjab increased from 30.9 percent in 1991 to 37.6 urban males, 3.5 percent for urban females and 3.2
percent in 2001, though it is less than the national percent for urban persons compared to all India
average of 39.3 percent. There is a marked shift in rates of 4.8 percent for urban males, 7.1 percent
workforce from agriculture sector to non- for females and 5.2 percent for urban persons as
agriculture sector – the percentage of agricultural per usual status in 1999-2000 (NSS 2001).
workers (cultivators and agricultural labourers) has
declined from 55.2 percent in 1991 to 39.4 percent The Planning Commission of India projected an
in 2001. alarming state of unemployment in Punjab. It was
estimated that the rate of growth of employment
The 55th round survey conducted by the National per annum during the Ninth Five Year Plan (1997-
Sample Survey Organisation (referred to as NSS 2002) would be 0.73 percent compared to a per
or NSSO) recorded a labour participation rate of annum growth rate of the labour force at 2.27
29.2 percent for rural Punjab and 32.5 percent for percent during this period (Planning Commission,
urban areas using the Usual Principal Status 1999). The major part of this unemployment was
Approach. In rural areas, labour participation rate expected to be amongst the youth, particularly
is considerably lower than the all India average of among the educated youth. A survey of
38.0 percent and is equal to the all India average unemployed youth in Punjab, conducted in 1998,
(32.4 percent) in urban areas. The rural male showed that there were 14,71,527 unemployed
participation rate is 52.6 percent, which is youth in the age group of 15-35 years (Economic
comparable to the all India average (52.5 percent), Census 1998, Economic & Statistical Organisation,
but the rural female participation is abnormally Punjab). This indicates that nearly 20 percent of
lower at 4.0 percent compared to the all India rate the 75 lakh workforce is unemployed. Evidence also
of 23.1 percent. The urban male participation rate suggests that unemployment in the state is
is 54.1 percent and is higher than the all India increasing. As high income levels are achieved, the
average of 51.3 percent. Urban female workforce in the state aspires for better quality of
participation rate is 7.3 percent, though higher than work.
that of the rural Punjab, is still considerably lower
than the all India rate of 11.7 percent. This indicates Along with unemployment, which is fairly
a high gender bias against women, which is widespread among the youth, there is a high level
supported by the fact that the state has the of underemployment among those engaged in
second lowest sex ratio (874 females per 1000 agriculture. Since agriculture is highly mechanised,
males) in the country. it generates seasonal activities, which are partially
supplemented by dairy as a subsidiary occupation.
The utilisation of the workforce in the state is less There has been a considerable decline in the labour
than the all India average. The unemployment rate absorption in agriculture. Per hectare wheat-paddy
in Punjab stood at 2.3 percent for rural males, 6.2 labour absorption stood at 153.78 days triennium,
percent for rural females and 2.6 percent for rural ending 1983-84, and declined to 106.16 days
persons, compared to all India average respective triennium ending 1996-97. With half of the work
rates of 2.1 percent, 1.5 percent and 1.9 percent being done by hired labour, a cultivator with 2
for males, females and persons, during 1999-2000. hectares of land would be working for 106.16 days
Workforce utilisation is better in the urban areas and if he/she were not engaged in dairy as a
unemployment rates are lower compared to the all supplementary activity. Even if dairy activity is duly
India average but are higher compared to rural accounted for, it is estimated that on an average
areas. The unemployment rate was 3.1 percent for cultivators/farmers get work for only half the year
36
(Gill, 2001). This indicates a very high level of sheds/ factories, hospitals, schools, etc. Thus,
underemployment for cultivators. The situation is there is little possibility of more area being brought
not much better for casual labour engaged in under cultivation. The forest cover is abnormally
agriculture, particularly in the districts away from thin at only 5.56 percent. For a healthy environment,
the Amritsar-Delhi railway line and in villages which at least 15 percent of the total area is required to
are distant from the major towns in the state. be under forests. Ninety-five percent of the net
sown area is irrigated and the state’s cropping
There is a need to increase the labour participation intensity stands at a very high 185 percent.
rate particularly amongst women, to make proper
use of human resources in Punjab. This requires Wheat and paddy rotation, which accounts for
an expansion of economic activities and job more than 70 percent of the gross cropped area,
creation and also demands an improvement in the dominates the cropping pattern. This cropping
quality of jobs. Experience over the past decade pattern has increased the demand for water for
shows that private sector jobs shrink when public irrigation purposes to a level that simply cannot
sector employment diminishes and vice versa. The be met in the years to come. The total demand for
situation demands that the government shoulder irrigation water in the state is estimated at 4.38
the role of a major job creator, particularly in million-hectare metres with the existing technology
infrastructure development and social sectors like and cropping pattern. But the total supply from
health and education. At the same time, it must both surface and annual recharge of ground water
create conditions for the private sector to is only 3.13 million-hectare metres. The annual
undertake agro-processing and related activities. deficit turns out to be 1.25 million-hectare metres
The government must also ensure minimum labour (Sondhi and Khepar, 1995). The deficit is met from
standards in the private sector to improve the over-exploitation of ground water resources
quality of jobs. through tubewells. As a result, the water table has
been falling fast. In the central plains, the ground
Agriculture Development and its water table declined in the range of 0.7 metres to
Sustainability 1.7 metres during 1974-84 but it declined between
Agriculture and dairy are the major sources of 1.5 metres to 5.1 meters during 1984-94 (Sidhu and
livelihood in Punjab. In 1991, agriculture and dairy Johl, 2001). Most of the area in the central plains
employed 55.26 percent of the workforce and is labelled as ‘dark area’ from the point of view of
contributed to 47.63 percent of NSDP. Today, ground water. There is the possibility that shallow
certain basic questions are being raised regarding tubewells will be rendered useless and instead
the sustainability of agricultural development. there will be a requirement of massive investment
on deep tubewells.
Over-exploitation of Resources
First, it is argued that the physical resources and In the southern districts, where ground water is not
environment have been over-exploited and further fit for irrigation, intensive use of canal irrigation has
exploitation would not only be economically led to a decline in the water table. This had made
expensive but also ecologically hazardous. Punjab the land prone to waterlogging. The rise in the level
has a geographical area of 50,36,000 hectares. The of rainfall leads to flooding in these areas. Besides,
area under cultivation is 42,37,000 hectares, which these districts are traditionally cotton-growing areas,
constitutes 84.13 percent of the total area. Another but are now shifting to irrigation- intensive paddy
8.06 percent area is under non-agricultural use cultivation and thus putting further pressure on water
such as for houses, roads, railway lines, industrial resources. In addition to scarcity of irrigation water,
37
the quality of water has also become poor. Industrial deficit states have increased foodgrain production
and sewerage waste of cities is thrown into rivers, and some find it cheaper to import from other
nullahs and drains, untreated. This is leading to countries. In the present circumstances, there are
pollution of surface and ground water resources. no takers for Punjab’s wheat and paddy.
Intensive use of chemicals and poisons (insecticides
and pesticides), along with untreated industrial Non-sustainable Pattern of Cultivation
water (heavy metals), has polluted the water in Third, the present pattern of organisation of
certain areas to such an extent that it is unfit for cultivation has also become unsustainable for a
human and animal consumption. large number of cultivators in the state. Since the
production process is highly mechanised, bullock
The over exploitation of land through intensive use cultivation has been replaced by tractor cultivation.
of chemical fertilisers, keeping land under The harvesting of crops, and irrigation (tubewells)
cultivation during most of the year and returning are also mechanised. Moreover, a massive amount
little biomass to it (instead burning paddy and of working capital is required to carry on daily
wheat straw) have reduced fertility and led to the operations along with the stock of machinery. It is
quality of land becoming very poor. Organic carbon extremely difficult for the marginal and small (poor)
in the soil is making it deficient in nitrogen (N). cultivators to access this capital. Thus small and
Phosphorous (P) content has also been depleted marginal farms have become non-viable. A study
due to wheat-paddy rotation. The fall in micro- by the Punjab Agriculture University shows that the
nutrients in the soil is reducing productivity, leading economic condition of farmers owning 2 hectares
to rising cost of production. The shift to high of land (small) is unsatisfactory and the economic
yielding varieties (generally mono varieties) has condition of farmers owning less than 1 hectare
made crops more prone to pests and diseases. (marginal) is worse and cannot be improved with
This has further led to greater use of chemicals to the existing technology and cropping system.
control weeds and pests. Massive use of chemical Thus, a large proportion (35.43 percent in 1995-
poisons has killed many friendly pests, birds and 96) of the cultivators are facing ruin and a crisis of
worms, leading to further ecological deterioration. existence. Since work outside agriculture is not
From an environmental point of view (water available to such cultivators and many of them
scarcity, soil depletion, depletion of flora and fauna) know no other type of work, a large number of
the present cropping pattern simply cannot be such cultivators are trapped in agriculture and
sustained. doomed to a miserable life.
Non-sustainability of Agriculture To sum up, Punjab’s agriculture with its present

Second, the development of Punjab’s agriculture level of technology and cropping pattern is
is not sustainable. This development had centred ecologically unsustainable. The present level of
around wheat and paddy crops with a view to foodgrain production is unwarranted. The pattern
supplying foodgrains to other states. This worked of cultivation based on individual resources of the
very well till the mid-1990s, but now large stocks cultivator is simply non-viable for a large number
of foodgrains (nearly 60 million tonnes) have been of cultivators.
built up and their proper use and distribution have
become a serious problem. India is unable to sell Crisis of Agriculture
in the international market due to the depressed Scholars and analysts in Punjab have been
price of foodgrains and also due to the poor quality concerned about the crisis of Punjab’s agriculture
of stocked foodgrains. Within the country, several for the decade and a half. The Government of
38
Figure 3.1 (a): Per Hectare Yield of Wheat in Punjab Figure 3.1 (b): Per Hectare Yield of Rice in Punjab
(in kg) (in kg)
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab (various issues) Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab (various issues)
Punjab appointed an expert committee in 1985 The cotton crop in the state has shown signs of
headed by S.S. Johl, which submitted its report decline in the level of per hectare yield particularly in
on diversification of agriculture in May 1986. The the 1990s (Figure 3.2). Though there have been wide
committee was concerned about stagnating fluctuations in the per hectare yield of both American
productivity levels, as well as the deteriorating as well as desi cotton, overall, yields declined in
environment due to a cropping pattern dominated the 1990s. Since wheat, rice and cotton account
by wheat-paddy rotation (Government of Punjab, for nearly 80 percent of the gross cropped area,
1986). The findings of the committee have come the declining or stagnating yield of these crops has
into sharper focus in the 1990s. naturally affected all the cultivators in the state.
The data presented in Figures 3.1 (a) and 3.1 (b) Contrary to the yield trend, the cost of cultivation
indicate that per hectare yield of wheat and rice has continuously risen. This is due to a rise in prices
rose in 1981-82 over 1971-72 (three years moving of inputs, and an increased requirement for inputs
average) respectively by 26.05 percent and 73.64 due to deterioration in the quality of soil and
percent. The per hectare yield of these crops rose
in 1991-92 over 1981-82 respectively by 30.25
percent and 11.78 percent. The yield further Figure 3.2: Per Hectare Yield of Cotton in Punjab
increased in 1997-98 over 1991-92 in case of wheat (in kg)
by 10 percent and rice by 3.22 percent. In fact, the
per hectare yield of wheat fluctuated between
3,853 kg and 4,332 kg between 1993-94 and
1998-99 and in case of rice between 3,132 kg and
3,507 kg.
This indicates that with existing levels of technology

the per hectare yield of wheat and paddy have
reached their peak and have stabilised around
4000 kg in case of wheat and around 3,350 kg in
case of rice.
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab (Various Issues)
39
Table 3.5: Decennial Rate of Growth of Per Hectare Returns at Cost A1, B2, and C2
(in percentage)
Year Wheat Paddy Wheat + Paddy

A1 B2 C2 A1 B2 C2 A1 B2 C2
1980s 3.93 2.76 3.55 1.90 -0.17 1.06 2.90 1.24 2.20
1990s 0.35 -6.48 -8.27 -2.83 -7.58 -11.38 -2.18 -1.03 -15.46
Source: R. S. Ghuman "World Trade Organisation and Indian Agriculture with Special Reference to Punjab:
Crisis and Challenges", Man and Development Vol. XXIII No. 2, June 2001.
Note: 1. Cost A1 includes all actual expenses in cash and kind incurred in production by owner.
2. Cost B2 includes A1+ interest on value of owned fixed capital (excluding land) + rental value of
owned land (net of land revenue) and rent paid on leased land.
3. Cost C2 includes B2 + imputed value of family labour.
degradation of the environment. The resultant fast To pull Punjab out of its agricultural crisis, high
increase in cost of production has led to a decline investment in research and development (R & D) is
in returns from agriculture. Decennial trends in required to ensure the introduction of new
growth rates of per hectare returns show that in technology, which could introduce new viable
the 1980s these growth rates were positive. But crops with a high level of productivity giving returns
during the 1990s the growth rates on returns were comparable to those of wheat and paddy. The
negative. This is shown in Table 3.5 alternative crops have to be such that they put
minimum strain on exhaustible resources such as
The negative growth rate in per hectare rate of return water and soil. At the same time, arrangement for
on wheat and paddy in the 1990s has led to a MSP, along with a system of procurement, should
reduction in the income of cultivators. Falling income be ensured. Simultaneously, there is need for
has added to the difficulties of poor cultivators who investment in agro-processing of the proposed
do not have enough cushion for adjustment. new crop. For this purpose, farmers need to be
supported materially as well as through human
Besides falling income and negative growth in the resource development and above all through the
rate of returns, the crisis of procurement has creation of an environment which removes the
shaken the vast majority of cultivators. In the wake uncertainties created by contemporary
of India becoming a founder member of the World liberalisation and globalisation.
Trade Organisation (WTO) and the internal policy
of liberalisation, the Union Government announced The state government is proposing to shift towards
in the budget of 2001-2002 that but for public value-added, water light crops such as fruit and
distribution requirements (PDS), procurement of vegetables, maize, oilseeds, pulses, sugarcane and
foodgrains would be transferred to the states. floriculture, and to revive allied occupations such
States like Punjab have neither the financial as dairy farming, poultry, piggery, mushroom
resources nor logistic arrangements to undertake cultivation, bee keeping and others by launching a
this function. programme called ‘Second Push in Punjab
Agriculture and Allied Sectors’. The programme
Problems related to the procurement systems of aims to create a voluntary shift in the cropping
crops and ensuring a minimum support price (MSP) pattern, introduce income/employment-generating,
still remain and farmers continue to suffer from productivity oriented programmes directly
uncertainty. benefiting the farmers of Punjab; and safeguard
40
the valuable and scarce resources of land, water (medium, large and extra large) increased from
and environment from further deterioration. 43.46 percent in 1970-71 to 64.57 percent in 1995-
96. The largest gain in number and proportion
Changing Pattern of Land Holdings occurred in large holdings. They gained by 9.97
Since agriculture is dependent on capital-intensive percentage points, followed by medium holdings
technology, it requires massive investment both with a gain of 8.87 percentage points and extra
in fixed as well as working capital. This has resulted large holdings with a gain of 2.28 percentage
in marginal and small holdings fast losing their points. Loss in the marginal holdings in number
viability. and proportion is the largest, followed by small
holdings. While marginal holdings have lost by
The data of operational holdings since 1970-71 18.98 percentage points, small holdings have lost
indicates that the number and proportion of small by 2.13 percentage points. In absolute terms the
and marginal holdings are decreasing. The number number of holdings in 1995-96 over 1990-91 was
of marginal holdings (with less than one hectare less by 20.53 percent (Table 3.6). This means one-
land) in 1970-71 was 5,17,568; this declined to fifth of the operational holdings have declined/
2,03,876 in 1995-96. Similarly, the number of small disappeared from the scene, with mainly marginal
holdings (with 1-2 hectares of land) declined from and small holdings accounting for this
2,60,083 in 1970-71 to 1,83,453 in 1995-96. disappearance.
Marginal and small holdings constituted 56.54 The situation in 1995-96 reversed compared to
percent of the total holdings in 1970-71 but 1970-71. In 1970-71 marginal and small holdings
declined to 35.43 percent in 1995-96. The number accounted for 56.54 percent of total holdings but
of medium, large and extra large holdings has in 1995-96, medium and large holdings accounted
increased respectively from 281103, 247755 and for 57.29 percent of total holdings. The longer term
68883 in 1970-71 to 320340, 305792 and 79612 in trend shows an increase in the number of medium
1995-96. The combined share of these holdings and large holdings, thereby contributing towards
Table 3.6: Distribution of Operational Land Holdings in Punjab, 1970-71, 1980-81, 1990-91
and 1995-96
(In numbers)
Size Class 1970-71 1980-81 1990-91 1995-96

(in hectares)
Marginal 517568 197323 296131 203876
(0-1) (37.63) (19.21) (26.50) (18.65)
Small 260083 199368 203842 183453
(1-2) (18.91) (19.41) (18.24) (16.78)
Medium 281103 287423 288788 320340
(2-4) (20.44) (27.99) (25.85) (29.31)
Large 247755 269072 261481 305792
(4-10) (18.02) (26.20) (23.40) (27.98)
Extra Large 68883 73941 67172 79612
(10 and above) (5.00) (7.19) (6.01) (7.28)
Total 1375392 1027127 1117414 1093073
(100.00) (100.00) (100.00) (100.00)
Source: Director of Agriculture, Agricultural Census of Punjab 1970-71, 1980-81, 1990-91 and 1995-96,
Government of Punjab, Chandigarh.
Note: Figures in parentheses are percentages.
41
disappearance of marginal holdings. The size of Rs. 4230 (Shergill, 1998). Within these classes of
marginal holdings makes them non-viable given the farmers, the level of indebtedness is much higher
present technology of production in Punjab. In the for some farmers. The most vulnerable among
absence of job opportunities in other sectors of them have four times the debt of the average
the economy, non-viability of the marginal, and to estimated by Shergill. Debt of farmers with up to
some extent, small holdings is a cause of worry. 2.5 acres of land is Rs. 40,965 per acre while it is
The cultivators with marginal land holdings are very Rs. 34,297 per acre for farmers with land of 2.5-5
poor, lack capital resources and have no other skill acres.
that can help them join the ranks of labour in rural
or urban areas. This leads to lowering of their The high debt burden on marginal and small
social status and loss of an assured source of cultivators has ruined many and they have had to
livelihood. The situation demands the launch of a either sell or mortgage their land. Economic
massive programme of human resource hardship, high incidence of debt burden and
development through education and training for harassment by bank officials and moneylenders
the marginal, small and poor cultivators. This has have triggered instances of suicides by many
to be accompanied by financial support for cultivators. This phenomenon started during the
setting up of enterprises in the chosen areas of second half of the 1980s and gathered momentum
training or their deployment in assured areas of during the 1990s (AFDR, 2000; Iyer and Manick,
employment. 2000). The number of suicides has now increased
to several hundred. Studies and newspaper
Indebtedness of Farmers reports on suicides have highlighted farmers’
The prosperity of the early years of the Green indebtedness and harassment by recovery staff
Revolution raised consumption standards in rural of the loan-giving agencies. These include
areas, particularly among cultivators. There was commercial and land mortgage banks and
also considerable withdrawal of family labour moneylenders (commission agents). The
from manual agricultural work among farmers. Government of Punjab has recognised this fact
When cost of production continued to increase and in the budget session (March 2001)
while productivity/ hectare stagnated in case of announced a programme of rehabilitation of the
major crops, the majority of cultivators found families in which members committed suicide due
themselves cash strapped. Additionally, family to economic distress and indebtedness. It was
budgets were upset when there was a crop failure stated that Rs. 2.5 lakh would be given as
or a sudden spurt in consumption expenditure compensation by the government to the suicide
due to social ceremonies such as marriage, birth victim’s family.
or death. This was reflected in a mounting debt
burden on families. Although this announcement has not been
concretised and details and procedures are yet to
It is estimated that the debt burden of farmers in be worked out, it is undoubtedly a step in the right
Punjab is to the extent of Rs 5,700 crores. In per direction. The announcement needs to be
acre terms the incidence of indebtedness is supplemented by a massive programme of
highest among small and marginal farmers. The regeneration of rural education with emphasis on
average per acre debt of these farmers is skill creation and re-organisation of the rural
Rs. 10,105. The per acre debt of farmers of land economy so that a large number of jobs are
holding in size group 5-10 acres was Rs. 7941, that created in allied agricultural activities on farms, and
or farmers with land holdings of 10-15 acres was in off-farm activities. At the same time the credit
42
market, particularly the non-formal market The trend in livestock numbers shows that they
operated by commission agents, needs to be are growing over time. Table 3.7 shows that the
regulated and poor cultivators need to be number stood at 89.96 lakh in 1977, which
protected from the demands of modern increased to 96.78 lakh in 1990 and 98.57 lakh in
moneylenders. 1997. In the livestock population, the number of
cows (both male and female) has registered a
Livestock, Animal Husbandry and Dairy decline from 33.12 lakh in 1977 to 26.39 lakh in 1997.
In the primary sector, after agriculture, livestock is The population of buffaloes (both male and female)
the second largest contributor to the state increased from 41.10 lakh in 1977 to 61.71 lakh in
domestic product. The share of livestock stood 1997: an increase of 50.14 percent.
at 7.09 percent in NSDP in 1960-61 but increased
to 15.27 percent in 1997-98. Its share increased The population of other animals, mainly of sheep
steadily between 1960-61 and 1980-81 from 7.09 and goats, has been declining all through the last
percent to 14.44 percent. The share of this sub- two and a half decades. There was a sizeable
sector recorded a very slow improvement increase in poultry birds between 1977 and 1990,
between 1980-81 and 1990-91—less than one but subsequently there has been a decline in their
percentage point—and virtually stagnated numbers. This may be due to the militant ‘diktat’
between 1990-91 and 2000-01 (Table 3.3). This against meat eating and threat to close down meat
indicates that during the earlier years, the rate of shops during the early 1990s.
growth of livestock, as well as income of this
sector, was growing at a rate much higher than If we go by animal population, the loss of the cow
the rate of growth of NSDP. But in the recent and other animal population is more than
decade (1990s), the growth rate of income compensated for by an increase in the buffalo
from livestock is matched by the rate of growth population resulting in a net gain in the total animal
of NSDP, which has also slowed down. population in 1997 over 1990 and 1977. Since there
Thus, the overall slowdown is also reflected in is a decline in the use of animal power in agriculture
this sector. as also in transport activities, (replaced by
Dairy farming in Punjab
43
Table 3.7: Livestock Population in Punjab – 1977, 1990 and 1997 (in lakhs)
Year Cows Buffaloes Others Total Poultry Birds
(males & females) (males & females)
1977 33.12 41.10 15.74 89.96 55.39
1990 28.32 55.78 12.68 96.78 152.76
1997 26.39 61.71 10.48 98.57 114.57
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab 2002.
machine power) income generation in this sector increased in a sustained manner, buffaloes and
is now based mainly on milk. Desi cows will have to be replaced by cross-breed
cows of a good variety (Kahlon, 2001).
The population of cows and buffaloes (88.10 lakh)
constitute 89.37 percent of the total animal At present, the dairy sector in Punjab functions as
population in Punjab in 1997. In this population, a subsidiary activity of agriculture. Most farmers
32.86 lakh (37.30 percent) were milch animals, the and agricultural labourers rear one or two milch
remaining being male animals, dry females and animals and sell their surplus milk to supplement
others. Among milch animals, 6 percent consisted their income. Milch animals are not reared on a
of Desi cows, 19-21 percent cross-breed cows commercial basis and many animal owners have
and 74.79 percent buffaloes (Figure 3.3). Thus, no specialised knowledge of rearing milch animals
more than 80 percent of milch animals are of a commercially. Punjab dairying must be transformed
traditional variety. If the production of milk is to be from subsistence to commercial dairying by
providing small and marginal farmers the
necessary financial support, technical training and
Figure 3.3: Composition of Milch Animals in quality infrastructure in veterinary services (Kahlon,
Punjab – 1997 2001). This needs to be supplemented by improved
marketing services and by taking steps to remove
various malpractices in adulteration of milk and milk
products.
Agricultural Labour
Agricultural labour is the second largest category
of total workers in the state. The share of this
category, as well as its absolute number, has
increased consistently since 1971. The number of
agricultural labourers increased from 7,86,705 in
1971 to 14,52,228 in 1991. The share of agricultural
Table 3.8: Composition of Milch Animals in labourers in the total workforce of the state
Punjab – 1997 increased from 20.10 percent in 1971 to 23.81
Type of Animal Number percent in 1991 (Table 3.9). Males dominate this
Desi cows 1,97,300 category of workers. The highest proportion of
Cross-breed cows 6,31,100 females, recorded in 1991, was 4.43 percent of
Buffaloes 24,57,400
Total 32,85,800 the total agricultural labourer.
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab 2000.
44
Table 3.9: Agricultural Labour in the Total Workforce of Punjab, 1971, 1981 and 1991
Number of Agricultural Labourers Total Workforce Agricultural Labour
as percentage of
total workers
Year Male Female Total
1971 7,78,613 8,092 7,86,705 39,12,592 20.10
1981 10,47,175 45,050 10,92,225 49,27,759 22.16
1991 13,88,159 64,669 14,52,228 60,98,374 23.81
Source: Census of India, 1971,1981 and 1991
Information from Census of 20011 says that the economic activities increases the demand for
number of agriculture labourers in the state is 16.4 labour, which is often met through migrant labour
percent of all workers in the state. This is not strictly from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. The actual days of
comparable to the data table from the earlier employment for local labour in agriculture,
census, as the earlier census data includes only main therefore, have been further reduced. Agricultural
workers while the 2001 Census data pertains to labourers living near cities try to find work in the
both main and marginal workers. Amongst main urban informal sector in the lean periods, but those
and marginal workers, women agriculture labourers living far away from cities have to make do with a
constitute 25.3 percent in 2001. reduction in the days of employment.
Agricultural labourers can be classified into two Most agricultural labourers are not unionised. In
categories on the basis of nature of employment: those areas where they were unionised, their
casual labourers and attached labourers. In 1975- organisations have shrunk or become dormant.
76, attached labourers constituted 38.27 percent This is partly due to a large inflow of migrant labour
of the total labour force, while the share of casual and partly due to the threat to labour organisations
labourers was 61.73 percent. (Sidhu, 1991). Over a from the terrorist movement which was hostile to
period of time, the category of attached labourers them (Gill, S.S., 1996).
(commonly referred to as siris, they worked on
contractual terms) disappeared. Now, relatively well Unorganised and mostly illiterate, agricultural
off cultivators employ labourers on a contract basis labourers are not in a position to obtain their due
for six months to a year. Though precise information share of agricultural prosperity. When migrant
is not available, it is estimated that these contractual labour did not have a strong presence in the state,
labourers constitute approximately 30 percent of the per capita earning of agricultural labour was
the agricultural labourers. 43.67 percent of per capital overall income in the
state and 58.23 percent of the per capita income
Agricultural labourers do not own land or other in rural areas. At present, they are suffering
means of livelihood and depend on wage labour because of the death of the unions and because
for survival. They belong to the lowest income of the withdrawal of the state from enforcement
strata in rural society. Agricultural activity being of minimum wages. In the post-reform period, the
seasonal in nature, a large number of agricultural real wages of casual agricultural labour declined
labourers are forced to seek work outside by 3.69 percent between 1991 and 1996 (Gill and
agriculture in the lean season. A sudden spurt in J.S. Brar 2001).
1 Census of India, Paper III 2001, Registrar General of India, New Delhi.
45
Table 3.10: Distribution of Main Workers in Punjab (in Percentage)
Sectors 1971 1981 1991
Cultivators 42.56 35.86 31.44
Agricultural Labourers 20.11 22.16 23.82
Livestock, Forestry etc. 0.95 1.00 0.81
Mining and quarrying 0.01 0.02 0.01
Manufacturing:
a. In household industry 3.17 2.58 1.33
b. Other than household industry 8.13 10.58 10.95
Construction 1.98 2.04 2.56
Trade and Commerce 8.22 9.47 10.55
Transport storage and communications 2.80 3.73 3.83
Other Services 12.07 12.54 14.70
Total 100 100 100
Source: Census of Punjab, 1971, 1981 and 1991.
Agricultural labourers belong to the lowest The share of non-workers in the total population
economic as well as social strata. Most are of the state was 69.12 percent during 19912. Table
Scheduled Castes or backward castes. There is 3.10 provides the distribution of main workers into
an urgent need to devise special programmes for nine broad industrial categories during 1971, 1981
their economic upliftment and upward mobility. and 1991.3 The share of cultivators among the main
Besides, they need to get organised so that they workers declined considerably from 42.56 percent
can participate in their own improvement through in 1971 to 31.44 percent in 1991. However, the
consultation and are able to implement decisions. share of agricultural labourers increased marginally
There is a need to empower agricultural labour from 20.11 percent in 1971 to 23.82 percent in 1991.
through its unionisation, and back it by The share of main workers in the manufacturing
implementation of statutory provisions for its sector increased from 11.3 percent in 1971 to
improvement. 12.28 percent in 1991. Within the manufacturing
sector, the share of the non-household sector
Non-Farm Sector increased over time. Similarly, the share of main
The role of the non-farm sector in the workers in construction, trade and commerce,
transformation of a developing economy is crucial. transport, storage and communication, and other
To understand the size and nature of the non-farm services recorded some increase. The combined
sector, first of all, it is necessary to examine the share of all these activities increased from 25.07
interaction between population and economy. The percent in 1971 to 31.64 percent in 1991. The share
share of the main workers in the total population of main workers in livestock, forestry, fishing,
of the state increased from 28.81 percent in 1971, hunting and plantations, orchards and allied
to 29.35 percent in 1981, and to 30.07 percent in activities declined from 0.95 percent in 1971 to 0.81
1991. A person is being described as a main worker percent in 1991. Thus the share of main workers in
if he/ she participates in any economically non-farm activities increased from 36.37 percent
productive activity and remains in work during the in 1971 to 43.92 percent in 1991. The significance
major part of the year. of the non-farm sector in the Punjab economy can
2 Primary Census Abstract, Punjab Tables, Census of 1991, Registrar General of India, New Delhi
3Data pertaining to main workers in different industrial categories from the Census of 2001 was not available at the time of
publication of this report.
46
be further ascertained by examining the various agricultural establishments operating increased
aspects of non-agricultural activities. This analysis from 1,31,584 in 1980, to 1,86,537 in 1990 and to
has been carried out with the help of the data 2,28,184 in 1998. The number of establishments
gathered from various Economic Census of the operating increased by 41.76 percent in 1990 over
state. 1980, and by 22.33 percent during 1998 over 1990.
Thus the growth in the number of non-agricultural
In Punjab, the total number of non-agricultural establishments operating slowed down during
enterprises was 7,01,267 in 1998. Out of these, the 1990s.
the number of establishments was 2,28,184 and
own account enterprises4 was 4,73,083. Further, The analysis of data further reveals that out of these
as many as 20,64,823 persons were usually enterprises the number of seasonally operating
working in such enterprises. Among these ones was 6,065, those without premises was 5,151,
persons, the number of hired workers was with power fuel 72,205, co-operatives 3,656 and
11,89,150. Thus, an average of 2.94 persons were public 39,844, during the year 1998. Out of the total
usually found to be working for every non- establishments, 12,765 (5.59 percent) were owned
agriculture enterprise. Out of these the number of by Scheduled Castes. In these establishments
hired workers per enterprise was 1.70 and that of 13,94,872 persons were usually found to be
non-hired workers was 1.24 persons (Statistical working in 1998. Out of these persons, 11,89,150
Abstract of Punjab, 2000, P.779). The various were hired workers. The share of the rural areas in
features of 'non-agricultural establishments' and non-agricultural establishments operating in the
'non-agricultural own account enterprises' have state was 36.37 percent in 1980, which increased
been discussed in detail by using Table 3.11 and to 37.60 percent in 1998. This implies that the rural
Table 13 (Statistical Tables) respectively. A perusal areas had 47,370 establishments in 1980, 65,287 in
of Table 3.11 establishes that the number of non- 1990 and 86,790 in 1998. The number of persons
Table 3.11: Number of Non-Agricultural Establishments and

Persons usually Working
Item Year
1980 1990 1998
A. Total Establishment Operating 131584 186537 228184
Seasonally 3284 5640 6065
Without premises 1913 2223 5151
With power/fuel 37739 58434 72205
Co-operative 4662 5839 3656
Public 41512 35334 39844
Social Group of owner:
(i) Scheduled Tribes — — —
(ii) Scheduled Castes 3866 8786 12765
B. Persons usually Working:
(i) Total 873082 1215353 1394872
(ii) Hired workers 758808 1062062 1189150
C. Share of Rural Area in Percentage:
(i) Number of establishment 36.37 34.59 37.60
(ii) Total number of persons usually working 28.58 27.85 31.87
(iii) Number of hired workers 26.06 25.69 33.81
Source: Economic Census 1980,1990 and 1998.
4 An own account enterprise is one having no hired worker; it is carried out solely by the family members.
47
working in these establishments was 2,53,193 in quantities larger than the rest of the country. The
1980, 3,40,298 in 1990 and 4,46,359 in 1998. This agricultural produce of the state has been
implies that, on an average, each establishment exchanged with the manufactured products of the
generated employment for five persons. rest of the economy. The exchange of primary
Furthermore, the number of hired workers was sector output with secondary sector output raises
33.81 percent out of the total persons usually the question of terms of trade.
working in 1998. Thus, 1,51,762 persons worked in
such establishments on a hired basis in 1998. Financial transfers between the state and the
Hence, per establishment the average employment Centre become very important in a federal polity.
was 1.74 persons on a hired basis and 3.26 persons The flow of resources from the Centre to the state
on non-hired basis during 1998. takes the form of: (a) share of the state in central
taxes and duties (b) plan and non-plan grants (c)
To further understand the nature of non-agricultural plan and non-plan loans. There is a return flow from
enterprises, the distribution of own account the state to the Centre as interest payments and
enterprises into major economic activity groups repayments of accumulated loans from the Centre.
has been given in Table 13 (Statistical Tables). The Apart from terms of trade and statutory and non-
table provides information for twelve categories statutory transfer between the Centre and the
of major activity groups. In 1998, there were as state, the transfer of financial resources by the
many as 4,73,083 non-agricultural own account scheduled commercial banks are of crucial
enterprises operating in the state. Out of these, importance. Savings collected by banks in a region
2,05,943 (i.e. 43.53 percent) were in rural areas and and the advances made by those banks in that
2,67,140 (i.e. 56.47 percent) in urban areas. These region determine the extent of resources
enterprises were dominated by three types of transferred.
activities, i.e., manufacturing, retail trade and
‘community, social and personal services', The finances of the state government reveal
constituting 13.89 percent, 47.35 percent and 27.23 serious imbalances. The gross fiscal deficit of
percent respectively of enterprises at the state Punjab increased from Rs1,242.2 crore in 1990-91
level. The combined share of these three activities to Rs 3,674.2 crore in 2000-2001 (B.E.). A
stood at 88.47 percent in 1998. Thus, the non- substantial part of this deficit was to be financed
farm sector in the state economy experienced by loans from the Centre. The gross devolution of
growth in terms of an increase in the proportion resources from the Centre to the state was
of main workers, number of non-agricultural budgeted to the order of Rs. 4,682.2 crore during
establishments, own account enterprises as well 2000-01. By contrast devolution from Centre to
as an increase in the number of persons usually state was Rs. 1,620.5 crore during 1990-91. Gross
working both in the rural and urban areas. loans from the Centre to the state have increased
from Rs. 1,191.2 crore in 1990-91 to Rs. 3103.5
Inter-Sectoral Relationships crore during 2000-01 (B.E.). The outstanding
The flow of resources among different regions of liabilities of the state, at the end of March 2001,
an economy takes the form of commodity and stood at Rs. 28,307 crore. Out of these, the loans
financial flows. The Punjab economy, being a and advances from the central government stood
typical case of advanced agrarian capitalism at Rs. 16,357 crores (i.e. 57.78 percent) (Economic
supplies agricultural products, particularly wheat and Political Weekly, 2001: 1901-28). Thus, central
and paddy to the rest of the country. The state transfers play a critical role in a state’s fiscal
uses agrarian, mechanical and chemical inputs in management.
48
Table 14 (Statistical Tables) demonstrates the funds from Punjab and investing in states with a
transfer of resources from the Centre to the state high ratio. The adverse ‘advance-deposit ratio’
over the period 1990-91 to 2000-2001. The table indicated the creation of assets in other parts of
demonstrates the resource transfer at three levels: the country. The Reserve Bank of India (RBI)
share in central taxes, grants from the Centre, and prescribed an ‘advance- deposit ratio’ norm of 55
net loans from the Centre. The amount of central percent. If this norm had been upheld during the
taxes that accrued to the state increased from period of five years (i.e. 1994-95 to 1998-99) the
Rs. 248.2 crore in 1990-91 to Rs. 671.1 crore in state would have gained to the extent of Rs 21,900
2000-2001. Similarly, grants increased from crore in the form of additional investment by the
Rs. 181.1 crores to Rs. 907.6 crore and net loans banks.
from Rs. 745.2 crore to Rs. 1719.8 crore during
the corresponding years. Thus, the total transfer Industrial Development, Structure of
from the Centre to state increased from Rs. 1,174.5 Industries and Employment
crore in 1990-91 to Rs. 3,298.5 crore in 2000-01. It The industrial sector is considered to be the most
is to be noted that from this total transfer the dynamic and vital sector of a growing economy.
amount of interest payment made by the state to This sector rapidly adopts modern technology,
the Centre has not been excluded. The actual provides a strong base for new employment and
transfers are of much smaller amounts. Thus, investment opportunities and absorbs the surplus
column 5 of Table 14 (Statistical Tables) has been workforce of the traditional sectors. The existence
introduced, which shows the amount of net of a large modern industrial sector, therefore,
transfer from the Centre to Punjab. The net ensures the expansion and growth of the
budgeted transfer from the Centre to the state economy, and is treated as a symbol of a modern
stands at Rs. 1,451.77 crore during 2000-01. The economy.
total net transfer from the Centre to Punjab was
to the order of Rs. 3770.30 crore during 1994-95
to 1998-99.
Table 15 (Statistical Tables) depicts the ‘advance-

deposit ratio’ of public sector banks for nine
selected states over the period 1971 to 1999. In
the case of Punjab, the average ‘advance-deposit
ratio’ was 39.76 percent during the decade 1971-
80 and 43.96 percent during the decade 1981-90.
Such ratios in the case of the rest of the states
were substantially higher than that of Punjab. The
all India average was 70.82 percent and 64.16
percent during the respective decades. Thus, the Industrial growth in Punjab
state experienced adverse ‘advance-deposit
ratios’ for two decades continuously (1970 to At the time of Independence, Punjab was relatively
1990); the situation remained the same during the industrially backward (Singh, L., 1992). Punjab's
third decade from 1991 to 1999, for which yearly Partition in 1947 and reorganisation of the state in
behaviour of such ratios have been demonstrated. 1966 further weakened Punjab’s industries. (Pandit,
The low ‘advance-deposit ratio’ observed in the 1985, Raikhy and Mehra, 2000). After
state indicates that the banks have been collecting Independence, India embarked upon an ambitious
49
programme of planned industrial development.
Under this strategy, massive public investment was
made in the industrial sector. However, the
industrial sector of Punjab was virtually by-passed
as far as public investment was concerned and
nor did the private corporate sector come forward
(Banerjee and Ghosh, 1985). In the process, Punjab
remained deficient in large-scale industrial units and
its industrial structure is constituted mainly by
small-scale and medium-sized industries.
Industrial Development Industrial work in progress

The industrial sector of Punjab has grown at a
faster rate since 1966; showing an 8.64 percent shown a differential performance (Table 3.13). An
per annum growth rate in value of output at 1980- analysis reveals that in terms of output growth,
81 prices during the period 1966-67 to 1998-99 there are eight two-digit industry groups, which
(Table 3.12). This seems to be an impressive growth recorded more than a 10 percent growth rate
rate. Further, growth rate in the manufacturing between 1979-80 to 1996-97. Six industry groups
sector remained much higher than the agricultural recorded an output growth between 5 percent and
sector growth rate during the same period. Since 10 percent per annum each. Even capital stock was
the average rate of growth for such a long period growing at the rate of 10 percent or more for all
can conceal many facts related to a short period, industry except three groups, namely, (i) rubber,
the whole period (1966 to 1998-99) is divided into plastic, petroleum and coal products; (ii) basic
three sub-periods. The growth rate for the first sub- metals and alloys; and (iii) machinery, excluding
period 1966-67 to 1979-80 was 8.22 percent. electrical machinery. However, employment growth
Thereafter, the growth rate in the output from the was substantially lower as compared to output
manufacturing sector speeded up to 9.12 percent growth and capital stock growth rates across
during 1980-81 to 1990-91. Since then, industrial industries. Only textile products, leather, chemicals,
growth rate has decelerated to 8.49 per annum electrical and transport equipment industry groups,
between 1991-92 and 1998-99. had employment growth rates of 5 percent or
more. The food products and cotton textiles
Growth rate trends in the organised manufacturing industry groups had a very modest growth rate in
sector of Punjab, at disaggregated level, have employment. Both the basic metal and alloys and
Table 3.12: Trend of Growth Rates in Output of Manufacturing and Agricultural

Sectors of Punjab
Period Trend of growth rate per annum (percent)
Industry Agriculture (a) Agriculture (b) Livestock
and livestock
1966-67 to 1998-99 8.64 4.29 3.68 5.68
1966-67 to 1979-80 8.22 3.79 3.18 6.10
1980-81 to 1990-91 9.12 5.15 4.87 5.70
1991-92 to 1998-99 8.49 2.16 0.37 5.10
Source: Lakhwinder Singh and Sukhpal Singh, 2001
50
Table 3.13: Trend of Growth Rate of Factory Sector Industries in Punjab 1979-80 to 1996-97
(at 1981-82 prices)
(In percent)
Industry Name of Industry Group Fixed Capital Employment Output

Code
20-21 Food products 11.41 3.29 6.69
22 Beverages, tobacco and tobacco products 13.19 4.83 11.05
23 Cotton textiles 10.56 2.14 9.00
24 Wool, silk and synthetic fibre textiles 15.23 2.48 10.06
26 Textile products (including wearing apparel) 17.02 9.00 7.11
27 Wood and wood products 13.11 -2.73 -0.70
28 Paper and paper products and printing, publishing 15.51 6.41 17.71
and allied industries
29 Leather and leather products 12.61 8.20 4.47
30 Rubber, plastic, petroleum and coal products 0.28 2.86 9.83
31 Chemicals and chemical products 16.26 8.85 13.88
32 Non-metallic mineral products 17.47 2.01 13.57
33 Basic metal and alloys 8.88 0.04 8.85
34 Metal products and parts except machinery and 11.83 2.79 8.08
transport equipment
35 Machinery except electrical machinery 6.24 0.15 5.87
36 Electrical machine apparatus, appliances and parts 21.38 6.66 17.60
37 Transport equipment and parts 15.57 6.45 11.10
38 Other industries 5.13 1.81 11.89
Source: Estimated from the Annual Survey of Industries (various issues), Central Statistical Organisation, Government of India,
New Delhi.
machinery sectors, excluding electrical machinery,

have shown very low growth rates in employment.
Thus, the employment elasticity of output is low
and it differs across industry groups in Punjab.
Due to fast growth in these industries, the share

of the manufacturing sector in the NSDP has
improved substantially. Its share rose consistently
from 8.00 percent in 1970-71 to 15.37 percent in
1990-91, and thereafter decreased by 2.15
percentage points to 13.22 percent in 1998-99
(Table 3.14). On the other hand, the share of the
manufacturing sector in India as a whole is quite
high as compared to the corresponding share in
Punjab. Further, India's manufacturing sector has
produced more than two-thirds of the output of
the secondary sector, during all these years, which
is more than that of Punjab.
A mention here of various government initiatives to

give Punjab’s industrial growth a further fillip is both Industrial work in progress
51
Table 3.14: Selected Indicators of Industrial Progress in Punjab (in percent)
Year Punjab India
Secondary Manufacturing Manufacturing Secondary Manufacturing Manufacturing
sector in sector in sector in sector in sector in sector in
NSDP NSDP secondary sector NSDP NSDP secondary sector
1970-71 15.31 8.00 52.26 19.79 14.19 71.70
1980-81 18.47 11.01 59.58 23.00 16.95 73.67
1990-91 22.28 15.37 68.96 25.51 18.14 71.08
1998-99 21.11 13.22 62.60 26.72* 18.57* 69.49*
*Year 1996-97
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab, Various issues
Statistical Abstract of India, Various Issues.
appropriate and necessary. Twenty-six Industrial Telecommunication, infrastructure has been

Focal Points in an area of 6,217 acres have been established for the growth of the I.T. industry. The
developed in the state so far, and 9633 industrial government has also launched the Venture Capital
plots have been given to the entrepreneurs. In the Fund for providing financial assistance to I.T. units.
next five years 23 more Industrial Focal Points will Other areas in which the government is attempting
be developed. With a view to taking industry to the to boost industrial growth are the setting up of a
rural areas, especially small-scale industries and Regional Cleaner Production Centre, to improve
creating jobs in villages 594 Rural Focal Points have efficiency in industrial production and protect the
been decided on. Keeping in mind the potential in environment; and, setting up of an Export
information technology (IT), the state government Promotion Industrial Park in Dhandari Kalan.
has also created a Special Package of Incentives
under the I.T. Policy for software and I.T. units to be Industrial Labour
set up in Punjab. Census data is helpful on employment in the
industrial sector. The data shows that industrial
In this direction, the government has set up an workers, in absolute numbers, had grown from
Earth Station at Mohali and with the laying of fibre 4,42,070 in 1971 to 6,48,592 workers in 1981 and to
optics in the state by the Department of 7,49,136 workers in 1991. The distribution of the
Table 3.15: Industrial Workforce in Punjab – 1971,1981 and 1991 Census

Industrial workforce working in
Year Household Non-Household Total (unit) As percentage
Industry (unit) Industry (unit) of total population
1971 1,24,102 3,17,968 4,42,070 3.26
[28.07] [71.93] [100]
(3.17) (8.13) (11.30)
1981 1,27,186 5,21,406 6,48,592 3.86
[19.60] [81.40] [100]
(2.58) (10.58) (13.16)
1991 81,084 6,68,052 7,49,136 3.69
[10.82] [89.18] [100]
(1.32) (10.95) (12.28)
Source: Census of Punjab, 1971,1981 and 1991.
Note: 1. Figures in index brackets are percentages, 2. Figures in brackets are percentage share of
total workforce.
52
workforce in the manufacturing sectors of Punjab was an increase in the share of large-size factories.
by household and non-household enterprise shows Interestingly, in 1999, there was no factory in Punjab
some interesting results (Table 3.15). First, the share that employed more than 5,000 workers.
of workforce employed in the manufacturing sector
increased from 11.30 percent in 1971 to 12.28 Industrial Structure
percent in 1991. Second, within the manufacturing Punjab’s industrial structure is dominated by small
sector, the household sector employed 28.07 scale and unregistered tiny units. Unregistered
percent of the workforce in 1971. Its relative share units constituted 50.67 percent of the
dwindled to 19.60 percent in 1981 and 10.82 percent manufacturing sector output in Punjab in 1970-71
in 1991. This means that the household sector is (Table 17–Statistical Tables). Corresponding
employing far lesser numbers than it used to. Third, percentages in Maharashtra and Gujarat were
the workforce engaged in non-household 22.25 percent and 24.24 percent respectively
enterprises as a percentage of the total workforce (Raikhy and Mehra, 2000). The share of the
of the state, increased from 8.13 percent in 1971 to unregistered sector in Punjab declined to 42.81
10.58 percent in 1981 and 10.95 percent in 1991. percent in 1990-91 and 36.63 percent in 1998-99.
Lastly, the census data clearly reveals a marked rise The fact that the registered sector has gained
in the number of non-household enterprises on the importance is evident from its increasing share in
one hand and a declining importance of the the income generated in the manufacturing sector
household sector on the other. This fact shows that and the growing number of registered working
economic development has a destructive effect on factories in Punjab. As shown in Table 18 (Statistical
the household industry in Punjab. The workforce Tables), registered working factories increased
displaced by a disintegrating household sector was from 4,553 in 1971 to 11,705 in 1991 and 13,382 in
absorbed partly in the agricultural and partly in the 1999. Thus, during a period of 28 years the number
modern factory sector, mainly in the form of of working factories has tripled. The workforce
unskilled labour (Singh and Bhangoo, 1988). employed in these working factories has grown
3.77 times during the same period, which is higher
A classification of the registered factory sector, than the growth in number of factories. The simple
according to the size of workers employed, shows growth rate in the number of working factories was
that the percentage share of workers in small also lower during all sub-periods than the growth
factories declined considerably during the period rate in employment. It needs to be noted here that
1971-1999. Table 16 (Statistical Tables) reveals that the average number of workers per factory was
the share of employment in factories employing only 26 in 1971, and it increased to 33 in 1991 and
less than 50 workers was 41.51 percent in 1971. It 34 in 1999. This shows that, contrary to the all-
declined to 32.48 percent in 1981 and 20.93 percent India experience, small-sized factories exist in
in 1999. The relative share of the largest size-group Punjab (Patil, 1987).
(1,000-5,000) consistently increased from 13.88
percent in 1971 to 33.94 percent in 1999. The two Dominance of small-scale industries is evident from
other large size-groups i.e. 100-500 and 500-1,000 the composition of the number of industrial units
recorded a 28.67 percent share in 1971 and their and workers employed in the sector (Table 19 –
share increased to 31.08 percent in 1999. Statistical Tables). The share of the small-scale
Obviously, the registered manufacturing sector has sector in total employment was 67.85 percent in
undergone an important change. The relative 1974-75 and increased to 79.14 percent in 1998-99.
importance of small-size factories in total In terms of numbers, a tiny proportion of units are
employment declined during this period, and, there in the medium/large category. However, medium/
53
large industrial units have accounted for the in industrial output (Singh, Sukhwinder, 1988).
increasing share of industrial output. Their share was Further, the share of chemical products (except
38.22 percent in 1970-71 and it increased to 50.51 petroleum products) in total employment remained
percent in 1980-81 and remained 64 percent static at 3.4 percent between 1974-75 and 1998-
between 1990-91 and 1998-99. A similar trend has 99. The transport equipment and parts industry
been shown in the capital stocks employed in group recorded a decline in the share of
medium/large industries. It is also evident from this employment from 15.36 percent in 1974-75 to 9.39
table that small-scale industries involved less capital percent in 1998-99. Interestingly, over this time
per worker as compared to medium/large industries. period, repair and personal services groups have
The output per worker in medium/large industries gained tremendous importance both in terms of
has been more than that of the small scale sector. share of output and employment.
The significance of dominance of small scale and Such an industrial structure reveals that agricultural
unregistered units lies in the fact that these units development still continues to be the main source
are not subject to regulations of labour laws which of industrial growth. The interdependence between
protect workers in terms of minimum wages, agriculture and industry is directly shown by the
working hours, sanitation, old age security/ growth of agro-processing industries. In the agro-
retirement benefits, etc. In fact, workers employed processing sector, food-processing industries
in these units are paid very low wages. This type improved their share between 1966 and 1985
of employment is therefore, not attractive for the (Singh, Sukhpal, 1992) and also between 1974-75
educated youth or even for the non-educated local and 1998-99 (Table 20–Statistical Tables). Agro-
youth (Gill, S. S., 1994). processing industries are being seen as a factor
for diversification and further expansion of the
The structure of Punjab industries can also be agricultural sector in Punjab (Johl, 1988). Although
examined from the distribution of manufacturing agriculture-industry linkages continue to be a
sector output and workforce employed by major noteworthy factor in Punjab’s industrial
industry groups. The analysis shows (Table 20 – development, yet there are also signs that the links
Statistical Tables) that agricultural and allied input are weakening (Gill, S. S., 1994). Major industries
based industry groups (Codes 20 to 29) accounted are increasingly producing for export abroad and
for 47.28 percent of total workers and 58.96 to other parts of India. In 1974-75, industrial
percent of output in 1974-75. Though the share of exports from Punjab were worth Rs. 62.03 crore
these industry groups in employment over the time which consistently increased to Rs. 769.20 crore
period has remained the same (47 percent), the in 1990-91 and Rs. 3,629.13 crore in 1998-99 (Table
share of output of these groups has declined from 3.16). Industrial exports as a percent of value of
50.51 percent in 1980-81 to 43.30 percent in 1990- industrial output in Punjab increased from 8.3
91 and 42.27 percent in 1998-99. On the other percent in 1974-75 to 9.11 percent in 1998-99.
hand, the mineral and metal-based industry groups
(codes 32 to 35) employed 24.31 percent of the The wide fluctuations in the share of exports to
total workforce in 1974-75. Over the time period industrial production in other years have revealed
between 1974-75 and 1998-99, the employment the fragility of the industrial structure. Several
share of these groups remained the same. industries such as sports, iron steel, woollen and
However, this group's share in industrial output silk textiles depend exclusively upon imported raw
increased from 19.14 percent in 1974-75 to 23.23 material, as well as outside markets for finished
percent in 1998-99, revealing a structural change products; either in other states of India or abroad.
54
Table 3.16: Value of Exports and Industrial Production of
Industrial Goods in Punjab, 1974-75 to 1998-99
(Rs. In crore)
Year Value of Export Value of Industrial Percent share

production
1974-75 62.03 744.54 8.33
1980-81 162.13 2259.51 7.18
1985-86 245.20 4685,52 5.23
1990-91 769.20 11213.51 6.86
1995-96 2564.61 26370.10 9.26
1998-99 3629.13 39820.08 9.11
Source : Statistical Abstract of Punjab, various issues.
The composition of industrial output is also percent of the total industrial workforce (both in
showing slow signs of a shift in output towards registered and unregistered units) in 1998.
intermediate and producer goods. Thus, in spite
of fast growth and changes in the industrial sector Another striking feature of the industrial structure
of Punjab, it remains less significant than either of Punjab is ancilliarisation or sub-contracting. In
agriculture or livestock, both in terms of its share this form of organisation, a number of small and
in value added and workforce employed. tiny units operate around big units. There may be
several forms of ancilliarisation/sub-contracting,
Punjab’s industrial sector has grown mainly through but in Punjab, three prominent forms are commonly
private initiatives. The public sector's role in direct seen (Gill, S. S., 1994). These are: (i) component/
industrial activities has been very limited. For process ancilliarisation—such a pattern is largely
example, between 1971 and 1998, the share of the found in engineering industries like sewing
public sector in registered working factories was machines, bicycle, tractors, automobiles, etc.;
hardly 2 or 3 percent, and the number of workers (ii) assembly ancilliarisation—this type is found
employed in them varied between 10 and 13 mainly in the electronic goods industries; and
percent (Table 3.17). On the whole, public sector (iii) market ancilliarisation—this type has been
industrial units in Punjab employed less than 6 developed in industries like hosiery, sports goods,
Table 3.17: Share of Industrial Workforce in Public and Private Sectors in

Punjab 1971-98
Year Public Sector Private Sector Total
Factories Workers Factories Workers Factories Workers
1971 65 11,745 4,488 106,758 4553 118,503
(1.43) (9.91) (98.57) (90.09) (100) (100)
1981 184 20,571 7,132 188,161 7316 208732
(2.52) (9.86) (97.48) (90.14) (100) (100)
1991 313 50,664 11,392 333,434 11705 383,798
(2.67) (13.20) (97.33) (86.80) (100) (100)
1998 339 55012 13043 391,941 13382 446,953
(2.53) (12.31) (97.47) (87.69) (100) (100)
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab, various issues
Note: Figures in parentheses are percentage share
55
textile fabrics, carpet weaving, electric appliances, and Ghuman, 1983) has shown signs of
etc. (Singh, Balbir, 1995 and Singh, Manjit, 1990). improvement (Singh, L., and Sukhpal Singh, 2001).
This pattern of industrial development might create Further improvements in efficiency can be brought
close links between small scale and large units and about by introduction of new technology in various
ensure transfer of sources from the large to the industries. With the introduction of NEP initiatives
small. However, in practice, small units are since 1991 and creation of the WTO in 1995, the
exploited because of their weak bargaining power. industrial sector has been confronted with global
The small units, in turn, pass on this burden to market forces. In this context, two major constraints
hired labourers who are largely unorganised. This of the industrial sector have been identified.
pattern, in the past, has allowed some slow upward
mobility to workers. Provided with incentives, First, the linkage between the agricultural and
they have become small-scale entrepreneurs/ industrial sector remains relatively weak. To
sub-contractors (Singh, Balbir, 1995 and Singh, remove this constraint, more agro-industries need
Manjit, 1990). to be set up in Punjab. This step has been identified
on the basis of comparative advantage across
Thus, the industrial sector of Punjab shows both industries and states (Sidhu, H. S., 1996).
positive and negative trends. The sector has grown
at a faster rate compared to the growth rate of Second, the declining capacity of Punjab’s industry
the agricultural sector between 1966-67 and 1998- to absorb labour and that too local labour— removal
99. As a result, its relative share in the NSDP has of this constraint requires massive intervention by
improved substantially. The rate of growth of the the state and farmers’ organisations. Although state
industrial sector accelerated during the 1980s as intervention during globalisation is rather difficult,
compared to the Green Revolution period. yet innovative and strategic intervention has become
However, deceleration in industrial growth set in crucial, particularly in human capital formation, which
during the 1990s. The industrial structure of the requires massive investment in education, training
state continues to be dominated by small scale and health.
unregistered industries, yet it is showing healthy
signs that medium/large units are becoming The survival and growth of the industrial sector in
increasingly important. Punjab will depend on greater efficiency in resource
use, upgradation of production technology and
Although a majority of small and unregistered units promotion of skills of the producers, scientists and
are free from labour laws, yet they are completely engineers engaged in production and development.
outside the modern manufacturing sector. These
units are being integrated with the medium/large units Strategy and Policy Options
through various forms of ancilliarisation/sub- Punjab at its present stage of development
contracting. In fact, these small and tiny industries, requires a strategy, which delivers a high as well
based mainly on family labour, do not represent the as sustainable growth rate. It must conserve its
traditional industrial sector, but are part of the modern exhaustible resources such as soil, sweet water
manufacturing sector. These units are governed by (both surface and ground), while putting them to
market forces and they are expected to respond optimum and intensive use. It has to renew
quickly both to local and global market changes. resources such as capital formation (including
human capital), develop efficient (world class)
Moreover, the factory sector of the state, which was infrastructure in transport, communication, quality
showing inefficient use of resources earlier (Dhesi educational institutions, health services, banking,
56
electricity, marketing facilities, etc. At the same For this purpose, a change in pattern of industrial
time, development and its fruits have to be shared development from small-scale to medium and large-
with all sections of the population. scale enterprises was recommended. The
suggested pattern was to be based on state
When the ‘crisis of the economy’ began to be enterprises, private enterprises and a large number
seriously noticed, the Punjab Government appointed of co-operatives (with a changed Co-operative Act).
an Expert Committee on Diversification of The involvement of co-operatives was suggested
Agriculture in Punjab, popularly known as the Johl to ensure participation of rich, capitalist farmers in
Committee, which submitted its report in 1986 industrial development. This would also encourage
(Government of Punjab, 1986). The committee while peasant-based co-operative processing activities.
examining the crisis of agriculture made policy Enterprises must ensure that first, they employ at
recommendations, which had implications for the least 50 percent of local labour and second, that
entire economy. It suggested that 20 percent of the they strictly observe labour legislation, particularly
area presently under wheat and paddy must be in the matter of wages, salaries and hours of work.
shifted to fruits, vegetables and fodder cultivation. To achieve this successfully, it was suggested that
massive personnel planning through planned
For achievement of crop diversification, three educational restructuring, industrial planning and
conditions were worked out: (i) improvement in planning of crop diversification should be taken up
production technology for these crops, simultaneously.
(ii) remunerative prices and (iii) quick market
clearance. For the latter two conditions, it was An exhaustive study of the Punjab economy (Bhalla
suggested that the government and private sectors and Singh, 1996) in the light of the GATT agreement
be involved—first, in the form of regulated 1994, and its possible impact on Punjab’s
marketing, based on the pattern of wheat and agriculture, while accepting crop diversification and
paddy procurement with minimum support prices agro-processing as a solution to problems of
and secondly, creation of storage facilities through Punjab’s agriculture, made very interesting
construction of a chain of cold stores. It was suggestions. It suggests ways of ensuring the
further suggested that the success of these viability of irrigation institutions, viz, State Irrigation
solutions depended on the establishment of agro- Department and Punjab State Electricity Board
processing industries, which would ultimately through a system of rational irrigation charges,
ensure remunerative prices, as well as quick market electricity pricing and improvement in operational
clearance for the suggested crops. efficiency. There are other suggestions on how to
strengthen and sustain the irrigation system by
As part of the discussion, further suggestions replacing water-intensive crops with less water-
were made (Gill, 1988) where solution to the intensive crops. Also, encouraging water
development crisis in Punjab was linked to planned economising technologies, simultaneous use of
development of the state. Diversification of ground and surface water, lining of water channels,
agriculture would not be possible without under-grounding of water courses and enacting of
diversification of the economy, in the form of legislation to check over exploitation of
massive industrialisation of the state dependent groundwater resources. In the light of the GATT
on its resources. Industrialisation of the economy treaty (particularly TRIPS), emphasis must be placed
would be relevant so long as it could absorb the on strengthening the public research system
labour force being released or not being absorbed through the agricultural university. Appropriate
in agriculture. market interventions (based on price fluctuation
57
differentials), agro-processing, strengthening of policies, Punjab needs to formulate a long-term plan
infrastructure are recommended, in comparison for its economy. The plan has to work out the
with competing states and international direction and level of changes in economic activities
competitors. The policies of Punjab's competitors in various sectors. The changes would have to be
need to be studied continuously in order to take meticulously worked out in agriculture and industrial
appropriate steps at the state level. As a measure activities. For this, the state would have to create a
to ensure wider participation, the role of farmers' structural adjustment fund of Rs. 5,000 to 10,000
co-operatives is also recommended. crore. In the changed circumstances, the economy
has to adjust to a new policy environment. The
Kahlon (2001) has recommended involvement of adjustment period itself would be 10-15 years. New
farmers’ co-operatives in the dairy sector and areas of production have to be encouraged. They
suggested replacement of subsistence milk would need help, support and protection in various
production by commercial dairying. The forms so that they can become as efficient as
involvement of the state government in creation possible after the adjustment period.
of infrastructure and facilities remains a key factor.
The one common aspect of the various
Since 1997, decentralised planning has been recommendations is the critical and substantial
discussed as a mode of planning in the state. On role that needs to be played by the government.
an experimental basis, block plans for 24 The government has to make massive investments
development blocks have been prepared, in which as well as encourage private investment. Private
area-specific solutions have been recommended. investment would follow but cannot lead public
investment in view of the small size of private
In October 1998, Punjab Agricultural University sector enterprises in the state. The government
organised a two-day brain-storming session to must mobilise the necessary resources and invest
discuss the crisis of Punjab agriculture. This was them judiciously (populism of all sorts needs to
a unique meeting, in which policy makers, experts be avoided). Along with the massive public and
working on Punjab from within and outside the private investment, the political will to perform in
state and senior bureaucrats of the Punjab order to resolve the crisis has to be created. An
government participated (PAU, 1998). Specific energetic and no-nonsense capability to get work
recommendations included diversification of done and make things happen has to be created
Punjab’s agriculture, reduction of pressure on land in the government sector.
through industrialisation, strengthening of
infrastructure—roads, water, power, health, This energy has dwindled and almost vanished
education and agricultural research—increasing during the last two decades. Without creating
public investment in agro-processing, market these conditions, it would not be possible to put
information, market development, etc. Punjab on a high growth path.
The crisis in the Punjab economy in general and that The government cannot overlook its responsibility
of Punjab agriculture in particular has been the focus towards the disadvantaged groups such as
of attention of many scholars working on Punjab. agricultural labour, industrial labour, migrant
workers, poor farmers, Scheduled Castes and
In view of India's integration with the global backward communities. The economy cannot grow
economy following the country becoming a founder rapidly if its benefits are not widely shared. Welfare
member of the WTO, and recent changes in internal measures that promote weaker sections would also
58
help raise the growth performance of the economy. growth. Wages, incomes and work environment,
Gender discrimination is more pronounced in the which affect people directly, are in turn influenced
state compared to India’s other forward states. This by overall economic growth. If growth takes place
discrimination needs to be corrected through equitably in most sectors, especially the primary
concrete measures. These would include special sector, then the economy is further accelerated
educational and training programmes along with leading to a rise in real wages, and better working
other measures of women’s empowerment. conditions.
The role of economic growth cannot be under Punjab’s long period of economic prosperity is
stated in any discussion on human development. slowing down and there are signs of an emerging
As the chapter clearly demonstrates, quality of life, crisis. The state must invest in backward regions
farmers’ indebtedness, jobs and the opportunities and build the infrastructure necessary for modern
for growth are directly associated with economic agriculture and modern manufacturing.
59
4. Health in Punjab
In the context of human development, health is This chapter will look at the condition of health in
seen as a matter of individual “rights”. Longevity Punjab, the various providers of health, specific
is an important goal of human development, based health problems of groups such as infants, women,
not just on a narrow definition of health1. the girl child and the poor, as well as the ability of
various health providers to dispense health care.
Health care must begin in childhood itself. The child
not only has the right to receive immunisation but The role of the State is enormous here. The State
also the right to benefit from available technology. must recognise its responsibilities to protect
The girl child has the right to receive the same health citizens from premature mortality and illnesses. In
and nutrition inputs as her brother, and not simply many ways, the Indian government has risen to
be treated as a reproductive device. The definition these responsibilities and has formulated a range
of health thus goes beyond medicine and cure of of initiatives.
disease. Instead, it takes into consideration all that
goes into ensuring a healthy and long life, a clean India is a signatory to the Alma Ata Declaration
and safe environment and an existence where (1978). This Declaration aims at ‘health for all’ by
human dignity is ensured. the year 2001 and views the health care system as
a distributive mechanism based on equality and
Therefore, health includes sanitation, a clean justice. To a certain extent, this is a utopian aim
environment, access to basic amenities, access because like other services, the health care service
to adequate and safe drinking water, access to too is marred by class inequalities, denial of
energy and safe non-polluting fuels, as well as opportunities to disadvantaged groups and
access to proper and adequate nutrition. Along rampant corruption. Making health services
with these basic entitlements of all citizens, health universally accessible is thus a difficult challenge.
is equally affected by social customs,
discriminations and practices based on gender, Overview of Health Indicators
caste and marriage. Health is affected by crime Punjab has one of the highest per capita incomes
as well as physical and mental conditions in homes in India, next only to Delhi, Pondicherry and
and workplaces. In India, good health is particularly Maharashtra. It has an income poverty rate of
crucial as a healthy body is perhaps the best asset just six percent. 2 Given these impressive
for the poor. economic numbers, the health sector must be
1 Health in its accepted international definition is not just the absence of disease, but also the physical, mental, and social well-being
of a person.
2 Planning Commission estimates of poverty for 1999-2000.
61
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
Table 4.1: Life Expectancy in the Indian States
State 1951-61 1961-71 1981-85 1988-92 1992-96 Increase by 1992-96
from the years
(in percentage)
1961 1985
India 41.2 47.7 55.5 58.7 60.7 47.3 9.4
Andhra Pradesh 36.9 44.4 58.4 60.2 62.0 68.0 6.2
Assam 36.8 46.0 51.9 54.1 56.2 52.7 8.3
Bihar 37.6 41.0 52.9 57.5 59.4 58.0 12.3
Gujarat 40.0 53.7 57.6 59.5 61.4 53.5 6.6
Haryana N.A. 50.6 60.3 62.5 63.8 N.A. 5.8
Himachal Pradesh N.A. N.A. N.A. 63.3 64.5* N.A. N.A.
Karnataka 40.2 44.6 60.7 62.2 62.9 56.5 3.6
Kerala 48.3 48.8 68.4 71.3 73.1 51.3 6.9
Madhya Pradesh 40.6 54.4 51.6 53.4 55.2 36.0 7.0
Maharashtra 45.2 54.4 60.7 63.4 65.2 44.2 7.4
Orissa 40.9 44.7 53.0 55.4 56.9 39.1 7.4
Punjab 47.5 43.8 63.1 66.6 67.4 41.9 6.8
Rajasthan 46.8 49.4 53.5 56.3 59.5 27.1 11.2
Tamil Nadu 39.8 49.6 56.9 61.5 63.7 60.1 12.0
Uttar Pradesh 38.9 43.0 50.0 55.4 57.2 47.0 14.4
West Bengal 44.3 44.9 57.4 61.4 62.4 40.9 8.7
Notes: N.A. : not available, * - for period 1991-95
Source: columns 2, 3, 4: Government of India (1994), “Health Information of India”, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, New Delhi;
column 6: Registrar General of India (1995), “SRS Abridged Life Tables 1988-92”, Occasional paper no. 4, New Delhi; column 7: Registrar
General of India (1998), “SRS Abridged Life Tables, 1990-94 and 1991-95”, SRS Analytical Studies, Report No 1, New Delhi.
critically assessed. The Sample Registration Life Expectancy

Scheme of the Registrar General of India 3 On an average a child in Punjab is born with a life
estimated that for the year 2000 the infant expectancy of over 67 years (latest data for 1992-
mortality rate (IMR) of Punjab was 52, and the 96 puts life expectancy at birth at 67.4 years). From
life expectancy at birth in 1996 was 67.4 years. Table 4.1, we find that life expectancy in Punjab
In these crucial parameters, Punjab ranks far has improved from 47.5 years in 1961 by over 40
below Kerala, which recorded an IMR of just 14 percent, but in the last two decades this
per 1000 live births in 1999. Similarly, life improvement has become far more gradual. In the
expectancy of Kerala stood at 73.1 years, nearly 1990s, there was only a gradual increase in life
six years more than that for Punjab. expectancy.
Compared to international standards, the IMR and Life expectancy at birth differs
life expectancy rates of Punjab would fall in the if we consider gender and
range of medium human development nations, and spatial factors. In 1992-96, male
far below those of Sri Lanka or even Vietnam. life expectancy at birth was 66.4
Additionally, the IMR in 1998 was much lower than years, while that of females
the Alma Ata Declaration’s aim of achieving 40 by was 68.6 years. While women
the turn of the last century. on an average live 2.2 years
more than men, this difference
actually does not mean better
quality of women’s health, as
3 SRS Bulletin, October 2001, Registrar General of India.
62
Figure 4.1: Life Expectancy at Birth – Indian States, 1992-96
* For period 1991-95
biologically healthier and sturdier females normally estimates for the years 1981 and 1991 are
outlive men on an average by five years. The gap presented in Table 4.3.
between urban and rural Punjab is however much
sharper. The urban Punjabi has a life expectancy In 1991, Ludhiana had the highest life expectancy
of 70.4 years (this compares well with Kerala’s of 70 years. Gurdaspur came next, which
73 years, as most of Kerala bears the character of interestingly had a life expectancy amongst the
an urban area), which is higher than the life lowest in 1981. But a closer look at the rise in life
expectancy of rural Punjabis, which stands at 66.7 expectancy in the inter-census period shows that
years. The difference becomes even more acute life expectancy rose in most districts by three to
when comparisons are drawn between regions four years, except Ludhiana and Gurdaspur (both
and districts. above six years). The range between the highest
and lowest life expectancy was only 3.8 years in
There are no direct estimates for life expectancy 1981. But this rose to nearly eight years in 1991.
at the district level. Indirect estimates may be Regionally, the state of health measured by life
derived from census tables related with fertility that expectancy, showed that the southern districts
are available at an interval of ten years. The were worse off than the northern, especially the
north-eastern districts of Punjab.
Table 4.2: Life Expectancy by Sex and Place of

Life expectancy in 1981 and the estimates for 1991
Residence (1992-96)
show some surprising changes. Gurdaspur
All Male Female performs well on the health scale, but two other
Total 67.4 66.4 68.6 changes are equally intriguing – Jalandhar and
Rural 66.7 65.9 67.5
Urban 70.4 67.6 71.5 Nawanshehar, which were fourth and sixth in terms
of life expectancy rank in 1981, fell to 16th and 15th
Source: Compendium of India’s Fertility and Mortality Indicators
1971-1997, based on the SRS, Registrar, India, New Delhi 1999. place respectively. It is also a matter of concern
63
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
that two of the districts of the Doaba belt— districts of Doaba along with Jalandhar and
Hoshiarpur and Kapurthala—were among the Nawanshehar are among the highest in income and
worst performing in 1981, and failed to improve education. On the other hand, the districts of
their comparative position even in 1991. These Muktsar, Moga and Firozpur in Malwa, to name
three, in spite of high levels of poverty and
backwardness, do relatively well compared to
Figure 4.2: Infant Mortality by Sex and Residence,
other districts of Punjab, especially those in the
1998 (SRS estimates) Doaba belt. As a regional phenomenon this is not
very surprising, as in 1981 the neighbouring
districts of Ganganagar and Bikaner in Rajasthan
also showed a rise in life expectancy.
Mortality Issues
The death of infants before they reach the age of
one is termed infant mortality. The death of a child
before she reaches the age of five years is termed
child mortality. These are the most telling indicators
on the health services, health awareness and
satisfactory health practices.
Table 4.3: Ranking of Districts by Life Expectancy in Punjab, 1981 and 1991
Districts Life Expectancy Rank in 1981 Life Expectancy Rank in 1991 Increase in
in 1981 in 1991 the decade
Amritsar 62.4 3 67.2 3 4.8
Bathinda 61.1 13 64.7 11 3.6
Faridkot 61.6 8 65.8 8 4.2
Fateh Garh Sahib 61.7 7 65.6 9 3.9
Firozpur 62.1 5 66.6 5 4.5
Gurdaspur 61.4 11 67.8 2 6.4
Hoshiarpur 60.9 15 64.5 13 3.6
Jalandhar 62.3 4 64.2 16 1.9
Kapurthala 60.4 16 64.5 13 4.1
Ludhiana 64.2 1 70.5 1 6.3
Mansa 61.1 13 64.7 11 3.6
Moga 61.6 8 65.9 6 4.3
Muktsar 61.6 8 65.9 6 4.3
Nawanshehar 61.8 6 64.3 15 2.5
Patiala 61.4 11 65.4 10 4.0
Rup Nagar 62.9 2 66.8 4 3.9
Sangrur 60.4 16 62.8 17 2.4
Punjab 61.7 65.6 3.9
Highest 64.2 70.5
Lowest 60.4 62.8
Source: Estimates for 1981 are provided by the Registrar General of India (1994), “Indirect Estimates of Fertility and
Mortality at the District Level 1981”, Occasional Paper No. 4. Estimates for life expectancy in 1991 are derived from
the data on fertility provided by the Census of India, 1991. Office of the Registrar General of India has not yet
published the official estimates of life expectancy for 1991.
64
Infant Mortality follow the path till early 1990s, India was almost
The IMR in Punjab was 51 in 1998. It was 54 for never on the required rate of decline. The difference
rural areas and 38 for urban areas.4 A look at Figure between rural and urban areas seems to be
4.2 shows that in all rural areas of Punjab, female narrowing over the last thirty years and the graph
infant mortality is much higher than male infant shows the two lines representing rural and urban
mortality, whereas in urban areas it is equal. IMRs moving towards convergence.
Biologically it is seen that the girl child is a much
stronger child, and her ability to survive the first year The 1990s, interestingly, is a period where the rate
after birth is much stronger than that of the male. A of decline in IMR in all the three regions presented
female IMR below or equal to the male IMR thus in the Figure, seems to have reached a plateau.
unequivocally reveals that there is discrimination Punjab’s IMR was erratic in the 1970s, but appears
against the girl child. The chapter ’Women in Punjab’ to be on a steady rate of decline from the late
provides greater focus on this subject. 1970s. These facts need to be kept in mind when
health provisioning is examined later in this chapter,
Punjab’s IMR of 51 in 1998 is much better than the especially, levels of immunisation among children.
national average of 71 but four times worse than
the IMR of 12 achieved by Kerala. Figure 4.3 Most of the causes of infant mortality today are easily
compares the IMR of Punjab with India and Kerala preventable through simple immunisation. This can
from 1971 till 2000. The two arrow lines points to prevent deaths from the main infant killer diseases
the path of decline that Punjab and India should like measles, diphtheria, tetanus, poliomyelitis and
have followed to reach an IMR of 40 by the turn of pertussis. In the years since the 1980s, and
the last century. It shows that while Punjab did increasingly in the last decade, governments across
Figure 4.3: Infant Mortality Rate from 1971 to 2000 – Kerala, India and Punjab
Source : various volumes of SRS, Registrar General of India, New Delhi
4 IMR for 2000 is available from SRS but disaggregated by residence only and not by sex of children.
65
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
Table 4.4: Infant Mortality Indicators by Place of Residence
Indicators 1971 1981 1991 1997
Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban
IMR 102 109 76 81 88 51 53 58 40 51 54 38
Change in IMR - - - 20.6% 19.3% 32.9% - - - 3.8% 6.9% 5.0%
Neo-natal mortality 55.9 61.1 35.3 48.8 53.5 28.2 33.5 37.8 21.1 29.0 31.8 18.1
Rate
NNM as % of IMR 54.8 56.1 46.4 60.2 60.8 55.3 63.2 65.2 52.8 56.9 58.9 47.6
Post-natal Mortality 46.1 47.9 40.7 32.2 34.4 22.3 19.8 20.2 18.6 22.0 22.6 19.7
Peri-natal Mortality 60.3 64.5 37.0 42.3 46.3 24.6 45.6 51.7 27.6 32.5 35.4 21.3
Rate
Still birth Rate 23.7 26.1 13.8 13.2 14.3 8.6 24.7 27.6 16.1 10.2 11.2 6.5
Source: Compendium of India’s Fertility and Mortality Indicators 1971-1997, based on the SRS, Registrar, India, New Delhi 1999
the globe have focused attention on the prevention are related to natal care, type and quality of care
of infant and child deaths from easily preventable during delivery and post-natal care for the mother
causes. National and state governments in India have and infant.
given special attention to it. Every child is entitled by
policy and provisioning to become fully immunised In order to estimate IMR, the state has been
from such killer diseases. The failure to provide such divided into two zones by SRS. The last regional
cover to children is a serious lacuna in the health estimates available are only till the year 1992, but
delivery system. this is a sufficient indicator of the broad trends in
inter-regional IMRs. There is clear differential
Infant mortality has been classified into two between urban and rural IMR. Urban infant
periods—death within the first 28 days of a live mortality is two-thirds of the level in rural Punjab.
birth is termed as neo-natal mortality and death There is also a large difference between the
after the 28th day of a live birth until the child turns southern and northern rural areas. The northern
one year of age is termed as post-natal mortality. region comprises of the areas under Doaba. The
Fifty-seven percent of all infant deaths in Punjab southern districts mostly fall in the relatively
take place within the first 28 days of birth, although backward Malwa belt.
this is still less than the national figure of 65 percent.
The share of neo-natal deaths to total infant deaths Child Mortality
is much higher in rural Punjab than in urban Punjab. The risk of death is high in children till they reach the
age of five. The rate of child mortality in Punjab (death
SRS estimated that in 1996, early neo-natal deaths between the age one and five years) and its regions
in Punjab contributed half of all infant deaths (26 is estimated by SRS at 15 for Punjab, 17 for rural
out of an IMR of 51).5 Early neo-natal deaths, which Punjab and 9 for urban Punjab. Child mortality rates
are deaths occurring within the first seven days of disaggregated over sex and residence for the year
childbirth, form a significant portion of infant 1996 are presented in Figure 4.4.
mortality. Prevention of death within seven days
of the birth of a child appears as an urgent While child mortality in all regions of Punjab is lower
necessity. The causes of early neo-natal mortality than national rates, female child mortality is much
5 Sample Registration Scheme – Statistical Report, 1996, Registrar General of India, New Delhi, 1998.
66
Table 4.5: Regional Estimates of Infant Mortality Rate in Punjab, 1992
Region IMR in 1992 Three-Years IMR Inter-Regional Differential
Average (1990-92)
Punjab 56.00 56.67
Urban IMR as percentage
of Rural IMR
Rural Punjab 61.40 61.83 68%
Urban Punjab 40.60 41.80
IMR in Regions of Punjab, 1992 Northern IMR as percentage
of Southern IMR
Northern Region – Rural 53.70 56.30 83%
Southern Region – Rural 70.10 67.90
Non-cities Urban 40.93 40.78
City urban Areas 40.23 43.00
Source: SRS Analytical Studies, Report No. 3 of 1996, Below State Level Estimates of Vital Rates - 1987-92, Registrar
General of India, New Delhi
higher than male child mortality. This is also true Death Rates
of all India, but while the all India differential shows Death rate represents the number of people in
female child mortality as 15 percent higher than 1000 persons from the entire population or an age
male child mortality, the differential is 41 percent group who are likely to die within a given year. It
higher for Punjab, and 45 percent higher for rural represents a very basic indicator of health, and in
Punjab. the absence of indicators of morbidity, affliction
of deadly diseases and the impact of curative
The reason why the biologically healthier female systems, death rate is an important indicator. The
child dies more frequently than her brothers is death rate of Punjab in 1996 was estimated by SRS
without doubt an indicator of discrimination in at 7.4, 7.8 and 6.1 for all of Punjab, rural Punjab
nutrition, health care and medication. Such an and urban Punjab respectively. Punjab’s death rate
alarming difference in mortality rates requires urgent is substantially lower than that of rest of India by
legal, administrative, medical and political
measures.
Figure 4.5: Death Rates in Punjab and India,
1988 to 1997
Figure 4.4: Child Mortality in Punjab by Sex and
Residence, 1996 (SRS estimates)
Source: Compendium of India’s Fertility and Mortality Indicators

1971-1997, based on the SRS, Registrar general of India, New
Delhi 1999
67
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
Figure 4.6: Regional Death Rates in Punjab, Figure 4.7: Share of Deaths in Different Age Groups
1987-1992 to Total Estimated Deaths, 1996
Source: SRS Analytical Studies, Report No. 3 of 1996, Below Source: Compendium of India’s Fertility and Mortality Indicators
State Level Estimates of Vital Rates - 1987-92. 1971-1997, based on the SRS, Registrar General of India, New
Delhi 1999.
1.5 deaths per thousand in a year, or 17 percentage Age-specific death rates (ASDR) enable us to
points. estimate the age groups where larger number of
deaths are occurring.
A comparison of death rates in Punjab and India is
given in Figure 4.5, tracing these rates from 1988 till Death rate also shows which age groups record
1997. The death rates of Punjab and rural Punjab the maximum number of deaths. Figure 4.7
alike declined in late 1980s and early 1990s, and presents the share of deaths by age group in
appear to be on a plateau for the last three to four Punjab and Table 4.6 compares age-specific
years. Urban death rates fluctuate far more, but the deaths to total deaths between males and females
last decade has not shown any decline in the death in Punjab.
rate in spite of these fluctuations.
Figure 4.7 shows the age group of below one year
If we examine the trend in death rates in Punjab and above 70 years as recording the largest share
and India across the years, the gap appears to be of deaths in Punjab. Deaths above 70 years of age
closing. For the period 1971-80, the death rate of are influenced by ageing and can be assumed to
Punjab was less than the death rate of India on an be of lesser concern for the health system. Under-
average of 26.4%, and this average dropped to five child mortality accounts for one-third of deaths
24.3 % during 1981-90, and even further to 17.9% in the age group 0-70, and nearly half of all deaths
for the period 1991-97. below the age of 50. Clearly, infant and child mortality
remain a basic challenge for Punjab’s health system.
SRS also provides estimates of death rates by sex
and residence for 1997. Presented in Figure 4.6, From Table 4.6 we see that the age-specific death
one clear indication of death rates in the early 1990s rates amongst females in the reproductive age of
is that there is a growing difference between the 15 to 49 years do not appear to be inordinately
regions. Regional death rates appear to move in high and in fact compare well with male age-
similar directions but are becoming divergent. specific deaths. If we compare the share of female
68
Table 4.6: Age-Specific Share of Deaths to Total Estimated Deaths in 1996 (in percent)
Age Share of Age Cumulative Share of Age Cumulative Share of Age Cumulative Female deaths
Group group in all Total group in all Total group in all Total rate over male
estimated estimated male estimated death rate
deaths Deaths male female deaths
Below 1 16.5 16.5 13.8 13.8 20.3 20.3 147%
1-4 4.6 21.1 2.7 16.5 7.4 27.7 274%
5-9 2.0 23.1 1.7 18.2 2.3 30.0 135%
10-14 1.2 24.3 1.4 19.6 0.9 30.9 64%
15-19 1.9 26.2 2.1 21.7 1.7 32.6 81%
20-24 2.7 28.9 2.8 24.5 2.5 35.1 89%
25-29 3.0 31.9 3.8 28.3 1.9 37.0 50%
30-34 2.3 34.2 2.5 30.8 2.1 39.1 84%
35-39 2.3 36.5 3.0 33.8 1.3 40.4 43%
40-44 2.8 39.3 3.5 37.3 1.7 42.1 49%
45-49 4.7 44.0 5.2 42.5 4.1 46.2 79%
50-54 4.9 48.9 4.7 47.2 5.2 51.4 111%
55-59 3.9 52.8 4.1 51.3 3.6 55.0 88%
60-64 6.6 59.4 5.9 57.2 7.7 62.7 131%
65-69 7.1 66.5 8.2 65.4 5.6 68.3 68%
70-74 8.8 75.3 10.0 75.4 7.2 75.5 72%
75-80 7.0 82.3 7.7 83.1 5.9 81.4 77%
80-84 8.2 90.5 7.8 90.9 8.8 90.2 113%
85+ 9.4 99.9 9.1 100.0 9.7 99.9 107%
Deaths in 19.7 22.9 15.3
reproductive
age
Source: SRS Statistical Report 1996, Registrar General of India, New Delhi, 1998.
deaths to total deaths from the reproductive ages, a drastic decline in mortality rates in these ages of
we see that this share is actually much lower than females, especially between 1971 and today,
that for males. except for the age group 15-19 years. The
reduction in female mortality in the reproductive
Table 4.7 compares age-specific mortality rates of ages indicates increasing health cover during
women in Punjab in the reproductive ages between pregnancy and delivery, and better delivery
1971, 1981 and 1997. We see that there has been practices. SRS estimates on maternal mortality for
Table 4.7: Age-Specific Mortality Rates of Women in Punjab

Age Group ASDR in ASDR in Decline in ASDR ASDR in Decline in ASDR
1971 1981 between 1971 1997 between 1971
and 1981 and 1997
15-19 1.2 3.2 166.7% 1.5 25.0%
20-24 2.0 1.5 -25.0% 1.8 -10.0%
25-29 4.0 2.3 -42.5% 1.9 -52.5%
30-34 2.9 2.9 0.0% 1.3 -55.2%
35-39 4.7 3.3 -29.8% 1.7 -63.8%
40-44 4.5 1.1 -75.6% 3.8 -15.6%
45-49 2.7 2.9 7.4% 2.6 -3.7%
ASDR : Age Specific Death Rate
Source: Compendium of India’s Fertility and Mortality Indicators, 1971-1997, based on the SRS,
Registrar, India, New Delhi 1999.
69
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
Punjab were lower amongst Indian states in 1997, was marginally higher at 22.5 for rural Punjab, but
a rate of 196 deaths per 1,00,000 live births much lesser at 18.6 for towns and cities.
compared to 408 for rest of all India.
The Burden of Disease–Challenges for
Fertility Curative Health
The total fertility rates (TFR) reveals the total Numbers on births and deaths do not necessarily
number of children an average woman is likely to provide a complete picture of Punjab’s health. An
have in her reproductive years of 15-45. A TFR of important component of health is how long an
2.1 is supposed to be the Net Replacement Rate individual might be able to remain productive and
(NRR), which ensures that a generation after this free of disease, crucial for those toiling as daily
TFR is achieved by a population, it would stop wagers or casual labourers.
increasing. The TFR of Punjab was 2.7 in 1997
according to SRS estimates, 2.9 for rural Punjab, Economists have long argued on the economic
and nearly reaching the NRR at 2.2 for urban and productive merit of a healthy population, and
Punjab. At the current rate of decline it should take how prevention of disease is far less costly than
Punjab another 10-15 years to reach a TFR of 2.1. curing disease. Thus investments in health are
National Family Health Surveys undertaken in 1993 investments in the economy. A long disease-free
and again in 1998-99 have also made estimates life where the individual is able to make full use of
for fertility rates in Punjab. They show an his or her skills and potential is an asset to society.
impressive decline in fertility rates in this period.
Table 4.8 below compares SRS and NFHS There are no absolute estimates of morbidity. We
estimates for two years. The two surveys give take evidence from the National Sample Survey’s
the same estimate for 1993, but the NFHS survey 52nd round in 1995-96 to assess morbidity.
estimates a much lower TFR for Punjab in 1998-
99 than what SRS estimates for 1997. If the PAP figures (persons ailing per 1000 population)
estimates by NFHS are more accurate, then it reveal the level of morbidity. From the NSS data,
shows that Punjab could easily achieve the Punjab’s rural PAP of 76 is the third highest, and
desired TFR within a few years. A concerted its urban PAP is also the third highest among all
additional effort should accelerate such an states. These numbers applied to population
achievement and then maintain it. figures of 2001, indicate that over 19 lakh people
suffer from any ailment at any given point of time
Closely associated with TFR is birth rate, which in a population of 242 lakh.
represents number of births per 1000 people in a
given year. The birth rate of Punjab estimated by The following is a survey of the different types of
SRS for 1997 was 23.4, which compares very well diseases in Punjab and the severe problems faced
with the national birth rate of 26.1. The birth rate by the physically and mentally challenged.
Table 4.8: Estimate of TFR for Punjab Diseases of Poverty

While Punjab is one of India’s most prosperous
Survey 1993 1997
states, mortality rates are high and many
SRS 3.00 2.70
communities, particularly Scheduled Castes,
1993 1998/99
landless and migrant labourers live in poverty and
NFHS 2.91 2.21
squalor.
Source: NFHS II Preliminary Report, and SRS Bulletin, RGI,
New Delhi.
70
Table 4.9: Number of Persons Ailing per 1000 acknowledges TB to be the major public health
problem of the state. The report estimated that
(Population) in Indian States
currently there were around 3 lakh persons
State Rural Urban
suffering from tuberculosis in Punjab, of which
PAP PPC PAP PPC
75,000 cases were “highly infectious”. The report
Andhra Pradesh 64 35 61 31
Assam 80 52 86 57
also analyses that “one of the major reasons of
Bihar 34 17 41 22 the spread of infections is migratory labour who
Gujarat 46 27 36 21 come into the state.”
Haryana 61 34 63 24
Karnataka 45 24 40 22
Kerala 118 60 88 43 Malaria is the other important public health issue.
Madhya Pradesh 41 26 38 22
Maharashtra 52 29 48 26
Waterlogging in fields (especially accumulated
Orissa 62 43 62 47 irrigation water in agricultural fields), poor
Punjab 76 33 85 37 sanitation in towns and slums lead to malaria.
Rajasthan 28 15 33 19
Tamil Nadu 52 31 58 37 However, malaria seems to be declining in Punjab.
Uttar Pradesh 61 33 72 41 According to the Department of Health and
West Bengal 65 38 65 42
Family Welfare, the number of detected cases of
India 55 31 54 30
malaria was 5,316 and 1,113 in 1998-99 and 1999-
Source: Report No 441, Morbidity and Treatment of Ailments,
NSS 52nd Round, National Sample Survey Organisation, GoI, 2000 respectively.
November 1998.
Note: 1. PAP - Estimated number of ailing per 1000 persons
NFHS 1998-996 assessed that the prevalence of
2. PPC - Persons reporting commencement of any ailment
malaria three months prior to their survey was
1,082 cases per 100,000 persons. This rate was
Classified among diseases of poverty are those much higher in rural Punjab at 1,140 than for urban
which are generally associated with poor Punjab at 949.
sanitation, low levels of nutrition and resistance,
communicable diseases found in unsanitary living NFHS data from their first survey on other diseases
conditions and water-borne diseases. of poverty is presented in Table 4.10.
As elsewhere in the country, tuberculosis is a major These estimates do not calculate actual numbers,
disease in Punjab. The annual administrative report but assess the quantum of the problem. The major
of 1999-2000 of the Department of Health and challenges, as it appears, are in prevention and
Family Welfare, Government of Punjab, cure, and in rehabilitation and support services to
Table 4.10: Rate of Prevalence of Diseases of Poverty by Place of

Residence and Estimated Number of Patients, 1993
Indicator Blindness Leprosy Physical Impairment
Partial Complete of Limbs
Urban Prevalence Rate 5.9 1.6 6.1
Estimated Patients in ’000s 49 13 0 50
Rural Prevalence Rate 6.9 2.2 0.4 9.3
Estimated Patients in ’000s 111 35 6 149
Source: National Family Health Survey, Punjab Report 1993, Institute of Population Studies, Mumbai.
6 Indian Institute of Population Sciences, National Family Health Survey 1998-99 (Punjab), Mumbai, India (page 127-128).
71
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
patients of TB, partial and complete blindness and infectious and parasitic diseases, diseases of
the physically challenged. genito-urinary system, respiratory system,
digestive system, circulatory system, and nervous
Data from surveys is not available to give an idea system and sense organs. Amongst the main
of the prevalence of other diseases. Here we will killer diseases were diseases of the circulatory
look at data from government hospitals and the system, injury and poisoning, infectious and
types of diseases treated amongst out-patients, parasitic diseases, and diseases of the
and in-patients and the causes of death in Punjab. respiratory system.
The main diseases amongst outdoor patients in Other Diseases

1999 were diseases of the respiratory system, With only six percent income poverty and the
infectious and parasitic diseases, diseases of the second highest per capita income in India among
nervous system and sense organs and diseases Indian states, a high urbanisation rate (a third of
of the digestive system. In indoor patients, the the population), increasing ‘white collarisation’ of
main disease for which patients were admitted the workforce, ‘2 million plus’ inhabitants in cities
were injury and poisoning, complication of (Ludhiana and Amritsar), 14 ‘lakh plus’ inhabitants
pregnancy, childbirth and the puerperium, in towns7, in Punjab the disease burden includes
Table 4.11: Broad Category-wise Outdoor Patients, Indoor Patients treated and Number of Deaths among Indoor
Patients in Punjab, 1999
S. Name of Diseases Outdoor-patient Indoor-patient Deaths
No Number % Number % Number %
1 Infectious and parasitic diseases 1884230 16.3 64556 13.9 2420 16.8
2 Neoplasms 56381 0.5 10512 2.3 1030 7.1
3 Endocrine, nutritional and metabolic 245176 2.1 16614 3.6 671 4.7
diseases and immunity disorders
4 Diseases of blood and blood forming 987343 8.5 10619 2.3 193 1.3
organs
5 Mental disorders 118984 1.0 4619 1 111 0.8
6 Diseases of the nervous system and 1197388 10.4 26160 5.6 244 1.7
sense organs
7 Diseases of the circulatory system 405321 3.5 30451 6.6 3134 21.7
8 Diseases of the respiratory system 2191490 19.0 33051 7.1 1175 8.2
9 Diseases of the digestive system 1201150 10.4 32588 7.0 918 6.4
10 Diseases of genito-urinary system 305001 2.6 34903 7.5 173 1.2
11 Complication of pregnancy, childbirth 216342 1.9 71143 15.3 92 0.6
and the puerperium
12 Diseases of the skin and 997213 8.6 3501 0.8 17 0.1
subcutaneous tissue
13 Diseases of the musculoskelctal 475839 4.1 5215 1.1 117 0.8
system and connective tissue
14 Congenital anomalies 12038 0.1 2053 0.5 60 0.4
15 Certain condition, originating in the 17378 0.2 5136 1.1 525 3.6
period
16 Symptoms, signs and ill-defined 605218 5.2 25047 5.4 649 4.5
conditions
17 Injury and poisoning 647672 5.6 87511 18.9 2897 20.1
Total 11564164 463679 14426
Source: Director, Health and Family Welfare, Punjab
7 According to the census of 1991.
72
those diseases created by urbanisation and government hospitals do not have qualified
prosperity. psychiatrists, on their boards and so patients
usually go to general physicians, who often provide
There is already a very high rate of cardiac only symptomatic relief. Since private doctors are
problems, diabetes and cancer. There is little expensive, it is very important to set up mental
information available on prevalence of such health services under the primary health care
diseases, but based on anecdotal evidence, systems that are accessible.
discussions with doctors and others associated
with medicine in Punjab, it is possible to say that In state-run institutions, there is often a lack of
these diseases have a high rate of affliction in urban sanitary facilities for inmates, no proper diet or
and even rural Punjab. medical assistance. The staff is untrained and
therefore insensitive. Thus mental institutions are
Mental Health similar to homes for the destitute rather than a
The issue of mental health has received centre designed specifically to cope with severe
comparatively little attention in health discourse. mental disorders.
This may be partially due to ignorance and partially
due to the presence of far more potentially fatal There are few initiatives for children. Problems such
diseases. On mental health, there is an absence as hyperactivity or bedwetting are not covered by
of data and supportive programmes. Investment mental health professionals. In fact, most parents
rates are quite low, mirroring the national trend, are ignorant that their child may require professional
where only .01 % of the health budget is allocated help. Also, in cases where they do decide to seek
to mental health care services. Further, according help, there is an absence of services.
to WHO estimates, the doctor (psychiatrist) to
patient ratio is an alarming 1: 25,00,000 in India. Voluntary sector efforts are also absent in Punjab.
This syndrome also persists in Punjab. Matters would be helped if the state could find a
partner in the non-government sector which could
In Punjab, as in the rest of India, the incidence of deliver mental health services.
mental health disorders is rising. However, little is
being done to bring mental illness into the domain There is enough evidence, strengthened through
of public health. Prevalent attitudes are an discussions with members of the medical
obstacle. Mental health is not seen as a problem fraternity in Punjab, that there is an increase in the
requiring serious intervention by a health incidence of neurosis, especially amongst women.
professional. As in other parts of India, it is However, we have no national statistics or
generally believed that mental illnesses are just an statistics from Punjab to make a firm assessment.
extension of a poor physical state so that once Many women do not think anxiety-based disorders
the latter is treated the former will automatically and depression require professional medical help
disappear. There is a reliance on traditional nor can they access professional psychiatrists.
practitioners, soothsayers, preachers, priests and Above all, doctors themselves (especially at
fortune tellers, a tendency which seriously affects government PHCs) are unaware of these problems
attempts to correctly estimate the extent and and are able to provide only symptomatic relief.
magnitude of mental health problems.
Physically Challenged
Affordability and accessibility of mental health care The problems of the physically challenged (both
services are of primary importance. Most physical and visual), are serious challenges. While
73
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
there is far greater awareness than in the case of transmission of diseases like hepatitis and
mental health, and there are many state-run and tuberculosis introduces new dimensions of risk.
voluntary managed institutions looking after
physically and visually challenged persons, there Street Children
is an urgent need to create support structures Another category of potential drug-abusers are
within society that will help the disabled live the street children. It is difficult to enumerate this group
lives of normal citizens. because this is a ‘floating’ population and not
covered by census figures. This is a sector open to
Some steps have been taken towards granting of sexual as well as drug abuse. The most common
equal rights to the physically and visually drugs taken are tobacco, crude alcohol, brown
challenged, especially in terms of employment and sugar, heroin, paint thinner, kerosene, cough syrups,
facilities in public places. But these are still highly etc. The government has yet to formulate a national
restricted and far more is required both by the state policy for street children and this is a sector that is
and by the legal and labour administration to mostly being tackled by NGOs whose efforts are
ensure that prejudices are removed. Attitudinal scattered and not united under a single canopy.
changes are crucial. Society must no longer ask Some of the key issues that need to be addressed
what a disabled individual can do, but instead ask are vulnerability of children as easy targets for drug-
what they cannot do. pushing, easy availability and affordability of drugs,
poor access to health facilities, lack of sensitive
Alcoholism and Drug Abuse organisations and absence of preventive services
The incidence of drug abuse and alcoholism has risen that can protect children from drugs.
in recent times leading to a range of social and
economic problems. From illicit manufacture of drugs Child rights have been emphasised in the
and alcohol, to trafficking and consumption of drugs, Convention on the Rights of the Child and street
the menace of drugs has become widespread. children need extra care as they come from the
Systematic information on drug abuse is still absent most vulnerable and marginalised sections.
precisely because of the highly secretive nature of However, there is a certain lack of political will in
drug-related activities. Little effort has been made to making child rights a reality.
collate the numerous smaller studies in this field into
a comprehensive whole. The Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic Substances
Act (NDPS) of 1985 was the first legislative
Drug Risk Groups measure enacted to deal with the menace of
Women drugs. A number of committees and sub
There are few studies on women and drug abuse. committees have been set up under this Act.
Most concentrate on men, and so the male
experience has been passed off as the ‘general’ There is little data on the extent and form of drug
one. Services in drug abuse need to become abuse in Punjab. The absence of data should not be
gender sensitive. mistaken for absence of the drug menace. Rather, it
is a pointer towards the need to have a body of
There have been some changes, however. knowledge so that the state can intervene urgently.
Women’s groups have been witnessing increasing
drug abuse among women and are demanding Unemployed Youth
more legislative measures, policies and Punjab has always had a large number of youth
programmes. The HIV epidemic, coupled with studying and training in institutes of higher
74
education. This section is particularly vulnerable to According to a report by the United Nations Office
alcoholism. on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) on the problem of
drug abuse in South Asia, there were 2.5 million
A significant section of the younger generation of drug addicts in India at the end of 1996-97. The
Punjab has been brought up in an era of prosperity survey reports that there are likely to be more than
and many have experienced high levels of income a million cases in Punjab alone. It could be that
and a luxurious and fairly carefree lifestyle. For this this is an inflated figure which has emerged due
group of youth, employment has become a serious to the differences in the areas chosen for the study,
issue as their aspirations go beyond the jobs on as well as methodology and tools used for the
offer. Agriculture is no longer a youth option and survey. But the fact is that drug use is certainly
given the paucity of well-paid ‘white collar’ jobs, rising, especially in the case of heroin and narcotic
youth groups face long periods of unemployment. injectables. This is due to the easy availability of
Yet, as a result of family incomes from agriculture these drugs. In the absence of proper policing and
or other activities, these young people are still able implementation measures, vigorous anti-drug
to afford high consumption levels, and alcohol strategies must be deployed both by government
becomes an easy recourse for them. and NGOs.
Workers and Labourers Areas Requiring Intervention

For workers and agricultural labourers, many of First and foremost there is a need to build up a
them migrants living away from home and families, collateral body of data that can effectively point
in a hostile and alien culture, alcohol becomes a out the extent of abuse. Secondly, it has been
refuge. found that NGOs have been very effective in drug
reduction activities and the state must not overlook
Extent of Drug Abuse in Punjab such an important channel. A fruitful partnership
Drug addiction is rising in Punjab, particularly in the between NGOs and government can provide
areas adjacent to Pakistan. Many young people good results in curbing drug use.
have been trapped by drugs with severe
consequences for the family. An attempt was There is also a need to raise the level of public
made to gauge the magnitude of this problem awareness. There is not only a great stigma
through a comprehensive random survey of 12,300 attached to the problem of drugs, but also
male adults during the years 1995-97 in rural Rup ignorance about their physiological basis. Public
Nagar district.8 It was found that 8 percent of the messages to control the drug menace simply say
male adult population was involved in drug abuse, “Say No to Drugs”. This sort of preaching will not
other than tobacco and alcohol. Seventy-three yield results unless the correlation between drugs
percent male adults indulged in tobacco. If one and their specific negative effects on individual lives
were to project the above figures for the state of can be focused upon. Most teenagers become
Punjab, there would be not less than one million victims of drugs because of peer pressure,
cases of narcotic addiction and alcoholics, who curiosity and the belief that they can leave it at any
are in need of intervention. The problem is time they want to. There is a need to emphasise
compounded by the fact that many tobacco users the effect that drugs have on the physiology of
are hardly aware of its affects on health. the body, and the fact that a single dose can trigger
8 This survey was conducted under the guidance of Project Director, Dr. J. S. Lamba, and Psychiatrist Dr. Rajender Singh from the Drug
De-addiction Centre, Mohali.
75
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
off an addiction. The role of the media becomes Figure 4.8: Anaemia amongst women
crucial here and so their support must be solicited.
Society’s attitudes towards addicts need to be
changed. Most rehabilitation measures fail because
the family and the community are not supportive
enough. This leads to a high rate of relapse.
The government must recognise the need to

intervene in this area and back it with political will.
There is a need for lobbying, pressure groups and
advocacy forums, which can place drug abuse
higher on the agenda. Sensitisation of key
individuals in the policy-making process is of great
importance. As yet, there is little evidence of any Source : NFHS II 1998-99, Punjab – Preliminary Report.
organised effort in this direction.
Nutrition Status level of anaemia amongst mothers and children,

Very little information is usually available on and this survey is our best source of information
nutrition. Under the government’s ICDS scheme, on nutrition related data.
children are normally weighed and measured, and
checked for proper growth (a direct measure of Based on the 1998-99 survey data the Figure 4.8
proper nutrition or lack of it). However, this data is compares the percentage of anaemic women and
not reliable for use to estimate the level of children under different levels of anaemia.9
underweight children at large, since their coverage
is not universal and there is a definite programme The number of children who were moderately
user bias in the sample. The NFHS checked the anaemic was very high, and 74.8 percent of the
children were found to suffer from some form of
anaemia. Even amongst women, 42 percent were
Table 4.12: Cases Treated at the De-addiction Centre, detected as anaemic. Availability of food,
Mohali (Nov. 1991-Dec. 1998) vegetables and milk is certainly not a problem in
Punjab, and even in terms of purchasing power,
Addictive Drug No. of cases
just 6 percent income poverty makes us believe
Opium Husk (Bhuki) 3172
Alcohol 1150 that this too could not be an adequate reason. Such
Other Drugs* 546 a high level of anaemia could be a combination of
Narcotic Injectables 525 a lack of a proper diet to children and that some
Smack (Brown Sugar) 462
Total 5855** sections are unable to provide a balanced diet.
* Other drugs include Cap Dextropropoxyphene (Proxyvon) Syrup,
Tab Diphenoxylate (Lomotil) Provision of Health
Source: Drug De-addiction Centre, Mohali Health services are provided by public health
** Out of these, 655 cases were addicted to two or more drugs. centres and hospitals as well as private doctors,
The actual number of patients treated was 5200 clinics, nursing homes. The role of the state and
9 Anaemia results from “nutritional deficiency of iron, folate, vitamin B12, and some other nutrients”. It adversely affects maternal and
child health, and can cause direct problems in development of the child, especially her “cognitive performance, motor development, co-
ordination, language development, scholastic achievement and body resistance.” (NFHS II Preliminary Report, page 33).
76
its agencies is focused almost entirely on various surveys, from 12 to 7 percent in rural and 11 to 6
government health centres and hospitals. percent in urban areas.
However, in recent years, in fact for the last twenty
years at least, in Punjab the private sector has This decline in using government facilities for non-
become the major provider of medical treatment, hospitalised treatment, and the abysmally low
be it out-patient treatment or hospitalised levels of usage of government facilities poses a
treatment. There are figures available for analysis question on the efficiency and utility of massive
on the role of the state in providing care. government primary care facilities. There is a large
number of sub-health and primary health centres
NSS reports that only seven percent outdoor dedicated to primary care, and non-hospitalised
patients visited a government facility, whereas 93 treatment would be a major service for such
percent visited a private facility for outdoor centres. The fact that this vast system caters to
treatment in 1995 in rural Punjab, and just six only one out of every twenty patients that seek
percent visited a government facility in urban non-hospitalised care in Punjab calls for a review
Punjab. For treatment that requires hospitalisation, of this system, its management and funding
government facilities are more popular. Of all cases patterns.
of hospitalisation, 39 percent in rural and 28
percent in urban areas went to a government Government Health Services and
facility, the remaining 61 percent in rural and 72 Infrastructure
percent in urban preferred private facilities. The government has put in place an elaborate and
extensive network of health facilities. Rural health
There is an increasing trend towards the facilities are based on nationally accepted norms
privatisation of medical care. A comparison based on the recommendations of the Bhore
between NSS estimates of the 42 nd round Committee Report, and modified from time to
conducted in 1985-86 and the 52 nd round time. Health facilities are based on a four-tier
conducted in 1995-96, shows that the percentage system with Sub-Health Centres (SHCs) at the
of ailments treated in a government facility has base providing basic health services. Above every
fallen in the ten-year-period between the two six SHCs there is a Primary Health Centre (PHC)
Table 4.13: Hospitalised and Non-Hospitalised Treatment Received in Punjab

and India
Non-Hospitalised Treatment Non-Hospitalised Treatment
in Rural Area (%) in Urban Areas (%)
From Govt. Others All From Govt. Others All
Punjab 7 93 100 6 91 97
India 19 64 83 20 72 92
Share of Hospitalised Treatment per 1000 Public Providers
Hospitalised Treatment Hospitalised Treatment

in Rural Areas in Urban Areas
Govt. facility Others All Govt. facility Others All
Punjab 394 606 1000 276 724 1000
India 453 537 990 431 569 1000
Source: Report No 441, Morbidity and Treatment of Ailments, NSS 52nd Round, National Sample Survey
Organisation, GoI, November 1998.
77
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
Figure 4.9: Percentage of Ailments Receiving average population covered by any medical
Non-Hospitalised Treatment from a institution is around 10,000–11,000, and the
Government Facility, 1985-86 and population served per bed just under one bed per
1995-96 1000 population. In terms of access, the average
radius served per institution is 2.68 km. There has
been a four-fold increase in the number of Primary
Health Centres servicing rural Punjab since 1980,
covering the entire state.
Considering the number of outdoor and indoor

patients coming to government facilities, we get
an average of 5,188 outdoor patients per medical
institution in a year, or an average of 17 patients
per day (assuming 300 working days in a year);
and an average of 18 patients per installed bed
per year in government facilities. Though the
Source: Report No 441, Morbidity and
Treatment of Ailments, NSS 52nd Round,
average comes to 17 patients per day in a medical
National Sample Survey Organisation, GoI, institution, the district, city or civil hospitals and
November 1998
the large speciality hospitals must be taking in many
more than just 17 patients a day. Looking at this
that should cover a population of 20,000–40,000 picture, it shows that the number of patients
people. Over the PHCs come the Community actually using a rural primary care institutions must
Health Centres, usually covering a population of a be even lower than 17.
lakh or so. At the district or city level are the Civil
Hospitals or the District Hospitals. Crowning this The personnel involved in health services and their
system are the larger hospitals, the medical population coverage are given in Table 4.16. There
colleges and speciality hospitals. is, on an average, one doctor per 1,500 people
and one midwife per 1,000 persons. There are
The current spread and reach of the health substantial district-wise variations. Nawanshehar
infrastructure is given in Table 4.14. The reach of has a doctor covering a population of 38,000, and
health institutions is very good in Punjab. The in both Muktsar and Fateh Garh Sahib a doctor
Table 4.14: Public Medical Institutions in Punjab by Location and

Ownership, 2000
(in numbers)
Year Total Located in Owned by
Rural Area Urban Area State Govt. Local Govt. Voluntary Org.
1980 1656 1310 346 1561 51 44
1990 2204 1799 405 2128 25 51
1998 2229 1776 453 2153 25 51
1999 2229 1776 453 2153 25 51
2000 2229 1776 453 2153 25 51
2001 2229 1777 452 2153 25 51
2002 2246 1776 470 2172 24 50
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 2002.
78
Table 4.15: Public Medical Institutions in Punjab by Type of Institution, 2000
(in numbers)
Year Rural Area Urban Area

Hospitals PHCs Dispensaries Hospitals/ Hospitals PHCs Dispensaries Hospitals/
CHC/ PHC CHC/ PHC
1980 111 103 1,096 - 142 26 178 -
1990 88 419 1,249 43 131 23 224 27
1998 73 421 1,220 62 135 24 249 45
1999 72 418 1217 69 135 22 248 48
2000 72 418 1217 69 135 22 248 48
2001 73 418 1217 69 134 22 248 48
2002 73 416 1223 64 147 25 259 39
covers over 26,000 people. Similarly, Muktsar has While Jalandhar has a doctor for every 946 people
one midwife over 17,000 people and a nurse per and Hoshiarpur has a doctor for every 1845
36,000 people. We will take a closer look at this people, in Nawanshehar, (which was carved out
distribution and what it indicates a little later. Before of Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur) which has the lowest
that, let us take a look at ailments and births that urbanisation rate in the three districts, one doctor
the medical personnel handle. serves nearly 38635 people.
If the birth rate of Punjab was 23.4 in 1997, and we Without going into such detail for the other newly
assume the same in 2000-2001, then one midwife created districts, we see (Table 4.16) that for each
handles approximately 20-24 live births in a year. group of districts from which new districts have
Applying the same numbers and including dais in been carved, the population served per doctor is
the figure, we find that on an average a midwife or highest in the new districts. They also have the
dai handles 8-9 live births in a year. With a doctor highest rural population percentage within their
covering 1500 people on an average, there is a group of districts. Thus if the affect of urban and
doctor for every 120 ailments in a year. district headquarter centred institutions are
removed and rural zones within the districts are
If we go back once again to district-wise carved out then it would be clear that the availability
provisioning of health infrastructure and medical of medical doctors is not as high as the average
personnel presented in Table 4.16, there is numbers indicate. Of course, the mere division of
evidence of inter-district variations. a district does not prevent people from continuing
Box 4.1: Ailments and Births in a Year
NSS estimates of PAP of 76 and 85 in rural and urban Punjab’s birth rate of 23.4 is assumed for 2001 and
Punjab are applied to population in ’000 as per 2001 applied to the 2001 population to estimate that 5.74
Census and we arrive at 19,20,197 ailments per year lakh total births take place in a year. This is divided by
or a PAP of 79 for Punjab. With a doctor for 1500 people the number of midwives and dais to find births per
it would therefore mean 79 x 1.5 or 120 ailments per medical personnel.
doctor.
79
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
Table 4.16: Population Served per Medical Institution, per Bed, per Medical and Paramedical
Personnel in Punjab
District Population served Population serviced Doctor Midwife Nurse Rural
per Medical per Bed in Population %
Institution Medical Institutions
1 2 3 4 5 6
Punjab 10786 947 1485 1015 1696
Amritsar 10494 617 873 840 1454 40
Bathinda 10006 1172 1421 1253 8351 30
Faridkot 13228 709 1219 817 1529 34
Fatehgarh Sahib 10404 1343 26530 6471 10011 28
Firozpur 11899 1068 3511 1324 1640 26
Gurdaspur 10235 1273 2382 579 973 25
Hoshiarpur 8842 998 1845 669 2057 20
Jalandhar 11172 878 946 1084 1559 47
Kapurthala 9044 971 1867 1463 3910 32
Ludhiana 14827 934 1174 674 892 56
Mansa 10895 1393 27691 7467 16209 21
Moga (R) 10712 1331 21687 2137 2887 20
Muktsar 10541 1257 26534 17488 36062 26
Nawanshehar 8133 1266 38635 4683 5569 14
Patiala 11102 743 724 1532 1696 35
Rup Nagar 9455 1141 2468 1198 2983 32
Sangrur 10822 1275 2518 1794 4469 29
Note: Information given in column 1 and 2 is for the year 2000, and the information given in column 3, 4 and 5 is for the year 1999.
to use the medical institutions situated in the clearly, urban areas have fewer medical institutions
erstwhile parent district. (primarily institutions like the SHCs, PHCs and
CHCs), but adequately make up with large
Therefore, an analysis of availability, reach and hospitals with more doctors.
spread of medical institutions and medical
personnel based on averages across large Private Health Services and Infrastructure
geographical entities, in a sector like health, where Private medical care is the chief health service
travel and time are both critical for care, has to be provider in Punjab. Covering over 90 percent cases
carried out with greater care, greater dis- of non-hospital care and over two-thirds of the
aggregation of data and the type of disease cases of hospitalised care, private health services
burden. dominate and direct curative health.
The availability of doctors in rural medical There is very little information available on private
institutions needs to be considered, since as far medical services and thus it is not possible to
as area and population covered per medical make any definitive comments on the private
institution is concerned, almost all districts provide medical system in the state. However, certain
the same average coverage numbers. In fact, it is features may be highlighted.
interesting to see that in each of the groups
displayed below, districts with the highest In many instances the private sector operates
urbanisation rate also have the largest number of without adhering to regulations and is often a
people dependent on a medical institution. Quite hindrance to making health care accessible to all.
80
Further, patients’ rights are often not adequately
served in the private health sector.
The anecdotal evidence on female foeticide,

discussions with doctors running small nursing
homes where such facilities are available show that
in spite of regulations, private doctors do not
Courtesy: UNICEF
hesitate to carry out sex determination tests on
pregnant mothers. These hospital administrations
may often be willing to terminate pregnancies in case
the foetus is found to be female. In such cases, the Health care services have become more accessible
profit motive drives out any adherence to ethics.
Accountability is an important issue here. This is
There are many arguments that private medical aid not just applicable to the private sector but for the
should be expensive because one, it will then entire spectrum of health service providers. The
guarantee quality medical care, and two, take the techno-centric nature of treatment traps patients
pressure of richer clientele off government facilities. in a web of technology-centred medical care and
Although there is some merit in these arguments, a system that is confusing, intimidating and
yet completely unregulated medical care can cause expensive. Whatever be the legislation in medical
all sorts of problems. care, both in place and being contemplated,
including issues such as consumer rights in health,
The greater demand for private medical services there is an urgent need to change attitudes. Health
would certainly be welcome if it grows to providers, including doctors and specialists, have
accommodate sections that can pay for private to become more accountable to their patients. In
care. However, the large numbers accessing turn, patients and the public have to demand and
private care shows that even the poor are turning play the role of guardians of their own health care.
to private health service providers. Institutionally, this can only occur when health
administration provides for public representatives
The blame cannot rest entirely with the private and people’s groups to play an active role in the
sector. The fact that the poor have to pay large management of health institutions.
sums for treatment (leading to further
impoverishment) reveals the breakdown of the Health Services for Women and Children
public health care system. "The hospitalised Reproductive and Maternal Health
Indian spends more than half his total annual A birth rate of 21.5 indicates that in the year 1999,
expenditure on buying health care; more than 40 5.5 lakh women gave birth to a child. The state’s
percent of hospitalised people borrow money TFR indicates that in her lifetime a woman on an
or sell assets to cover expenses and 35 percent average will give birth to 2.8 children.11 If we take
fall below the poverty line" .10 The same study age-specific fertility rates from SRS tables for
also suggests that out-of-pocket medical costs Punjab presented in Table 4.17, and apply them to
may alone push 2.2 percent of the population the female population in different age categories,
below the poverty line. we get approximate numbers of children born in a
10 “India–Raising the Sights: Better Health Systems for India's Poor”, World Bank, May 2001.
11The figure of 2.8 children appears odd, but must be seen as an average, and actually shows that of every ten women in Punjab there
will be about 28 children born.
81
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
Table 4.17: Number of Children Expected to be Born in 2001 per 1000 Females in the
Reproductive Ages
Age group ASFR - Total ASFR - Rural ASFR – urban Children Born Children Born Children Born
Total Rural Urban
15-19 14.9 16.8 8.6 14492 11532 2960
20-24 213.8 225.0 181.9 240915 171417 69498
25-29 197.2 213.0 152.9 198842 146208 52634
30-34 86.8 95.8 64.5 86996 65036 21959
35-39 27.3 31.2 17.5 21410 16709 4700
40-44 8.9 11.1 3.6 6035 5191 844
45-49 4.0 3.6 5.0 2027 1195 832
All ages 2.8 3.0 2.2 570717 417288 153429
ASFR : Age-Specific Fertility Rate
Source: Census of India 2001 for population estimates, SRS Statistical report 1996, Registrar General of India, New Delhi.
year to different age group of women. These government primary health facilities and hospitals,
numbers show the scale of births and the scale of and are also part of the standard prescription and
issues related to reproductive health. treatment that private doctors must also prescribe
and administer to pregnant women. The NSS
There are three time periods and three types of survey of 1995-96 found that nearly three out of
care for the pregnant and the young mother, pre- five pregnant women had received two doses of
natal care from the onset of pregnancy, the delivery anti-tetanus, whereas 20 percent had not received
itself, and care after childbirth. any dosage. Among pregnant women (aged 15-
49 years) 45 percent women in Punjab did not
For pre-natal care, the 52nd round of NSS held in receive any IFA tablets, 12 percent received around
1995-96 found out that amongst pregnant 50 or less tablets, and 32 percent received 50-100
mothers, 60 percent in rural and 55 percent in urban tablets. Only six percent got the required number
Punjab registered for pre-natal care, and the of 100 tablets. NFHS II estimates of 42 percent
average visits to the medical service provider was women being anaemic in 1998-99 should be read
4.1 and 4.6 times respectively. Public medical with this information about women having received
facilities are the main source of pre-natal care for IFA tablets.
women. In rural Punjab, maximum pregnant women
went to a public dispensary (36 percent of those Care during childbirth is crucial for the health of
seeking pre-natal care), followed by public hospital mother and infant. In case complications arise
(30 percent of those registered). Among urban during delivery, proper medical attention, use of
pregnant women seeking pre-natal care, 45 clean instruments in delivery and basic hygiene at
percent went to a public hospital, and 20 percent place of childbirth are essential. These are provided
to a private hospital. During the NFHS II survey in in an institution (institutional delivery), i.e. delivery
1998-99, 74 percent of pregnant women who had in a medical facility with a trained doctor, proper
received antenatal check-ups. instruments and facilities at least for common
complications during delivery. In case institutional
The medical care required by pregnant women delivery is not possible, recourse to a Trained Birth
includes pre-natal check-ups and at the very Attendant (TBA) is also a safe option. Normally in
minimum, doses of anti-tetanus and iron folic acid rural and often even in urban deliveries, traditional
(IFA) tablets. Both these services are provided from dais, or midwives, are used, but they are not
82
capable of handling complications. The Box 4.2: Immunisation of Children
government has been involved in providing trained
midwives, along with institutions that can handle BCG
DPT
such deliveries. Polio drops
Tetanus
We have two estimates of the type of delivery by Measles
way of attention at childbirth. NSS 52nd round of Immunisation of Pregnant Women

1995-96 showed that only 1.9 percent rural and 1.5 Tetanus
percent urban deliveries took place without any
attendance. This is in sharp contrast to 35.8
percent rural and 15.9 percent urban deliveries for nurses. This high percentage of midwife-attended
all India that take place without any attendance. It childbirths is a characteristic of Punjab and no other
is revealing to note the type of attendant in child- state has such a high dependence. The survey
births in Punjab from this survey. It showed that does not give an idea of the level of skills or training
“government-appointed doctors” attended only six that these nurses or midwives may have and we
percent births, “government-appointed nurses or can only assume that such attendants are perhaps
midwives” attended 9.5 percent of all childbirths, not all trained. This estimate corresponds with
and “other doctors”, who we can assume are NFHS II, which tells us that in 1998-99 institutional
private doctors, attended 15.6 percent. The deliveries in Punjab were 37.5 percent, an increase
remaining 62.9 percent childbirths were attended from an estimated 25 percent institutional
by “other nurse/ midwife”. This figure is very high deliveries found by NFHS I in 1993. NFHS II further
for Punjab compared to all India average of 18.9 tells us that 63 percent of all deliveries were “safe
percent child-births attended by such midwives or deliveries”.
Immunisation of children
83
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
Table 4.18: Targets and Achievements of the Immunisation
Programme in Punjab, 1999-2000
Vaccine Target Achievement Achievement rate
TT (pregnant women) 603006 581734 96.5%
DPT (infants) 520038 592625 114.0%
Polio (infants) 520038 592326 113.9%
BCG (infants) 520038 606275 116.6%
Measles (infants) 520038 560552 107.8%
DT (5 years) 538087 581207 108.0%
TT (10 years) 538087 501441 93.2%
TT (16 years) 492001 454259 92.3%
Source: Annual Report 1999-2000 Department of Health, Government of Punjab.
From both these estimates, it appears that there a year leaves a child fully immunised against these
is a very large number of childbirths that are not diseases. It needs to be kept in mind that unless
safe and do not get the quality of trained the child receives all doses, he or she is not fully
attendance required to ensure proper care. safe from these diseases, and therefore for the
purpose of our analysis we will ignore data on
Immunisation partially immunised children.
Following the Alma Ata Declaration, immunisation
was taken up on a near war footing across the We have information on levels of immunisation
globe. The 1990s saw a massive programme from two sources, the preliminary report of the
launched by the Government of India, with many National Family Health Survey 1998-99 and the NSS
international aid agencies and the state 52nd round survey on maternity and child care
governments, to universalise immunisation of conducted in 1995-96. Both are recent and we will
children and pregnant mothers. use and compare figures from both sources as
and where found relevant.
The basic immunisation programme covers
children against the major killer and debilitating Government programmes for immunisation of
diseases. The entire process that takes a little over children have met their targets quite successfully
Table 4.19: Vaccination coverage in Punjab as per NFHS I and II, and, NSS 52nd Round, 1995-96
Vaccine Coverage Vaccination Coverage from NSS 52nd Round, 1995-96
NFHS I NFHS II BCG DPT (3 doses in OPV (3 doses in Measles
(0-4 age 1st year and booster 1st year and booster
group) within 3 years) within 3 years)
% of children 61.9 72.1
fully vaccinated
B.C.G. 77.4 88.7 Punjab 840 462 462 600
Polio 0 1.7 11.2 India 679 373 392 442
DPT 1 81.9 88.4
DPT 2 78.5 87.3
DPT 3 73.6 82.0
Polio 1 82.2 90.5
Polio 2 78.2 88.5
Polio 3 73.4 83.6
Measles 64.8 76.5
None 17.5 8.7
Source : Sarvekshana, 82nd Issue, NSSO, Government of India.
84
over some years now. Data published in the annual NSS estimates from 1995-96 are more conservative
report of the Department of Health and Family in the achievement attained by Punjab, and while there
Welfare, Government of Punjab, for the year 1999- is 84 percent coverage of BCG, the coverage of DPT
2000 shows that the targets of immunisation have and OPV is less than half of the targeted children,
been met and even exceeded. Targets are and 60 percent in the case of measles. In DPT and
exceeded because often the number of children OPV, Punjab comes eighth amongst the states.
is higher than estimated through population
growth assumptions, and also because of the The level of awareness amongst mothers on
children of migrants to the state. The achievement immunisation, both for themselves and for their
rates are given in Table 4.18. children is fairly high in Punjab. NSS 52nd round
survey found over 95 and 94 percent rural women,
The level of immunisation on the other hand, is a respectively, aware of these needs.
slightly different story. The estimates from the two
NFHS surveys undertaken in 1993 and now in 1998- The number of children, who are either left out
99 are compared in Table 4.19. completely from the safety cover of immunisation
or receive selective protection, is still quite large.
In NFHS II, we find that 72 percent children were We also need to urgently know who are the children
fully immunised. This is much higher than the level who are being left out of immunisation, where do
in other states of India, but it still leave 28 percent they live and why they are not receiving vaccination.
children vulnerable to one or more of the deadly
infant diseases. There are 9 percent children who Child Care
did not receive any dose at all, and would be the Newborns are at a high risk of mortality within the
most vulnerable section of children. In terms of first seven days after birth and then for the next 21
coverage by type of vaccine, measles has the days. The risk of mortality in this period is
lowest coverage. However, it is encouraging that considerably reduced by proper and clean delivery
in nearly all types of vaccines, there has been an practices, proper care of the newborn and ante-
improvement in the level of achievement reached natal check-ups.
in 1993, and the percentage of children who did
not receive any vaccination at all has been reduced Estimates from NSS 52nd round survey states that
by half. in rural Punjab in the late 1990s, 64 percent boys
Table 4.20: Villages Covered under Rural Drinking Water Supply Schemes in Punjab (Year 2000)
(in numbers)
Years Inhabited Identified Water Scarcity Villages Balance of %age Villages with
villages Scarcity Villages where water Scarcity villages Col.3/2 adequate
Supply Schemes where water water supply
Commissioned supply schemes %
still to be initiated
0 1 2 3 4 5 6
1980 12188 3712 1945 1767 52.4 85.5
1990 12342 6287 3898 2389 62.0 80.6
1998 12428 8527 6891 1636 80.8 86.8
1999 12428 8517 6957 1560 81.7 87.4
2000 12428 8518 7092 1426 83.3 88.5
85
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
and 62 percent girls were registered for paediatric percent of all households in Punjab and 92 percent
care in rural areas and 52 percent boys and 55 households of rural Punjab had access to safe
percent girls were registered for paediatric care in drinking water. Table 4.20 on provisioning of water
urban areas. Amongst the rural consumers of supply in Punjab’s villages, tells us that in 1990,
paediatric care, nearly four out of five went to a eighty-one percent villages were adequately
hospital, whereas among urban consumers 85 covered with rural drinking water supply schemes.
percent went to a hospital. This number has risen to 89 percent in 2000, and
correspondingly, the population with access to
Public Health: Issues Beyond Medicine safe drinking water would also have risen
and Cure considerably.
Health is increasingly seen as not just the mere
absence of disease. Availability of adequate and There are district-wise variations in rural drinking
safe drinking water, clean living environment, water schemes in Punjab. Mansa, Moga, Muktsar,
adequate and nutritious food from the time of birth, and Faridkot had 100 percent coverage, but in
proper drainage and garbage disposal services are Gurdaspur, 60.9 percent villages were covered.
all components of health. Along with these, there Kapurthala had coverage of 88 percent, and in
are the equally important issues of sources of Ludhiana 75.6 percent villages were covered. The
energy (use of polluting fuels, for example, 1991 Census did not provide data showing high
adversely affects the health of women) and social variation among districts in households with
attitudes that govern pre-natal care and practices. access to safe drinking water. The highest access
was in Amritsar, Ludhiana and Kapurthala (95
Drinking Water percent households), and least access was in Rup
Unclean drinking water has a devastating impact Nagar (86 percent) and Hoshiarpur (84 percent).
on health. The Census of 1991 estimated that 93
The National Sample Survey 54th round (1998)12
provides data on households with access to
Figure 4.10: Households Reporting Insufficient adequate drinking water. According to this survey,
Drinking Water for Some Part of the Punjab has the best level of access to adequate
Year, 1998 drinking water amongst all the states in India. This
survey also provides information on the sources
of drinking water and the distance people have to
travel to access drinking water.
In 1998, 60 percent of the households in urban

Punjab, possessed sources of water within their
dwelling units, and the most popular source of
drinking water was the tap, catering to 64 percent
households, followed by tube well or hand pump,
catering to 36 percent urban households. In urban
Punjab, 33.6 percent households accessed their
Source : NSS 54th Round, Sarvekshana 82nd principal source of drinking water outside their
Issue, January-March 2000, NSSO, Government
of India.
dwelling but within the household premises. Urban
12 Sarvekshana 82nd Issue, January-March 2000, NSSO, Government of India
86
Table 4.21: Number of Households per 1000 Using Different Processes to Clean
Drinking Water
Region Filtering Chemical Boiling
With plain cloth By other process treatment
Rural Punjab 1 11 4 3
Rural India 152 29 12 43
Highest in Rural India 745 200 67 216
Lowest in Rural India 1 8 1 2
Urban Punjab 3 28 5 16
Urban India 227 129 12 489
Highest in Urban India 796 441 120 653
Lowest in Urban India 3 28 4 12
Source: Sarvekshana 82nd Issue, January-March 2000, NSSO, Government of India.
water supply systems provided 47 percent urban It appears that while Punjab tops the list of states
households with tap water within their dwellings. in terms of quantity of water supply, there are
problems as far as quality of water is concerned.
In rural Punjab, 45 percent households possessed The treatment of water is an important element in
drinking water sources within their dwellings, clean and safe drinking water. Table 4.21 presents
whereas 37 percent had access to drinking water the various measures adopted in treating drinking
outside their dwelling but within their premises, and water and in the kinds of water storage practices
17 percent households accessed drinking water in use.
within a distance of 0.2 km from their dwelling. The
main source of drinking water in rural areas was The table shows that most Punjabis do not use
the tube well or hand pump (83 percent households) any form of water filtering or cleaning facilities in
followed by tap water (15 percent households). their homes, and the tendency is to use tap or
Four percent rural households possessed a tap hand pump or well water straight as it comes
connection within their dwelling. from the outlet. At the moment, there are reports
of contamination of surface and ground water
The challenge before Punjab is no longer the from sources such as fertilizers used in
provisioning of safe drinking water, but to ensure agriculture filtering into the soil, as well as
that the few villages and people who have not been industrial and vehicular pollution. It is, therefore,
able to get the benefit of assured supply of safe important that households adopt home-based
drinking water, do so. practices of cleaning or filtering water in some
form or the other.
The quality of water is equally crucial. The NSS
survey gives an adequate indication of the quality Sanitation
of water available for drinking in Punjab. In rural Sanitation is closely linked to safe drinking water.
Punjab, 85.2 percent households had water “of Essential features of sanitation include basic
satisfactory quality”, and this number equals the hygiene of the individual and community, drainage
national average. In urban pockets, 93 percent of water, proper garbage disposal, facilities used
households report water “of satisfactory quality”, for defecation and its disposal.
which is much lower than that of states like
Karnataka, Haryana, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, NSS survey in 1995-96 gives us indications on
Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and even Rajasthan. sanitation. The percentage of rural households in
87
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
Table 4.22: Types of Latrines and Types of Drainage in kuccha houses. In Firozpur half of the households
Used per 1000 Households in Punjab occupied permanent or pucca houses. In Faridkot,
Hoshiarpur, Bathinda, and Amritsar there were
Type of Rural Urban Punjab
approximately 70 percent permanent households.
latrine Punjab Punjab
No latrine 655 175 479
In the other districts, housing had already reached
Service latrine 54 36 47 fairly high levels of residence in permanent
Septic tank 199 208 202 structures. The Census of 2001 in its recently
Flush system 30 560 224
Other 62 19 47 released data takes a somewhat different
classification and shows that 57 percent houses
Type of Drainage
were in good condition, 39 percent in livable, while
No Drainage 222 114 183
Open Kuccha 313 57 219 only 4.4 percent houses were in a dilapidated
Open Pucca 426 522 461 state.13
Covered Pucca 7 98 40
Underground 32 209 97
Census 1991 found that 82 percent households
Source: NSS 1995-96 Survey, Sarvekshana, NSSO, Government
of India. had electricity, with 95 percent access to electricity
in urban areas and 82 percent in rural areas. The
number of houses with access to electricity had
Punjab that did not use any type of latrine was 65.5, gone up to 93 percent by 2001.
while the percentage of urban households without
a latrine was 17.5. The types of latrine detected by The 49th National Sample Survey confirms a very
NSS in use are shown in Table 4.22. high number of permanent dwellings and high
access to electricity in households in 1993. Eighty
About one household in every five does not have percent rural houses and 92 percent urban houses
any drainage facility in Punjab. Covered drainage— were pucca, the highest proportion of such
the most effective drainage as it reduces contact dwellings among all the major states in India. This
of drainage with air to minimum—covered only 4 survey also found that rural households using
percent households. It is encouraging, however, electricity for lighting were 85 percent, and urban
that half of the households have access to pucca households were 94 percent. Only Jammu and
drainage. The proper and timely maintenance of Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh have similar levels
drainage systems is always key to effective of access to electricity. Permanent home
drainage. There is little data to show the construction and presence of electricity provides
maintenance of drainage facilities. However for a relatively “better” quality of living in
anecdotal and visual evidence puts a question mark households. This also reduces the additional
on the effective maintenance of drainage systems burden on women who handle minor house repairs
in Punjab, especially in small towns and high- and usage of kerosene and biomass for lighting
density habitats. purposes, both of which are polluting fuels and
add to the work burden of women.
Habitat and Shelter
Generally speaking, the availability of shelter is fairly The kind of energy used for cooking affects the health
satisfactory in Punjab. During the Census of India of women. Smoke-emitting fuelwood, bio-mass,
in 1991, 77 percent households lived in kerosene, and coal affect the respiratory system. The
“permanent” structures, and only 12 percent lived types of cooking fuels used in Punjab households in
13 Data pertaining to households at district level from the Census of 2001 was not available at the time of publishing of this report.
88
Figure 4.11: Type of Cooking Fuel used per 1000 Households, Punjab 1993
Source : NSS 49th round, Sarvekshana, 78th issue, 1999, NSSO, Government of India.
1993 are presented in Figure 4.11. The number of in the allocations over time, in the Five Year Plans.
households using fuelwood in rural Punjab is among From a share of 7.5 percent in the 7th and the 8th
the lowest among all states (59 percent). This, Plans, this share went up to 13 percent in the 9th
combined with the 12 percent households which use Plan. The allocations to health in fact, went up by
leaves and straw, raises the percentage of three and half times between the 8th and 9th Plans.
households using smoke-emitting fuel to 71 percent. In the increase in Plan size between the 8th and 9th
In urban houses, however, the use of fuelwood, straw Plan, the raise in allocation in health has been much
and leaves, is much less, and a large number use more than the general raises in the Plan size.
kerosene and even LPG gas.
In the state budget, the allocation to health for the
Health Care: Public Provisioning, year 1998-99, for which accounts are available,
Finances and Costs shows a per capita expenditure of Rs. 204 for the
The expenditure by the state government on year. In the budgeted allocations for the years 1999-
medicine and public health has shown an increase 2000 and 2000-2001, allocations in health have
Table 4.23: Budget Allocation for Health in Five Year Plans

6th Plan 7th Plan 8th Plan 9th Plan
Health 18774 25050 50423 189788.5
Growth in Allocation 33.4% 101.3% 276.4%
Share of Health in Plan 9.6% 7.6% 7.7% 13.3%
Total Plan Allocation 195700 328500 657000.00 1430000
Growth in Plan Size 67.9% 100.0% 117.7%
Source: Various Five-Year Plans of Government of Punjab.
89
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
Figure 4.12: Allocation to Medical and Public Health in health care, sectors that are crucial for the poor.
Simply increasing financial allocations in health will
Five Year Plans
not solve the problem. Instead, there must be
sensitive health investment planning which is
biased towards greater distribution of resources
to under-privileged areas, places and groups.
Further, greater investments will have to be made

in increasing immunisation coverage, encouraging
better maternal and childcare including natal care,
strong measures to stop female foeticide and
related practices, and regulate the type of medical
Source: Various Five-Year Plans of Government of Punjab.
care being provided by private practitioners.
gone up to Rs. 271 per capita for 1999-2000 and Apart from investments, increased cost recovery
to Rs. 292 per capita in 2000-2001. may generate funds in the health system. User
charges in government hospitals, along with better
The actual expenditure made on health is and improved health services can ensure that a fair
just 0.99 percent of the state NSDP for the year amount of costs are recovered. The experience of
1998-99. Rogi Kalyan Samitis in Madhya Pradesh has shown
that people are not averse to paying user charges,
Strengthening Health in Punjab provided there are clear mechanisms to ensure that
Investments this money is utilised for patient welfare and patients
Public investments in health are very low and need feel they are participating in hospital management.
to be substantially increased. Primary health care
suffers from poor levels of investment, and this in Focus on the Child
turn, is pushing people towards expensive and Full immunisation coverage, proper delivery
unregulated private service providers. services, and proper paediatric care for children
must be ensured. There must be a two-pronged
Within the state budgets for health, there is little strategy: one, the use of immunisation services,
financial allocation for primary and secondary proper medical care during delivery and taking
Table 4.24: Expenditure on Medicine and Public Health by Government

of Punjab, State Budget 1998-99
Expenditure on Health in State Budget 1998/99 In Rupees
Expenditure on Medicine and Public Health- Revenue Expenditure 4,74,51,00,000
Expenditure on Medicine and Public Health- Capital Expenditure 2,22,00,000
Total 4,76,73,00,000
Per Capita Expenditure – revenue 203

Per Capita Expenditure – Total 204
Net State Domestic Product (at current prices) in 1998/99 4,79,00,15,00,000
Per Capita Income 20,463
Expenditure on Health as a percentage of NSDP 0.991 %
Source: State Budget for 1999/2000, Department of Finance, Government of Punjab, Chandigarh.
90
children for regular and proper paediatric check Inter-Sectorality
ups must be promoted, and two, primary care Health is highly compartmentalised. There are
centres and hospitals must be equipped with different departments responsible for the child,
adequate facilities for such services. women, Scheduled Castes, etc. Non-medicine
related issues in health fall under different
The draft of the National Health Policy of India has departments and there is often a lack of co-
declared that its target is to reduce infant mortality ordinated focus. Provision of safe drinking water,
rate to 30 within the next four years. Punjab sanitation, keeping cities and slums clean, ensuring
simultaneously must target an IMR of at least 25 proper nutrition and food security for families and
or even 20 in the same time period. There must be children of poor households, all have a direct
a focus on marginalised and vulnerable sections bearing on health. But there is little evidence that
such as migrants, slum dwellers and children in these departments work in a co-ordinated manner
backward areas like Kandi, as well as in border and aim at targets other than departmental ones.
districts.
This excessive compartmentalisation means that
Kerala and Tamil Nadu can be a source of new the health sector often cannot work as an
ideas. The impressive health achievements of integrated whole. Within compartments, there is
Kerala can certainly be a model for Punjab. an over-emphasis on selected subjects. In fact, a
separate integrated public health cadre might be
Regulation very useful in implementing programmes.
The private health care sector must be regulated.
There are adequate norms and rules governing Institutional Care
government medical care, but almost none Rural health services have been a neglected area,
governing private care. A framework of norms that both in prices and infrastructure. Although, a great
promotes ethical medical practices is needed. deal of financial support was extended in the Sixth
Box 4.3: Following the Example of Kerala
Kerala has achieved the net replacement rate for TFR 63 percent in Tamil Nadu. In contrast, the literacy level
in 1988, Goa a little before that and Tamil Nadu, in in Rajasthan in 1991 was 38.6 percent, 41.6 percent
1993. Why did these states achieve this level of fertility in Uttar Pradesh, and 58.5 percent in Punjab. These
control when others did not? Was there anything have risen to 91, 82 and 73 percent for Kerala, Goa
special about these states? Yes, there was. and Tamil Nadu, and 61, 57 and 70 percent for
Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab, respectively. In
These states consciously or unconsciously 1991, female literacy in Kerala was 86 percent, Goa
emphasised social development and invested heavily had 67 percent, Tamil Nadu had 51.3 percent. But in
in it. Provision of adequate health care and education Rajasthan, female literacy was only 20 percent, while
facilities, reduction in infant mortality and promotion it was 25 percent in Uttar Pradesh and 50 percent in
of family planning were some of their priorities. The Punjab.
Information, Education and Communication (IEC)
package was also an integral part of their social There are some who argue that it is poverty that is
development strategy. The results speak for largely responsible for high fertility in India. By that
themselves. reasoning Punjab, which is one of the most prosperous
states, should have registered low fertility. But the
For instance, according to the 1991 Census, the literacy fact remains that Punjab’s fertility is much higher than
level was 90 percent in Kerala, 76 percent in Goa and Kerala’s, despite Kerala’s lower per capita income.
91
HEALTH IN PUNJAB
and the Seventh Five Year Plans, the situation failed five years and reducing mortality by half from
to improve, as there was often no one to run these diseases like TB and malaria by 2010. These should
institutes. There are few doctors in rural and not be the targets for Punjab.
remote areas, mainly as a result of poor working
conditions and lack of transparency. The private For Punjab the efforts must be to rival Kerala and
sector should be encouraged to work in remote do better—place IMR to around 15 in another five
areas and local practitioners such as hakims, to eight years; reduce mortality and incidence of
vaids, etc., who often have a loyal clientele, must occurrence of TB and malaria to one-fifth of its
be integrated into government PHCs in remote current levels by 2010; take maternal mortality to
districts to ensure maximum community below 50 by 2010; reduce low birth babies to less
participation. than 5 percent; ensure 100 per cent
immunisation of infants and mothers and ensure
Finally, ineffective monitoring of PHCs leads to their near hundred percent paediatric and post-natal
under-utilisation. There is a lack of accountability care. Also, push life expectancy at birth to at least
at all levels, especially when it comes to the quality 75 years for all, and nearing 80 for women. There
and quantity of drugs available in the market. is also a need to ensure that by the next census
in 2011, Punjab should be quoted as an example
A good referral system should be developed of an increase in both overall and juvenile sex
whereby a patient moves from one level of health ratio. This figure is possibly more revelatory of
care to another level of health care according to the state of Punjab’s health than figures for life
their medical needs rather than going to a higher expectancy.
level directly. This means that the role of primary,
secondary and tertiary levels of health care should This means ensuring that primary health care
be properly defined. reaches the most remote and deprived. Punjab
needs to ensure that it begins to spend at least
The health of the average Punjabi is good: the eight percent of its state budget on health within
image of a robust, healthy well-built, human being, the next three to four years.
capable of hard physical labour is more or less
accurate. However, in Punjab, there is also the Punjab has a well laid out road and power
presence of the weak and unhealthy, the dying child network, numerous private and public health
and the weakened mother. facilities and large sections of the population
have very high purchasing power. The state also
The new National Health Policy on the anvil has possesses high awareness levels and personnel
called for reducing IMR to 30 in another nine years, and thus, with far-sighted policies, can become
eliminating diseases such as polio and leprosy in India’s most healthy state.
92
5. Education – Building People
Apart from its intrinsic value, the importance of

education in contributing towards the
development of human potential is well accepted,
both at the national level and in Punjab. Education
has been accorded a fair amount of centrality in
policy initiatives. Since Independence, economic
planners have grappled with education policies.
Over the years, a vast network of schools and
Courtesy IDC
institutions for training teachers, for effective
development of curriculum, publication of
textbooks, etc., has been set up. A number of
Education for development of human potential
schemes and incentives have been launched to
attract children, especially the girl child, to school.
Special efforts have been taken to persuade It is the provision of greater access to education
parents to send their children to school. All these for all which demands attention. The quality of life
efforts have paid dividends. of the learner will hardly improve if the manner, form
and content of education is far removed from
A significant move towards universalising education reality. The Jomtien Declaration, 1990, in this
in India was the formulation of the National Policy
on Education (1986). The Policy sought to provide
education for all and focused primarily on providing
marginalised groups greater access to education. Box 5.1: Jomtien Declaration, 1990
Promotion of education for women, as underlined
in the Policy, became a priority area. The Jomtien Declaration (1990) states that “Every
person–child, youth and adult–shall be able to benefit
Internationally, the Jomtien World Conference from educational opportunities designed to meet
(1990) was a major initiative in education. By being their basic learning needs. These needs comprise
essential learning tools and basic learning content
a signatory to the Conference declarations (See required by human beings to be able to survive, to
Box 5.1), the government reaffirmed its develop their full capacities, to live and work with
commitment to a dual approach of according dignity, to participate fully in development, to improve
equal importance to primary education and adult the quality of their lives, to make informed decisions
and to continue learning.”
literacy.
93
EDUCATION - BUILDING PEOPLE
context says that “Whether or not expanded schooling for children up to the age of 14 within a
educational opportunities will translate into period of 10 years.
meaningful development—for an individual or for
society—depends ultimately on whether people Yet the Directive Principle was perhaps a little too
actually learn as a result of those opportunities, optimistic. In India, poor enrolments and high drop-
i.e., whether they incorporate useful knowledge, out rate are often governed by various socio-
reasoning ability, skills, and values.” economic reasons. State interference becomes
imperative, even crucial, not just in providing a
Hence, the real emphasis needs to be on sound education policy and infrastructure, but also
developing a curriculum that is not divorced from in tackling socio-economic impediments. It is only
the realities faced by the respective learners. with this two-pronged attack that education can
be used in the way intended by the World
The Declaration also marked the transition from Declaration of 1990.
an instrumental approach, where individual
development was superseded and productivity Education in Punjab: Present Scenario
of society was the key concern, to a more people- The greatest concern in Punjab is that still few
centred approach. Development of society sections do not have access to education.
became secondary and individual development Despite Punjab being economically progressive,
through education became primary. This trend it is yet short to universalise elementary
was a welcome one, especially in the case of education for all its children. Punjab has
women’s education. Women’s education was registered a literacy rate of 69.95 percent
advocated chiefly to achieve greater productivity (Census 2001). It has an all India rank of 10 on
in society, whether it was as better informed the literacy scale among Indian states. If we also
wives and mothers or whether it was as effective consider the union territories (UTs), Punjab slips
participants in keeping down the birth and down six places further. Nevertheless, the data
mortality rates. given below highlights that the state has
achieved some success in the field of education.
The Declaration aimed to bring in far reaching The data presents the educational levels over
changes. For the first time, women were several decades.
recognised as individuals in their own right, with
hopes and aspirations that were theirs alone. It can be noted from Table 5.1 that there has been
Being equal partners in the development a substantial increase in literacy rates over the
process, they had the right to develop their years. These rates have shown an increase across
individual lives. This was recognised and given the population, both male and female.
due cognisance.
The role of the State was clearly outlined in the Table 5.1: Literacy Rates by Sex in Punjab (in percent)
Jomtien Declaration. It stressed that the State was Year Persons Males Females
responsible for ensuring that everyone, minus 1971 34.12 42.23 24.65
discriminations, had access to education. Prior to 1981 43.37 51.23 34.35
1991 58.51 65.66 50.41
the Declaration, the Constitution of India had 2001 69.95 75.63 63.55
provided a key role for the State. According to
Source: Provisional Population totals, Census 2001.
Article 45 of the Directive Principles of State Policy,
Note: The rates for the years 1971-2001 relate to the population
the State must guarantee free and compulsory aged 7 years and above.
94
There has also been a substantial increase in the mere 0.99 percent. This reveals the emphasis the
number of schools set up both at the primary and government has placed on primary education.
middle levels. The increase over the years (1966-
2000) has been approximately 52 percent at the Key indicators are overall literacy rates of the
level of primary schooling facilities. Similarly, at population, enrolment rates and dropout rates. In
middle school level, there has been an increase of the following section we will try and highlight these
34 percent. through an analysis of secondary data from the
Census (2000-2001), Registrar General of India. For
At the level of primary schooling, the percentage the purpose of this report, ‘literate’ has been
increase in the number of teachers was approximately defined as any person who is able to read and
49 percent. For middle schools, the increase was a write in any language.
Table 5.2: States and Union Territories Ranked by Literacy Rate, 2001
Rank India/ State/ Union territory Literacy rate (in percent)
Persons Males Females
INDIA 65.38 75.85 54.16

1 Kerala 90.92 94.20 87.86
2 Mizoram 88.49 90.69 86.13
3 Lakshadweep 87.52 93.15 81.56
4 Goa 82.32 88.88 75.51
5 Delhi 81.82 87.37 75.00
6 Chandigarh 81.76 85.65 76.65
7 Pondicherry 81.49 88.89 74.13
8 Andaman & Nicobar Is. 81.18 86.07 75.29
9 Daman & Diu 81.09 88.40 70.37
10 Maharashtra 77.27 86.27 67.51
11 Himachal Pradesh 77.13 86.02 68.08
12 Tripura 73.66 81.47 65.41
13 Tamil Nadu 73.47 82.33 64.55
14 Uttaranchal 72.28 84.01 60.26
15 Gujarat 69.97 80.50 58.60
16 Punjab 69.95 75.63 63.55
17 Sikkim 69.68 76.73 61.46
18 West Bengal 69.22 77.58 60.22
19 Manipur 68.87 77.87 59.70
20 Haryana 68.59 79.25 56.31
21 Nagaland 67.11 71.77 61.92
22 Karnataka 67.04 76.29 57.45
23 Chhattisgarh 65.18 77.86 52.40
24 Assam 64.28 71.93 56.03
25 Madhya Pradesh 64.11 76.80 50.28
26 Orissa 63.61 75.95 50.97
27 Meghalaya 63.31 66.14 60.41
28 Andhra Pradesh 61.11 70.85 51.17
29 Rajasthan 61.03 76.46 44.34
30 Dadra & Nagar Haveli 60.03 73.32 42.99
31 Uttar Pradesh 57.36 70.23 42.98
32 Arunachal Pradesh 54.74 64.07 44.24
33 Jammu & Kashmir 54.46 65.75 41.82
34 Jharkhand 54.13 67.94 39.38
35 Bihar 47.53 60.32 33.57
Source : Census of India, 2001, Tables downloaded from Census website, Registrar General of India, New Delhi.
95
Table 5.3: Ranking of Districts by Literacy 69.95 percent, which is slightly higher than the
(in percent) national average of 65.38 percent. However, in spite
of a relatively high rate of literacy, there are 63.8
Districts Literacy Rate
lakh illiterates in the state.
Persons Rank
Amritsar 67.85 10
Bathinda 61.51 13
From Table 5.2 it is seen that among the states
F. G. Sahib 74.10 7 and UTs, Punjab ranks 16 in terms of literacy. Kerala
Faridkot 63.34 12 has the highest literacy rate of 90.92 percent, while
Firozpur 61.42 14
Gurdaspur 74.19 6 Bihar has the lowest literacy rate of 47.53 percent.
Hoshiarpur 81.40 1 Punjab has shown an impressive growth in the
Jalandhar 77.91 3
Kapurthala 73.56 8
number of literates in the last decade. During the
Ludhiana 76.54 5 period 1991-2001, the percentage increase in the
Mansa 52.50 17 number of literates in the state has gone up by
Moga 63.94 11
Mukatsar 58.67 16 49.55 points. However, the same for India has gone
Nawanshehar 76.86 4 up by 56.81 points.
Patiala 69.96 9
Rup Nagar 78.49 2
Sangrur 60.04 15 Intra-state comparisons throw up an interesting
Punjab 69.95 picture. Literacy rates for Punjab, disaggregated
Source: Provisional Population Totals, Paper 1 of 2001, Census of at the district level, are given in Table 5.3.
India.
Hoshiarpur district has the highest literacy figures

Out of a total population of 24,289,296 in the state while Mansa has the lowest. It may be pointed
(Census 2001), 14,853,810 are literate. The out here that not only are Mansa’s literacy levels
provisional results show an overall literacy rate of much lower as compared to the all India figure of
Figure 5.1: Region-wise Literacy Rate for Males
Source: Based on Provisional Series 2 of Census of India, 2001.
96
Figure 5.2: Region-wise Literacy Rate for Females
Source: Based on Provisional Series 2 of Census of India, 2001.
65.38 percent; it is even lower than the state of the districts in the Malwa region lag behind the
Uttar Pradesh, which had a literacy rate of 57.4 state average. Except for Rup Nagar, Ludhiana and
percent and ranks 31st amongst all states and UTs. F. G. Sahib, all other districts are far below the state
average. Thus there are clear regional divides on
Regional Variations literacy rates.
For the purpose of this report, Punjab has been
divided into three cultural regions—Majha, Malwa The graphs show clearly that Malwa region lags
and Doaba. behind the other two regions. The most
contrasting figures are for rural female literacy
Educational differences among these regions are rates. In the whole of rural Doaba, female literacy
interesting. Figures 5.1 and 5.2 would help rate is a little less than 70 percent; while the
understand some of the literacy differences corresponding figure for the Malwa region is less
between the regions. than 54 percent. These regional differences could
be due to the overwhelming existence of larger
While education levels on a comparative basis are land holdings in the Malwa region, with agriculture
high for the Doaba region, they are moderate for being the primary occupation requiring little
the Majha region and low for the Malwa region. emphasis on education. Thus, women’s
All the districts in the Doaba region have literacy education is even further neglected, a tendency
rates higher than the overall figures for the state compounded by the fact that communities in
of Punjab. This applies to both male and female Malwa tend to be male-dominated, patriarchal
literacy rates. In the Majha region, while the figures and feudal.
for the district of Amritsar are slightly less than
those of the state of Punjab, for the district of In the Doaba region, education assumes greater
Gurdaspur, they are higher. So, overall the region importance because there is a high incidence of
is close to the state average. However, most of out-migration. There are instances of women’s
97
Table 5.4: District-wise Data on the Rural-Urban Divide and Percentage Decrease in Rural-Urban
Differential
(in percent)
Districts R-U difference (2001) R-U difference (1991) Percentage decrease in Rural-
Urban differential (1991-2001)
Amritsar 17.72 24.21 6.49

Bathinda 20.66 27.65 6.99
F. G. Sahib 8.51 13.79 5.28
Faridkot 14.13 23.12 8.99
Firozpur 21.47 27.42 5.95
Gurdaspur 12.47 15.25 2.78
Hoshiarpur 6.57 8.55 1.98
Jalandhar 7.33 15.06 7.73
Kapurthala 9.06 16.94 7.88
Ludhiana 6.54 9.43 2.89
Mansa 23.67 30.34 6.67
Moga 13.66 19.69 6.03
Mukatsar 17.83 26.10 8.27
Nawanshehar 6.27 8.41 2.14
Patiala 18.65 25.72 7.07
Rup Nagar 12.09 17.57 5.48
Sangrur 14.26 18.78 4.52
Punjab 13.97 19.39 5.42
Source: Based on Provisional Series 2, Census of India.
education being advocated for matrimonial districts are clearly in a different category from the
purposes. others. Again the last five districts were the same
in both 1991 and 2001, implying that the pattern
Rural-Urban Divide has not changed drastically.
Any understanding of literacy in Punjab remains
incomplete without an analysis of the rural-urban Compared to the figures of 1991, Mansa has
divide. taken the lead with the highest growth in rural
literacy rate, which is 15.34 percent, while the
An analysis of rural and urban literacy rates shows least growth is shown by Hoshiarpur district,
that Hoshiarpur tops again with 80.09 percent and with 9.48 percent growth. Nawanshehar has
86.66 percent in the rural and urban literacy rates, shown the highest urban literacy growth rate
respectively. Mansa is the least literate with only over 1991, with a growth rate of 10.95 percent,
47.56 percent rural literacy and 71.23 percent urban while Kapurthala has shown the lowest rate, at
literacy. 3.79 percent.
Urban literacy rates are consistently higher than Thus the highest rural-urban disparity occurs in
rural literacy rates for all 17 districts of Punjab. This Mansa at 23.67 percent, while in Nawanshehar, the
is nothing unusual. However, except for the first rural and urban literacy gap has narrowed and there
five districts, that is, Hoshiarpur, Rup Nagar, was a difference of only 6.27 percent.
Jalandhar, Nawanshehar and Ludhiana, there is a
very clear rural-urban divide. Incidentally, these five The Gender Component
districts ranked the first five in the overall literacy Women’s education, as an effective tool for
rates in 1991 as well as in 2001. Thus, these five empowerment has been advocated for decades,
98
Table 5.5: District-wise Literacy Rates by Sex
(in percent)
Districts Literacy rates (2001)
Persons Rank Males Rank Females Rank
Amritsar 67.85 10 73.58 10 61.41 10

Bathinda 61.51 13 68.31 14 53.76 13
F. G. Sahib 74.10 7 78.85 7 68.60 6
Faridkot 63.34 12 68.92 12 57.09 12
Firozpur 61.42 14 69.55 11 52.33 15
Gurdaspur 74.19 6 80.44 5 67.31 8
Hoshiarpur 81.40 1 86.97 1 75.56 1
Jalandhar 77.91 3 82.37 4 72.93 2
Kapurthala 73.56 8 78.66 8 67.90 7
Ludhiana 76.54 5 80.19 6 72.11 3
Mansa 52.50 17 59.12 17 45.07 17
Moga 63.94 11 68.40 13 58.96 11
Mukatsar 58.67 16 65.94 16 50.59 16
Nawanshehar 76.86 4 83.67 3 69.52 5
Patiala 69.96 9 76.13 9 62.94 9
Rup Nagar 78.49 2 84.43 2 71.74 4
Sangrur 60.04 15 65.97 15 53.29 14
Punjab 69.95 75.63 63.55
Source: Provisional Population Totals Paper 1 of 2001.
but was finally given international legitimacy at the region can be considered complete if it does not
Beijing World Conference on Women (1995). Earlier, take into account the literacy rates of women.
the emphasis on education was designed to create
better informed wives and mothers. However, at From Table 5.6 it is clear that there has been an
Beijing, the definition of women’s education was increase in female literacy rates during 1991–2001.
given a revolutionary new meaning and education While for males there has been an increase of just
for women was advocated in order to enable them 10 points, for females the increase has been over
to have increased choices, take their own 13 points. A district wise analysis of the data
decisions and make improvements in their lives, shows that Hoshiarpur tops the list on female
all of which would lead to empowerment, the literacy with 75.56 percent, while Mansa is at the
overall goal of the women’s movement. bottom with 45.07 percent (Table 5.5). However,
while Mansa improved its position by 16.53 points
The UNDP, drawing from the lessons of the Beijing between 1991 and 2001, the maximum in the state,
Conference, has stressed that no study that Ludhiana showed the least increase of 10.87 points
purports to measure the level of education of any over the same years.
Table 5.6: Comparative Male-Female Literacy rates in Punjab

Years Literacy Rate M-F Differential Rate of decline of
M-F Differential
Persons Males Females
1971 34.12 42.23 24.65 17.58 —

1981 43.37 51.23 34.35 16.88 3.98
1991 58.51 65.66 50.41 15.25 9.66
2001 69.95 75.63 63.55 12.08 20.79
Source: Based on Provisional Series, Paper 1, Census of India, 2001.
99
For male literacy, Hoshiarpur tops with 86.97 This fact is further reinforced once we look at the
percent. Mansa has the lowest male literacy rate rate of decline of the male-female literacy gap. In
of 59.12 percent. 1981, the rate of decline was 3.98 percent while in
1991 it rose to 9.66 percent and further to 20.79
However, the differences between male and percent in 2001. This has only been possible
female literacy rates do not correlate very well with because of a faster rate of growth of female
overall literacy rates. For example, in a district like literacy in the state. For example, male literacy rate
Nawanshehar, which stands 4 th in the overall increased by 33 percent from 1971 to 2001, while
literacy rate, there is a glaring difference in male- female literacy rate increased by 39 percent.
female literacy. In fact, Nawanshehar would be
ranked 14th if the districts were ranked by the male- Gender in Urban and Rural Literacy
female literacy differential. From Table 5.7, we see that urban males lead with
82.97 percent while rural females have the lowest
An analysis of literacy rates of males and females literacy rate (57.91).
reveals that the male-female differentials have
been declining over decades. For example, the At the district level, a rural-urban literacy
male-female difference rate was 17.58 percent in comparison of males and females shows that
1971; it fell to 16.88 percent in 1981 and further to Hoshiarpur has the highest percentage of male
15.25 and 12.08 percent in 1991 and 2001, literates in rural areas, 86.11 percent, whereas
respectively. Punjab, with a male-female differential male rural literacy is lowest in the district of Mansa
of 12.08 percent, compares well with the states standing only at 54.27 percent. Among rural
of Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, which have females, the highest percentage again is found in
male-female differentials of 22.94 and 17.94 Hoshiarpur, at 73.87 percent, while the lowest rural
respectively. female literacy rates are in Mansa (40.03 percent).
Table 5.7: District-wise Male and Female Literacy in Urban and Rural Areas, Punjab, 2001
(in percent)
Districts Punjab Rural Punjab Urban Punjab
Male Female Male Female Male Female
Amritsar 73.58 61.41 67.83 52.69 81.84 74.39
Bathinda 68.31 53.76 62.46 47.16 81.88 69.19
Faridkot 68.92 57.09 64.18 52.27 78.35 66.49
FG Sahib 78.85 68.60 76.86 65.83 83.87 75.87
Firozpur 69.55 52.33 64.78 45.78 82.58 71.03
Gurdaspur 80.44 67.31 77.70 63.58 88.16 78.11
Hoshiarpur 86.97 75.56 86.11 73.87 90.30 82.62
Jalandhar 82.37 72.93 80.14 68.17 84.73 78.29
Kapurthala 78.66 67.90 76.27 64.41 83.30 75.33
Ludhiana 80.19 72.11 78.32 66.73 81.58 76.66
Mansa 59.12 45.07 54.27 40.03 77.56 64.14
Moga 68.40 58.96 65.93 55.87 78.05 71.20
Muktsar 65.94 50.59 61.84 45.49 77.78 65.40
Nawanshehar 83.67 69.52 83.15 68.27 86.84 77.30
Patiala 76.13 62.94 70.40 55.29 86.52 76.84
Rup Nagar 84.43 71.74 81.39 66.71 90.63 82.01
Sangrur 65.97 53.29 61.93 48.98 75.67 63.76
Punjab 75.63 63.55 71.70 57.91 82.97 74.63
Source: Paper 1 for Punjab, Census of India 2001, Registrar General of India.
100
Figure 5.3: Distribution of Districts as per their Literacy Levels by Sex and Place of Residence
Source: Based on Provisional Series 2 of 2001, Census of India.
Inter-district literacy disparity becomes much more percent male literacy rate in rural Punjab while no
evident once we look at the gaps in literacy district in urban Punjab has a male literacy rate that
between these two districts. The gap between is less than 66 percent. Only one district,
these two districts in the case of rural male literacy Hoshiarpur, has a rural female literacy rate of more
is 31.84 percent, while the gap between the than 71 percent.
districts is 33.84 in the case of rural female literacy
rate. The differences are sharp for urban male and In contrast, in urban Punjab 12 districts have a
female literacy rates between the two districts. female literacy rate of more than 71 percent (Figure
5.7). This points to the fact that women’s education
Twelve out of the 17 districts of Punjab have rural in the rural areas has perhaps not been given the
female literacy rates that are less than 66 percent. same importance as in the urban areas.
Correspondingly, only three districts have less
than 66 percent urban female literacy rate. In the Also, Punjab has managed to reduce the absolute
case of males, seven districts have less than 66 total number of illiterates both in the case of males
Table 5.8: Decadal Decrease in Illiteracy Rates of Males and Females, 1991-2001
Illiteracy among Males Illiteracy among Females
Number of Male Decadal Percentage Percentage Number of Decadal Percentage Percentage
Illiterates Decrease Decrease Contribution Female Illiterates Decrease Decrease Contribution in
in Decrease Decrease to
to the country the country
1991 2001 1991 2001
3095357 2743910 351447 11.35 1.64 3948251 3636084 312167 7.9 2.97
Source: Based on Provisional series, Paper 1 for Punjab, Census of India, 2001.
101
and females. This is supported by Table 5.8, which As regards enrolment rates, female enrolment
shows the percentage decrease in illiteracy figures rates are higher for the state as a whole than male
for both males and females over 1991-2001. The enrolment rates. The male enrolment rate for the
percentage decrease in the case of males has state in the year 1999 was 66.95 percent, while it
been 11.35 percent, which is lesser than the all India was 68.07 percent for females. For as many as 11
level decrease of 16.34 percent. districts the female enrolment rate was higher than
that of the male. Surprisingly, most of these
The situation is different in case of female districts belong to the Majha and Doaba belt. The
illiterates. The percentage decrease of 7.90 is highest male enrolment rate was in Hoshiarpur
more than the all India figure of 5.25 percentage district, while the highest female enrolment rate
points. The percent contribution of Punjab to the was in Gurdaspur district. The lowest male and
country as a whole, in decreasing female illiteracy female enrolment rate was found in Ludhiana, at
is more than its contribution in the reduction of 57.03 and 58.72 percent.
male illiteracy.
The primary level dropout rate from 1995 to 1999
Enrolment and Dropouts was 22.17 percent. For males the primary level
Enrolment and dropout rates are crucial indicators dropout rate was 24.12 percent, while for females
in the study of literacy levels. An analysis of these it was 19.99 percent. At the secondary level too,
figures brings out the actual levels of learning at that is from class 6th to 10th, the dropout rate
the primary stage. These figures are influenced shows a similar trend. The dropout rate for boys
and biased by the immediate socio-economic is 21.43 percent while for the girls it is 14.22
realities of the potential learner and interpretations percent. Also, the dropout rate decreases from
should ideally take these into account. the primary to the secondary level. At the primary
level the dropout rate was 22.17 while at the
Table 5.9: Estimated Enrolment Rates in Primary secondary level it was 18.24 percent. The dropout
Schools in Punjab, 1999 rate falls more steeply for the females than for
males from the primary to the secondary level.
District Total Male Female
Amritsar 64.23 61.54 67.31
Bathinda 72.92 75.67 69.83 School Infrastructure: Access and
F. G. Sahib 67.60 65.50 70.05 Provision
Faridkot 73.53 74.78 72.12 Punjab’s achievements have been impressive in
Firozpur 66.84 69.22 64.16
Gurdaspur 77.40 74.91 80.27 provision of schools. From just 6,820 primary
Hoshiarpur 78.36 78.08 78.67 schools in 1966-67, the number has gone up to
Jalandhar 72.43 71.61 73.37
Kapurthala 64.79 63.75 65.95
12,996, servicing nearly every habitation in the
Ludhiana 57.80 57.03 58.72 state. Table 5.10 shows that the greatest
Mansa 66.20 67.40 64.87 expansion of schooling facilities took place in the
Moga 67.18 66.84 67.57
Mukatsar 67.78 70.11 65.16 1970s in Punjab, when the number of schools rose
Nawanshehar 71.40 69.07 74.00 by two-thirds, covering the entire state.
Patiala 63.65 63.48 63.85
Rup Nagar 70.05 68.67 71.61
Sangrur 61.81 61.86 61.75 There has also been a substantial increase in the
Punjab 67.47 66.95 68.07 number of teachers. The number of primary school
Source: Enrolment rates have been derived from data on enrolled teachers rose from nearly 23,000 in 1966-67 to nearly
children from the Directorate of Public Instruction (Schools) and
estimated number of children in school going ages from 47,000 in 2000. Again it was the 1970s which saw a
Population Projections and age group based on Census of India massive increase in the number of school teachers.
1991 and 2001.
102
Table 5.10: Year-wise Provision of Schools
Period Primary Schools Middle Schools Primary School Teachers
Numbers % Change Numbers % Change Numbers % Change
over Previous over Previous over Previous
Period Period Period
1966/67 6820 872 22713
1970-71 7458 9.35 1060 21.56 22794 0.4
1980-81 12383 66.04 1498 41.32 47903 110.2
1990-91 12400 0.14 1421 -5.14 47974 0.1
1999/2000 12996 4.81 2534 78.33 46556 -3.0
Source: Directorate of Public Instructions (Schools), Punjab.
Today Punjab’s educational infrastructure is third The 6 th All India Education Survey provides
best in India. According to latest statistics1, 96 information on the facilities available in schools. In
percent of habitations were covered by a primary 1995-96, the percentage of children in primary
school within a distance of one kilometre. Only Tamil schools equipped with drinking water facilities was
Nadu and Gujarat have a better coverage rate. The 89, but only 59 percent children had schools with
coverage of middle schools is, however, not as a urinal, and just 29 percent schools were equipped
good: only 84 percent habitations have a middle with urinals for girls.
school within three kilometres. In this, Punjab ranks
sixth among all major states of India.
Table 5.11: Teacher-Student Ratio at the Three Levels of Education

Region / District Teacher-Pupil Ratio
Primary Schools Middle Schools High Schools
Majha
Amritsar 39 23 31
Gurdaspur 31 28 21
Doaba
Hoshiarpur 34 25 23
Jalandhar 43 27 25
Kapurthala 34 22 19
Nawanshehar 47 30 23
Malwa
Bathinda 48 28 20
F. G. Sahib 43 30 23
Faridkot 46 23 14
Firozpur 49 27 25
Ludhiana 40 25 21
Mansa 55 30 23
Moga 50 34 20
Mukatsar 52 27 23
Patiala 41 28 23
Rup Nagar 36 24 23
Sangrur 47 30 23
Punjab 41 26 23
1 “Selected Educational Statistics 2000-2001”, Government of India, New Delhi, 2002.
103
Teacher-Pupil Ratio trends indicate that there is a movement away from
The number of teachers attending to a class of agriculture and that children of agriculturists are
students is crucial to education. The norm in India, shifting from their family occupation, such a large
also adopted by Punjab, is 40 students per teacher drop-out rate is a matter of concern.
for primary classes.
In 1999, there were nearly 3.8 lakh children on an
An analysis of the data shows that the teacher- average per class from classes one to eight, but
pupil ratio for the state is 41 students per teacher this dropped to 2.4 lakh in high school, and to just
at the primary level. At the district level, in Mansa 57,000 per class in graduate classes (all disciplines
district there are 55 students per teacher, which is included).
the highest rate among the districts. Incidentally,
Mansa is the least literate district in the state both Table 5.12 shows that there are five universities in
in terms of male and female literacy. Also, Mansa Punjab, nearly 200 arts and science colleges and
is lowest in the enrolment rate. Minimum students about 22 institutions for engineering and medicine.
per teacher are found in Gurdaspur district at 31 In science and arts colleges, nearly 1.7 lakh
students per teacher. Gurdaspur is among the students are enrolled in all classes, and 20,000 are
most literate districts of Punjab. Gurdaspur also enrolled in medical, engineering and other
has the highest female enrolment rate and one of professional colleges.
the highest male enrolment rates. This affirms a
possible positive correlation between literacy, Students should be encouraged to opt for
enrolment and the teacher-student ratio, though professional courses, courses offering basic
this may not be true of all the districts where there sciences as well as the liberal arts. While
could be other important factors affecting professional courses make students more
enrolment and literacy rates. employable, liberal education sustains a liberal
environment in civil society.
Higher Education
As we move from lower classes to higher classes, The State and Education
there is a sharp drop in the number of students The state government is the largest and most
enrolled. Taking the data of different classes and important provider of education, more importantly
disciplines for the year 1999, we get an enrolment it is the largest regulator of the quality of education.
pyramid revealing huge numbers of drop-outs as An analysis of government programmes is
children advance in education. In a state where therefore essential.
Table 5.12 : Graduate and Post Graduate Education Institutions in Punjab

Year University Arts, Science, Engineering, Medical Teachers
Commerce and Technology and Colleges Training
Home Science Architecture (Allopathic only) College
colleges college (B.Ed.)
1971* 3 122 2 4 17
1980 3 162 3 5 18
1990 3 171 3 5 18
2000 5 204 16 6 22
2001 5 205 16 6 23
* Information relates to 31 March
104
Programmes for Universalisation of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan and Jan Sampark
Elementary Education Abhiyan
Free and Compulsory Education The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) is operational in
The Government of Punjab provides free educational Punjab and is designed to fill the gaps in the
opportunities to all children in the age group of 6- government’s education agenda. It was launched
14 years under the Free and Compulsory Education with the support of the Government of India. This
Scheme. The steps taken under this initiative include programme selects educationally backward
efforts to increase the retention of students in districts, involves local communities and tries to
classes, increase enrolment rates, improving reach out to educationally deprived children by
existing infrastructure and providing it wherever providing them with a teacher and a school.
required, promoting innovative approaches in
schools and introducing decentralised planning in The aim of the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan is to ensure
education. Also the government must ensure that that no child aged 6-14 remains out of school. SSA
all communities get access to and take advantage provides grants for construction and repair of
of educational facilities. school buildings, setting up of Education
Guarantee Scheme (EGS) Centres, free books to
As part of its strategy to improve primary SC students and girls, training to teachers, training
education, the initiative states that mobilising to parent-teacher associations, etc.
community support in villages where a large
percentage of the illiterate population resides, is Practical decisions and decisions on the amount
imperative. Pockets with poor levels of literacy of money to be spent are taken by Village
have been identified, namely the districts of Education Development Committees. The same
Firozpur, Mansa, Sangrur and Bathinda. Within committees are responsible for giving contracts
these, the pockets inhabited by the Scheduled to families or social service agencies in the villages
Castes and the economically backward to prepare mid-day meals and distribute these to
population have been identified. In these pockets, all primary school children.
incentives such as free residential school for day-
scholars, non-formal education, stipends and The state government has adopted the concept
scholarships, free books and mid-day meals for of Jan Sampark Abhiyan. In this programme,
children are provided in the hope that these will officials have fanned out to all 216 educational
improve attendance and boost overall literacy of blocks of the state to monitor the implementation
these regions. of the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan and other
programmes. The Jan Sampark Abhiyan tries to
Total Literacy Campaigns ensure that there is genuine community
In improving literacy levels, the large backlog of participation.
adults (described as those above the age of 15
years) who have not had the benefit of education
in their early years, must also be considered. Punjab
has been running literacy programmes for these
un-lettered adults, primarily though the Total
Literacy Scheme, which includes total literacy
campaigns, post-literacy campaigns and
continuing education for neo-literate adults.
105
Teachers’ Training training and updating working ETT teachers in
State Council of Education Research & accordance with recommendations of the State
Training (SCERT) Education Policy.
Established in 1981, various units of SCERT have
been focusing on pre-service and in-service teacher Every year about 8,000 primary school teachers
training, as envisaged in the National Policy of and the same number of secondary school
Education. There are 13 District Institutes of teachers are given training through these centres.
Education and Training and JBT schools that impart
pre-service training to primary teachers. To provide Upgrading infrastructure
in-service training to working secondary teachers, Punjab’s major achievement has been to provide
12 in-service training centres are functioning at a primary school in every village with a “minimum
various district headquarters. In addition, the State enrolment of 50 students”. To ensure that children
Institute of Science Education imparts in-service from Scheduled Caste communities (who may
training to science/maths teachers. To impart not have the same access to schools situated in
training in the latest /advanced educational non-SC areas) and children living in remote hilly
technology, SCERT organises seminars for areas where a population of 50 school-going
teachers through their educational technology cell. children is not always available, schools have also
SCERT also stores comparative data in their Data been opened for ‘less than 50 children’. Since the
Processing Unit to assess rates of success. The aim is to improve accessibility to education,
Evaluation Unit of the SCERT is also working on schools have been opened in sub-mountainous
examination reforms. The Educational and areas in the Kandi region. The state education
Vocational Guidance Bureau motivates students administration is also trying to provide drinking
and teachers to appreciate dignity of labour and water and toilets in all schools. The sixth All India
self-employment and try and prevent frustration Education Survey shows that 11 percent of
resulting from unemployment. primary schools did not have drinking water
facilities, 41 percent needed a urinal, while nearly
District Institutes of Education and 71 percent of schools needed a separate urinal
Training (DIETs) for girls. Efforts are being made to rectify the
There are 17 DIETs in the state, one in each district. situation. For example, the state annual plan for
Twelve of these have been approved by the NCERT. 2000-2001 provides Rs. 5 crore for toilets for boys
There are approximately 100 seats per DIET. and girls. It aims to provide this facility to each
Recently, the number of seats was increased in government primary school. Similarly, Rs. 4.5
areas where the density of population is high. Fifty crore have been planned for handpumps to
percent of the seats in each of the DIETs are schools without adequate drinking water
reserved for women. The training imparted at the facilities, at an average of Rs. 15,000 per hand
DIET is known as Elementary Teachers’ Training pump. The aim is to install 3,000 handpumps. The
and lasts for two years. The minimum qualification state government is also making constant efforts
required for this training is 10+2 with at least 50 to improve school infrastructure.
percent marks and the job securing age for an ETT
teacher is 18-35 years. Other efforts include providing “innovative,
imaginative and interesting teaching and learning
The State government has also provided for In- equipment like books, blackboards, maps,
service training. There are 12 In-service Training colourful charts, models, globes, etc.”, and
Centres in the state, which are responsible for promoting extra-curricular activities.
106
Elementary education for all
Direct initiatives are being undertaken to ensure figures hide certain central questions in education
better school attendance by children of in Punjab today.
disadvantaged groups and increase retention
rates. The state pays attendance incentive Quality of Teaching
scholarship of Rs. 50 per month to Scheduled Much is written and said about quality of teaching,
Caste girl students if they manage 80 percent which greatly depends on the quality of textbooks.
attendance. A scholarship of Rs. 30 per month is Many school teachers across different primary
given to Vimukt Jati students. The Punjab School schools have spoken about the fact that school
Education Board also provides free textbooks texts are badly written and do not attempt to be
to all the Scheduled Caste students at the interesting or exciting for a child.2
primary level.
Prof. Yashpal in the report, “Learning without
The mid-day meal scheme has been introduced in Burden”, wrote in the preface that “I and my
40 blocks, selected on the basis of lowest female colleagues…. are convinced that the more
literacy rates (1991 rates) in the state. These blocks pernicious burden is that of non-comprehension.
are located in nine districts Patiala, Firozpur, In fact, a significant fraction of children who drop
Mukatsar, Mansa, Faridkot, Amritsar, Bathinda, out may be those who refuse to compromise with
Sangrur and Moga. Under the scheme, 3 kg of non-comprehension – they are potentially superior
grain is given to each student. to those who just memorise and do well in
examinations, without comprehending very much!”
Quality of Education
Gaining access to a school, passing examinations There is an urgent need to make textbooks
and being enumerated as literate are the major readable, exciting for children and written in a
indicators of assessing education. However, these manner that makes learning fun.
2 These discussions were held with school teachers during visits to rural government schools by Project Team.
107
Equally crucial is the teacher-pupil ratio. How Building Years, from Ages Three to Six
effective is the 40 students per teacher formula The child’s growing years from birth up to the age
which has been laid down as the national norm? of six are a critical phase in a child’s development,
Further, in innumerable cases where the teacher- since over 60 percent of a person’s learning takes
pupil ratio is more than 40 to one, the burden on place in this time period. Those families aware of
the teacher becomes enormous. this, as well as influenced by peer pressure in cities
and towns, send their children to some sort of
Given the wide variations in conditions, perhaps it school from the age of three or four. On the other
is difficult to establish a fixed number to the hand, most rural children, children in slums, and
teacher-student ratio. In discussions, many primary children from poorer backgrounds do not enter a
school teachers confessed to being more school till the age of six or seven or even eight
comfortable with numbers of students closer to years of age. Thus, the mental development of
30 rather than 40. As soon as student numbers these children tends to fall behind that of those
begin to exceed 40 per teacher, education suffers. who have attended some sort of school from a
much younger age.
The challenge is not only to take education to every
child, however backward and marginalised, but The constitutional amendment which gives the right
also to maintain the quality of education. Given the of education to every child aged 6-14 years,
demand on the states’ resources, it might be misses out on the earlier crucial years.
difficult to increase the number of teachers in
government schools. However, there are many In Punjab, there are opportunities for pioneering
innovative community-based mechanisms efforts in this age group and the state could devise
available to increase the number of teachers for innovative community-based ways to educate
schools, such as making use of responsible literate children of ages below six years. Many child care
mothers as part-time teachers. programmes, child care centres and child care
facilities are available in most villages and all
Private Education smaller urban locations. These could be effectively
Private schools have mushroomed across the used and run with local representatives.
state, from nursery to high schools. These
enclaves of relatively better but high-cost education Future Challenges
provide alternatives to the state system but also The most important challenge that faces the state
create certain problems. government today is to implement within 10 years,
Article 45 of the Directive Principles of the
The advantages are easy to see—better educated Constitution of India. Most of the states in India,
children, varied activities and so on. The problems including Punjab, have not been able to fulfil this
are more complex. Private schooling creates Directive Principle. It is still virtually impossible for
pockets of quality education, leaving children many children to gain access to primary schools.
educated in government schools burdened with
low quality education. Thus a dual system of The increasing privatisation of education, especially
education develops, in which private schools at the stage of primary education, whilst providing
become associated with quality and government good and quality education to many children, has
schools with large quantities. created a social divide. Privatisation of schools has
108
ensured that students who have the resources to Curriculum should be made relevant to the needs
pay for their education, can now gain access to of the 21st century. This is an area that needs urgent
better educational facilities. This has created elites and maximum attention. Uniformity in education
at the level of primary schooling. In contrast, should also be ensured in the universities. Financial
government schools have fallen behind in the management is also important. A format should
crucial areas of infrastructure and quality of be prepared on how educational institutions should
teachers, resulting in relatively poor students and submit financial requirements for infrastructure
unmotivated teachers. Nor can government development, procurement of equipment, etc.
schools compete with the few model schools
known as the Navodya Vidyalayas or Adarsh The state government should also work out a
Schools. These institutions, like their private policy that ensures greater co-ordination between
counterparts, siphon off students belonging to education at school and college levels. Education
more affluent sections, leaving overcrowded must be job-oriented, geared towards finding
government schools sunk in gloom, burdened with employment opportunities and encouraging
inadequate teachers and poor facilities. students towards self-employment.
Privatisation of schooling has intensified class Accountability of institutions needs to be

differences and led to the commercialisation of strengthened. Decentralisation, granting greater
education. The government needs a policy which autonomy to certain institutions, forging linkages
can effectively address these social divisions. with the private sector with a view to raising funds
and keeping costs down need to be explored.
The main aim must be delivering quality education
in public schools and ensuring that all children State education institutions must work to make
receive a similar quality of education up to at least curriculum more relevant, create interesting
primary and secondary levels. Government textbooks, work on teachers’ training and
schools should not become bywords for bad motivation and on basic issues of school
students. Basic infrastructure, which the state is management. The Panchayat system in Punjab has
trying to ensure, trained and motivated teachers, not yet become as vibrant as it is in other states
a curriculum and textbooks that excite children, and in the absence of this, user committees of
must be put in place. Most assessments of parents and other community leaders must be
government standard books across India have given a role in school management. Stakeholder
shown them to be poor in quality and often involvement is critical to ensure accountability of
severely uninteresting for children. teachers and primary school managers.
109
6. Women and Children –
Facets of Human Development
Introduction concern. On the political, economic and social

The Indian Constitution is firmly grounded in the front, women have lagged behind not because they
principles of liberty, fraternity, equality and justice. are not capable but because they have been denied
It emphasises freedom for all and contains a opportunities even to survive. The male- female sex
number of provisions for the empowerment of ratio, the educational attainment levels, the infant
women. Women’s right to equality and non- mortality rates, the skilled workforce, access to
discrimination are guaranteed under the common properties, right to inheritance are but a
constitution. Further, it has been explicitly clarified few indicators that highlight the differentials.
that affirmative action programmes for women are
not incompatible with the principle of non- At the same time, it is important to note that there
discrimination on grounds of sex. has been a dramatic increase in the spaces
available to women, many of which have been a
India has reaffirmed its commitment to women by consequence of state initiatives, through the
ratifying the UN conventions and international formulation of gender-sensitive programmes,
covenants like the CEDAW and Beijing Platform initiatives by NGOs and other civil society groups.
of Action. These changes have not come about in a single
day. Rather they have been the result of concerted
The Constitutional provisions and affirmations at the efforts by women themselves.
global level have unfortunately not translated into
the intended status for women in the country. However, the critical issues that require to be
Development in India and its states has not been addressed are increased violence against women
equitable and men and women have benefited and children in newer and more terrifying forms,
differently from development and progress, be it in the growing menace of identity-politics, the
the economic or on the political front. The social growing trend in economic policies which are
environment further exacerbates and reinforces this eroding principles of distributive justice, growing
difference in development. The sex stereotypes in environmental destruction, the continued
expected roles and responsibilities continue to marginalisation of women in public spheres and
perpetuate and reiterate this differential. more importantly, from the areas of education,
employment and better health services.
Punjab is no different from other states. Although
the development levels by the state are exemplary, This chapter seeks to examine the social, political
the status of women continues to be a cause of and economic life of Punjab and compare the
111
WOMEN AND CHILDREN – FACETS OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
Box 6.1: Why Invest More in Women?
The Global HDR of UNDP 1995 noted, “Human in the growing up years of the child. Apart from these
development is a process of enlarging the choices for there remains the classic argument of multiplier effect
all people, not just one part of the society. Such a that a gendered development perspective brings about
process becomes unjust and discriminatory if most in the overall development of a region.
women are excluded from its benefits. And the
continuing exclusion of women from many economic The returns to society from investing in girls education
and political opportunities is a continuing indictment are even larger and last for generations. Educated
of modern progress.” women have fewer children, and thus slow down the
rate of population growth. They also tend to ensure
Experience has shown that the fruits of development, better health and education for the future generations.
if invested in women, spread not only over a wider The rate of return for girls’ education is more than one
group of people, but also over a longer time span. percentage point higher than that for boys. The largest
Moreover, investing in women also entails a better and difference in returns comes from secondary education:
informed childcare, which can make a great difference 18.4 percent for girls and 13.9 percent for boys.
relative position of the sexes. It asks some simple components, which have a direct bearing on
questions: Do women in Punjab have the gender equality and women’s empowerment need
opportunity to live their lives with dignity? Do they to be studied in detail through demographic
have the right to choose what they want to do and indicators, health, reproductive and child health,
the freedom to develop their lives in any way they livelihoods, education. This chapter does that and
wish to? Do they have the capability to acquire brings out the inter and intra-state differentials.
knowledge? Do they live long and healthy lives?
Are they protected from major sources of violence, Women’s Place in Punjabi Society
discrimination, want, fear and injustice? Do they As in other parts of India, Punjabi society consists
enjoy the same choices and chances as the men? of hierarchies based on caste, class and
community. Within these hierarchies there is yet
To draw attention to gender issues, UNDP’s another hierarchy—of gender—women being at
Global Human Development Report 1995 the lower rung.
introduced the Gender Development Index (GDI)
and Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM). GDI Generalisations on the condition of Punjabi women
attempts to adjust the HDI for inequalities in the are almost impossible as there are sharp regional
achievement of men and women. A comparison differences. There are many differences in health,
of a country’s/state’s ranking on the HDI and its literacy, education, sex ratio, rate of mortality,
ranking on the GDI can indicate the existence of employment, incidence of poverty, political
gender discrepancy. GEM is a composite indicator participation and so on.
that captures gender inequality in three key areas
of political participation, economic participation The causes of such differences are, among others,
and power over economic resources. pre-existing levels of development, availability or
otherwise of natural resources, policies of the
The GDI in itself is not a comprehensive tool to state government and regional norms and beliefs.
give a complete picture of gender equality and
related concerns and issues but it does throw light However, notwithstanding disparities, deprivation
on the situation of women. The various of women cuts across regions, classes and
112
castes. For example, the success of the Green “Jad ghar janmi dhee ve babula, sochee pai gaye
Revolution has pushed women, so far important jee ve babula” (O father, it is a solemn occasion,
contributors in the production process, back into a time for deep reflection, when a girl is born in
the private domain. They lost their economic the house).
independence and their higher status within their
class, because, with increased income and So much so that the farewell note during the death
consequent higher social status for the families, of a girl child sometimes says, “Gur khain, puni
women were the first to be withdrawn from the kattin, aap jayin bhra nu ghallee” (Eat jaggery, spin
workforce as symbols of newly acquired status. yarn, you go, send a brother).
Certain development policies, or rather the lack of Is it a surprise then that female foeticide and
them, had severe consequences in creating newer infanticide are practised? Furthermore, those
disparities. There were marked differentials in ’God-fearing' persons who cannot practise female
labour force participation for poor women, both foeticide continue to have children till the woman
urban and rural. The state of rural women, who bears a male child—her health not being a matter
comprise the majority of the women’s labour force, of concern. A woman's status in society, among
is pitiable. Most of them belong to the informal her own peers is measured not by what she is
sector, with little or no bargaining power, which and what she does but if she has at least one
contributes to their marginalisation. This sector male child. So strong is this need to ’belong’ to
requires urgent action and intervention by the state. the society and community that women
themselves perpetuate the custom of son
The Custom of Son Preference preference.
Sikhism, Punjab’s major religion, emphasises an
egalitarian society. Sikh scriptures proclaim, “Why The preference for the male child is strongly rooted
speak ill of those who give birth to kings?” But in economics, particularly scarcity of agricultural
although in the realm of philosophy women are resources, such as land. Since women have been
given equal, even elevated status, everyday realities largely left out of the agricultural process, land and
tell a different story. its use have become a typically male domain.
Any woman trying to get her share of the ancestral
Discrimination against girls and women seems property was accused of being vile, base
to be woven into the very socio-cultural fabric of and depraved.
the society.
A number of customs can be traced to efforts at
The Punjabi society continues to place a premium keeping valued assets within the family. Widows
on the male child. The birth of a son is an occasion were married off to younger brothers-in-law
to rejoice while the birth of a girl is a time for through a practice known as ‘chadar pauna’.
disappointment. Folk songs and dances reflect Sisters were discouraged from asking for their
people's values and beliefs. The following two share in property and any actions in this direction
verses express clear preference for a male child: invariably led to rift in family ties. Women were thus
discouraged from claiming any rights to land or
“Chann chariya baap de vehre, ne veer ghar assets of value.
putt janmiya” (The moon shines in my father’s
courtyard, because a son has been born in my The post-1975 period saw awareness among
brother’s house). women about rights, particularly inheritance rights.
113
However, this awareness backfired as families began Table 6.1: HDI for Indian States, 2001
to fear that their property would go into the hands
States Human Development Index
of the son-in-law, popularly known as begana puut,
Andhra Pradesh 0.416
a possibility that could be avoided if there was Assam 0.386
already a son in the family. Thus, there emerged a Bihar 0.367
Gujarat 0.479
heightened preference for the male child.
Haryana 0.509
Karnataka 0.478
The custom of dowry, or the giving of gifts to a Kerala 0.638
Madhya Pradesh 0.394
girl at the time of her marriage, gained ground. Maharashtra 0.523
Dowry was seen as assets given in lieu of a girl’s Orissa 0.404
share in her parental property. It became Punjab 0.537
Rajasthan 0.424
customary to demand greater amounts of dowry Tamil Nadu 0.531
and there were instances of women themselves Uttar Pradesh 0.388
West Bengal 0.472
demanding greater expenditure at weddings. India 0.472
These developments reinforced the existing
Source: Government of India 2001, “National Human
preference for a son and rates of foeticide and Development Report”, Planning Commission, New Delhi.
infanticide began to rise.
Population control measures such as sterilisations highly unequal gender relations, some symptoms
and a tendency towards nuclear or smaller families of which include the continued practice of female
also fuelled the desire for male children. seclusion, very low female labour participation
rates, a large gap in literacy rates, extremely
Gender Development Index restricted property rights, strong boy preference
During the post-Independence period, Punjab in fertility decisions, widespread neglect of female
witnessed a high level of economic prosperity. The children and drastic separation of a married
Green and the White Revolutions 1 ushered in woman from her natal family.”3
economic growth as seen from high per capita
incomes. High levels of economic development In Table 6.2, it can be seen that Punjab recorded
gave Punjab a relatively high HDI rank.2 Punjab has low levels of development in crucial indicators such
an HDI value of 0.537. Only Kerala has a higher as life expectancy at birth, adult literacy levels and
value of 0.638. share of earned income.
However, the high levels of development did not The poor status of women is reflected through
translate into progress for women. Society the gender development index (GDI), which
remained feudal and women’s development measures the unequal achievements of men and
abysmal resulting in a low gender development women using the same indicators as HDI. Table
index. In the words of Dreze and Sen, “The north- 6.2 also reveals the gender equality index (GEI)4
western states, for instance, are notorious for values of Indian states vis-à-vis Punjab in 1991.
1 While the Green Revolution is a term given to the initiatives undertaken to promote agriculture production in the country in selected areas
in late 1960s and 1970s, the White Revolution is a term referred to similar efforts to increase the production of milk in the country.
2 UNDP’s Human Development Index (HDI), using three indices—life expectancy, educational attainments and per capita GDP—
measures a country’s achievement in human capabilities.

3 Jean Dreze and Amartya Sen, India: Economic Development and Social Opportunity, OUP, Delhi, 1995, p.47.
4 The National Human Development Report released by the Planning Commission has made a Gender Equity Index, similar to the GDI.
114
Table 6.2: Gender Equality Index (GEI) for Indian States, 1991
State HDI GEI Persons in the Life Expectancy Literacy Rate
Labour Force (Per at Birth (Years) (Percent) 2001
cent) 1999-2000 1992-96
Females Males Females Males Females Males
Andhra Pradesh 0.377 0.801 54.2 85.1 63.0 60.8 51.17 70.85
Arunachal Pradesh 0.328 0.776 42.3 67.3 N.A. N.A. 44.24 64.07
Assam 0.348 0.575 24.0 83.4 56.6 56.1 56.03 71.93
Bihar 0.308 0.469 26.3 85.2 58.2 60.2 33.57 60.32
Goa 0.575 0.775 24.6 77.4 N.A. N.A. 75.51 88.88
Gujarat 0.431 0.714 44.6 84.9 62.5 60.5 55.61 76.46
Haryana 0.443 0.714 27.4 77.4 64.3 63.4 56.31 79.25
Himachal Pradesh 0.469 0.858 63.4 81.7 N.A. N.A. 67.08 84.57
Jammu and Kashmir 0.402 0.740 38.5 81.2 N.A. N.A. 41.82 65.75
Karnataka 0.412 0.753 45.4 85.0 64.5 61.1 57.45 76.29
Kerala 0.591 0.825 35.3 80.8 75.8 70.2 87.86 94.20
Madhya Pradesh 0.328 0.662 50.7 84.6 54.7 55.1 50.55 76.50
Maharashtra 0.452 0.793 46.3 82.1 66.2 63.8 67.51 86.27
Manipur 0.536 0.815 34.8 73.8 N.A. N.A. 59.70 77.87
Meghalaya 0.365 0.807 62.1 85.0 N.A. N.A. 60.41 66.14
Mizoram 0.548 0.770 48.7 78.5 N.A. N.A. 86.13 90.69
Nagaland 0.486 0.729 60.6 74.1 N.A. N.A. 61.92 71.77
Orissa 0.345 0.639 40.6 84.1 56.6 56.9 50.97 75.95
Punjab 0.475 0.710 33.9 82.2 68.6 66.4 63.55 75.63
Rajasthan 0.347 0.692 50.2 82.6 59.6 58.6 44.34 76.46
Sikkim 0.425 0.647 36.9 79.5 N.A. N.A. 61.46 76.73
Tamil Nadu 0.466 0.813 47.6 83.6 64.8 62.8 64.55 82.33
Tripura 0.389 0.531 11.2 78.6 N.A. N.A. 65.41 81.47
Uttar Pradesh 0.314 0.520 29.1 83.3 56.4 57.7 42.97 70.23
West Bengal 0.404 0.631 22.2 84.6 63.1 61.8 60.22 77.58
India 0.381 0.676 38.5 83.5 61.4 60.1 54.03 75.64
Source: Government of India 2001, “National Human Development Report”, Planning Commission, New Delhi.
Table 6.3 compares HDI and GEI ranks of the of gender disparities. Likewise, in spite of its
Indian states. economic development, Fatehgarh Sahib ranks 3rd
in HDI and 16th in GDI. Even Firozpur, Faridkot and
Of the 25 States, Punjab ranks sixth in HDI but in
GEI rankings it comes 16th. This gives the highest
negative differential when HDI rank is compared
vis-à-vis the GEI ranks and indicates that Punjab’s
affluence does not translate into better
opportunities for women, and reinforces the fact
that gender inequalities cannot be linked to income
levels alone.
Within Punjab, an inter-district comparison (Table

6.4) reveals a high variation, with Rup Nagar having
the highest GDI value of 0.669 and Amritsar, the
lowest of 0.544. It is significant that Ludhiana,
which has the highest HDI amongst the districts,
ranks 9th in terms of GDI, revealing the high level Gender imbalance; A serious concern for all
115
Table 6.3: HDI and GEI for Indian States, 1991
State HDI HDI Rank GEI GEI Rank HDI Rank
(out of 25 states) (out of 25 states) minus
GEI Rank
Andhra Pradesh 0.377 17 0.801 6 11
Arunachal Pradesh 0.328 22 0.776 8 14
Assam 0.348 19 0.575 22 -3
Bihar 0.308 25 0.469 25 0
Goa 0.575 2 0.775 9 -7
Gujarat 0.431 11 0.714 14 -3
Haryana 0.443 10 0.714 15 -5
Himachal Pradesh 0.469 7 0.858 1 6
Jammu and Kashmir 0.402 15 0.740 12 3
Karnataka 0.412 13 0.753 11 2
Kerala 0.591 1 0.825 2 -1
Madhya Pradesh 0.328 23 0.662 18 5
Maharashtra 0.452 9 0.793 7 2
Manipur 0.536 4 0.815 3 1
Meghalaya 0.365 18 0.807 5 13
Mizoram 0.548 3 0.770 10 -7
Nagaland 0.486 5 0.729 13 -8
Orissa 0.345 21 0.639 20 -1
Punjab 0.475 6 0.710 16 -10
Rajasthan 0.347 20 0.692 17 3
Sikkim 0.425 12 0.647 19 -7
Tamil Nadu 0.466 8 0.813 4 4
Tripura 0.389 16 0.531 23 -7
Uttar Pradesh 0.314 24 0.520 24 0
West Bengal 0.404 14 0.631 21 -7
India 0.381 0.676
Source: Government of India 2001, “National Human Development Report””, Planning Commission, New Delhi.
Table 6.4: HDI and GDI for the Districts in Punjab

Districts Education Health Income Overall Rank HDI Rank Differ-
HDI GDI HDI GDI HDI GDI HDI GDI HDI GDI minus ence in
GDI Index
Rank
Amritsar 0.681 0.665 0.784 0.784 0.635 0.182 0.700 0.544 9 17 -8 22.29
Bathinda 0.655 0.648 0.722 0.714 0.646 0.512 0.674 0.625 14 7 7 7.27
F.G.Sahib 0.734 0.719 0.744 0.744 0.742 0.205 0.740 0.556 3 16 -13 24.86
Faridkot 0.669 0.665 0.752 0.746 0.673 0.518 0.698 0.643 10 4 6 7.88
Firozpur 0.627 0.626 0.767 0.769 0.671 0.535 0.689 0.643 12 4 8 6.68
Gurdaspur 0.761 0.752 0.820 0.821 0.589 0.123 0.723 0.565 4 15 -11 21.85
Hoshiarpur 0.801 0.803 0.719 0.715 0.635 0.419 0.718 0.645 5 3 2 10.17
Jalandhar 0.765 0.760 0.685 0.708 0.674 0.427 0.708 0.632 6 6 0 10.73
Kapurthala 0.705 0.705 0.728 0.752 0.688 0.498 0.707 0.652 8 2 5 7.78
Ludhiana 0.692 0.702 0.863 0.864 0.728 0.291 0.761 0.619 1 9 -8 18.66
Mansa 0.576 0.567 0.722 0.714 0.602 0.477 0.633 0.586 17 13 4 7.42
Moga 0.647 0.649 0.753 0.749 0.648 0.423 0.683 0.607 13 10 3 11.13
Muktsar 0.618 0.612 0.753 0.749 0.582 0.458 0.651 0.606 16 11 5 6.91
Nawanshehar 0.738 0.749 0.695 0.710 0.686 0.410 0.707 0.623 7 8 -1 11.88
Patiala 0.680 0.676 0.741 0.732 0.670 0.393 0.697 0.600 11 12 -1 13.92
Rup Nagar 0.753 0.755 0.762 0.766 0.737 0.485 0.751 0.669 2 1 1 10.92
Sangrur 0.601 0.604 0.669 0.690 0.690 0.433 0.654 0.575 15 14 1 12.08
Punjab 0.689 0.745 0.406 0.614
Source: Calculated by Project team, based on tables 1 and 2 in the Statistical Tables
116
Bathinda rank better in GDI at 4th, 4th and 7th places It is again significant that Ropar which ranked first
respectively (both Firozpur and Faridkot have the in per capita income at constant prices in 1998-
same rank), while in terms of HDI they rank at 12th, 99, ranks 1st in GDI, but Ludhiana and Fatehgarh
10th and 14th places respectively. This analysis also Sahib, which ranked 2nd and 3rd in respect of per
proves that a high level of HDI does not ensure an capita income (1998-99 at constant prices) rank
equally high level of GDI. The difference in ranking 9th and 16th in terms of GDI. Interestingly, Muktsar,
between HDI and GDI for the districts is highest which ranks last in income, is relatively better
in Fatehgarh Sahib and lowest in Patiala, Ropar, placed in respect of GDI at number 11. This is a
Sangrur and Nawanshehar; Jalandhar is the only very clear indicator of the fact that the income level
district in Punjab where the HDI and GDI ranking is is no consideration in ensuring a better quality of
the same. life or more equal treatment for women. Thus, no
general conclusions can be drawn with reference
GDI however is not a fully adequate measure of to HDI and GDI.
women’s status. This is indicated from the fact
that Ropar district, which ranks 12th in terms of It has been argued that the HDI, GDI and the
sex ratio and 4th in terms of female literacy, has gender empowerment measure (GEM) 6 as
the highest GDI. Thus for a better and more concepts are not satisfactory as “(a) they do not
accurate analysis, the HDI-GDI percent is taken measure the concerns of women in the south,
into consideration. The highest differential in this (b) they measure gender development at the
context is prevalent in Fatehgarh Sahib (24.86%) individual level only, ignoring macro and structural
and lowest in Firozpur (6.68%). This is especially aspects of gender development, and (c) they are
significant considering Firozpur’s low ranking in quite narrowly defined in terms of their
terms of HDI, while Fatehgarh Sahib is much coverage.” 7 The HDI, furthermore, does not
better placed. capture all aspects of human development, some
of which such as autonomy, choice and political
A noteworthy factor in this context is that there freedom are non-quantifiable. The Human
is very little variation in education and health HDI Development in South Asia, 2000 Report too
and GDI figures, while the variation in income points out, “Composite indices such as the GDI
indices for both is quite significant. It would be and GEM cannot be taken as complete measures
seen from Table 6.4 that in Ludhiana, the of gender equality or women’s empowerment, as
education GDI at 0.702 is higher than HDI at many facets of equity and empowerment—
0.692, the health HDI is 0.863 and the GDI is 0.864, security, mobility, dignity, access to resources,
while the income index variation is to the tune of autonomy—cannot be adequately represented by
0.437 with HDI income at 0.728 and GDI 0.291. proxy measures. GDI and GEM can be important,
This is indicative of not only marginalisation of however, to draw the attention of policy-makers
women’s labour, but more significantly the and analysts to the ‘gendered’ effects of
invisibility of women.5 development in South Asia.”8
5 In this context, it would not be out of place to mention the existence of family enterprises, including animal husbandry, in which
women play a major role and contribute in significant proportion to the family income, yet their work is undercounted and under
enumerated.
6 The UNDP has also brought out the Gender Empowerment Measure, which attempts to measure and rank nations in terms of level
of gender empowerment.
7 Indira Hirway and Darshini Mahadevia, “Critique of Gender Development Index: Towards an Alternative”, Economic and Political
Weekly, October 26, 1996, p.ws-96

8 Human Development in South Asia, Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, OUP, Karachi, 2000, pp 40-41.
117
A gender- related balance sheet must be assessed unity; 17 states have sex ratios above the national
within the complex socio-cultural situation of the average.
state. The status of women in any society must
be assessed in the context of not only the Sex ratios in Punjab are similarly grim at the district
indicators taken for calculating the GDI, but in level. Table 6.5 reveals that only Hoshiarpur has a
terms of other factors such as demography, sex ratio which is at least comparable with the
health, education, work, political participation, as national average and only two districts, viz.
well as crimes against women. Hoshiarpur and Nawanshehar, have a sex ratio
above 900. All the other 15 districts have sex ratios
Demographic Indicators lower than 900. Hoshiarpur ranks at the top, with
Sex Ratio a sex ratio of 935 and Ludhiana at the bottom with
Sex ratio is a sensitive indicator of the status of a sex ratio of a mere 824.
women in society, at a given point of time. Men
have outnumbered women in every census of the Comparing inter-district rankings between 1991
century. India’s low sex ratio of 933 females per and 2001 it can be seen that although the top and
1000 males in the current Census 2001 reveals a bottom status of Hoshiarpur and Ludhiana remain
continuing imbalance in gender relations. The unchanged, there are considerable shifts in district
physiological strength of the girl child and her ranks. Muktsar, for instance, has improved from
higher life expectancy at birth should actually keep 11th to 4th place, while Patiala has dropped from
the sex ratio above 1000, yet the perceptible 10th place to 15th. Only Firozpur and Moga have
decline from a sex ratio of 972 in 1901 to 933 in shown no variation in ranks, continuing at 6th and
2001 indicates an increasing gap between male 7 th place respectively. Significantly, only five
and female children. Only Kerala and the union districts have shown an improvement in sex ratio,
territory of Pondicherry have sex ratios above with the highest increase in Nawanshehar of 13
Table 6.5: Ranking of Districts by Sex Ratio: 1991 and 2001

Districts Sex Ratio in 2001 Ranks in 2001 Sex Ratio in 1991 Ranks in 1991
T R U T R U T R U T R U
Punjab 874 887 848 - - - 882 888 868 - - -
Amritsar 874 885 859 11 8 12 873 871 876 12 13 12
Bathinda 865 868 860 14 15 11 884 888 873 7 7 13
F.Sahib 851 859 832 16 17 16 871 870 873 14 15 13
Faridkot 881 876 892 9 11 2 883 882 884 9 9 8
Firozpur 883 893 857 6 6 14 895 898 887 6 5 7
Gurdaspur 888 895 868 3 5 8 903 905 895 2 4 3
Hoshiarpur 935 947 888 1 1 3 924 932 890 1 1 4
Jalandhar 882 904 859 8 4 12 897 907 883 4 3 9
Kapurthala 886 907 843 4 3 15 896 910 857 5 2 16
Ludhiana 824 877 784 17 10 17 844 880 812 17 10 17
Mansa 875 875 878 10 12 5 873 871 881 12 13 10
Moga 883 885 873 6 8 6 884 883 889 7 8 5
Muktsar 886 888 883 4 7 4 880 877 888 11 11 6
Nawanshehar 913 914 911 2 2 1 900 898 914 3 5 1
Patiala 864 862 868 15 16 8 882 875 899 10 12 2
Rup Nagar 870 869 871 12 13 7 870 870 870 15 15 15
Sangrur 868 869 864 13 13 10 870 866 881 15 17 10
Source: Provisional Series, Paper I of Punjab, Census of India
Note: T = Total; R = Rural; U = Urban
118
points, followed by Hoshiarpur (11), Muktsar (6), Punjab has shown a consistently adverse sex ratio
Mansa (2) and Amritsar (1). All others reveal a over time (Table 6.6) It was, however, heartening
regression, the highest being in Ludhiana and to see that the low sex ratio, apart from a sharp
Fatehgarh Sahib (20 points each). fall in early decades of the twentieth century9 was
slowly inching upwards until 1991. Alarmingly, the
There are wide variations between rural and urban 2001 Census reveals a drop to a pre-1981 status,
areas. The rural sex ratio is generally higher then a case of one-step forward, two steps back.
the urban one. Among the districts, it is
noteworthy that Hoshiarpur ranks at the top in A district-wise analysis does not reveal a
its rural sex ratio, but 3 rd in urban sex ratio. consistently rising or declining trend for each of
Nawanshehar is at the top in urban sex ratio. the districts. Districts which show a positive trend
Paradoxically, Ludhiana is 17th in urban sex ratio, in one census show a decline in the next and vice
but 10th in rural sex ratio. This seems to justify versa. Between 1951-61, Moga, Muktsar, Faridkot,
the hypothesis of male in- migration as the cause and Bathinda witnessed a decline in sex ratios. In
of a low sex ratio. But Fatehgarh Sahib is last in the next decade, it was Hoshiarpur, Nawanshehar
rural sex ratio and 16th in urban sex ratio. It is and Ludhiana, which showed a declining trend. But,
significant to note further, that Faridkot, Mansa, significantly, during 1971-81, all districts showed
Ropar and Patiala have better sex ratios in urban a perceptible increase in sex ratio. Post 1981, four
areas in contrast to the generally prevailing trend districts—Gurdaspur, Kapurthala, Ludhiana and
in Punjab, reflective, perhaps of greater ‘son Muktsar—saw a negative trend, but in the current
preference’ in rural areas, particularly in districts census, as many as 11 districts, for the first time
with a lower level of urbanisation. since Independence, have shown a decline in sex
Table 6.6: Sex Ratio of Punjab and its Districts 1901 – 2001
District 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001
Punjab 832 780 799 815 836 844 854 865 879 882 874
Amritsar 829 781 796 803 841 841 854 856 871 873 874
Bathinda N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. 839 834 851 861 884 865
Faridkot N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. 856 849 866 879 883 881
Fatehgarh N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. 773 815 831 841 871 851
Firozpur 826 778 802 814 810 835 840 876 884 895 883
Gurdaspur 853 774 794 809 843 846 869 890 907 903 888
Hoshiarpur 878 828 856 867 879 877 902 899 919 924 935
Jalandhar 848 783 807 841 859 857 867 883 890 897 882
Kapurthala N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. 880 886 889 898 896 886
Ludhiana 829 765 784 791 832 852 856 848 860 844 824
Mansa N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. 824 830 852 869 873 875
Moga N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. 867 862 866 881 884 883
Muktsar N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. 862 846 863 885 880 886
Nawanshehar 856 796 821 848 865 876 900 887 898 900 913
Patiala N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. 809 831 850 870 882 864
Rup Nagar 807 756 781 789 802 812 812 854 862 870 870
Sangrur N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. 820 832 840 860 870 868
Source: Census of India, 2001, Series-4, Punjab (Provisional Population Totals, Paper 1 of 2001)
Note: N.A. = Not available
9 One of the causes for this sudden sharp decline could have been the plague, which occurred in the early twentieth century. It is
important to consider, however, that the effect should have been the same for men and women. However, its greater impact on
women can only be linked to the “insignificance “ of a woman’s life in a strongly patriarchal state.
119
Table 6.7: Sex Ratio in the 0-6 age Group for Punjab and its Districts
State/Districts Sex Ratio in 0-6 age Sex Ratio in 0-6 age Change in points
group – 1991 Census group – 2001 Census
Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban
Punjab 875 878 866 793 795 789 -82 -83 -77
Amritsar 861 864 856 783 789 772 -78 -75 -84
Bathinda 860 866 844 779 789 756 -81 -77 -88
Faridkot 865 867 861 805 805 806 -60 -62 -55
FG Sahib 874 872 881 754 747 774 -120 -125 -107
Firozpur 887 894 864 819 824 804 -68 -70 -60
Gurdaspur 878 881 868 775 789 729 -103 -92 -139
Hoshiarpur 884 887 873 810 813 800 -74 -74 -73
Jalandhar 886 891 879 797 806 786 -89 -85 -93
Kapurthala 879 875 891 775 773 779 -104 -102 -112
Ludhiana 877 886 869 814 812 816 -63 -74 -53
Mansa 873 883 814 779 780 775 -94 -103 -39
Moga 867 867 866 819 820 811 -48 -47 -55
Muktsar 858 864 839 807 810 798 -51 -54 -41
Nawanshehar 900 898 913 810 811 805 -90 -87 -108
Patiala 871 870 872 770 764 786 -101 -106 -86
Rup Nagar 884 883 886 791 787 800 -93 -96 -86
Sangrur 873 877 863 784 779 798 -89 -98 65
Source: Provisional Series, Paper 2 of Punjab, Census of India, 2001
ratio. Policy makers are continuing to grapple with Gurdaspur, Amritsar, Kapurthala, Jalandhar,
these figures. Nawanshehar, Moga, and Bathinda. In all the other
districts, rural areas present a higher degree of
The 0-6 age group portrays future trends. Data on decline. Dr. Sarala Gopalan and Dr. Mira Shiva
this group is presented in Table 6.7, and the reported that “Of the 55 districts in the country
analysis is very disturbing. Punjab has the lowest that have less than 900 girls per 1000 boys, 28
child sex ratio in the country (793). It has witnessed districts are in Haryana and Punjab”.10
a decrease of 82 points, which is the highest
among states, although almost all the states show A comparison between districts on the general sex
some degree of regression; Sikkim, Mizoram, ratio and the sex ratio in the 0-6 age group reveals
Tripura, Lakshadweep and Kerala have witnessed intriguing results. Ludhiana, which ranks at the
some increase. bottom in general sex ratio, ranks 3rd in sex ratio in
the 0-6 age group. In contrast, Hoshiarpur (first in
Punjab’s districts show some appalling rates of general sex ratio) is at 4th place. Moga and Firozpur,
regression. None of the districts show a positive ranking 7th and 6th respectively in overall sex ratio
trend. As a matter of fact, the lowest decline is as are at the top with a sex ratio of 819, while
high as 48 points. Fatehgarh Sahib witnessed the Fatehgarh Sahib continues to rank last with sex
highest decline of 120 points, and Moga, the ratio at a mere 754.
lowest of 48 points. The decline is above the state
average, in as many as nine districts. However, its The fact that of the 10 districts with the lowest
extent and area varies. In some districts, urban child sex ratio in the whole of India seven belong
areas show a greater adversity in sex ratio as in to Punjab, viz. Fatehgarh Sahib, Patiala, Gurdaspur,
10 S Gopalan & Mira Shiva, National Profile on Women, Health & Development, VHAI & WHO, 2000, p.19.
120
Table 6.8: Districts with the Lowest Child Sex Ratio in Box 6.2: Misuse of Diagnostic
India, 2001 Techniques for Male Child
District State Sex Ratio “A farmer, well past 60, and his wife, 55, wanted a
Ambala Haryana 784 child of their own. Not just any child, a male child
Amritsar Punjab 783 who would be heir to their 150 acres. Their eldest
Bathinda Punjab 779 son (24) is physically and mentally disabled, a
Fatehgarh Sahib Punjab 754 daughter (23) has been married off and their
Gurdaspur Punjab 775 youngest son (23) died of brain tumour. So they
Kapurthala Punjab 775 chose to go in for a male child to inherit their land.
Kurukshetra Haryana 770
Medical help was easily available to them at
Mansa Punjab 779
Patiala Punjab 770 Ludhiana, complete with an ultrasound test
Sonepat Haryana 783 confirming that the foetus was male. The couple
and the doctors have given jubilant interviews even
Source: Presentation by Mr. Sunil Gulati, Director, Census though the entire exercise was a gross violation of
Operations, Haryana, at Regional Data Dissemination Workshop,
Chandigarh, July 10, 2001 the Pre-natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and
Prevention of Misuse) Act.
Kapurthala, Bathinda, Mansa, Amritsar, is once (Indian Express, 3.06.1998)

again appalling. The other three belong to Haryana.
In 1991, three of such districts fell in Punjab, the
others belonged to Tamil Nadu (1), Madhya literacy, while Fatehgarh Sahib is ranked 7th in overall
Pradesh (1), Rajasthan (1) and Haryana (4). It is literacy and 6th in female literacy. So the link with
therefore alarming that by 2001, the number of education too is difficult to sustain.
districts have increased from 3 to 7. Decline in
the sex ratio at birth, from 946 in 1981 to 854 in Nor can industrialisation and urbanisation be
1991, is equally indicative of increasing foeticide.11 accepted as causes. Ludhiana is the industrial hub
of the state and in-migration of labour is stated as
It is difficult to arrive at a set of reasons for these one of the causes of the adverse sex ratio. However,
low sex ratios. Punjab has a high level of Fatehgarh Sahib is a semi-urban, rural area and the
development and ranks comparatively high in the same causes would not hold true here.
HDI. Thus poverty cannot be cited as the foremost
reason for a declining sex ratio. The declining sex ratio therefore must be considered
along with factors of improved life expectancy,
The causes of a poor sex ratio cannot be traced greater availability of health services and declining
to literacy either. Notably, the district with the female mortality. A lower female death rate and
highest sex ratio, viz. Hoshiarpur, also has the higher life expectancy, seen along with a declining
highest overall and female literacy rates, but the sex ratio can only indicate the increasing incidence
districts with lowest sex ratio, Ludhiana and of female foeticide as well as negligence of the girl
Fatehgarh Sahib (17th and 16th respectively) are also child. Perhaps this was due to the large number of
ranked considerably high in literacy rates. Ludhiana Sex determination Clinics which continued to
is ranked 5th in overall literacy and 3rd in female proliferate all over the state in clear violation of the
11 A survey conducted by the Institute for Development and Communication highlights a few features of the prevailing scenario in
Punjab: (1) Thirty-three percent of respondents acknowledged having undergone sex determination tests in 2001, (2) In 2000, 45 %
mentioned use of methods to ensure birth of male child. , (3) Strata and locational variance in practice of female foeticide: 53%
respondents belonging to upper income group were found to be the largest users of pre-natal tests; middle income and lower income
mentioned 39% and 19% respectively; urban (38 %), rural (33%), semi-urban (27%), (4) Eighty-one percent mentioned the necessity of
a male child. In this females constituted 84% and males 78%.
121
Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques ACT. A technology age are biologically stronger. In this context, Barbara
developed to eliminate birth defects was being used D. Miller makes a spine chilling report, “Not all
to deny the girl child the Right to be born. The Govt. groups practised female infanticide, but there are
has been alarmed on this situation and the grim reports that a few entire villages in the north-
enforcement of the Act has been made strict. western plains had never raised one daughter.”13
That the five head priests of the Akal Takht12 have Although mortality rates in the age group of 0-4
declared the practice of killing the girl child as years for both males and females are much higher
“bajjar kurahit” (unpardonable sin) is encouraging. in rural areas as compared to urban areas, it is
Since this is a stern directive and not a request significant to note that the differentials in male-
with excommunication as punishment, it reveals female mortality are much higher in urban areas
how concerned community leaders are. as compared to rural areas. Higher female
mortality is seen up to the age of 19, after which
To understand the paradox of a declining sex ratio there is a reversal in the trend with a higher
in the face of improvement of economic indicators, percentage of male mortality. Significantly in the
there is a need to examine the gamut of socio- 5-9 age group, not only does the difference
economic and cultural variables, which make the between male and female mortality diminish, but
Punjab women equal yet unequal, marginalised yet the rural-urban divide in case of male mortality
valorised. Not only must the issues be correctly vanishes. The rural-urban divide continues in case
identified but the state must undertake wide of females, with females recording a higher
ranging measures by which cultural and social incidence of mortality in rural areas as compared
attitudes are changed and legal strictures put in to urban areas. Interestingly, in the 25-29 and 70+
place. age group, female mortality is higher in urban
areas as compared to rural areas. Considering
Mortality Rates the fact of higher female life expectancy at birth
Declining sex ratios generally mean a high death and lower female mortality rates overall, the
rate of women. Yet, here again Punjab presents implications of the declining sex ratio appear even
contrasts. Overall death rates in Punjab are lower more horrific.
than the national level, but female mortality is higher
than the national average for the year 1997. The A significant factor affecting mortality
difference between male and female mortality is differentials is the birth order. A study in Punjab
also higher in Punjab (1.2 percent) as compared to recorded a female to male mortality ratio of 0.75
the national level (0.6 percent). among 0-4 years of age in the case of the first
child. The ratio rose to 1.23 for the second child
Overall death rates may be in favour of females, and doubled to 1.53 for the fourth or later
but a look at age-specific death rates reveals a children.14 It was found that mortality rates were
different picture. Table 6.9 reveals that in the 0-4 age even higher amongst second-born girls if the
group females have a much higher mortality rate first surviving child was a girl. These variations
than males, in spite of the fact that females at this reveal that the benefits of medical advances and
12 The supreme seat of Sikh religious authority.

13Barbara D. Miller, “Female Infanticide and Child Neglect in Rural North India” in Caroline B. Bretall and Carolyn F. Sargent (eds.)
Gender in Cross-Cultural Perspective, Prentice-Hall, New Jersey, 1993)
14 Monica Dasgupta, “Selective Discrimination against Female Children in Rural Punjab, India,” Population and Development Review,
13 (1), March 1987.
122
Table 6.9: Age-specific Mortality Rate by Sex and Residence, 1997 (Punjab)
Age-group Total Male Female
Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban
0-4 14.9 16.2 10.7 12.6 14.7 6.3 17.6 18.1 16.1
5-9 0.7 0.8 0.5 0.2 0.2 0.3 1.3 1.5 0.8
10-14 0.8 0.8 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.7 1.0 1.3 0.4
15-19 1.4 1.5 1.0 1.2 1.3 0.8 1.5 1.6 1.3
20-24 2.0 2.3 1.3 2.2 2.4 1.6 1.8 2.2 0.9
25-29 2.8 3.0 2.3 3.6 4.2 2.1 1.9 1.8 2.4
30-34 2.2 2.9 0.5 3.2 4.0 1.0 1.3 1.8 0.0
35-39 3.3 3.5 3.0 4.8 4.9 4.6 1.7 2.0 1.2
40-44 6.1 7.4 2.7 8.2 10.3 3.2 3.8 4.5 2.1
45-49 4.5 4.8 3.7 6.2 6.9 4.6 2.6 2.6 2.7
50-54 12.9 12.6 13.8 14.0 13.5 15.5 11.5 11.5 11.8
55-59 11.9 10.5 15.6 13.3 12.6 15.0 10.4 8.3 16.3
60-64 20.1 18.9 24.7 23.3 21.9 28.5 17.1 16.1 20.7
65-69 29.1 27.9 33.2 32.8 29.3 46.0 25.1 26.3 21.1
70+ 70.2 68.4 77.7 77.7 76.0 85.5 62.1 59.9 70.4
All ages 7.4 7.8 6.1 8.0 8.5 6.3 6.8 7.0 6.0
Source: Compendium of India’s Fertility and Mortality Indicators, 1971-97 based on SRS.
improved health care delivery system reach infanticide, then death is caused by neglect. She
greater number of male than female children. In reaches the startling conclusion that education
her analysis of Khanna in Ludhiana District, has not altered these results.
Monica Dasgupta, further shows that girl
children are selectively eliminated as part of a Infant and Child Mortality
woman’s family building strategy that aims to The implications of the declining sex ratio also need
have more sons than daughters. If not to be analysed keeping in mind the decline in infant
Table 6.10: District-wise Total Infant Mortality Rate, Male Infant Mortality Rate
and Female Infant Mortality Rate for 1981 and 1991
Districts Infant Mortality
Total Male Female
1981 1991 1981 1991 1981 1991
Amritsar 74 49 @ 48 78 50
Bathinda 80 72 @ 69 83 74
Faridkot 78 53 77 54 78 51
Firozpur 75 61 74 58 76 63
Gurdaspur 78 75 75 75 82 74
Hoshiarpur 81 76 76 68 @ 85
Jalandhar 75 53 70 56 80 51
Kapurthala 92 86 77 73 @ 94
Ludhiana 66 45 66 42 69 47
Patiala 78 64 76 69 @ 59
Rup Nagar 73 60 71 59 75 60
Sangrur 87 53 89 54 @ 51
Punjab 77 56 74 62 79 53
Source: 1.Occasional Paper No. 10 of 1998, Fertility & Child Mortality Estimates of Punjab. Table
2.1 q (1), Page 41-44, Census of India, 1981, 2 .Punjab State District Profile-1991, Table no.14, (q1),
page 26, Census of India, 1991. Note: @ Not Available
123
Table 6.11: Mortality Rate of Children Under 5 Years
Districts Infant Mortality
Total Male Female
1981 1991 1981 1991 1981 1991
Amritsar 103 61 73 65 115 60
Bathinda 114 87 107 84 121 91
Faridkot 112 67 109 68 117 65
Firozpur 108 77 103 76 114 79
Gurdaspur 116 99 107 96 126 101
Hoshiarpur 118 100 110 101 127 99
Jalandhar 109 69 101 70 118 69
Kapurthala 106 112 107 101 105 121
Ludhiana 94 60 88 59 100 61
Patiala 114 80 109 81 119 73
Rup Nagar 103 76 98 77 109 74
Sangrur 129 79 123 78 135 80
Punjab 111 92 104 97 118 82
Source: 1. Occasional Paper No.10 of 1998, Fertility & Child Mortality Estimates of Punjab, Table
2.1 q (5), Page 41-44, Census of India, 1981. 2. Punjab State District Profile-1991, Table no.14,(q5),
page 26, Census of India, 1991.
mortality in general and female infant mortality in Punjab’s demographic transition. Table 6.12 reveals
particular. that the birth rate in Punjab has declined from 34.2
in 1971 to 23.4 in 1997, i.e., a decline of 1.8 percent.
Table 6.10 provides interesting figures. Female infant The decline is much greater in urban areas as
mortality is lower in every district as compared to compared to rural areas.
male infant mortality. Female infant mortality has
decreased at a faster rate vis-à-vis male infant Frequent childbirth is one of the major causes for
mortality from 79 to 53 per 1000 live births, a decline the low health status of women. Corresponding
of 26 as compared to 12 in the case of male infant to the decline in birth rates, fertility rates too have
mortality over the decade 1981-91. declined from 5.2 in 1971 to 2.7 in 1997. The
decline is slightly greater in rural areas at 2.9 as
Considering the mortality rate of children less compared to urban areas (2.2), although the
than 5 years of age, Table 6.11 shows that over fertility rate in urban areas continues to be lower
the ten-year period from 1981 to 1991, female than that in rural areas.
mortality rate in this age group declined at a much
faster rate by 36 points as compared to only 7
Table 6.12: Birth Rate and Total fertility Rate in
points for males. Amongst the districts,
Kapurthala has the highest female child mortality
Punjab (1971-1997) by place of residence
rate, while Amritsar has the lowest. This shows Year Birth rate Total Fertility Rate
that it is not infant and child mortality that are Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban
leading to a low sex ratio in Punjab. 1971 34.2 35.0 31.4 5.2 5.5 4.4
1981 30.3 30.8 28.5 4.0 4.1 3.4
1991 27.7 28.5 25.6 3.1 3.2 2.8
Fertility Rate 1997 23.4 24.9 19.0 2.7 2.9 2.2
The decline in death rates is accompanied by a Source: Compendium of India’s Fertility and Mortality Indicators,
corresponding decline in birth rates, indicative of 1971-1997, based on SRS.
124
Decline in fertility rates can have significant consequences for the reproductive years and
ramifications for women’s health, leading to its tackling it at the adolescent stage is likely to yield
overall improvement. The NFHS-II estimate of the better results than trying to deal with it during the
TFR for the state is 2.2 children per woman, which limited period of contact between a pregnant
is the average number of children that would be woman and a health worker.
born to a woman if, hypothetically, she experienced
current age-specific fertility rates as she lived Crucial inputs are needed to raise girls’ awareness.
through her reproductive years, that is, age 15-49. Girls at this stage need to be made more aware
of AIDS, safe sexual practices, contraception,
During 1989-91 and the next five years, TFR in sexually transmitted diseases, etc. Teenagers
Punjab declined from 2.9 to 2.2, a decline of 24 should also be made to understand the positive
percent.15 NFHS II however reveals a faster decline consequences of physical sanitation. A number of
in fertility in urban areas as compared to rural infections occur due to poor hygiene during the
areas. It also reports that fertility in urban areas is menstrual cycle.
about 15 percent above the replacement level. The
peak of fertility, again revealed by NFHS II is in the The state needs to promote certain programmes.
age group of 20 to 24 years with a sharp decline Perhaps a woman worker from the community can
after the age of 30 years. be attached to the anganwadi to help adolescent
girls in their transition to womanhood. The worker
Maternal and Child Health Issues should be able to work at all levels, at the level of
The biological processes of conception and the girls, with her parents and the community. At a
childbearing are among the most significant facts wider level, the state ought to protect the right of
influencing a woman’s health. In fact, most studies girl adolescents so they may lead a healthy and
on women’s health focus on reproductive health safe life.
matters to the exclusion of others. Millions of
women face challenges to their health during this Maternal health indicators provide figures on the
very natural process of childbirth. In fact, the social and economic inequalities between women
problem starts from the adolescent years, i.e., and men.
between puberty and young adulthood, as
reproductive health care is not given adequate Table 6.13 reveals that Punjab ranks very low on
importance in our society. maternal health indicators compared to other
states. It ranks 9 th in respect of number of
The issue of sexual health assumes primacy registered pregnant women, 10 th in terms of
in the case of girls. Sex is a taboo subject in women receiving iron and folic acid tablets (IFA),
most homes and most young girls are unaware 8th in terms of institutional delivery and 10th in terms
of its implications. of post-natal care. The only positive point may be
seen in the number of women receiving two doses
There is a prevalence of anaemia among a number of tetanus toxide, in which case Punjab is ranked
of adolescent girls. Most girls suffer from anaemia 3rd. In respect of IFA tablets, even Orissa is ranked
primarily due to widespread discrimination in the better than Punjab. Considering the high level of
quality and quantity of food that is available to availability of health services, the high level of
them. Anaemia naturally has unfavourable development, per capita income and literacy levels,
15 NFHS-II, Punjab Preliminary Report.
125
Table 6.13: Some Maternal Health Indicators of 15 Major States, 1995-96
States Pre-natal care Natal Care Post-Natal Care
No. Registered No. Received per 1000 Delivery in Health No. Registered
per 1000 Pregnant Pregnant Women Institutions per per 1000
Women 2 doses of Iron and Folic 1000 Deliveries Mothers
Tetanus Toxide Acid Tablets
Andhra Pradesh 772 (3) 546 (5) 670 (3) 365 (5) 416 (5)
Assam 650 (6) 377 (11) 615 (7) 135 (12) 366 (6)
Bihar 99 (15) 231 (15) 125 (15) 95 (15) 74 (15)
Gujarat 644 (7) 474 (8) 629 (6) 332 (6) 419 (4)
Haryana 421 (11) 441 (10) 416 (11) 202 (9) 251 (11)
Karnataka 721 (5) 531 (6) 646 (5) 458 (4) 364 (7)
Kerala 874 (1) 644 (1) 783 (1) 924 (1) 495 (3)
Madhya Pradesh 417 (12) 270 (12) 399 (12) 164 (10) 304 (8)
Maharashtra 734 (4) 490 (7) 665 (4) 462 (3) 518 (2)
Orissa 489 (10) 453 (9) 520 (9) 131 (13) 277 (9)
Punjab 585 (9) 586 (3) 502 (10) 242 (8) 268 (10)
Rajasthan 270 (13) 234 (14) 289 (13) 147 (11) 120 (14)
Tamil Nadu 828 (2) 600 (2) 743 (2) 718 (2) 554 (1)
Uttar Pradesh 192 (14) 246 (13) 177 (14) 106 (14) 141 (13)
West Bengal 637 (8) 580 (4) 573 (8) 312 (7) 246 (12)
All India 455 381 424 254 271
Source: Sarvekshana, Vol. XXIII, No. 3, Jan-March, 2000, Issue No. 82, NSS 52nd Round, July 1995-June 1996
Note: Numbers in parentheses indicate ranking
these figures indicate the high inequalities between Programme, mainly to improve child survival
the sexes in the household. figures. The drive includes trying to raise the
awareness of women and the community on this
The condition of children in the state is also not problem. Acute respiratory diseases are also a
heartening. The causes of poor survival rates are major threat for children, which has been the
generally premature deliveries, respiratory subject of research by the Central Bureau of Health
diseases, poor nutrition and infections such as Intelligence (1991). Acute respiratory-tract
diarrhoea, measles, mumps, jaundice, etc. Also infection, primarily pneumonia was a common
absent, especially in the rural and underdeveloped cause of death among infants and children in the
parts of the state is effective ante-natal and post- age group of 6-11 months.
natal care. Babies born to mothers who are very
young or very old and those where the inter- There are diseases that create physical and mental
pregnancy interval is very little, are at high risk. handicaps in children. As children are already a
vulnerable group and largely dependent on others,
There is also the incidence of diseases arising from those children who are challenged, either mentally
unsanitary living/ working conditions. Water-borne or physically, are doubly disadvantaged and need
diseases, which constitute 70 percent of all greater support. Legislative as well as rehabilitative
diseases, affect the health status of children. support mechanisms are required here.
Among them diarrhoea has received considerable
attention primarily because the incidence is highest Vaccination and immunisation occupy a central
in the 6-11 months bracket and is a major killer position in child health. Immunisation of children
disease for children under 5 years. The government against six serious but preventable diseases (TB,
has initiated an Oral Rehydration Therapy diphtheria, measles, tetanus, polio and pertussis)
126
has been a cornerstone of the health care system. However, Punjabi women are relatively better off
It has been given priority in the National Health compared to those in other states with respect to
Policy. In Punjab, 72 percent of the children in the nutritional deficiencies, one indication of which is
age group of 12-23 months had been immunised low levels of anaemia amongst women. NFHS II
against all six diseases (NFHS-II). (India) survey results show that 41.4% of women
suffer from anaemia, 28.4% are mildly anaemic,
Nutrition 12.3% have moderate anaemia and 0.7% are
Levinson’s study of Punjab shows that gender is severely anaemic. Only Kerala (22.7%), and
the most significant determinant of nutritional Himachal Pradesh (40.5%) amongst the peer
status. 16 Another study of Punjab compared states are better placed in this regard. However,
‘privileged’ and ‘under-privileged’ sections and 80% of children were found to be anaemic. This is
found that even in the privileged group 24 percent significantly higher than the all India average of 74.3
of females were malnourished. In the under- percent and is lower than only Haryana and Bihar
privileged group this percentage increased to 74 even Uttar Pradesh and Orissa are better off in
percent. The percentages for males were lower terms of anaemia in children.19
in both cases i.e. 14 percent among the privileged
and 67 percent in the under-privileged group. This The most vulnerable group, which faces
illustrates that not only is the girl child more likely malnutrition, is the age group between 6 months
to suffer from malnutrition, but that when they do to 2 years (NFHS-II). This period has been
the severity of their malnutrition is greater.17 described as one of ‘perpetual hunger ’,
characterised by dependence on others for food.
While poverty is a major contributing factor to
nutritional deficiencies, Punjab, with its legendary Age at Marriage
rivers of milk and abundance of food grains presents Age at marriage is relatively high in Punjab. NFHS
a paradoxical picture, where abundance combines II (Punjab) reports that a majority of women in
with a high level of undernutrition in children as Punjab get married only after attaining the legal
reported by NFHS–II (Punjab, 1998-99). It further minimum age of marriage. The Singulate Mean Age
reports that there is some evidence to indicate that at Marriage (SMAM) for females age 25-49 years
female children are nutritionally disadvantaged, estimated by the National Family Health Survey
although differences are relatively small. (1998-99 - Punjab) is 21 years in urban areas, 20 in
rural areas and 21 years overall. Marriage ages
During pregnancy and lactation, women fail to get have been rising over time. The SMAM for females
the requisite special diet and prevailing gender has risen by three and a half years during the two
inequalities in the household make it difficult for decades from 17.5 years in 1961 to 21.1 years in
them to access this diet. This is substantiated by 1981. Age at marriage had remained unchanged
a World Bank Study conducted in Punjab.18 between 1981 and 1998.20
16 F.J.Levinson, Morinda: An Economic Analysis of Malnutrition Among Young Children in Rural India, Cornell-MIT, International Nutrition
Policy Series, Cambridge, Mass., 1974.

17D.Das, J.Dhanoa and B.Cowan, “Letting them Live” in Meera Chatterjee, A Report on Indian Women from Birth to Twenty, NIPCCD,
New Delhi, 1990, p.12.
18 Human Development in South Asia, Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, Karachi, 2000, p.125.
19 NFHS 2, (1998-99), International Institute of Population Sciences, Oct. 2000
20 National Family Health Survey, Punjab, 1998-99.
127
Family Planning 115,64,164 outdoor patients, again a majority
Knowledge and correct usage of contraception (60,31,473) were women as compared to
have a positive impact on the lives of women and 55,32,691 men.
often women have very little say in decisions
concerning family planning. It is the husband who Education
decides whether and what form of contraception Although significant progress has been made in
to use. Amongst the methods of contraception education, yet vast gender gaps persist. Punjab
used in Punjab, female sterilisation (tubectomy) ranks 16th in terms of literacy compared to other
is the most popular contraceptive method (29%) states and union territories. It is better placed in
followed by condoms (14%), rhythm/ safe period terms of female literacy (14th) as compared to male
and withdrawal (6%), pill (3%) and male literacy (25th). This could be indicative of the
sterilisation (vasectomy, 2%).21 The much higher increased efforts to promote female education.
prevalence of tubectomies against vasectomies In comparison, in a number of states female
is again indicative of a gender bias in decision- literacy rate is almost half of that of male literacy
making regarding family planning and rate, as in Jharkhand and Bihar.
contraception. The Statistical Abstract, 2000, also
reveals that in 1999-2000, there were 1,24,261 Table 6.14 reveals that overall literacy rates for
tubectomies as compared to merely 1800 Punjab have more than doubled in the last 30
vasectomies. years. Female literacy has increased at a much
rapid pace than male literacy, and as a result the
Access to Medical Aid gap, which was 17.58% in 1971, declined to
Compared to other states, the availability of 12.08% in 2001, indicative of increasing access
medical aid in Punjab is fairly good. The delivery of to educational facilities. A district wise analysis
health services is governed mainly by the National reveals Hoshiarpur as the most literate district
Health Policy, which places a major emphasis on with almost four out of every five persons
ensuring primary health care to all by the Year 2000. possessing some amount of education. Mansa
Some of the major goals under this were reduction stands at the bottom rung of the ladder with only
of infant mortality rate to less than 40 per thousand 52.50 percent literates. In respect to female
live births; reduction of 1-4 years mortality rate to literacy too, Hoshiarpur tops the list (75.56%)
less than 10 by 2000 AD; reduction in vaccine- while Mansa is at the bottom (45.07%). It is
preventable diseases; enhancement of the use however noteworthy that Mansa shows the
of ORT; reduction of mortality rates due to acute highest increase in overall as well as female
respiratory infection among children under 5 literacy over 1991 (15.27 & 16.53).
years by 40% from the present level; to reduce
by 50 % the pre natal and neo-natal mortality from
the 1990 level. Table 6.14: Literacy Rate in Punjab
(in percent)
Better availability of health facilities is reflected in Year Persons Males Females
the fall in birth rate, death rate, infant mortality rate 1971 34.12 42.23 24.65
and increase in life expectancy. The Statistical 1981 43.37 51.23 34.35
1991 58.51 65.66 50.41
Abstract of Punjab 2000 reveals that in 1999 out 2001 69.95 75.63 63.55
of a total of 4,63,679 indoor patients, 2,28,985 were
Source: Census of India, 2001, Series 4, Punjab (Provisional
men and 2,34,694 were women and out of Population Totals, Paper 1 of 2001)
128
It is generally believed that greater urbanisation was in Hoshiarpur district, while the lowest was in
would create more educational opportunities for Bathinda, a mere 1.41 percent.
women. This is true only to a very limited extent in
Punjab. Ludhiana, notwithstanding its high level of The Human Development in South Asia Report
industrialisation and urbanisation, ranks at fifth (2000), of Mahbub ul Haq Development Centre,
place in literacy levels, while Hoshiarpur, where succinctly points to the causes of the
industrialisation is relatively a new phenomenon, prevailing gender gap in education: “Low female
ranks at the top. Rural-urban differentials are participation in the education system is
considerable for overall literacy as well as male primarily the outcome of two factors: low
and female literacy. However, the rural-urban gap parental demand for girls’ schooling; and the
in female literacy is much higher as compared to public and private sectors’ supply of educational
male literacy. The same is true at the district level. services that do not respond to the communities’
The rural-urban gap in female education is the most needs.” The report also alludes to the “opportunity
glaring in Mansa district (24.11%) and is the lowest costs” of sending girls to school as they perform
in Hoshiarpur. more chores at home as compared to boys.22
District-wise, Ludhiana shows the minimum gender Sex Ratio and Literacy Levels: A
literacy gap of 8.08 percent in 2001, while Firozpur Comparison
has the highest percentage gap of 17.22 percent. The relationship between education and health has
This gender gap in education has declined for other been established by a number of studies. However,
districts as well. The highest decline of 5.47 percent a comparison of literacy ranking with ranking in sex
Table 6.15: District-wise Literacy Rate in Punjab: 2001

(in percent)
State / Districts Literacy rate*
Total Rural Urban
Total Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female
Punjab 69.95 75.63 63.55 65.16 71.70 57.91 79.13 82.97 74.63
Amritsar 67.85 73.58 61.41 60.65 67.83 52.69 78.37 81.84 74.39
Bathinda 61.51 68.31 53.76 55.30 62.46 47.16 75.96 81.88 69.19
Fetehgarh Sahib 74.10 78.85 68.60 71.71 76.86 65.83 80.22 83.87 75.87
Faridkot 63.34 68.92 57.09 58.58 64.18 52.27 72.71 78.35 66.49
Firozpur 61.42 69.55 52.33 55.75 64.78 45.78 77.22 2.58 71.03
Gurdaspur 74.19 80.44 67.31 70.96 77.70 63.58 83.43 88.16 78.11
Hoshiarpur 81.40 86.97 75.56 80.09 86.11 73.87 86.66 90.30 82.62
Jalandhar 77.91 82.37 72.93 74.41 80.14 68.17 81.74 84.73 78.29
Kapurthala 73.56 78.66 67.90 70.57 76.27 64.41 79.63 83.30 75.33
Ludhiana 76.54 80.19 72.11 72.88 78.32 66.73 79.42 81.58 76.66
Mansa 52.50 59.12 45.07 47.56 54.27 40.03 71.23 77.56 64.14
Moga 63.94 68.40 58.96 61.18 65.93 55.87 74.84 78.05 71.20
Muktsar 58.67 65.94 50.59 54.10 61.84 45.49 71.93 77.78 65.40
Nawanshehar 76.86 83.67 69.52 75.99 83.15 68.27 82.26 86.84 77.30
Patiala 69.96 76.13 62.94 63.34 70.40 55.29 81.99 86.52 76.84
Rup Nagar 78.49 84.43 71.74 74.51 81.39 66.71 86.60 90.63 82.01
Sangrur 60.04 65.97 53.29 55.86 61.93 48.98 70.12 75.67 63.76
Source: Census of India, 2001, Series-4, Punjab (Provisional Population Totals, Paper 1 of 2001)
Note: *Literacy Rate is the percentage of literates to population aged 7 years and above.
22 Human Development in South Asia, Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, Karachi, 2000, p.116
129
ratio presents an intriguing picture. Hoshiarpur is Women and Work
the only district which shows some correlation In Punjab as in India, women are relatively invisible
between higher literacy and sex ratio. Data for the in workforce statistics. Restrictive definitions of
other districts does not permit any general ‘work’, mostly based on economic concepts of
correlation. Muktsar, which ranks 16th in terms of productivity, have reduced women to economic
literacy, is at 4th place in sex ratio. Paradoxically, non-entities. This is because women’s labour, in
Ropar, which is ranked second in literacy levels, is most cases does not directly produce marketable
12th in sex ratio and Ludhiana, which has the lowest goods or services. This gendered notion of work
sex ratio in Punjab, is ranked 5th in literacy. The has hugely undermined women’s contribution to
implications of these figures to some extent the economy, resulting in the non-recognition of
negate the assumption that improved literacy women as important economic entities.
levels positively influences sex ratios.
This fact was emphatically recognised in
Shramshakti, which declared, “Although women
work for longer hours and contribute substantially
Box 6.3: Engendered Education to the family income, they are not perceived as
workers by either the women themselves or the
“A truly engendered education does not end at basic data collecting agencies and the government, as
literacy: that is where it begins. Women must also all of them do not recognise the multidimensional
learn about their rights and choices and acquire functions of women, which include their productive
the skill necessary to exercise them.” (Human
and reproductive labour. Women quite often are
Development in South Asia, Mahbub ul Haq Human
Development Centre, OUP, Karachi, 2000, p.116) the major earners for their families. This also goes
unrecognised.” 23
Table 6.16: Ranking of Districts by Sex Ratio and Literacy Levels 2001
District Ranking by Ranking by literacy
sex ratio Total Male Female
Amritsar 11 10 10 10
Bathinda 14 13 14 13
Fatehgarh Sahib 16 7 7 6
Faridkot 9 12 12 12
Firozpur 6 14 11 15
Gurdaspur 3 6 5 8
Hoshiarpur 1 1 1 1
Jalandhar 8 3 4 2
Kapurthala 4 8 8 7
Ludhiana 17 5 6 3
Mansa 10 17 17 17
Moga 6 11 13 11
Muktsar 4 16 16 16
Nawanshehar 2 4 3 5
Patiala 15 9 9 9
Rup Nagar 12 2 2 4
Sangrur 13 15 15 14
Source: Census of India, Series 4, Punjab, Provisional Population Totals, 2001
23 Shramshakti, p.7
130
The causes of the low participation rate of women Table 6.17 reveals that even general workforce
have been outlined by the Human Development in participation rates (WPR) for Punjab are lower than
South Asia Report, 2000: “The invisibility of the national level though these have increased since
women’s work, domestic chores and other tasks, 1991. This has been accompanied by an increase
are part of a cultural/traditional attitude which views in female work participation rates. The female work
man as the primary bread-winner. Indeed, women participation rates have increased for both main and
report themselves as non-workers because they marginal workers and that too substantially.
tend to regard their labour as ‘domestic
responsibilities’ and are therefore, outside market The overall female work participation rates have
related or remunerated work.”24 increased, but this is much more significant for
rural Punjab compared to urban Punjab. In spite of
This holds particularly true for Punjab. this increase, female WPRs remain very low in
Notwithstanding the high level of development and Punjab. Why is women’s work invisible? Can the
education, Punjab has the lowest female causes be traced to migration of female labour, to
workforce participation rate in the country. The the Green Revolution and technological use, which
majority of women are included in the category of ignores female unskilled labourers, or should it be
non-workers, conclusive evidence of the invisibility attributed to a decline in sex ratios?
of women’s work.
Table 6.17: Total Workers, Main Workers, Marginal Workers and Non-Workers as Percentage of Total
Population, 1991 & 2001
Total/Rural/ Persons/ Total Workers Main Marginal Non-Workers
Urban Males/Females Workers Workers
1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001
India Total Persons 37.50 39.26 34.18 30.55 3.32 8.71 62.50 60.74
Males 51.61 51.93 51.00 45.35 0.61 6.59 48.39 48.07
Females 22.27 25.68 16.03 14.68 6.24 10.99 77.73 74.32
Rural Persons 40.09 41.97 35.84 31.03 4.25 10.94 59.91 58.03
Males 52.58 52.36 51.88 44.51 0.70 7.85 47.42 47.64
Females 26.79 30.98 18.75 16.77 8.04 14.21 73.21 69.02
Urban Persons 30.16 32.23 29.48 29.30 0.68 2.93 69.84 67.77
Males 48.92 50.85 48.57 47.46 0.35 3.38 51.08 49.15
Females 9.19 11.55 8.15 9.12 1.04 2.43 90.81 88.45
Punjab Total Persons 30.88 37.58 30.07 32.23 0.81 5.36 69.12 62.42
Males 54.22 54.10 54.12 49.97 0.10 4.13 45.78 45.90
Females 4.40 18.68 2.79 11.92 1.61 6.76 95.60 81.32
Rural Persons 31.21 39.73 30.11 32.70 1.10 7.03 68.79 60.27
Males 55.04 54.45 54.92 49.35 0.12 5.10 44.96 45.55
Females 4.37 23.15 2.16 13.95 2.21 9.21 95.63 76.85
Urban Persons 30.06 33.40 29.96 31.31 0.10 2.09 69.94 66.60
Males 52.26 53.42 52.22 51.14 0.04 2.28 47.74 46.58
Females 4.48 9.74 4.31 7.87 0.17 1.87 95.52 90.26
Source: Census of India, 2001
24 Human Development in South Asia, Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, Karachi, 2000, p.55
131
Table 6.18 (a): Percentage of Main, Marginal and Non-Workers in Punjab by Sex
Districts Main Workers Marginal Workers Non-Workers
Amritsar 85.7 14.3 42.4 57.6 39.0 61.0
Bathinda 80.2 19.8 25.8 74.2 41.4 58.6
Faridkot 80.4 19.6 46.5 53.5 37.4 62.6
Fatehgarh Sahib 82.3 17.7 45.3 54.7 39.2 60.8
Firozpur 85.8 14.2 33.4 66.6 39.2 60.8
Gurdaspur 88.9 11.1 53.1 46.9 38.3 61.7
Hoshiarpur 82.8 17.2 46.9 53.1 38.8 61.2
Jalandhar 87.1 12.9 53.3 46.7 37.2 62.8
Kapurthala 84.8 15.2 52.9 47.1 38.0 62.0
Ludhiana 84.6 15.4 50.1 49.9 38.9 61.1
Mansa 82.2 17.8 24.5 75.5 41.0 59.0
Moga 77.8 22.2 38.8 61.2 40.5 59.5
Muktsar 81.2 18.8 28.8 71.2 39.4 60.6
Nawanshehar 67.4 32.6 41.1 58.9 42.0 58.0
Patiala 84.2 15.8 38.9 61.1 39.2 60.8
Rup Nagar 74.9 25.1 44.1 55.9 41.6 58.4
Sangrur 78.2 21.8 30.8 69.2 40.6 59.4
Punjab 82.8 17.2 41.2 58.8 39.3 60.7
The all-India WPR has slightly increased for rural Table 6.18 further reveals that of the total main
and urban areas. Total female work participation workers, women account for a mere 17 percent.
rates are significantly higher at the national level in In contrast, 59 percent marginal workers are
rural and urban areas, as compared to Punjab. females. Even amongst the non-workers, women
Table 6.18 (b): Ranking of Districts by Female Workforce Participation Rate and
Sex Ratio
District Male WPR Female WPR Sex Ratio Rank in Rank in
FWPR Sex Ratio
Gurdaspur 51.85% 12.72% 888 16 3
Amritsar 53.23% 16.27% 874 13 11
Kapurthala 53.42% 14.11% 886 15 4
Jalandhar 54.13% 12.30% 882 17 8
Hoshiarpur 50.98% 17.34% 935 12 1
Nawanshehar 55.64% 33.05% 913 1 2
Rup Nagar 52.84% 23.78% 870 6 12
Fatehgarh Sahib 55.13% 18.29% 851 10 16
Ludhiana 55.94% 15.66% 824 14 17
Moga 54.26% 24.20% 883 4 6
Firozpur 53.56% 18.49% 883 9 6
Muktsar 55.15% 22.34% 886 8 4
Faridkot 59.52% 23.04% 881 7 9
Bathinda 55.37% 26.97% 865 2 14
Mansa 54.40% 25.13% 875 3 10
Sangrur 54.93% 24.05% 868 5 13
Patiala 54.12% 17.57% 864 11 15
Source: Census of India, 2001
132
constitute a majority of 60.7 percent. Among Political Participation
districts, it is notable that Nawanshehar has the When women participate in politics they are able
highest percentage of female main workers, while to advance their own empowerment. In Punjab,
Gurdaspur has the lowest. In the category of women are more or less invisible in decision-
marginal workers, Mansa ranks at the top with making bodies and consequently many issues are
75.5 percent female marginal workers, while left unattended. An analysis of the political
Gurdaspur has the lowest percentage of female participation of women, whether as legislators or
marginal workers. as voters, highlights women’s subordination.
Consequently, a demand has arisen for 33%
It is interesting to examine the linkages between reservation for women in Parliament and State
work participation rates and sex ratio. Legislative Assemblies. This, it is argued, will push
Nawanshehar, which has the second highest sex women into the public sphere to ensure better
ratio, has the highest female WPR, and Ludhiana, representation of their views and needs.
with one of the lowest female WPR, also has the
lowest sex ratio. Mansa, on the other hand, which Punjab is divided into 13 constituencies for Lok
is one of the most underdeveloped districts of the Sabha elections or elections to the lower house
state and ranks 10th in terms of sex ratio, has a of Parliament. The figures on women’s
good female work participation rate. The picture representation (Table 6.19) in the Lok Sabha from
becomes more complex when it is seen that Punjab are disturbing. First, the number of women
Hoshiarpur, which is at the top in terms of sex ratio, contestants has remained very low, not exceeding
lies somewhere in the middle of the scale in terms 8 until 1996. After 1996 there was an increase
of female work participation rate. Thus it becomes when 17 women contested elections which again
difficult to draw any general conclusions on decreased to 14 in 1999. Secondly, the number
whether sex ratios determine work participation of women winners is insignificant. Only two
rates or vice versa. women contestants in year 1996 (11.8 percent)
Table 6.19: Representation of Women in Lok Sabha from Punjab 1952-1998

(Election wise)
Year Total MP Total No. of No. of Women No. of seats Percentage
seats contestants Contestants won of women
1952 14 101 2 Nil -
1957 17 78 1 1 5.88
1962 22 112 Nil Nil -
1967 13 75 3 2 15.38
1971 13 83 1 Nil -
1977 13 79 1 Nil -
1980 13 146 3 2 15.38
1985 13 74 5 1 7.69
1989 13 227 8 3 23.07
1992 13 81 4 2 15.38
1996 13 259 17 2 15.38
1998 13 102 9 1 7.69
1999 13 120 14 2 15.38
Source: State Election Commission Records, Punjab, Chandigarh
133
Table 6.20: Representation of Women in State Legislative Assembly, 1952-1997
(Election wise)
Year Total No. Total No. of No. of Women No. of seats % of women
of seats contestants Contestants won M.L.A.’s
1952 154 830 13 5 3.24
1957 154 606 17 9 7.43
1962 154 749 13 7 4.54
1967 104 602 6 2 1.92
1969 104 470 6 Nil -
1972 104 469 11 7 6.73
1977 117 681 16 3 2.56
1980 117 720 15 6 5.12
1985 117 862 22 4 3.43
1992 117 569 22 6 5.12
1997 117 693 52 7 5.98
2002 117 923 70 8 6.83
Source: State Election Commission Records, Punjab, Chandigarh
and also in 1999 (14.3 percent) were successful. The low participation of women in corporate
There have been four general elections in Punjab bodies is highlighted in Table 6.21. The percentage
in which not a single woman has been elected to of women elected to these bodies was almost
the Lok Sabha. half as that of men.
A study conducted by the Centre for Women’s

Table 6.21: Corporators in Punjab as on 1.11.97
Studies and Development, Punjab University,
Chandigarh, revealed that in Punjab, most political Area Total Male Female
parties, sidelined women in granting election Ludhiana 70 47 23
Jalandhar 55 38 17
tickets. In 1996, notwithstanding political Amritsar 60 43 17
promises, only the Congress (I) granted 33 Total 185 128 57
Percentage 100 69.2 30.8
percent tickets to women. The other parties
including the major regional party Shiromani Akali Source: State Election Commission Records, Punjab, Chandigarh
Dal, ignored women in the granting of tickets. Ten

out of the 17 women candidates contested as In the Council of Ministers (2001), out of 40
independents in 1996. ministers, only three are women. Even where
women do get elected, they are allotted relatively
Similarly, Punjab has drawn a blank as far as female unimportant portfolios. Rarely are women given
representation in the upper house is concerned. portfolios in finance, industrial development,
The state has had only one woman representative agriculture, transport and communication.
in the Rajya Sabha, Bibi Nirlep Kaur.
Apart from women’s representation in Parliament
These dismal figures are replicated in the and Legislative Assemblies, voting behaviour is
Legislative Assembly of Punjab (Table 6.20). In the an important indicator of political participation.
State Legislative Assembly, the representation of The right to vote is rarely exercised independently
women has never exceeded the 7.43 percent by women and choices are usually determined
achieved as long ago as 1957. The 1969 Punjab by male members of the family, be it the father,
State Assembly consisted only of men. brother, husband or even son. Females remain
134
Table 6.22: Number and Percentage of Electors and Voters in Punjab in 1999
1996 1999
Male Female Total Male Female Total
Total Electorate 76,34,482 68,5,344 1,44,89,825 82,93,908 74,23,396 1,57,17,304
(52.69%) (47.31%) (100.00%) (52.77%) (47.23%) (100.00%)
Total Votes Polled 48,29,957 41,89,345 90,19,302 47,72,250 40,46,950 88,19,200
Percentage (Male 53.55 46.45 100.00 54.11 45.89 100.00
& Female votes
polled to total
votes polled)
Source: Statistical Abstract, 2003
sidelined during casting of votes. Polling simply left to die, women became victims not only
percentages in 1996 and 1999 as seen in Table of the enemy, but sometimes of their own
6.22 were quite low, but were even lower for families. They became symbols, as well as targets
females. of family (read male) honour and the easiest
targets of violence.
Punjab was the first state to co-opt women
members in local bodies. The Punjab Municipal Act, Similarly, during the period of militancy, women
1911, provided for co-opting of two women became easy prey both for militants, as well as
members if there were no elected women present. for the state administration. Where they were not
The 73 rd and 74 th Constitutional Amendments subject to direct assault, they often faced indirect
provided the basis for empowering women at the consequences. At this time, hundreds of women
grass roots, essentially by providing 33 percent became destitute as a result of losing their
reservation for women. One-third seats of husbands or sons.
sarpanches or heads of village local bodies, were
to be reserved for women by rotation. This Aside from hardships during war and militancy,
ensured the entry of thousands of women into women are subject to violence in the everyday
politics at the grass roots. This trend needs to be course of their lives. Box 6.4 gives an overview of
replicated at the state level as well. the violence women face in their life cycle.
Crimes against Women A comparison of the incidence and rate of crimes

“Any act … that results in, or is likely to result in committed against women with other states
physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering shows Punjab to be a low-risk state. For instance,
to women, including threats of such acts, coercion in 1996, Punjab’s percentage contribution to the
or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring all-India total was 0.8. It was ranked 28th in the
in public or private life” is how the Beijing Platform extent of violence perpetrated against women,
for Action defines violence against women. with Delhi at the top and Lakshadweep at the
bottom. This position, however, must be taken
The state of Punjab has been witness to two with a pinch of salt because, first, cases
violent episodes since Independence. The registered with the police are not a true index of
Partition of the country saw massive bloodshed the crimes against women as many cases go
in Punjab and crimes against women were unreported. Secondly, many of the crimes and
horrifying. Raped, killed, mutilated, kidnapped or atrocities may not be overt acts. For instance,
135
The most severe criminal offence perpetrated
against women is the barbaric practice of female
Box 6.4: Violence Women Face over foeticide and infanticide. The denial of the basic
the Life Cycle right to life is one of the grossest forms of human
rights abuse. Additionally, pregnant women are
Foetal stage
Sex selection
subject to a massive amount of mental pressure
Female infanticide to deliver a male child. In fact, Punjab, with its many
sex diagnostic clinics and abortion centres, can
Infancy be described as a state that is largely insensitive
Infanticide to its female population.
Malnutrition
Table 6.23 reveals the total number of reported
Childhood
Neglect due to absence of medical care and crimes against women during the period 1996-99.
education It may be seen that the number of murders has
Sexual abuse increased substantially over this period. Dowry
Physical violence deaths on the other hand show a decline. This begs
the question: Is this the real picture, or is this low
Adolescence and adulthood
incidence of dowry deaths a pointer to the under-
Early marriage
reporting of such cases?
Early pregnancy
Sexual violence
Suicides have registered a fall between 1996 and
Domestic violence
Dowry harassment
1999. The number of reported cases of rape and
Harassment due to infertility/failure to kidnapping declined during 1998-1999, but dowry
produce sons cases, as distinct from dowry deaths, increased.
Desertion Among the districts, Amritsar ranked at the top in
Witch hunt murder cases, while Ludhiana ranked highest in
rape and kidnapping. Ludhiana was significantly
Older women and widows
higher than all other districts in dowry death cases.
Desertion
Neglect—emotional, financial, social
Eighty-five dowry deaths were reported in the first
Source: National Profile on Women, Health and Development- six months of the year 2000 and 337 dowry cases
India, VHAI & WHO, April 2000, p.222.
were registered in the first half of 2000. Other
crimes against women too have shown an upward
intimidation of a wife, resorting to pressure tactics trend. There have been 248 kidnappings in 2000
or even depriving women the use of health, and 136 rape cases. 25 Crimes against women
education, employment and other opportunities seem to stand in inverse proportion with sex ratio.
are acts of violence if one goes by the definition Increase in the former results in decline in the latter.
stated in the Beijing Platform for Action. In the Ève teasing’ remains the under reported crime in
above cases, there is clearly a deprivation of liberty the state.
and is most likely to cause psychological harm.
25 The Times of India, July 5, 2000
136
Table 6.23: District-Wise Number of Crime Cases Against Women
Districts Murder Dowry Death Suicide Dowry cases
1996 1997 1998 1999 1996 1997 1998 1999 1996 1997 1998 1999 1996 1997 1998 1999
Gurdaspur 3 9 18 11 13 22 16 15 22 11 3 2 3 6 6 9
Amritsar 15 25 22 37 26 36 49 12 30 15 29 23 5 11 19 10
Kapurthala 1 0 7 14 16 14 8 7 8 4 3 4 1 4 6 3
Jalandhar 13 18 12 14 15 35 24 24 21 7 10 9 5 4 9 4
Nawanshehar 0 2 7 2 2 5 8 2 3 3 1 2 3 0 3 4
Hoshiarpur 0 2 9 30 14 26 11 13 12 11 2 3 11 9 9 6
Rup Nagar 2 6 9 6 7 18 11 12 5 7 6 1 4 4 6 3
Ludhiana 8 16 26 37 53 103 125 24 23 17 9 11 4 6 12 6
Firozpur 7 6 10 12 13 26 17 11 17 7 15 11 1 5 11 4
Faridkot 3 1 4 0 7 6 6 4 5 1 0 2 3 3 1 2
Muktsar 0 3 2 4 0 11 12 6 7 2 2 2 1 0 2 2
Moga 0 2 1 0 8 5 1 7 6 5 3 3 0 1 5 3
Bathinda 5 4 6 7 9 16 13 6 10 6 6 8 2 2 9 9
Mansa 0 1 3 0 1 9 1 4 6 1 3 3 0 3 0 2
Sangrur 3 7 12 6 24 22 17 19 13 8 8 4 4 4 5 8
Patiala 4 4 11 11 9 23 66 16 17 15 9 3 5 7 14 8
Fatehgarh
Sahib 2 2 3 10 3 7 6 2 5 5 1 0 3 4 3 3
GRP Patiala 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 0 0 2 0 0 0
Punjab 66 109 164 201 220 384 391 182 212 127 110 91 57 68 120 86
Districts Rape Kidnapping Molestation Eve-teasing

1996 1997 1998 1999 1996 1997 1998 1999 1996 1997 1998 1999 1996 1997 1998 1999
Gurdaspur 12 23 21 0 0 2 0 15 17 18 9 5 10 12 9 7
Amritsar 17 19 26 1 2 6 2 23 25 22 35 27 13 14 26 29
Kapurthala 11 9 10 0 0 0 0 5 14 4 9 11 7 12 7 4
Jalandhar 12 13 17 0 0 0 0 5 25 23 37 11 4 13 0 0
Nawanshehar 4 4 0 1 0 0 0 7 4 6 6 2 1 0 2 3
Hoshiarpur 20 13 13 2 0 0 0 6 19 12 12 7 18 9 8 6
Rup Nagar 5 6 6 0 0 0 1 8 4 6 8 5 1 9 3 5
Ludhiana 26 16 24 0 0 0 0 28 26 39 31 39 3 12 6 2
Firozpur 9 13 16 0 0 0 0 21 5 13 18 8 9 4 14 14
Faridkot 1 10 1 0 0 0 0 2 1 1 0 2 5 5 2 0
Muktsar 1 2 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0
Moga 5 1 4 0 0 0 0 1 2 8 8 6 1 1 3 1
Bathinda 8 8 8 0 0 0 0 6 0 2 5 4 6 12 8 6
Mansa 0 3 6 0 0 0 0 7 0 1 2 0 0 4 3 5
Sangrur 8 11 13 0 1 2 2 7 9 9 16 15 5 11 7 11
Patiala 6 10 14 0 0 0 0 22 12 12 23 19 8 9 3 24
Fatehgarh
Sahib 3 0 3 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 6 2 0 0 3 2
GRP Patiala 0 0 3 0 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 3 2
Punjab 148 161 186 4 5 10 5 168 164 176 226 163 92 128 108 121
Source: Director General of Police, Government of Punjab
137
Child Labour Although the magnitude of absolute poverty in
Across India, child labour is accepted as the single Punjab is relatively less compared to many states’
largest source of child abuse and exploitation. but within Punjab there are many pockets of relative
Thus it is necessary to give it a certain amount of poverty. Even in Punjab, poverty contributes to the
importance in the present chapter. existence of a sizeable child labour force and in
most cases children are used to augment the family
Child labour is defined as ‘participation in gainful income. Child labour thrives in situations where
activity by children who are 5–14 years of age’. adults are unemployed, families are large, there is
India has the dubious distinction of being the a lack of land and other resources, and there is
largest possessor of a child labour force. overall backwardness in terms of literacy and skills.
According to ILO estimates, one-fourth of the Children of migrant workers from Bihar, Uttar
working children in the world are Indians. An NSS Pradesh and Orissa, as well as those belonging
estimate puts the figure at 17.31 million (1983); to the backward castes of Punjab are more likely
Balai Data Bank, Manila, estimates the figure at to be found engaged as child labourers. Moreover,
111 million. The unofficial estimates could be still since a child needs to be paid only half the wages
higher. of an adult, many employers prefer to employ child
labour. The stipulation that children are supposed
According to the 1981 Census, there were 13.6 to work for only half the time as an adult is
million working children in India, which decreased invariably not followed. As a result, the child
to 11.28 million in 1991. Child labour exists and labourer ends up displacing an adult from the
thrives in all parts of the country mainly due to work force.
interplay between factors constituting the demand
and supply of this kind of labour. The innumerable For the girl child, the burden is even greater. Here
legislations drawn up to combat this inhuman, patriarchal norms limits them to domestic chores.
unjust and even criminal practice have failed. There is very little premium placed on the lives of
Poverty till date has been identified as the single the girl child in Punjab (as evident from the poor
largest reason for child labour. sex ratio and high incidence of female infanticide
and foeticide), even less on her education. Hence
child labour follows as a natural corollary.
Gerry Rodgers and Guy Standings of the ILO have

classified child labour into four areas: domestic
work, non-domestic and non-monetary work, wage
labour and bonded labour. There is a huge lacuna
in data in the first two categories, mainly due to
definitions of work which do not take into
consideration any work that does not result in the
production of goods and services. The wage
labourer is usually found in the urban unorganised
sector. They are subject to work at low rates in
poor working conditions.
Courtesy IDC
However, it is the state of bonded child labourers

Child labour that needs urgent intervention. Bonded labourers
138
are mostly pledged by parents in lieu of a reduction Here the state works to release and rehabilitate
or omission of debts incurred by them. This is children working in hazardous conditions. The
especially true of children of migrants whose guidelines adopted were:
parents run up huge debts and are unable to pay a) Imparting non-formal education to enable the
them back. Migrant workers in the brick industry, children released from work to receive
sugar industry, textile and agro-based industries, functional literacy and acquire a level of
as also those in the agricultural sector have huge equivalence with the corresponding grade and
debts and their children often become bonded for level in the formal system.
long periods, sometimes even for their entire lives. b) Provide supplementary nutrition through
(Manjit Singh, Sindhu and Rangi, et al, 1998). midday meals.
c) Provide income and employment generation
Efforts to Eradicate Child Labour opportunities to adult family members primarily
Various schools of thought ranging from the by imparting skills.
classical, to the neo-classical, to modern liberal d) Stepping up enforcement of child labour laws.
thought have offered explanations for the massive
presence of children in the labour force. The In a survey conducted by V.V. Giri of National
strategies they advocate to eradicate it are varied. Labour Institute, Noida, in the year 1998, it was
Some see the phenomenon as a consequence of estimated that there were around 10,000 children
the inability of the state to provide the fundamental working in the sports goods industry in Jalandhar
right of education to children. It places the district. This study placed all children in the
responsibility of eradication on the state and following three categories:
maintains that ensuring accessibility to primary and a) Only Working (OW): The children in this
elementary education can reduce the incidence of category did not go to school at all. Thus this
child labour. is a category similar to main workers listed in
the census.
In contrast, there are those who see the problem b) Working and school going (WSG): The children
as arising out of a failure of civil society in ensuring falling under this category combined education
that children are provided with a friendly with work, but work usually got greater
environment. There is thus a need for every weightage than education. This category is
responsible individual in society to ensure that similar to that of marginal workers listed in the
children are not sucked into the workforce. census.
c) Only school going (OSG): This category
The state government has initiated certain includes children whose main and only activity
efforts to deal with the problem of child labour. is school education and who may or may not
The basis of the government policy and participate in household chores.
programmes is the National Policy on Child
Labour (1987) and the National Child Labour The study estimated that there were approximately
Project (NCLP 1994). The government takes the 1350 children in Jalandhar falling in the OW
view that since the figures hide a number of category, out of which 755 were boys and 595 were
truths and unscrupulous employers sometimes girls, and around 8650 children in the WSG
don’t reveal the facts, it is best to concentrate category. These children were involved in the
on those areas where child labour is known to manufacture of various sports goods such as
exist in large numbers. footballs, shuttle cocks, badminton racquets,
rubber goods, etc.
139
Based on the findings of the National Labour pattern of the Central Monitoring Committee under
Institute, the state government took the necessary the chairmanship of the Secretary, Labour and
steps towards rehabilitating the working children in Employment, Punjab. The first meeting was held
Jalandhar. Twenty-seven schools were started in the on November 20th, 2001, where it was decided
year 2000 and the functioning of these schools has that a convergence of different poverty alleviation
been given to a number of NGOs/ trade unions/ schemes of the district would be explored.
clubs, etc. The Assistant Labour Commissioner of
Jalandhar has been appointed as the Director of Governmental Programmes and Policies
the project and a project level society has been The Beijing Platform for Action urged countries to
established under the name of ‘Child Labour cum draw up national plans of action and formulate
Welfare Society ’ to supervise its day-to-day specific strategies to eliminate gender disparities
functioning. Various NGOs in consultation with the in all the fields of women’s subordination. Yet the
Project Director have recruited staff for these goal of gender equality remains elusive. Clearly,
schools. The curriculum of these schools is similar there is a need for policies which can incorporate
to that of other regular schools and the children in the awareness of the “implications of gender into
these schools are expected to achieve the level of all areas of policy-making and planning so that
Class 5 in a period of three years. After the women’s needs can be met, their capabilities
completion of primary education each child is enhanced and their opportunities enlarged.”26
expected to make a choice between the formal
stream of education i.e., 6th standard onwards, or The Punjab government has taken a number of
a vocational training of his/her choice. Every child initiatives in this context, some in keeping with the
attending these schools gets a stipend of Rs. 100 centre’s policies and programmes, some on its
per month and Rs. 2.50 is spent every day on each own. A State Policy for Women was formulated in
child for refreshments. The total cost of this project 1996, focusing on various critical areas of concern
is approximately Rs. 2.5 crore and the responsibility and ranging from gender justice, access to
for monitoring the project from time to time lies with education, skill and resource development, to
Secretary, Labour and Employment. promoting entrepreneurship and empowering
women not only as individuals but also collectively
After the initial success of the NCLP in Jalandhar, through women’s groups.
a survey was also conducted in other industrial
cities of Punjab. It was found that there were 2051 The Punjab State Commission for Women was
and 2316 children working in Ludhiana and Amritsar constituted on the pattern of the National
respectively. Based on these estimates the state Commission for Women on 7th January, 1994. The
government has proposed to start two NCLP guidelines of the Commission require it to work
projects worth Rs. 5.1 crore. Under these projects, for the redressal of women’s grievances and
40 schools of 50 children each will be started in protection of their legal and constitutional rights.
Ludhiana as well as Amritsar. Most cases which come to the commission are
related to harassment for dowry, extra-marital
Punjab has been allocated three projects in affairs, property cases, sexual harassment, etc.
Amritsar, Ludhiana and Jalandhar. To review the
functioning of this project, the state has Various programmes and schemes aiming at the
constituted a state level monitoring body on the upliftment of women are also being run under
26 Human Development in South Asia, Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, OUP, Karachi, 2000, p.168
140
central assistance by the state government. These Development of Women and Children in Rural
schemes basically provide financial assistance and Areas (DWCRA) is a programme specifically
aim at employment and income generation. designed to provide support for poor women in
rural areas by the Government of India. It is a sub-
As early as 1969, the state government introduced component of the Integrated Rural Development
a scheme of financial assistance and social security Programme (IRDP). In Punjab, since the inception
to widows and destitute women. Certain schemes of the DWCRA programme up to 1997-98,
such as the National Maternity Benefit Scheme, approximately 7000 groups have been formed in
which provides for specific sums to pregnant all the districts.
women who are below the poverty line; Vocational
Rehabilitation Centre; homes for widows and Another programme focusing on women and girl
destitute women, in Jalandhar, Kapurthala and a children is the Composite Programme for Women
women’s ashram in Hoshiarpur, observation homes and Pre-school Children, which was started in
in 7 districts for delinquent girls are also being run Punjab from the year 1974-75. The main objective
by the Department of Women and Child of this scheme is to impart training to rural women
Development. Other schemes aiming specifically at and girls in tailoring, embroidery, etc., through
the girl child include Kanya Jagriti Jyoti Scheme, Girl crafts centres. On the occasion of Republic Day
Child Development Scheme, Indira Mahila Yojana i.e. 26 th January, 1999, two welfare insurance
and free transport facilities. policies for women, named Raj Rajeshwari Mahila
Kalyan Yojna and Shri Bal Bhalai Policy, were
The Punjab State Social Welfare Advisory Board is launched in Punjab. Under the former, females in
equally active. The Board focuses on welfare, the age group of 10 to 75 would have to pay an
extension, and demonstration of projects that are annual premium of Rs. 23 per head and every
linked to the woman, the girl child as well as the woman under the scheme would be entitled to
family. The Board has started a scheme of Rs. 2500 as compensation in case of becoming
condensed courses which provide women with blind or handicapped. In case of loss of an eye,
education and relevant skills. she would be allowed compensation amounting
to Rs. 12,500/-.
It also provides assistance to organisations who
have the requisite capability, experience and
infrastructure to provide vocational training to
needy women in the age groups of 15 years and
above. Grants are also provided by the Board to
organise and conduct Awareness Generation
Camps, setting up of crèche units for children of
working and ailing mothers belonging to lower
income groups and setting up Family Counselling
Centres (FCCs). FCCs provide counselling, referral
and if possible, rehabilitative services to women
who may be victims of atrocities inflicted by
family and society. Broad-based women’s
Courtesy IDC
organisations can avail of grants from the Board

to assist women beneficiaries to set up agro-
based units. Training to rural women in tailoring and embroidery
141
A critical review of the strategies adopted to uplift indicates that the economic prosperity in the state
the status of women indicates two trends. First, has not been able to ensure a better quality of life
there has been a definite shift from a welfare for Punjab’s women.
approach to an approach which aims to include
women in developmental efforts, which is a healthy Although current development efforts and
trend. government policies provide centrality to women
and aim to improve their status, yet these still suffer
There has been a perceptible shift from simply from too many biases. Political will is important
providing basic minimum needs like health, here. Ultimately it is the vision of elected
education, etc., to initiating efforts to improve the representatives which can bring long-term change.
entire quality of life of women. However, there is
considerable progress that still needs to be made A similar picture emerges from an analysis on
and much depends on the manner in which these development work for children. State efforts
programmes are actually able to deliver benefits. should not stop at merely setting up schools.
Women, specific development schemes still reveal Rather, vulnerable and marginalised children should
biases because patriarchal tendencies are difficult be identified and their needs attended to. Street
to remove. children, victims of child abuse, victims of sexual
abuse and physically and mentally challenged
The importance of women has been recognised children, are either counted as numbers or worse,
but it is an importance which has been relegated they are completely invisible.
to the domestic and traditional domain. Women’s
concerns and issues are seldom integrated into While the state has done substantial work for
mainstream policies and they continue to remain children in the arena of immunisation and literacy
invisible in the planning process. to some extent, state initiatives are required in
many more areas, specially with respect to
Conclusion generating awareness of child’s rights, quality
From the above discussion, we can conclude that education for children, problems of special groups,
the state needs to take rigorous steps to deal with and security and safety of children, both within the
the concerns of its women and children. households and outside.
The declining sex ratio, rising rates of female Finally, public attitudes are often the greatest
infanticide and foeticide, the poor workforce obstacles to change. There must be a public effort
participation of women, restriction of women in to demonstrate that the prosperity of Punjab is
the informal sector where there is a high incidence built on the shoulders of men, as well as women.
of exploitation, both sexual and otherwise, the high Development will not be carried into the future
rates of crimes against women and continued unless it bases itself on the health and welfare of
exclusion of women from the public sphere, children.
142
7. Dalits – On the Margins of
Development
Dalit1 communities are among the poorest and continues even today. Peasant movements, as well
most deprived sections not only in Punjab, but as the Naxalite movement, contributed to
throughout India. Today, in spite of massive efforts, strengthening the position of Dalits, gave them
mainly through policies such as reservations and better bargaining powers and a more substantial
subsidies, Dalit communities have still not fully position in the politics and consciousness of Punjab.
entered the political, economic and social
mainstream. In the following sections, the status of Dalits in
Punjab is examined. The impact of social and
Punjab has the highest proportion of Scheduled religious movements on Dalits, the role of peasant
Castes within its population. The spread of religions movements and their impact on Dalit labour is also
such as Islam and Christianity, the birth and spread studied, as are comparisons between the Dalits of
of Sikhism, the rise of social and political Punjab and Dalits in other states.
movements in the state, especially peasant
movements—all these were driven, at some point Movements and the Status of Dalits
or the other, by the deprivation, discrimination and In Punjab, the last two centuries have seen social
subjugation experienced by Dalits. movements that have directly or indirectly affected
the status of Dalits. These movements have led to
The Dalits in Punjab are certainly not as poor or as some alleviation in the plight of the Dalits and
deprived as their counterparts in other parts of the resulted in the breaking of various social barriers.
country. In fact, they are relatively prosperous. Certain changes have been brought in the
However, the status of the Dalits has not registered discrimination that Dalits have faced. Some of the
notable changes and is bereft of social, economic important movements and their impact are
and political opportunities. Dalits are still deprived chronicled below.
of ownership of crucial assets like land, capital, etc.,
and access to basic social infrastructure. Impact of Sikh Religion
The growth of the Sikh religion has played a very
Several social and religious movements in the state, important role in changing the status of Dalits.
spanning the last few centuries, have had a major Sikhism was a protest movement against upper
impact on the Dalit population. In fact, this trend castes discrimination and thus became popular in
1 It is necessary to mention here that while the term ‘Dalit ’ in the Ambedkarian framework includes Scheduled Castes primarily, a broader
concept of Dalit would include the economically, socially and politically underprivileged section.
143
DALITS - ON THE MARGINS OF DEVELOPMENT
the larger community. With the passage of time, get five freedoms, four of which relate to
Sikhism started being identified with social justice. untouchability:
Started by Guru Nanak, Sikhism sought to do away
with the rigid caste system. It included concepts Deliverance from the prejudices of all previous
such as ‘langar’, which tried to remove social religious customs, and practices.
divisions through common meals. Many Dalits Freedom from the influence of previous caste
were attracted to Sikhism as it gave them an or family.
opportunity to escape from crippling social stigmas. Freedom from the stigma attached to previous
Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth Guru of the Sikh calling or hereditary professions.
religion (1666-1708) vigorously furthered the cause Deliverance from all previous rituals, prejudices
of the Dalits through the establishment of the and inhibitions.
Khalsa army. In the Khalsa, the backward and
oppressed were given a place of honour. However, However, while Sikhism sought to break caste
the efforts of the Gurus did not succeed in barriers, in reality land-owning classes like the Jat
completely changing the social structure. The Sikhs, as well as non-Sikhs, seldom allowed Dalits
simple, egalitarian order that had been laid down equal status in villages. Any attempt by them to
soon became diluted and various rituals emerged assert their rights was met with a show of force.
which worked to the disadvantage of lower castes,
particularly the Dalits. Impact of the Ad Dharam Movement
The Ad Dharam Movement, under the direction and
The Singh Sabha Movement and the Akali leadership of Mangu Ram, also sought to uplift
Movement created a fresh awakening among Scheduled Castes. There were several positive
Sikhs and challenged the authority of the Brahmin results. One, the boot-making business of the
priests. A dispute erupted which resulted in the charmakars received a boost with the inflow of
priests handing over the control of the Golden government army contracts. Second, their social
Temple to the people. Thereafter, many Sikhs mobility was heightened with the rise of new
belonging to Scheduled Caste communities educational opportunities provided by the Arya Samaj.
such as Bhais, Granthis and Ragis have become Mangu Ram, a Dalit, identified the Ad Dharam
Sikh priests or helpers (Sewadars) in the movement with Qaumiat (communal pride), Mazhabi
Gurudwaras. 2 This brought about a radical (religion) and Majlis (organisation). He suggested that
transformation in the self-image of lower castes. untouchables should think of themselves as a
The first popularly elected Shiromani Gurudwara community – a Quam – similar to Muslims, Sikhs and
Prabandhak Committee3 (SGPC) was formed in Hindus. He stated that they were the original
1921 to which all baptised Sikhs were eligible for inhabitants of India and their religion was Ad Dharam.
elections, including Scheduled Castes.4
The Ad Dharam Movement failed to transform
The emergence of Sikhism minimised the intensity upper caste attitudes. Outside their own enclaves,
of untouchability in Punjab. The Sikh gurus took Dalits continued to face discrimination and
bold steps to root out untouchability. At the time oppression. However, the prosperity that resulted
of baptism, or initiation into the Sikh order, Sikhs from the leather trade and migration abroad as well
2 These are different types of priests and people who serve in Sikh temples (Gurudwaras).
3 This is a supreme body of Sikhs organised to manage and maintain gurudwaras and their wealth and property
4 See Gobinder Singh, p. 82
144
as the emergence of Dalit administrators, Maharaja Charan Singh was determined to end
businessmen and teachers created a vocal, urban untouchability and the Radhasoami movement
middle section among Ad Dharmis. abolished untouchability and proclaimed equality
among all Satsangis. They, however, do not
Impact of Christianity intermarry, and in spite of their best efforts caste-
In Punjab, Christianity enjoyed considerable based distinctions are still practised among
importance for about 60 years. Conversions to Radhasoamis.
Christianity began in the mid-1870s, mainly
amongst the Balmiki etc., who were at the lowest The Unionists
level of the caste hierarchy, overwhelmingly The National Unionist Party was formed in 1923. Its
illiterate, backward and socially deprived. The primary objective was to help backward
Christian initiative in education increased the communities, including Scheduled Castes. The
availability of Western education to lower castes Unionist Party also helped the depressed castes to
and gave them greater opportunities for social get government lands on easy terms of payment.
mobility. Conversion to Christianity was often a
matter of concern for Hindu, Muslim and Sikh The Bahujan Samaj Party
religious leaders, although in rural Punjab, mass In April 1984, Kanshi Ram created the Bahujan Samaj
conversions to Christianity diminished from the Party. The party adopted Ambedkar’s ideology, and
mid-1920s. After Independence the Christian soon became the political voice of the Dalits in
community was more or less ignored politically. Punjab. Kanshi Ram took an openly anti-Brahmin,
anti-upper caste, anti-Gandhi and anti-Communist
Impact of Arya Samaj stand. In 1985 the BSP polled 2.2 percent of the
The Arya Samaj programme for upliftment of valid votes; thereby damaging the Congress, CPI and
untouchables was an important part of the CPI (M) parties. It won its first political victory by
teachings of its founder Swami Dayanand winning the Phillaur reserved constituency. Thus
Saraswati. His aim was to persuade upper caste began a phase of Dalit political assertion in Punjab.
Hindus to accept untouchables as equals. By
becoming Aryas/ Mahashas or Arya Bhagats, Social Profile of the Scheduled Castes
untouchables could gain access to the Vedas. They There are 37 Scheduled Castes in Punjab. Major
participated in religious activities, an important Scheduled Caste groups are Mazhabis, Charmakars
consequence being the education of untouchable (including Ramdasias), Ad Dharmis, Balmiki, Bazigars,
children. However, these efforts still did not destroy Dumna (Mahasha), Megh, Sansi, Bauria, Kabirpanthi
the caste status of Dalits; inter- dining remained (Julaha) and Dhanak. These eight castes in order of
limited to occasional feasts on religious occasions; composition make up 92 percent of the Scheduled
there were no inter-marriages; occupational Caste population. As per the 1991 Census, the
mobility was limited; the Hindu attitude towards percentage of the eight numerically preponderant
‘Shudh Aryas’ was one of apathy; untouchability Scheduled Castes are shown in Table 7.1.
continued to be practised and acts of discrimination
and exclusion continued. Ad Dharmis and Ramadasias belong to the same
social strata. Similarly, Balmikis and Mazhabis
Other Movements belong to the same group. Balmikis are
Radhasoami characterised as Hindus and Mazhabis are those
Baba Jaimal Singh set up the Beas Dera of the who are converted to Sikhism. Similarly, the
Radhasoami sect in 1891. The fourth master, Ramdasias are Charmakars converted to Sikhism.
145
Table 7.1: Population of Major Scheduled Castes in Punjab, 1991
Name of the Scheduled Caste Population in 1991 Percentage of Population to
All Scheduled Castes
Ad Dharmi 915098 15.9

Bauria, Bawaria 78429 1.4
Bazigar 162804 2.8
Charmakar (incuding Jatia Charmakar Rehgar,
Raigar, Ramdasi, Ravidasi 1484268 25.8
Balmiki etc. 640210 11.1
Dhanak 57997 1.0
Dumna, Mahasha, Doom 158357 2.8
Kabirpanthi, Julaha 65028 1.1
Mazhabi 1765798 30.7
Megh 105157 1.8
Sansi, Bhedkut, Manesh 81062 1.4
Source: Tables on Scheduled Castes from Census of India 1991, available on CD-ROM, Registrar General of India, New Delhi.
Thus both the Charmakars and Balmiki category Buddhists and Jains. In the 1961 Census, an
together constitute over 80 percent of the total overwhelming number of Scheduled Castes (98.56
Scheduled Caste population and individually over percent) were recorded as Hindus and the remaining
40 percent each. This establishes the important 1.44 percent were entered as Sikhs (cf. Singh 1985,
point that the Scheduled Castes are not a p. 10). However, among Sikhs, Scheduled Castes
homogeneous but a heterogeneous category. constituted 29.2 percent. The social composition of
Scheduled Castes, as a percentage of the total United Punjab before Partition consisted of 50.86
population in the state, were 24.7 percent during percent Muslims, 36.35 percent Hindus and only 12
1971, which increased to 26.9 percent in 1981 and percent Sikhs (Sharma, 1985, p. 178). After Punjab
further increased to 28.3 percent by 1991. was carved out as a separate state in 1966, Sikhs
emerged as a majority community.
The Ad Dharmis are concentrated in the Doaba
region; Mazhabis in Majha and Malwa region; Scheduled Caste Sikhs were not quite enthusiastic
Ramdasias in Malwa region and Balmikis in the about the emergence of Punjab as a separate state,
Doaba and Malwa region. Mazhabis and because they were apprehensive of the hegemonic
Ramdasias primarily follow the Sikh religion. position of the Jat Sikhs. They feared that they
Although the Ad-Dharmis tried to establish a would be placed in a vulnerable status within rural
separate religious identity, they continue to Punjab (Nayar, 1966; pp. 50-51).
practise Sikh rituals (Anand Karaj in their
marriages); only the Balmikis follow the Hindu Hindus constituted the majority in urban Punjab
religion. Thus an overwhelming number of while Sikhs were preponderant in rural areas. For
Scheduled Castes are Sikh. example, 76.46% in Jalandhar and 76 percent in
Gurdaspur were Hindus. On the other hand, Sikhs
In Punjab, low caste Sikhs were included in the list were 89 percent of the total rural population in
of Scheduled Castes, although this status was not Amritsar and 87 percent in rural Bathinda5. Urban
granted to deprived sections of other minority Punjab is preponderantly dominated by the trading
communities, such as Muslims, Christians, castes (Khatris and Aroras, both Hindus and Sikhs).
5 Data pertains to Census of 1961
146
In rural Punjab the dominant groups were Jat Sikhs. Figure 7.1: Literacy
Rates among SCs and non-SCs
Scheduled Castes remained perpetually in Punjab, 1991
subordinate to these two groups.
The Sikh Light Infantry, a regiment of the Indian

Army, consists of the Sikhs belonging to Scheduled
Castes and this regiment is widely known for its
courage and valour in the battlefield.
A large percentage of Scheduled Caste

communities from Punjab, particularly from
Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur districts, have migrated
abroad, especially to U.K. and Canada. Their ties
with their homes remain strong and such linkages
have profoundly changed living patterns of the area.
Dalits – A Profile
Education Source: Tables on Scheduled Castes from Census of India 1991,
There has been a consistent rise in literacy rates of available on CD-ROM, Registrar General of India, New Delhi
Scheduled Castes in Punjab. It was recorded at 23.9
percent in 1981, and increased to 41 percent in 1991. look at Table 7.2 shows that female literacy
The literacy rate of males was 31 percent in 1981, amongst Scheduled Castes was abysmally low in
which then increased to almost 50 percent by 1991. 1991 (below 20 percent) in Sangrur, Faridkot,
Female literacy, which was just 15.7 percent during Firozpur, Bathinda. Contrast this with the overall
1981, increased to 31 percent by 1991. Although male literacy of above 80 percent in Hoshiarpur and
there has been an increase in total literacy rates, a we get an idea of the huge difference between
gap persists in the literacy rate of Scheduled Castes different populations in Punjab (the difference
and that of the general population. would be even sharper if comparisons were drawn
with the non-SC population). The Ad Dharmis had
The literacy rate of Scheduled Castes was 41 the highest literacy rate in 1991, in fact better than
percent in 1991, as compared to a literacy rate of the Punjab average, while the Mazhabis, the largest
58.5 percent in the general population. The gap group amongst Scheduled Castes, had a literacy
between the literacy rate of Scheduled Castes and of just 26 percent (Table 7.3). Such wide variation
non-SC population is even greater. Figure 7.1 among large communities demands that deprived
compares the two literacy rates. There is a gap of sections are immediately identified and their access
24 percent between the literacy rate of Scheduled to basic education is urgently promoted.
Castes and that of the non-SC population in Punjab.
The literacy rate amongst Scheduled Castes is the
Within Scheduled Castes, there is considerable gap highest in Doaba, followed by the Majha region and
between female and male literacy, a gap of nearly lowest in the Malwa region. The literacy rate is
19 percent. The literacy differential amongst lowest in the districts of Bathinda, Firozpur, Faridkot
Scheduled Castes becomes even sharper if it is and Sangrur. These districts can be characterised
compared across sex and district and shows as educationally backward and female literacy is at
considerable deprivation of even basic literacy. A its lowest here. The Malwa region needs active
147
Table 7.2: Population and Literacy amongst Scheduled Castes in Punjab, 1991
District Total Population of Scheduled Castes as Percentage literacy of Scheduled Castes
Scheduled Castes % age of total population Total Male Female
Amritsar 701444 28.01 33.71 42.12 23.91
Bathinda 456596 29.27 20.68 27.42 12.84
Faridkot 589898 34.08 24.27 31.59 15.77
Firozpur 350461 21.79 24.40 32.49 15.08
Gurdaspur 433827 24.69 47.60 56.89 37.10
Hoshiarpur 484876 33.32 63.82 74.48 51.90
Jalandhar 792098 39.08 56.61 65.52 46.50
Kapurthala 190484 29.46 47.82 56.84 37.63
Ludhiana 611399 24.74 50.48 59.52 39.83
Patiala 447607 23.60 38.53 48.38 27.14
Rup Nagar 224982 24.57 57.38 68.09 44.86
Sangrur 458856 26.83 27.15 35.82 17.02
Punjab 5742528 28.31 41.09 49.82 31.03
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 2000, Department of Economics and Statistics, Government of Punjab, Chandigarh
Table 7.3: Literacy Rate amongst Scheduled Castes in Punjab in 1991

Caste All Male Female
Ad Dharmi 62.48 72.42 51.25

Balmiki, etc. 40.03 48.53 30.49
Bazigar 26.31 37.57 14.05
Charmakar, Jatia Charmakar, Rehgar,
Raigar, Ramdasi, Ravidasi 47.93 57.71 36.44
Dumna, Mahasha, Doom 46.80 56.95 35.29
Mazhabi 26.26 33.34 18.04
Megh 46.09 54.44 36.67
Sansi, Bhedkut, Manesh 25.64 34.90 15.57
Source: Derived from Scheduled Caste tables from Census of India 1991, available on CD from Registrar
General of India, New Delhi
policy intervention, particularly in the four districts the period under consideration, the number of
mentioned above. students from Scheduled Caste communities was
proportional to their share of the population. In fact,
It is encouraging that the enrolment rate in schools over the years their numbers in government primary
(as ascertained by children registered) represents education institutions has risen as a share of total
a proportional representation of Scheduled Castes children enrolled. The share of Scheduled Caste
and general population as per their population share students was 28 percent in 1979, which rose to 34
in Punjab. Scheduled Caste students appear to be percent in 1989 and stands at 44 percent in 1999.
gaining increased access to school education, Much of this increase is due to students from other
giving hope that gaps with other communities communities preferring non-government, private
would be reduced by the time of the next census. and other educational institutions. Along with an
increase in share there is also an increase in
Enrolment data over the last 20 years from 1979 to enrolment, which rose by 33 percent from 1989 to
1999 provides interesting conclusions. Throughout 1999.6
6Enrolment numbers of students and SC students are from the Director, Public Instructions, Government of Punjab and
different volumes of Statistical Abstract, Directorate of Economic and Statistics, Government of Punjab.
148
The increase in number of SC students in primary labour. Vimukta Jatis need special attention from
government schools, and movement of children state programmes.
from other communities away from government
schools put increased responsibility on government Livelihoods
schools to improve the quality of education that In a state dominated by agriculture, ownership of
children of Scheduled Caste communities are land is the crucial base from which emanate social
receiving or will receive in Punjab. status, political power and diversification of
livelihoods.
The other significant feature is that dropout rates
among Scheduled Caste girls are declining, and In the Census of 1991, enumeration of employment
more are opting for higher education. showed that of all cultivators7 (and we can assume
that this categorisation of census comes closest
Among Scheduled Castes, the 13 Vimukta Jatis to ownership of land holding or those with access
(denotified tribes) are considered the most to cultivable land), Scheduled Castes constituted
subjugated. While at the state level, 62 percent of only 4.3 percent. Of all Scheduled Caste main
Scheduled Castes families live below the poverty workers ascertained by the Census in 1991, 59.8
line, 85 to 97 percent of Vimukta Jatis live below percent worked as agricultural labourers, while only
the poverty line. Their average literacy level is 20.40 29.9 percent of non-SC workers were agricultural
percent as against 41.09 percent among general labourers.
Scheduled Castes (Census 1981). From this
community, child enrolment in school is very low In terms of ownership of land holdings, the Agriculture
and the incidence of child labour is very high. Nearly Census undertaken in Punjab in 1990-91 shows that
half of their child population is employed as child while Scheduled Castes comprise 28 percent of
Table 7.4: Sector-wise Share of Employment of SC and non-SC Community in Punjab in 1991
(in percentage)
Sector of Employment Share in non-SC Employment Share in SC Employment
Employment of non Of all workers in the Employment of SC Of all workers in the
SC main Workers sector, share of non-SC main Workers sector, share of SC
Cultivators 41.8 95.7 4.8 4.3
Agriculture Labour 9.9 29.9 59.8 70.1
Agriculture Allied 0.8 71.7 0.8 28.3
Mining and Quarrying 0.0 70.6 0.0 29.4
Households Manufacturing 1.2 62.7 1.8 37.3
Non Household Manufacturing 12.0 79.3 8.1 20.7
Construction 2.4 67.1 3.0 32.9
Trade and Commerce 12.8 87.1 4.9 12.9
Transport and Communication 3.9 73.8 3.6 26.2
Other services 15.3 75.0 13.2 25.0
Source: Derived from Scheduled Caste and Economic Tables from Census of India 1991, available on CD from Registrar General of India,
New Delhi
7 Census category of cultivator states “For purposes of the Census, a person is working as a cultivator, if he or she is
engaged either as employer, single worker, or family worker in cultivation of land owned or held from government, or held
from private persons or institutions for payment in money, kind or share. Cultivation includes supervision, or direction of
cultivation ”. This does not include people who have hired out their land completely and do not supervise or direct cultivation
themselves.
149
the state’s population, they owned 4.83 percent of Health
all operational holdings, and just 2.36 percent of Socially disaggregated data is not easily available
the total land area owned. The average land holding in the health sector. Information on mothers and
of a Scheduled Caste land holder was 1.75 children is available through the two National Family
hectares, while the average for a non-SC was 3.7 Health Surveys of 1993-94 and 1998-99. What little
hectares. Small changes occurred in this ownership data there is indicates that in output indicators such
structure between 1985-86 and 1990-91. as mortality rates, nutritional conditions, etc.,
Scheduled Castes do far worse than other social
Manufacturing is the other dynamic economic groups. However, in terms of access to health
sector in Punjab. Figures show that in some facilities, and impact of preventive care, Scheduled
progressive growth sectors such as manufacturing Castes, as well as non-SC communities, seem to
(non-household), and trade and commerce, the be somewhat at the same level. The question is
Scheduled Caste share in employment is far less why, with similar access to health services, does
than their proportion of the population. one community fail to enjoy good health.
Apart from agricultural labour, three percent of Infant Mortality Rate was estimated at 62.5 for
Scheduled Caste ‘main workers’ work in the Scheduled Castes in 1993-94, but was much lower,
construction industry. We can safely assume that 48.9, for others. There was also a substantial
almost all would work as labourers or rise to the difference in the number of children covered by
level of a supervisor of labour activities. Similarly, immunisation in 1993-94—54.9 percent children
in transport and trading, most workers are among SCs were fully immunised in 1993-94,
employed as labourers. whereas 64 percent of other children were fully
Figure 7.2: Comparisonof Child Mortality Rates, 1993-94

(National Family Health Survey I)
150
Box 7.1: Policy of Job Reservation:
Effective since 1974
25% in direct recruitment in Class I, II, III & IV posts
14% in promotion to Class I, and II posts
20% in promotion to Class III and IV posts
vaccinated. That a quarter of SC children were not is very low. About 12 percent of mothers from both
vaccinated at all in 1993-94 is worrying. Figure 7.2 groups did not go for any antenatal care. There is a
compares different mortality rates amongst children marked difference in the type of antenatal care
of Scheduled Caste and other communities. There accessed—58.9 percent Scheduled Castes went
is substantial differential in these rates, which are to ‘health professionals’ other than doctors; 48.8
fairly high in post- natal, neo- natal and infant mortality percent òthers’ went to health professionals other
stages, and tend to narrow after this stage. than doctors; 37.3 percent òthers’ went to doctors
while only 26.4 percent Scheduled Castes went to
Nutrition levels of mothers and children is an doctors. Institutional delivery, combining both
important indicator of health. In 1998-99 8, 47 government and private was only 19 percent in the
percent of mothers belonging to Scheduled Castes case of Scheduled Castes and 27 percent for
were either mildly, moderately or severely anaemic, òthers’. Eighty-seven percent Scheduled Castes
while the same for non-Scheduled Caste mothers and 93 percent òthers’ went to a health facility
was 38 percent. Similarly, in children under four when taken ill.
years of age, 82 percent Scheduled Caste children
were anaemic, while 70 percent other children were Social Status of Dalits
anaemic. Differentials in this indicator are explained The social status of the Dalits in Punjab is not simply
in terms of access to nutritious food, a direct impact the result of poor literacy, employment and health.
of wages and control over agricultural produce. Rather, it grows from the centuries-old social,
economic and political discrimination. Thus the
In reproductive health, while there are differentials
in the use and access of reproductive health
facilities between Scheduled Caste mothers and
others, these differences are much less than the
differences in education or livelihood. Fifteen
percent of Scheduled Caste mothers had not
received any tetanus injections in 1993-94, while
this percentage for mothers from other
communities was 13 percent.
Courtesy IDC
The NFHS survey in 1993-94 also shows that the

general status of ante natal care is high, and the
differential between Scheduled Caste and others Dalits in traditional occupations
8 Preliminary report of National Family Health Survey 1998-99, Population Foundation of India, Mumbai
151
Dalit condition cannot simply be improved by toilet facilities. They are also dependent on the use
administrative decrees or policies, although these of shamlat lands for cultivation and as cremation
can play a crucial role in providing space, dignity grounds as well as the use of ponds in shamlat
and some equal opportunity in government jobs lands for discharge of polluted waters. A major
and political posts. problem is that `polluted’ water flowing from the
drains of the Scheduled Castes are not allowed to
Sikh bodies demanded reservations for accumulate in ponds located in Shamlat lands or
untouchable Sikhs such as Mazhabis, Ramdasias, in the village panchayat lands. This is only a single
Kabirpanthis, as those given to their counterparts.9 instance of the many discriminations in daily life
According to Darshan Lal, the major problem that a Dalit must still endure.
Scheduled Castes face today is that political power
is not in their hands and they are dependent on The case studies in Box 7.2-7.4 highlight the various
dominant castes like Jat Sikhs for fodder, fuel and forms of discrimination faced by the Dalits.
Box 7.2: Case Study 1: Village Langedi, District Jalandhar
In village Langedi, a ‘reserved constituency’; the whims and fancies of the Jat owners. In the absence
prominent caste groups are the Jats, Jat Sikhs, Ad of basic civic facilities such as toilets, the Scheduled
Dharmis and the Balmikis. Sixty percent of the Castes have to go to the fields of the owners for their
populace belongs to Scheduled Castes. The numbers ablutions. In recent times, Scheduled Caste groups
not withstanding, the social structure and division of have been facing stiff competition from the migrant
land is such that the upper caste Jat Sikhs and non- labour force, who due to their willingness to work at
Sikhs are the dominant group. The Jat Sikh, followed cheaper rates are preferred to the local Scheduled
by the Jat non-Sikhs, own most of the land. The Caste labourers. The upper castes are loathe to retain
Scheduled Castes in the village work as landless the latter, with monetary and caste considerations
labourers. There is a dependence on the owners for ruling their decisions. At present there are only 4-5
work and for wages. In addition, the Scheduled Castes households who work as landless labourers, as against
own cattle and for fodder, have to depend on the 50 migrant workers.
Box 7.3: Case Study 2: Dalits in the Shivalik Region
Dalits of the Shivalik region are comparatively poorer discriminatory practices faced by all Dalits in the state,
than those living in other parts of Punjab. So they not here they also face barriers in participating in political
only face caste-based problems but also poverty processes. The representation of Dalits in the VDC
related difficulties. They work as agricultural labourers (Village Development Committee) and HRMS (Hills
and also undertake forest-dependent activities like Resource Management Society) is very low, most of
bann (rope) making. Various programmes (IWDP and the members belong to the upper castes. Even where
JFM) have been initiated for them. However, the Dalit names are included they have hardly any say.
benefits of the programme have been hijacked by the Hence issues of the Dalits largely go unnoticed and
upper caste landowners. In addition to the common unattended.
9 Jose Kananaikul, Indian Social Institute, 1982, pp. 29-35.
152
Box 7.4: Case Study 3: Caste-based Discrimination in Doaba Region
Village Kalma Village Jethu Majra

In village Kalma, block Banga, there are 1000 The village consists of 100 Scheduled Caste
households which have 3000 votes. The Sainis are households, 100 Jat Sikh households and 50 Jogi
in majority with 1700 votes followed by the Dalits households. Most of the Scheduled Caste
with 1200 votes. There are only 30-35 Jats, Sikhs or households work in the agricultural lands of the Jats.
otherwise residing in the village who are the One of the major issues in the village is related to
dominant caste group. The Dalits face a lot of the flow of polluted water from the drains of the
discrimination in access to infrastructural facilities, Scheduled Castes, into the lands of the Jats. There
but the severest form of discrimination exists in the are innumerable fights on this issue and recently the
inaccessibility to the same Gurudwara frequented fights between the caste groups have resulted in
by the upper castes. There are 5 different firing and injuring some of the Scheduled Castes. It
Gurudwaras in the village for the different castes. was reported that 14 cases were going on against
The lower castes cannot enter the Gurudwara of the Scheduled Castes in the local police station over the
upper castes. In the Scheduled Caste Gurudwara, flow of drain water to Jat lands. This, in spite of the
apart from observing the anniversaries of other permission given by Scheduled Castes and
Gurus, they specially perform the anniversary of Guru Scheduled Tribes Commission permitting the flow
Ravi Das, a champion of Dalit rights. The Jat Sikhs of polluted water of the Scheduled Castes’ drains to
do not celebrate this occasion. The Scheduled the shamlat land. In the year 1999, 60 persons armed
Castes are also forced to have a signboard, the with weapons fired at the Scheduled Castes. The
Nishan Saheb, at the instance of SGPC. drains constructed by the Scheduled Castes were
also destroyed. In order to avoid tension a police post
was established in this village on 26 December 1999.
Conclusion quality government schools and health centres are

It is on the labour of the Scheduled Castes that extremely necessary in order that the existing gaps
Punjab’s agricultural and industrial strength has between Dalits and those capable of accessing
been built. Historically discriminated against, and private schools and hospitals do not increase further.
amongst the poorest in this region, the last three
centuries have witnessed many social, religious and The state has undertaken a number of efforts aimed
now even political movements that have given at direct development of Dalits. The results have
expression to this community and brought also been encouraging, such as increased school
them confidence, recognition, some measure of enrolment. A greater degree of livelihood
equality and a voice. Dalits are increasingly moving diversification is needed among the Dalits, and
into the mainstream of Punjabi life, but still face landless Dalits should not have to depend so
innumerable problems. entirely on agricultural and casual labour. Dalits
should be able to diversify into the service sector.
Their poor economic and social asset base, poor Government institutions in credit such as NABARD,
education level, and lack of participation in major scheduled commercial banks, entrepreneur
political and social processes requires the state to development programmes, health facilities and
intervene in a positive and effective manner. Dalits economic development agencies, have to ensure
are far more dependent than others on state- that Dalits are treated with sensitivity and provided
sponsored services in education and health. With with that one provision which they have been
the increasing privatisation of these services, better denied for centuries—justice.
153
8. Migrant Labour – Problems
of the Invisible
There are two explanations for labour migration. Migrants have been coming to Punjab ever since
The first centres on the rational decision of an opportunities in agriculture were created by the
individual. An individual makes a decision, based state’s agricultural leap forward. But even before
on free will, to migrate to centres where there is a the Green Revolution, the agricultural economy in
demand for labour. Migration is thus associated areas of Malwa was a very dynamic one. The Green
with urbanisation and modernisation, as well as Revolution brought general prosperity and
with development. However, rational individual increased household incomes. The Punjabi farmer
choice is not the only factor which affects labour no longer had to labour on his own lands, was
migration in India. able to raise the level of mechanisation and hire
labour. The new agriculture created a new demand
The second explanation emphasises the fact that for labour, which was met by states across
capitalist development has always needed cheap northern and central India.
labour. In this sense migration is analysed as a
class phenomenon and uneven development is There also occurred a simultaneous growth in
seen as the basic cause of labour migration. small manufacturing, especially in urban centres
like Ludhiana. Large numbers of migrant labour
There are two important reasons for rural labour poured in to meet the demand for factory hands,
migration: (1) migration for survival and (2) migration and to provide other services that were required
for subsistence. The first indicates the severe social in the growing and crowded industrial belt.
and economic hardships faced by rural labourers,
a situation where migration becomes necessary to Over time, migrant labour became institutionalised
stay alive. These communities are generally landless, in Punjab and regular, long-term relationships
illiterate and drawn largely from Scheduled Castes, between job providers and migrant labourers were
Scheduled Tribes and other depressed castes. The established. By now, systems of migration have
second reason for migration is also rooted in become regularised and various types of
subsistence and arises because of the need to contractual systems have emerged. Migrant
supplement income in order to fill the gaps of labourers have not only become an integral part
seasonal employment. Such communities often of Punjab’s economy, but also important
migrate for shorter periods and do not ordinarily constituents of society.
travel very far from their homes.
155
MIGRANT LABOUR - PROBLEMS OF THE INVISIBLE
The fact that the same communities of migrant urban areas, as well as between rural areas. Nearly
workers repeatedly come to Punjab reveals that all sectors of Punjab’s economy employ migrant
work and living conditions are perhaps a great deal labour. Migrant women are employed as domestic
better than conditions in their home states. help in cities and children are employed as
Migrant labour may be attracted by local wage domestic help in both rural and urban areas.
rates, labour contract systems and by the relations Migrant labourers are employed in both agriculture
with employees that are in a peace in Punjab. and industry. Table 8.1 gives an estimate of the
number of migrant labour in each of the industries,
However, the labouring numbers who have come as well as in the agricultural sector in Punjab.
to play a major role in Punjab’s economy, have
found it relatively difficult to access the benefits Migration to the Agricultural Sector
of citizenship. In this chapter we look at who these Migration to Punjab began strongly in the early
migrants are and where they come from, as well 1970s, gained momentum in the 1980s despite
as living conditions. militancy and reached its pinnacle in the 1990s. The
proportion of migrant labourers rose from 2.19
Since the migrant labourer is considered an lakh, or 7.6 percent of the total agricultural labour
‘outsider’ in a cultural, linguistic and class sense, force in 1978-79 to 3.86 lakh or 10 percent, in 1983-
the focus is always on ‘the migrant as a problem’, 84. Their number was estimated at 3.27 lakh during
rather than the ‘problems of the migrant’. In a state the lean season and 6.56 lakh during the peak
from where pioneers and entrepreneurs have season. By the 1990s, their number during the peak
migrated, settled, and contributed to the season stood at nearly 7.74 lakh, or 11% of
economies of many countries, domestic migrant agricultural labour in the state (Sidhu and Rangi).
labourers deserve far better treatment.
There was a phenomenal increase in migrant
Migration to Punjab occurs from almost all north labour population after the Green Revolution,
western states, as well as from states in central especially with the introduction of labour-intensive
and eastern India. Migration occurs from rural to crops like potato, sugarcane and cotton. Wheat-
Table 8.1: Estimation of Inter-State Migrant Labour in Punjab in late 1990s

Activity Migrant labour in Punjab
1. Agriculture 7 lakh
2. Brick kiln 2 lakh
3. Manufacturing Industries :
(i) Textile/ Hosiery Workers 4 lakh
(ii) Sports & other industries 2 lakh
(iii) Sugarcane industry 15,000
4. Service industries:
(i) Loading/ unloading workers in Mandis (Palledars) 7.5 lakh 1.5 lakh (7.5 lakh including local and migrant)
(ii) Rickshaw pullers 1 lakh
(iii) Domestic workers 50000 (1 lakh including local and migrant)
5. Construction Industry:
(i) Power, irrigation and multi-purpose projects 1.5 lakh
(ii) House/ building construction 1.5 lakh
(iii) Stone construction/ Road construction 50,000
Total 21,65 lakh

Source: Estimates drawn from diverse sources and different studies.
156
Table 8.2: Estimates of Total Migrant Workers in Punjab Agriculture
S. No. Source Year Estimated number
1 S.S. Johl 1974-75 1,34,590

2 Gurcharan Singh Rupal 1978-79 1,00,000
3 Time (U.S.A.) 1973-79 1,50,000
4 Sidhu and Grewal 1973-79 2,19,394
5 B.K.Chum 1983-84 4,00,000
to
5,00,000
6 Sidhu and Grewal 1983-84 4,29,000
7 Devinder Sharma 1985-86 6,00,000
Source: 1. S.S. Johl, “Gains of the Green Revolution – How they have been shared in
Punjab, PAU, Ludhiana, April 1975. His estimates show that migrant labour was 5
percent of the total labour force in Punjab. 2. Gurcharan Singh Rupal, “Punjab, Canada
for Bhaias”, Punjabi Tribune, April 23, 1979. 3. Time, May 28, 1979. 4. M.S. Sidhu and S.S.
Grewal, ‘A Study on Migrant Agricultural Labour in Punjab’, PAU, Ludhiana, October 1984.
5. B.K. Chum, “Violence Hits Farmers Economy”, Indian Express, March 10, 1984. 6. M.S.
Sidhu and S.S. Grewal, op.cit. 7. Devinder Sharma, “Migrant Labour Flow Unabated”,
Indian Express, April 13, 1986.
paddy rotation itself comprises 67.42 percent of Most migrant workers who migrate to Punjab
the total cropped area in the state and come primarily from the states of Uttar Pradesh
consolidation of land holdings created conditions and Bihar and also from Madhya Pradesh, and
for capitalist development in agriculture and Orissa, which suffer from severe unemployment
facilitated the use of farm machinery like tube- and under-employment, low wages, low earnings
wells, tractors, threshers, cane crushers, and an agricultural productivity that is much lower
combined harvesters and paddy planters. The than that of Punjab (Sidhu and Rangi 1998). A large
demand for labour was met not only from local number of migrants migrate in order to repay
communities but there was also a massive influx debts they have incurred from village
from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Punjab had earlier moneylenders, shopkeepers and others (Sidhu and
been characterised by the predominance of family Rangi, Manmohan Sharma, and Manjit Singh).
labour on land, but family labour was rendered Punjab is able to offer them a wage rate double of
quite insufficient by the huge demands of the that offered in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.
Green Revolution. Migrant labour was initially
concentrated in just a few districts but later Migrant labourers generally prefer to work in
spread to others. The districts of high villages where they have worked earlier. Inter- village
concentration were Ludhiana, Patiala and and inter-district migration in Punjab is
Jalandhar; medium concentration districts were comparatively low. Living conditions are not always
Amritsar, Faridkot, Firozpur and Sangrur; and the satisfactory. Migrants live in small groups, in
districts with low concentration were Rup Nagar, accommodation provided by the farmers near their
Hoshiarpur, Gurdaspur and Bathinda. In 1998, it tube wells, or in any other common village area.
was estimated that districts with high Over 90 percent of them do not have to pay any
concentration had approximately 52 migrant rent for accommodation. Migrants have not been
labourers per village, those with moderate registered as voters in Punjab, despite the fact that
concentration had about 30, and villages with low they have been living in the same area for many
concentration had about 15 labourers per village years and have returned repeatedly. They have
(Sidhu and Grewal). therefore not been allowed to develop any stakes
157
Courtesy photo
Migrant labourers in Punjab’s agriculture
in the area nor are they taken into consideration The reasons for the influx of migrant labour can
during planning and governance processes. be summed up as:
It may be mentioned here that there are different Wage rate offered by Punjab are almost double
views on the conditions of migrant workers. Some the rate offered in their native states of Bihar
argue that they are given fair treatment and full and Uttar Pradesh.
protection by the state and that in recruitment, Living conditions in native states are poor and
wages and general treatment, the migrant labourer migration provides better opportunities and an
is on a par with the Punjabi labourer. alternative source of employment.
Large-scale debts also lead to migration to
Migrant labourers in Punjab are both annual and Punjab, although many incurred debts even in
seasonal. Among the total migrant labourers in their new place of work.
agriculture, nearly one-sixth of them worked on a Large families (6-14 members) and few earning
yearly contract i.e. on a permanent basis. Migrant members also force migration.
labourers are now replacing local labourers who
may have worked as attached or permanent labour. Land owners prefer migrant populations for many
Of the majority of migrant labourers, nearly half of reasons. These are:
them work on a casual basis, one-third of them as
seasonal migrant workers, and the rest as attached scarcity of agricultural labour during peak
labourers. Labourers are also given food and tea seasons;
in addition to cash wages. There has been threat by local agricultural labourers to stop
considerable increase in the wage rates of migrant work during peak season unless wages are
labourers over the last twenty years. The total increased;
annual earnings of migrant labourers range from higher wage rates demanded by local
Rs. 5, 000 to Rs.15,000 (Sidhu and Rangi). labourers;
158
greater assertiveness of the local labour force; The preponderance of local labour in the more
perception of migrant labour as honest, docile skilled processes can be attributed to the fact that
and obedient, reliable, simple and unaware of they enter the trade as apprentices and are able
their rights. to stay on for longer periods. They thus acquire
the required expertise fairly quickly in their working
In a study of the impact of migration, Alakh Naraina lives. This is in contrast to the migrant, whose
finds that agricultural practices and performance existence is mobile and who is not able to sustain
remain basically unchanged in spite of migrants. a stable expertise-creating long-term career. The
migrant is more linked to rural agricultural work
Migration to the Industrial Sector than to urban industrial work.
With increased mechanisation of agriculture, the
Punjabi farmer no longer needed to work his own The migrant labourer is also illiterate and is therefore
lands. After the Green Revolution, there was an not employed in tasks requiring skills such as the
accumulation of capital, which resulted in the ability to handle complicated machinery. Obviously,
development of small-scale industry. Major these tasks also pay better.
industries developed, all of which used migrant
labour. These are the sugar industry and the textile The migrant labourer is at the very lowest level of
industry. Ludhiana, as the hosiery centre of the the industrial class structure. They have been
state, attracts the largest numbers of migrant demarcated as a distinct and separate stratum
labourers after agriculture. In the early 1980s, nearly within which they are able to stay and work.
40 percent of workers in the unorganised sector, Migrant workers are often referred to as the rather
primarily in the hosiery sector, were migrants. derogatory `bhaiyas’ in local parlance. Additionally,
Migrant workers began to work in the hosiery local workers tend to maintain a social distance
industry at the start of the 1970s and their numbers from migrant workers at the places of work
have been increasing ever since. (Dr. Manjit Singh).
Migrants are employed mostly in low-paid In certain parts such as Gobindgarh, the wages
unskilled jobs that often carry greater health received by a worker, do not depend on the volume
hazards than other jobs. Although there are of work done by the person individually, but are
arguments that there is little difference between based on the average level of work performed by
local and migrant labour yet it can also be said a group. Work is allocated to a group attached to
that the daily and monthly earnings of migrants a thekedar and earnings are pooled, and
are undoubtedly lower than the earnings of local distributed equally at the end of a working week.
labour. Lower piece rates are fixed for migrant Thus risks are shared even by the lowest strata.
labourers and their average monthly earnings are The often methodical manner in which accounts
almost 10-35 percent lower than that of the locals of earnings are kept, wages are distributed and
in such processes as knitting, tailoring, checking decisions taken on inclusion or exclusion of
and packing and button stitching. The average members is fairly impressive.1
number of working hours is higher when
compared to the number of hours that local The Sugar Industry and Migrant Labour
labourers work. There is a substantial presence of migrant
1Amitabh Kundu and Surender Bhatia, a study on ”Industrial Growth in Small and Medium Towns and Their Vertical Integration: The
Case of Gobindgarh, Punjab, India“.
159
Sugar industry
labourers in Punjab’s sugar industries. At present industry, the level of education was higher among
there are 22 sugar mills in Punjab, which employ local labour compared to the migrants.
15,000 workers. Migrant labourers from Uttar
Pradesh and Bihar, constitute a substantial Migration to the Brick Kilns
proportion of the labour employed in these Systems of migration often differ in different
sugarmills.2 In fact migrant labour has become industries. Within the brick kiln industry, for
an essential component of the labour force of example, there exists a system of bonded labour,
Punjab’s sugar industry. A large proportion of these a result of accumulated debt. 3 In most cases
migrants were engaged in agriculture before they workers decide to migrate in order to clear local
migrated to Punjab and were indebted to village debts. They do this with advance money, which is
moneylenders. Pressure of debts and low incomes given to them by contractors in the form of peshagi.
meant that even when militancy was at its peak, Peshagi exploits them further and traps them in
they continued to migrate to the sugar mills of further debt, this time in an alien environment. At
Punjab. Since work is seasonal in the sugar industry, the end of the season, the worker is allowed to
only about half of the labour force is permanently return only if he/ she is able to repay the peshagi.
employed. While skilled workers have permanent If not, they are forced to stay back until they have
employment, a majority of semi-skilled and repaid the entire amount. To do this, migrants
unskilled workers work on a seasonal basis. Most might borrow more money, leading them into
migrants to the sugar industry stay in Punjab for terrible and perpetual debt. Accumulated debt
less then ten years, remit most of their earnings leads to perpetual bondage, one of the major
to families at home and maintain strong links with afflictions of migrant workers in the brick-kiln
their native places. The majority belong to the age industry of Punjab (Nasir, Ateeq, et al., March 2001).
group of 30 to 40 years and are drawn from Labourers’ debt advances can range from
backward caste communities, invariably more Rs. 20,000 to Rs. 40,000. Interest rates could range
dependent on work than local labour. In the sugar between 24 and 60 percent.
2 This section is based entirely on study by Krishan Chand et al. (1998) on the Sugar Industry of Punjab
3 Nasir Ateeq in his study ”Status of Migrant Labour in Brick Industry of Punjab“
160
In case work stops due to, say, rain, workers do
not get any wages for the work they might have
done before rainfall began. In such situations, they
have to rely on loans from contractors or owners.
Although the law provides for a system of
compensation where the employer must pay a
specified amount in case of stoppage of work,
this is almost never followed.
Workers in brick kilns are employed for the whole

season but their wages are paid in two parts. They
are given a mere subsistence wage every fortnight
and are paid the remaining amount at the end of
the season. It might take employers a fortnight to
settle their accounts during which time they keep
borrowing money to survive. This increases their
debts. They are also often cheated by munshis
as a result of their illiteracy and inability to keep
accounts. In addition, workers do not get paid for
cleaning the land where brickwork is supposed to
take place. This takes about fifteen days to finish
and labourers are forced to borrow money to
sustain themselves for this period as well.
Brick kilns hire workers on a piece rate basis. As a

result of this they cannot afford to take leave from Migrant labourers in brick kilns
work. In case of sickness or even if they need to

go to the market, they need to take leave and as a ‘migrant workman’. It also clearly states that
therefore lose out on their wages. Workers when workers migrate, employers should provide
engaged in loading and unloading work do not get them equitable money for dependent family
wages for overtime. Even monthly wage workers members. Employers are even required to pay
work under similar conditions. Employers do not travel expenses. However, these payments have
provide the tools and implements such as rehri, been corrupted into the peshagi that the migrant
shovel and spade. Workers have to buy these has to repay over the next year. A combination of
themselves when they begin work at a site. ignorance and helplessness prevents workers from
Remuneration does not alter according to working demanding the rights given to them by the
conditions, whether high heat or cold. Brick kiln Workmen Act.
workers in Punjab are thus an impoverished.
Nor is there a proper system of registering
Migrants are governed under the Inter-State migrants either at source or destination.
Migration Workmen Act. 1979, which defines a Harassment and extortion by police, other
migrant workman as one who is recruited by the departments such as railways, post office and anti-
contractor in the workman’s home state. So far, social elements at the workplace, in ‘workers’
however, no migrant worker has been registered residential colonies and during the journey are
161
Box 8.1: Features of Bondage
1. Bonded labourers are forced to work without cases of some female domestic servants. The latter
adequate pay in most cases. are sometimes subjected to sexual exploitation.
2. They are given advances that carry interest rates 8. Nearly one-fourth are below 25 years; and the rest
ranging from 24 to 60 percent per annum. Thus are mostly aged 26 to 50 years. There are a few
they become indebted to the farmers till they return above 50 years as well.
the debt. 9. The duration of bondage, in an overwhelming
3. They are neither paid any wages, nor any number of cases is up to 5 years, and in a few
perquisites in the form of food, clothes, etc. cases, ranges from 6 to over 20 years
4. They are not free to leave their employers until they 10. Cases of bondage include both local labourers and
clear their loans. migrant labourers. There are also cases of women
5. They remain at the beck and call of their masters and child bonded labourers.
and have to work for 14 to 16 hours a day. 11. Labourers are not given any leave and in case of
6. The recalcitrant are coerced and often severely acute illness, fines are imposed on them @ Rs.
beaten. 100 for absence. The amount of fine is added to
7. Most bonded labourers are male but there are also the initial debt advance.
Box 8.2: Case Study: Bonded Labour, Hoshiarpur (Manjit Singh, 1995)
The presence of migrant labourers in Hoshiarpur was prevent escape and were allowed out only for ablutions.
first noticed in the 1980s. While seasonal labourers Sometimes, owners would just keep a container in
migrated to Ludhiana voluntarily, the recruitment pattern the room where tribal labourers were supposed to
of tribals in Hoshiarpur and its adjoining areas was relieve themselves.
regulated through intermediaries. Recruitment of tribals
was made easier by the fact that there were many This practice continues unabated in some areas.
natives of Hoshiarpur employed in Ranchi. Agents in Markets are held in the town of Garhshankar, where
Punjab established contacts, and received assistance migrant labourers, particularly tribals are bought and
from others, who became intermediaries in the sold. The price for these labourers has now increased
recruitment procedure. Once recruited, tribal labourers to Rs. 1500 per person, with men attracting a higher
were transported to Punjab. price than women. Recruiting sub-agents who used
to be Punjabis in the past are now Biharis. Also, the
Tribal labourers are available at cheap rates and are centre of the trade has shifted from Hoshiarpur to
reputed to be very hard working. In the early 1970s, Gurdaspur. The number of women being traded has
only a few people were involved in this trade. Later, it also increased.
became lucrative in the entire district. Contractors in
Hoshiarpur had their agents at Ranchi, who operated Of a total of Rs. 1500 paid for a labourer, approximately
through their sub-agents at the village level. Labourers one-third, or Rs. 500 goes towards travel expenses.
were brought in from Ranchi and sold to farmers in The agent and the recruiter in Bihar share the remaining
Punjab for a sum, ranging from Rs. 200 to Rs. 400. amount. As said earlier, tribal-labourers do not receive
The farmers who bought them, did not pay any wages payment for the first few months. After this they get
for the initial 5-6 months and they were lodged in around Rs. 450 to Rs. 700 per month in case of males
inhuman conditions. They were forced to go barefoot and Rs. 400 to 500 per month for females.
through the day, kept locked in small airless rooms to
162
serious problems faced throughout the cycle of Commission have rendered justice to bonded
migration. The state has started making efforts to labourers in only a few cases. The findings of
register migrants through the district various studies suggest that the intervention by
administration and police department but cruelties independent agencies like NHRC, Supreme Court,
still remain. However, attention is also being given Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes
to see that workers are not harassed during the Commission have been effective, but only to a
process of registration. limited extent.
Migration in Construction Punjab has taken steps towards the eradication

The construction industry is another sector where of this inhuman and barbaric labour system. Large
migrant labour is employed in great numbers. numbers of bonded labourers have been released
Building and road construction is mainly done by from the brick kilns. Since legal safeguards are
migrant labour. Women are also employed in the obviously not enough, campaigns to release
construction sector in great numbers. They workers have been more effective. For women,
generally begin work at an early age, as early as there are double burdens. Those employed in brick
between five and fourteen years and their wages kilns are often sexually abused by owners as well
remain lower than those of men. Some of the as other labourers. Children at brick kiln sites
families have been living in the state for as long as cannot access schools or health facilities and are
three decades. Despite residence in Punjab, a invariably drawn into work at young ages. Their
majority of them are illiterate, live near construction situation is made even worse by the fact that they
sites or in slums, with minimum facilities. The peak often do not speak the language of the state and
period for construction is during January to June. are isolated in colonies that are invariably located
For the rest of the year, construction labourers work at a distance from other habitations. The fact that
as daily wage labourers. A large number of migrant bonded labour still exists in Punjab means that the
labourers in the construction sector are drawn state need to act urgently and determinedly.
from Scheduled Caste or backward class
communities. It may be pertinent at this stage to refer to the role
of a voluntary organisation Volunteers for Social
Bondage Justice, Phillaur, which has been working against
There is a massive number of cases of bonded the bonded labour system in Punjab and the north-
labour in Punjab and Haryana, in agriculture, the west region. It has referred 137 cases to the district
brick kiln industry, stone quarries and the administration; 580 cases to the Punjab Human
construction industry. Many are neither identified Rights Commission, 269 cases to the Punjab and
nor reported. Only a detailed study by independent Haryana High Court and 121 cases to the National
research or academic institutions can estimate the Human Rights Commission and 85 cases to the
overall incidence of bondage in the northwest Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
region. The report by Jai Singh clearly reveals that Commission between 1998 and 2000. Most of
his efforts to bring social justice to these these cases of bondage have been found in the
communities through the district administration, agriculture and brick-kiln industry. An overwhelming
Punjab State Human Rights Commission, including proportion were located in the districts of Mansa,
the Punjab and Haryana High Court, have not Bathinda, Jalandhar and a few cases were also
yielded substantial results. An overall review of identified from the districts of Faridkot, Patiala,
the situation suggests that interventions by the Firozpur, Ludhiana, Kapurthala and Sangrur. The
Supreme Court and National Human Rights highest incidence of bondage was noticed in the
163
Malwa region followed by the Doaba and Majha room. Accommodation provided by employers is
region. often totally lacking in ventilation or sanitary
facilities. Trade unions have tried to campaign on
Given the huge international attention that this these issues but the trade union movement
system has received, the Government of India has remains weak in Punjab. One of the main reasons
formulated a new scheme for the identification, for this could be that workers are totally helpless
awareness and rehabilitation of bonded labour. The and completely at the mercy of employers.
state of Punjab has already been sanctioned an
amount of Rs. 10 lakh by the Central government Workers in most of the industries, especially those
for initiating identification and sensitisation who have become members of trade unions, are
programmes in bonded labour in five districts. The mostly young, aged 20 to 30 years. A majority are
state is in the process of commissioning a survey Hindus and belong to Scheduled Caste or other
on the incidence of bonded labour. backward caste groups. As compared to workers
in the agriculture or construction sector, industrial
Labour Lok Adalats workers are relatively better educated. The
On an average, Punjab receives 9000 cases for chances of an individual being a member of a union
conciliation and although more than 50 percent are higher if she or he has her own house and has
cases are settled in conciliation, the number of been living in the state for a while. Levels of
pending cases is nevertheless increasing. In order participation also increase if workers have families
to tackle this problem, the government of Punjab in Punjab. Participation levels of educated workers
initiated exclusive Labour Lok Adalats in the are higher than that of illiterate workers. Yet, on
beginning of 2001. In the four Lok Adalats that the whole, participation of migrants as well as local
were held at Ludhiana, Patiala, Jalandhar and workers in union activities is low even on issues
Amritsar, about 17, 994 cases were settled, out of like wages and bonus.
which 6209 cases were at a pre-litigative stage.
An amount of more than Rs. 13 crore was The fear of victimisation is perhaps the most
distributed to different categories of workers. The important reason for worker passivity. Such fears
Government of India has in fact directed other decrease if families live in the state for longer
states to replicate the Punjab experience. The periods, however the state government must
experience of the Punjab labour Lok Adalats has ensure that employers meet basic legal criteria of
also been applauded by the International Labour employment and provide employees with basic
Organization (ILO). social security along with job security.
Working Conditions of Migrant Workers The one sector where unions have been
Industries in Punjab have not been able to provide moderately successful in meeting the needs of
higher wages to workers as agriculture has been migrant labourers is in the sugar industry. As
able to do. There have been some efforts recently mentioned above, work in the sugar mills is
to organise migrant workers into trade unions. seasonal. Large numbers of migrant labourers are
Different political parties have organised brick kiln hired during the months when sugar is produced.
workers, rickshaw pullers, contract workers, Mills also retain a few employees throughout the
workers in mandis, or grain markets, and those in year. These are generally skilled workers who have
textile factories into unions. Living conditions for been trained to run machines. Though workers are
workers in industries are particularly gruesome. generally locals there are also some migrants in
Eight or ten individuals are crammed into a tiny this category. Interaction between migrant and
164
local labour during their duty time was found to bodies are weak and they are overwhelmingly
be limited while interaction after duty hours was illiterate. It is therefore imperative to ensure that the
even lower. While workers do not feel that the migrant is able to avail of the entitlements that
management distinguishes between local and Punjab provides for all its citizens.
migrant workers and wages paid to both remains
the same, yet there exists a feeling that the influx The state could attempt to create awareness of
of migrant labour has had a depressing effect on migrants’ rights and set up mechanisms of
the wages of local labour. Presently, the major redressal by encouraging them to form trade
demands of the trade unions in the sugar mills are unions and co-operative societies to enhance
20 percent bonus at the start of the crushing their bargaining power. They should be freed from
season, increase in variable dearness allowance, harassment, perhaps issued temporary ration
adjustment of grades so that they are parallel to cards so that they can benefit from the public
grades of Punjab government employees, and distribution system. Schools should be set
removal of disparity between the common cadre up in areas where migrant workers are
and the mill cadre. These demands have been more concentrated.
or less fulfilled.
Ensuring decent working conditions and proper
While trade unions maintain that migrant labourers contract systems, providing basic health care for
in Punjab are well represented in the trade union migrant families together with education
leadership, migrant workers feel that they are not opportunities should be primary concerns of the
given their due either in trade unions or in the state.
political life of the state. There are grievances that
the leadership usually favours local people and that The state of Punjab has framed elaborate rules
the interests of migrant labourers are often called the Punjab Factory Rules, 1952, to further
sacrificed. the purposes of the Factories Act of 1948. In
addition to prevention and control of industrial
The State and Migrants accidents and injuries in work places, this
Migrant labour has contributed substantially to the legislation also provides for detection and control
growth of Punjab’s agriculture as well as industry. of diseases at work places. The state has also
Yet these groups continue to labour under many organised about 165 medical camps for industrial
severe problems, which rise mainly from the nature workers at various places in Punjab recently.
and manner of employment and economic relations Employers, trade union leaders, NGOs, and public
that dominate migrant labour markets. Not only are figures have been actively involved in these camps
they burdened with their own indebtedness and and approximately 50,000 workers have been
poverty but their nutritional levels are low, their examined.
165
166
9. The Agriculturist in Punjab
As emphasised in the chapter on livelihoods, of hired labour. Typically, daily labourers are
agriculture in Punjab is facing a crisis. The human contracted on a daily basis and paid at the end
components of the state’s labour force—the of the same day. On the other hand, farm
agriculturist, the peasant, and the labourer—who servants, also known as naukars/ siris, are those
are bearing the brunt of the crisis, are the focus of whose contract lasts normally for about a year
this chapter. The status and condition of the or more and who receive payment in instalments
agricultural labourer and the small farmer are spread over the year. Payment may be fixed in
discussed in detail here. cash or kind, or both, accompanied by daily
perquisites such as meals. Yearly perquisites such
Agricultural Labourers as clothes during festivals and train fare (while
Agricultural labour is a heterogeneous category. travelling to native places) are sometimes also
There are those who are ‘self-employed’ and given. Wages differ according to tasks, gender
those who are ‘hired.’ The former are workers and age. It is important to note that the siris are
who work on their own family farms, while the a category of workers who meet the definition of
latter category includes a variety of contract sharecroppers and thus receive a share of the
labourers such as casual labourers and attached crops as their wages.
labourers. Attached labourers include annual farm
servants, permanent farm servants, naukar, siri 1, There are also bonded
etc. In this sector, employer-labour relations, labourers, who work
duration of contract, frequency of payment and within an organised
nature and degree of attachment deserve special system of bondage. A
attention. The duration of contract may be daily, ‘bonded labourer’ 2 is
monthly, seasonal or annual. The basis of payment one who is subjected
could be hourly, daily or through other to forced or
mechanisms such as time-wage, piece rate and/ compulsory labour. The
Courtesy: Janmeja Johl
or share of product. most typical form of

bondage is ‘debt’
Within the broad definition of hired labour, the bondage. Labourers
category of ‘daily labourer’ is synonymous with are forced to work with
‘casual labourer’ and forms the largest category the same employer till The Punjabi farmer
1 They are farm labourers who work on contract.

2The system of bonded labour in Punjab today is not of the severe variety found in many other parts of India. However these forms do
exist in parts of the state.
167
THE AGRICULTURIST IN PUNJAB
they are able to repay a debt or advance that the A significant proportion of Punjab’s agricultural
employer may have given them. This debt could labour force consists of migrant labour from
be with or without interest. They usually receive eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. In fact, one-third
nominal or no wages and may or may not receive of the total agricultural labour in Punjab is made
meals. Bonded labourers are usually paid wages up of migrants from other parts of India. The share
lower than the market rates or at most, the of migrant labour increases considerably during
absolute minimum wage.3 the peak agricultural season. According to some
estimates there were 4.29 lakh migrant labourers
Trends in Agricultural Labour in Punjab in Punjab in 1983-84, and it is believed that this
Historically, the number of agricultural labourers number stands in the range of one and a half million
in Punjab has always been small. In 1901 the today.5
proportion of agricultural labourers compared to
the entire body of agricultural workers was 8.1 The three major categories of rural labourers are
percent. Even after Independence the proportion agricultural labourers, brick kiln labourers and
of agricultural labourers remained very small. It was construction workers. In Punjab, of the total rural
only after the 1960s that there was a phenomenal labour population, 88.42 percent are agricultural
rise in the number of agricultural labourers. Inter- labourers, 10.80 percent are brick kiln labourers
census data from 1961 to 1991 shows that while and 0.78 percent are construction labourers.
the percentage of agricultural labourers compared
to total main workers for the entire country Scheduled Caste Labourers
increased from 16.70 percent to 26.15 percent, in A large share of the agricultural labour population
Punjab it increased from 9.65 percent to 23.31 consists of Scheduled Castes, along with other
percent during the same period. The proportion backward castes. According to the Census of
of cultivators to total main workers during the 1991, main workers constituted 29.6 percent of
same period declined from 52.80 percent to 38.75 the total population of Scheduled Castes. Among
percent for India. In Punjab, cultivators as major occupational categories of Scheduled
compared to main workers declined from 46.24 Castes, agricultural labourers constituted 60
percent4 to 31.44 percent. percent of all main and marginal workers and
cultivators constituted 4.8 percent of total main
In 1991, cultivators constituted 42.81 percent and workers, a decline from 6.6 percent in 1991. This
agricultural labourers constituted 30.75 percent of distribution varies among specific Scheduled
main rural workers in Punjab. The state also has a Caste communities as indicated in Table 9.1.
very low participation of female agricultural
labourers. This is different from the rest of India. In 1985, only 4.5 percent (49,000) of the operational
In Punjab, males constituted 93.78 percent of holdings were in the hands of Scheduled Castes,
agricultural labourers, while females formed a showing how completely marginalised these
meagre 6.22 percent. communities are from access to land. The total
3 Another distinctive feature of bonded labourers is rendering of customary labour service. Allotment of land and allotment of
homestead are practices associated with the institution of ‘bonded labour’. At times, the bonded person’s entire family is also bonded
in an extremely coercive relationship that restricts not just the freedom of labour of the person but of his entire family, which is then
forced to work till the debt is repaid.
4 These figures are derived from Economic Tables of the Census of India, 1961, 1971, 1981 and 1991.
5These estimates are drawn from number of studies undertaken to study migrant labour in Punjab. For details, please see the chapter
on Migrant Labour in this report.
168
Table 9.1: Occupational Distribution of Scheduled Castes, 1991
Name of Scheduled Agricultural Share of Share of
Caste labourers amongst agricultural cultivators
all main and labourers of each amongst total
marginal workers community Populations
(%) amongst all (%)
agriculture main
workers in Punjab(%)
All Scheduled Castes 60.6 73.5 4.8
Ad Dharmi 50.2 8.9 5.7
Balmiki 53.2 7.3 3.3
Bauria, Bawaria 77.6 1.4 12.3
Bazigar 65.4 2.1 5.9
Raigar, Ramdasi, Ravidasi 54.2 16.7 5.5
Dhanak 36.8 0.5 2.3
Dumna, Mahasha, Doom 52.6 1.6 4.2
Kabirpanthi, Julaha 32.0 0.4 6.1
Mazhabi 78.1 30.9 4.0
Megh 42.7 0.9 4.0
Sansi, Bhedkut, Manesh 64.5 1.0 5.8
Source: Derived from Tables on Scheduled Castes from Census of India 1991, available on CD-ROM, Registrar
General of India, New Delhi.
operated area under their control was only 2.02 especially as attached labourers. Although paddy
percent (83,000 hectares) of the total operated is a labour-intensive crop, the local labourer has
area in the state. Even where they possessed land, still not been able to get more employment. This
these were mainly marginal and small holdings. is because agricultural practices in this region have
made it less labour-intensive as compared to other
In 1984, casual labourers formed a significant areas of Punjab. Besides that, the siri system is
proportion of the Scheduled Caste agricultural traditionally, not as deeply rooted in Doaba as in
work force. The participation of female labour from the Majha and Malwa regions. Mechanisation of
these caste groups was almost negligible. These wheat and paddy harvesting operations through
labouring communities came almost exclusively combine harvesters has also decreased
from the Mazhabi caste. Since these communities employment opportunities both for local and
remained unemployed for a considerable part of migrant labour.
the year, they became indebted, both to formal and
informal sources. Loans contracted from informal A large acreage of land in the Doaba is used for
sources like landowners and money lenders were potato farming. Potatoes are grown both in winter
accompanied by high rates of interest. and summer, and potato farming is highly labour-
intensive. A large number of cases of child labour
Profile of Workers in Different Regions have been found among the massive labour force
In the Doaba region, local labourers do not get working in potato farming. Approximately 35
more than 100 days of employment in a year. The percent of the total workers are below the age of
massive influx of migrant labour to this region has 15 years. The other workers are mainly in the age
further reduced this short period of employment. group of 21 to 40 years. This is also the only crop
In fact, migrants have begun to replace local in which a large number of workers are women.
labourers in peak agricultural operations, Approximately 69 percent of the labour force
169
Box 9.1: Migration to Other Countries
Over the last few years, large numbers of agricultural as 120 percent. They are often paid the same wage
labourers have been migrating abroad. Many of them that they would earn in Punjab and therefore are forced
have lived up to seven or eight years in countries like to return within three years. There have, however, been
Libya and Kuwait. In the process of migrating, these a few cases where a labourer was able to pay back
labourers have been exploited by middlemen and the loan that he had taken. On the whole, migration
employers at their final destinations. These labourers, abroad for better incomes has not really alleviated the
mostly belonging to Scheduled Castes and Backward conditions of these highly oppressed sections, unlike
Castes, are completely illiterate and take the help of in the case of the land-owning Jat peasants, who have
professional recruiting agents to manage their trip been able to enhance their economic status
abroad. They take loans from local agriculturists, considerably by migrating abroad.
moneylenders and local shopkeepers at rates as high
consists of women. Wage rates for women and In the industrialised districts of Amritsar and
children are far below the minimum wages fixed Ludhiana8, male and female labour participation is
by the state. Child labourers get approximately Rs. higher in Amritsar as compared to Ludhiana. The
10 per day, women are paid Rs. 30-35 per day and average number of days of employment available
men get wages of Rs. 35 to Rs. 45 per day.6 to casual agricultural labourers in both districts is
120 days in a year. Employment is available mainly
The agricultural labourers working on potato farms during the peak period of wheat harvesting, paddy
in the district of Jalandhar are drawn mainly from transplantation and paddy harvesting.
the districts of Kapurthala, Amritsar and Jalandhar.
Most of them belong to the Balmiki caste, but Most labourers here are deeply indebted to
there are some who belong to the Ad Dharmi, landowners and moneylenders. The number of
Ramdasia and Kabirpanthi caste communities. permanent labourers or farm servants is much
There are also some Christians. Rai Sikhs form higher in Amritsar than in Ludhiana. They are paid
the majority of other backward classes working either in cash or with a share of the crop that
as agricultural labourers. ranges from one-fifth to one-twelfth of the total
produce. In Ludhiana, farm servants who receive
Potato farming also involves maintaining cold a share in the crop also receive one and half times
storage facilities. A large number of palledars7 are more wages than those paid in cash. However, in
employed in these facilities through the year. A Amritsar, there is not much difference in the wages
significant proportion of palledars are locals, paid to the two types of annual farm servants.
particularly from the Balmiki and Gujjar castes as Farm servants also contract additional loans from
well as large numbers of migrant labour from Uttar their employers at an interest rate of 36 percent
Pradesh and Bihar. Most of these labourers are hired per annum. If they leave their employment without
through middlemen and are kept in conditions that completing the full term of service, they are forced
resemble the living conditions of bonded labour. to return the entire amount. Their working
6 Based on a study by Prof. Gopal Iyer and field work undertaken in six districts of Punjab by the HDR team.
7 Palledars are hired labourers hired, primarily for physical labour.
8 This section draws upon a study by Sukhbir Gill (1985) on agrarian relations in Amritsar and Ludhiana.
170
Box 9.2: Condition of Labourers in Malwa
Malwa is the prime agricultural belt of Punjab. In structure of this region. Migrant labourers are
this region agriculture is the principal source of gradually replacing locals as attached labourers.
livelihood. The role of the secondary and tertiary Both the Siri and attached labourers are deeply
sector is minimal in providing alternative indebted and find it difficult to extricate themselves
employment. from the debt trap.
The influx of migrant labour is also quite substantial Indebtedness and impoverishment lead to a high
in this region. It grew phenomenally during the incidence of suicides both among farmers, as well
1980s and 1990s and has begun to cause as agricultural labourers.
unemployment among local agricultural labourers. The number of days of employment of a casual
The impact of mechanisation, particularly the role agricultural labour is limited to 70 days in Sangrur
of combine harvesters in paddy and wheat district and 152 days in Faridkot district. In the
harvesting, also leads to unemployment among absence of alternative sources of employment,
local agriculture labourers. labourers become severely dependent on local
This region is different from the Majha and Doaba landowners and moneylenders to meet their
region. The phenomenon of Siri and attached survival needs.
labour is still strongly embedded in the agrarian
conditions are particularly harsh. A typical work day increased mechanisation, has severely affected the
includes irrigating the fields at night, bringing in employment potential of local agricultural
fodder and feeding the animals, as well as labourers.9
participating in harvesting and threshing. On an
average, a work day lasts 13-14 hours and even In almost all districts of the Malwa region,
longer during peak season. As most become agriculture is the main source of livelihood. In the
severely indebted to their employers, by the end districts of Faridkot and Sangrur, 86.28 percent and
of the year they must either continue with the same 75 percent of the total population respectively, is
employer or take a loan from a new employer to dependent on agriculture. Most agricultural
pay off their debts to the old one. They are entitled labourers here belong to the Mazhabi, Ramdasia,
to seven holidays in a year and absence from work Sansi, Jhiwar and potter caste and as in other parts
beyond this period leads to loss in wages. of Punjab, most are illiterate. Female participation
rates are also very low in these districts. Most
Ludhiana district attracts the maximum number of workers are aged between 19 and 35 years.
migrant labourers, who are rapidly replacing local
agricultural labourers in most agricultural Casual labourers are invariably indebted to
operations during peak season. Apart from this, moneylenders, landowners and relatives. Most of
the use of combine harvesters, which began in the these debts are incurred to meet social obligations
early 1980s and accelerated during the 1990s, has such as illness, marriage, house construction and
reduced labour requirements. Unpredictable death. Their indebtedness makes agricultural
weather conditions have also compelled farmers labourers further dependent on moneylenders and
in the district to use combine harvesters. A their local employers. The socio-economic status
massive inflow of migrant labour, as well as of agricultural labourers depends on the number
9 Sukhbir Gill and Manjit Singh
171
of days they are employed and the amount of which rates of interest rise to as high as 36 percent
wages they earn. Casual male labour gets only 72 per annum. In Faridkot, the annual fixed wage is
days of employment in a year in Sangrur and 152 paid in three instalments. Money is lent at a rate
days in Faridkot. Casual female labour gets only of 36 percent per annum. The attached labourer in
42 days of employment in Sangrur district whereas both these districts ends up deeply in debt by the
in Faridkot district they get 110 days. The main end of the year. These debts are cleared by fresh
reasons for the lower number of employment days loans from new employers.
in Sangrur are mechanisation of agriculture and
the influx of migrant labourers. Working conditions of the attached labourers are
appalling. Working hours range from 14 hours during
Wheat harvesting, paddy transplantation and a normal day to 16 to 17 hours during the peak
paddy harvesting involve significant numbers of season. During this time many nights must be spent
casual labourers. Paddy transplantation is carried in the fields or in the employers’ homes. The
out almost exclusively by migrant labour, while condition of attached labour in the Malwa region is
harvesting is totally mechanised, except for areas much worse than in the Majha and Doaba regions.
that suffer from waterlogging, or are affected by
excessive rain or wind. The combine harvester Employment and Wages of Agricultural
does one-third of the wheat harvesting. Only two- Labourers
third of harvesting is carried out by human labour. The Rural Labour Enquiry Report (1974-75) shows
Of this, about 40 percent is carried out by local that in 1964-65, rural labour households
labour, while the remaining work is carried out by constituted about 17 percent of total rural
migrant labour. households in Punjab-Haryana. In 1974-75 their
strength rose to 21.52 percent. A majority of rural
A combination of mechanisation and the influx of labour households consist of agricultural labourers
migrant labour has considerably affected the and among them the percentage of landless
employment days of local labour in Sangrur district. labourers is extremely high ranging from 87.66
In Faridkot a larger number of employment days is percent in 1964-65 to 89.50 percent in 1974-75.
available because of the cotton crop, which is Agricultural labourer households consist mostly of
highly labour-intensive. However, in Faridkot, the Scheduled Caste families. While 85 percent of
effect of mechanisation and influx of migrant families belong to Scheduled Castes, only about
labour can be seen in the wheat and paddy crop. 15 percent are from non-Scheduled Castes.
The number of days of employment during the Agricultural labour households are placed in the
1980s was higher in this district as compared to lowest position in the social and economic
the 1990s. hierarchy of rural Punjab.
The condition of the attached labourer is much An overview of the period 1961-84 shows that the
worse than that of the casual labourer. Annual wage hikes of the early years of the Green
wage rates of attached labour range from Rs. 9000 Revolution were not sustained in the later 1970s
to Rs.10, 000/- in Faridkot and Rs. 12000-13000 in or 1980s. In the 1960s and early 1970s there was
Sangrur. Patterns of payment differ in both districts. an unprecedented demand for labour, and this was
In Sangrur the attached labourer is paid the entire mainly for planting of labour-intensive crops like
amount in advance as soon as he joins the wheat, paddy, sugarcane and cotton. Local
employer. When he subsequently borrows money, agricultural labour was provided full employment.
the first two thousand is given free of interest, after This gradually petered out, partly due to rising
172
Mechanised farming
mechanisation and partly due to the impact of nearly 40 percent of the wheat crop and 70 percent
migrant labour from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. of the paddy crop is harvested through combines.
Notwithstanding this fact, it is also evident that
Punjab is the only state where wage rates have Thus the agriculture sector has reached saturation
not declined during the period 1961-1984, which point in Punjab and its share of labour absorption
is a result of the labour absorption capacity of the has declined sharply. As a result agriculture today
Green Revolution, as well as the fact that the provides less employment days as compared to
benefits of rising agricultural productivity did trickle the period 1961-84. Unemployment and under-
down to wage earners. Wage rates were highest employment in agriculture have risen and there
in the wheat and paddy areas. The Green has been a fall in the total employment days of
Revolution produced a rise in the wages of male both male and female agricultural labourers.
agricultural labourers although there was no rise
in the wages of female agricultural labourers. Real Small Farmers in Punjab
wage rates for artisans, like blacksmiths and The number of small and marginal farms rises every
carpenters also showed an impressive increase. year due to distribution and division of land by
Agricultural labour households remained slightly inheritance, family partitions and other modes of
better off than marginal-farming households. transfer of rights. A disparity between ownership
and operational holdings indicates that better-off
However, from the mid-1980s there has been a farmers acquire land from small farmers under
gradual decline in the status of agricultural labour lease. This phenomenon is known as reverse
in Punjab. Mechanisation of farms increased, tenancy and is the opposite of the trend in which
reaching its pinnacle in the 1990s. With the advent a poor farmer takes land on lease from a
of tractors, both bullock and plough labour was prosperous farmer to earn his living.
displaced. With the introduction of combine
harvesters there was a massive displacement of Small farms of 5 acres or so are non-viable on their
both agricultural and migrant labourers. Today own. Even if it is assumed that farmers can cultivate
173
the best possible crops or combination of crops, The liberalisation of the economy in the 1990s has
the returns remain inevitably small. The created a new set of problems for the farming
Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices has community in general and the small farmer in
calculated that during 1997-98, returns from a particular. “Farmers have been pulled by the
single hectare of land for paddy and wheat crop increasing demands of the market and the state,
in Punjab was only Rs. 7300. If the average size of into a nexus of relationships that extend beyond
small farms is taken as 1.61 hectares, the total net the farm, to the national and international level.
return was only Rs. 12000 for two crops in a year, The interaction between small holders and more
which is well below the minimum wages necessary powerful economic and political organisations is
for survival. Thus, small farms, per se, are not viable not new. What characterises the contemporary
unless they are supported with additional income situation is the variety of forces with which small
from other sources. farmers must deal. The size, complexity and
impersonality of these organisations have
In 1990-91, the average size of farm holdings in resulted in a qualitative change in the nature of
India was 1.57 hectares. Marginal and small small holders’ relationship to the outside
farmers accounted for 78.2 percent of agricultural world”.11
holdings in the country but owned only 32.4 percent
of the area. Between 1970-71 and 1990-91 the Today, small and marginal farmers can simply be
share of marginal and small holdings increased to defined as agricultural labourers possessing small
77.65 percent, while that of large farmers landholdings. Fruit and vegetable farming can play
decreased by 40.2 percent. Thus there is an an important role in enhancing the incomes of
increasing division of holdings. Holdings are these small and marginal farmers. Punjab’s
becoming smaller, forcing many marginal farmers geographical location and other favourable
to look for alternative sources of income such as, climatic factors, make it fairly suitable for
animal husbandry and agricultural labour.10 horticulture, which can be profitably marketed in
the rest of India and can even find export markets.
Of late, many have argued for contract farming as Yet the production and marketing of fruits and
a means to augment incomes of small farmers. vegetables pose serious problems for small and
The National Agricultural Policy (2000) endorsed marginal farmers. They prefer the rice-wheat
this view. It states, “Private sector participation will rotation of crops mainly because of the assured
be promoted through contract farming and land price policy, easy market clearance, stable yield
leasing arrangements to allow accelerated and short duration of crops. As horticultural crops
technology transfer, capital inflow and assured lack these economical features, farmers are
markets for crop production.” However, such reluctant to bring more areas under fruit and
arrangements are effective only in certain areas vegetable cultivation. The relative lack of availability
and in certain crops. By implication this policy will of quality seeds for vegetables and fruits is another
boost the agro-processing industry, which, reason. For example, in the case of potatoes, the
however, prefers to deal with a small number of main vegetable crop of Punjab, only large farmers
large farmers rather than large numbers of small possess the cash reserves to be able to buy quality
farmers. potato seeds.
10 Statistical Abstract, Director of Public Relations, Government of India, and various volumes of Statistical Abstract, Directorate of
Economics and Statistics, Government of Punjab

11 Glover and Kusterer (1990)
174
Indebtedness of Punjab Farmers Another study by Shergill (1998) reveals that of Rs.
The most important reason for the indebtedness 1448 crore of long-term loans, around 17 percent
of the Punjabi farmer is the increased of the total amount was outstanding towards
mechanisation of agriculture. The use of various Punjab farmers. Out of these 24.68 percent was
farm inputs such as chemical fertilisers, outstanding against small farmers, 37 and 14
weedicides, seeds, tubewells, tractors, percent against semi-medium and medium
combines, hired labour and rent for leased land, farmers and 25 percent against large farmers.
etc., has led to an overall increase in the cash Nearly 54.2 percent of the total amount borrowed
expenditure of farmers. Yet the per capita income for long-term productive purposes was
of farmers has not grown at the same rate as outstanding against farmers as a whole. Around
input prices and sheer cost of agricultural 27.19 percent of long-term loans borrowed for non-
production. As a result, farmers have little surplus productive purposes were for small farms, 22
cash at their disposal and are forced to borrow percent for semi-medium; 18 percent for medium
huge amounts. This has led to a spurt in the and 10.71 percent for large farms. Out of a total
growth of agricultural credit. Since the mid 1980s, mortgaged debt of Rs. 406 crore, 60 percent is
there has been stagnation in the yields of main taken by small farmers and another 30 percent is
crops. In spite of modern inputs, there has been taken by large farmers. The total estimated debt
a steady decline in the net surplus generated in of Punjab farmers is Rs. 5,701 crore.
the production of these crops. Hence, farmers
have increasingly begun to depend on loans to The severe indebtedness of small farmers as
finance their costs of production. compared to large farmers is revealed even more
clearly when we compare debt per operated acre
A study12 has shown that small farmers are more among the two categories of farms. Small farms
inclined to borrowing money. The proportion of owed Rs. 10,105 per operated acre compared
farmers taking short-term loans is very high to Rs. 4230 owed by big farms. The annual
(86 percent) in all size categories. Yet the interest burden per acre worked out to Rs. 1897
dependence of small farmers on short-term in the case of small farms. About 70 percent of
borrowing is much higher compared to large small farms failed to completely clear their short-
farmers. The highest amount of loan per acre is term loans. About 14 percent of small farms were
taken from commission agents (except in the case forced to take the extreme step of mortgaging
of medium farmers whose per acre borrowing is their land.
more from co-operative credit societies). The
number of farmers who could not repay the entire Cash expenditure per acre of small farms on farm
amount was very high among small farmers (70 operations was also 23 percent higher compared
percent); followed by semi-medium and medium to that of large farms. Small farms’ cash
farmers (40-47 percent). The study also points out expenditure per acre on current consumption was
that even among big farmers, 28 percent were also more than double that of big farms. So
unable to repay the entire amount. The study also according to Shergill (1986), excessive cash
shows that almost the entire amount of unpaid expenditure per acre on farm operations and
short-term loans was due to commission agents. current consumption by small farmers seem to be
Only a very small amount was due to formal sector the root causes of the chronic deficit in cash flow
credit agencies. and results in their heavier indebtedness.
12 Shergill (1999)
175
This tendency of small farmer families to imitate reinforced the process of pauperisation and
the consumption standards of big farmer families proletarianisation of the peasantry. Many studies
to maintain themselves at the same social level in Punjab have reflected the robust health of
seems to be one of the reasons for their chronic Punjab’s agriculture and the sound position of small
and excessive cash deficit and results in their deep farmers in the 1970s and 1980s giving way to the
and constant indebtedness. Malcolm Darling subsequent decline in the 1990s. Shergill (1986)
mentions this ‘demonstration pressure’ as one has studied the positive impact of the Green
of the major causes of indebtedness of the Revolution on the small peasantry. Increase in land
peasantry in Punjab. The proportion of farmers prices and farm incomes had a stabilising impact
trapped in a hopeless debt situation is higher and arrested the process of pauperisation and
among the small farmers – a sort of debt trap proletarianisation. The studies of Baldev Singh
that has resulted in about one-tenth of small (1982), Sukhpal Singh (1983), Chatha et. al (1985)
farming families mortgaging some of their land. and Gill (1986 and 1994) indicate that while land
The heavier indebtedness of small farmers seems transactions continued, these transactions were
to be the result of their disproportionate cash not accompanied by pauperisation and
expenditure on farm operations and domestic proletarianisation. Nonetheless, it was found that
consumption. 24 percent of small farmers and 31 percent of
marginal farmers were living below the poverty line
Agriculture: Recent Trends in 1979-80. The proportion of marginal farmers
The main economic factors contributing to an below the poverty line increased to 34.07 percent
agrarian crisis at the macro level are: the declining by 1990-91. The agrarian situation toward the later
proportion of cultivators and increase in agricultural part of 1980s and the entire period of 1990s
labourers, pauperisation and proletarianisation of showed evidence of a steady deterioration in the
the lower strata of the peasantry, continuing decline situation of small and marginal farmers. A study
in the net income of farmers, the wheat-paddy by Manick (1997) of two villages of Sangrur district
rotation trap, crop loss, declining economic status and two villages of Faridkot district during 1995
of agricultural labourers and rise in rural clearly showed that marginal and small farmers
unemployment. were forced into distress sale of their lands, which
were then purchased by medium and large
The decline in the percentage of cultivators and farmers.
increase in the percentage of agricultural labourers
is an important feature of the agricultural crisis of This showed that while marginal and small farmers
Punjab. Cultivators constituted 42.56 percent of the became pauperised, land was becoming
total workers in Punjab during 1970-71. This concentrated in the hands of medium and large
proportion declined to 32.83 percent by 1990-91. farmers. Shergill’s latest study (1998) also
During the same period, the percentage of reinforces the picture of the deteriorating
agricultural labourers increased from 20.11 economic condition of marginal and small farmers.
percent to 23.31 percent. These are depressing The study shows that 70 percent of small farmers
figures, which indicate a dual processes of are unable to repay crop loans taken from
pauperisation and proletarianisation. commission agents for productive and non-
productive purposes and the debt burden among
Further, the operational holdings of marginal them is oppressive. There is also evidence that the
farmers during the same period declined from lower strata of the peasantry is being forced to
37.63 percent to 26.50 percent, which also sell lands and tractors at throwaway prices. Sadly,
176
in a large number of cases there are simply no government for compensation to Punjab farmers
takers.13 for the crop loss for Kharif 1998, due to rains. Huge
losses have been reported in cotton and other
The declining trend is seen in the latest Shergill crops. In fact the cotton crop has seen the third
study as well (1998). Data from the last 10 years successive bad year. According to the estimates
shows that while the yield of wheat has grown at of the Punjab government, the total loss suffered
a very slow rate, the yield of rice has remained by the farmers in the state was Rs. 847,200,000.14
stagnant and the yield of cotton (American and
Desi) has actually declined. Similarly, the yields of The economic condition of local agricultural
sugarcane, maize and potato have remained labourers deteriorated sharply during the 1990s,
stagnant. The net value of all crops per acre (at in particular. The mechanisation of wheat and
constant 1980-81 prices) has remained stagnant paddy harvesting considerably displaced both
over this decade. However, expenditure on modern local and migrant labour. This reduced the number
farm inputs has been growing steadily, resulting of effective days of employment for local
in a continuous decline in the net surplus generated agricultural labourers. As a result of a massive influx
from the production of these crops. This has of migrant labour, both the number of days of
resulted in an increased dependence on borrowed employment and wage rates of local agricultural
funds to finance the purchase of modern farm labourers have fallen sharply over the last
inputs. About one-third of surveyed farmers 20 years.15
reported an actual decline in paddy yield during
the last three years. Gill (1994) observes that the unemployment rate
for males with a secondary education and females
The Punjab farmer is entrapped by the wheat- with a graduate degree was higher in rural Punjab
paddy rotation pattern from which he finds it and above the all-India level. The rural
difficult to extricate himself. Even the Johl unemployment rate for males was 10.71 percent
Committee Report (May 1986) had observed that for those with a secondary education and 9.1
the overdependence of farmers on wheat and percent for graduates and above. Educated youth
paddy has created an uncertain market situation from the poor peasantry finding that the
due to the delayed announcement of landholdings of their parents are non-viable, are in
procurement prices and decreasing demand for severe need of employment outside agriculture. A
Punjab’s foodgrains. Over the last 13 years, this large percentage of youth is thus unemployed and
position has worsened. Also, the wheat-paddy their number is increasing every year.
rotation pattern has adversely affected the
groundwater table. Conclusion
The crisis in agriculture and its subsequent impact
Punjab experienced a consistent and substantial on labour, small and marginal farmers is a crucial
crop loss in cotton during the 1990s. There has priority for the state. Atomisation of landholdings,
been other crop loss as well, as acknowledged increasing number of migrants offering cheap
by the Punjab government (Department of labour, mechanisation and a fall in the overall price
Agriculture) in its report submitted to the Central situation of the principal produce of Punjab––
13 Punjabi Tribune, dated January 21, 1999, Indian Express, dated January 12 & 24, 1999.
14 Analysis of Agricultural Production, Rainfall and its Adverse Effects, Agriculture Department, Government of Punjab, 1998
15 Manjit Singh, 1995; Sidhu, 1991; Sidhu M.S. et al 1998
177
wheat and paddy—have been the main causes of problems of declining water tables, coupled with
Punjab’s agricultural crisis. increasing bad lands, need urgent attention. The
change from the wheat-paddy cycle to alternative
The problem needs to be tackled on many fronts. high return crops is just one aspect of the strategy.
The State government has already begun work on It is equally important to ensure an increase in
trying to break the wheat-paddy pattern and productivity and a decrease in the costs of
negotiating with the government of India for better production.
support prices. Similarly, the water crisis, the
10. An Agenda for Human
Development
The chapters in this report have discussed various in their own governance, and the government is a
aspects of human development in Punjab, giving major actor in health. Thus, only the government
a contemporary picture, as well as projections for can lead the effort towards greater human
the future. Though the state has a strong economic development in Punjab.
base and abundant talent, some areas lag behind
others in terms of development. Sustained and Framework for Human Development
determined efforts are required to bring these In order to foster human development, it is not
areas at par with the rest of the state. sufficient simply to identify the deficiencies in
education, health care and economic growth. It is
As discussed at the start of this report, to identify equally important to create a framework that
human development concerns of the state and makes sure that recommended development
match them with policy and institutional efforts is strategies are sustainable.
an urgent need. Through the report, many such
concerns have been identified, as have many Governance and Institutions in Punjab
backward areas and communities requiring sensitive Bringing people into direct governance is one of
and focused action. A brief overview will now be the most powerful mechanisms to ensure
attempted and strategy options will be stated. sustainable development. Punjab has responded
to the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Indian
To attain the objective of human development, Constitution by its State Acts, but both Panchayati
three institutions are significant—the State (the Raj in rural Punjab and local self-government
government and its agencies), people’s institutions institutions in urban Punjab have not matured to
and agencies and civil society institutions. We will the level of those in Kerala, Madhya Pradesh or
concentrate on the State government because it West Bengal.
is the State government which bears the prime
responsibility for human development. The From the 1970s, Punjab’s co-operative network has
government is the largest player in education, in been an example in other parts of India. Today,
macro issues of the economy, in ensuring that there are buoyant and financially large co-
marginal and small communities are provided equal operatives, managed by farmers and members
opportunities, in ensuring basic amenities to all, in and run professionally by administrators. However,
ensuring an administration which is responsive and the Panchayati Raj system has not developed
respectful of citizens and one which involves them significantly.
179
AN AGENDA FOR HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
Local self-government and Panchayati Raj Strengthening of democracy and governance will
Institutions (PRIs) bring distinct advantages to any not be achieved simply by strengthening local
development process. bodies. Other measures need to be taken
simultaneously. Many projects across India have
They bring people directly into their own shown that involving people’s collectives in
governance and deepen democracy. implementation has led to better cost
Local priorities and local concerns are management, better quality and greater all round
expressed and acted upon, which ensures that satisfaction.
development action is based on demand and
not simply on officially set targets. While involving local people should become a
Since local people become involved in planning necessary strategy for all development schemes,
and implementation of development, better it must be noted that there is sometimes conflict
quality is ensured, costs are lowered and it between village leaders and Panchayati Raj
becomes easier to maintain physical and social representatives. Constant efforts must therefore
assets. Experiences in states where PRIs are be made to reassure local groups so that they co-
strong have shown that development initiatives operate with Panchayati Raj officials.
under strong panchayats have been of better
quality as there is strong community Regional Growth
ownership of them. This report has already shown that there is a great
Local government builds leadership and takes deal of regional disparity in Punjab. There are
democracy to the people’s doorstep. evident disparities in literacy, infant mortality, child
Panchayats build leadership capabilities in mortality and other areas.
society and strengthen negotiating capabilities
vis-à-vis the state and other societies and The most effective means to reduce disparities is
economies. to invest greater resources in backward areas and
They reduce the distance between people and ensure that these resources are effectively used.
their government, leading to local solutions. Investment in infrastructure creates jobs and brings
They reduce dependence on government and buoyancy to non-farm employment.
gradually create a self-reliant and self-confident
community. The State Government has already formulated area
development programmes in order to remove
Box 10.1: Programmes with People’s Involvement
West Bengal carried out an experiment of involving In Madhya Pradesh, the State government started a
local people in the management and protection of Watershed Management programme, involving people
forests. This project has become one of India’s most in Watershed Committees. Local communities were
successful programmes and ensures that the forest involved in every sphere of the programme from
is protected, that the use of the forest if sustainable planning to construction work and then in maintenance.
and has also created a better relationship between This programme has been hailed as one of the most
people and forest officials. The Joint Forest successful programmes in India in watershed
Management programme emanating from this is now management.
spread across India.
180
these disparities, but they need to be given a fresh Innovative teaching methods and curriculum
infusion of life. changes have produced impressive results in
education in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh1.
Educating People The student-teacher ratio is high. The quality
The details of education in Punjab have already of teaching undoubtedly suffers if the number
been discussed. Yet further suggestions can be of students in a class rises beyond 30 or 40
made on what sort of intervention is required by students. Increasing the number of teachers
the State. would of course raise costs but there are ways
around this constraint. Not only could postings
Specific efforts are needed to upgrade the of teachers be rationalised but innovative
management and quality of the public mechanisms of acquiring additional teachers
education system. Public schools are as are in place in other states, could also be
associated with poor quality education and adopted.
thus children of relatively affluent backgrounds
are turning away from government schools. A Sustainable Livelihoods
dual education system is emerging between a The overall economic profile of a state naturally
poor quality public education system and a far influences individual livelihoods.
better private education system. The quality of
government schools, teaching conditions and Punjab has witnessed a ‘slowdown’ in its
teaching inputs must be improved to enable economic growth, with a consequent decline
all children to receive quality education in the in per capita incomes. Simultaneously, many
critical years of their growth. sectors are facing growth constraints or have
Teachers accountability and attendance must become saturated at current levels of
be improved. Teachers must be provided with investment, technology, entrepreneurship and
better working conditions. markets. Certain suggestions can be made to
Since, as noted earlier, PRIs are not yet very alleviate some of these problems.
vibrant in Punjab, user committees of parents Public and private investment must increase,
and other community leaders must be given a and the credit-deposit ratio of commercial
role in school management. Stakeholder banks must rise to the all India average. The
involvement is critical to ensure accountability Punjab State Financial Corporation must play
of both teachers and school managers. It has a more productive role.
been seen across India, that wherever parental Punjab needs to formulate a long term
involvement has increased and teachers have adjustment plan for its economy. The plan
become accountable to the community, has to work out the direction and level of
teachers’ attendance and quality of education changes in economic activities in various
have improved. sectors. These changes need to be
Curriculum and the quality of textbooks need meticulously worked through in agriculture
to be changed. School curriculum must meet and industry.
the changing socio-economic needs of the 21st The potential of the service sector needs
century. Textbooks must be made more to be tapped in order to generate
interesting and absorbing for children. employment. The growth in services has
1 Both states undertook innovative changes in teaching, in teachers’ training and curriculum under different efforts, such as the
Shiksha Karmies, and Lok Jumbish programmes in Rajasthan, and the Education Guarantee Scheme and DPEP in Madhya Pradesh.
181
led to economic growth in many states that this, local labour needs to develop skills
have progressed from primary sector that make them employable. It is also
dominance to service sector-led growth. necessary to ensure that proper wages are
This model needs to be adopted even for paid in order to attract local Punjabi labour
Punjab, since economic growth through to such jobs.
manufacturing is a long term process and Labour legislation, particularly in wages and
appears to be relatively difficult to achieve hours of work must be strictly observed.
in the short term. Massive manpower planning through
The government must make massive planned educational restructuring, industrial
investments in various activities to planning and planning of crop diversification
encourage private investment. It is up to has to be taken up simultaneously.
the government to create investor The utilisation of the workforce in the state
confidence in Punjab. is less than the all India average and there
Industrial development in Punjab has so far is a high rate of unemployment and
been dominated by the small-scale underemployment.
manufacturer and unregistered units. There is a need to increase the labour
Compared to agriculture, industry contributes participation rate, particularly among
less value and employs fewer numbers. In women. This requires an expansion of
order to boost industrial development, a economic activities and job creation.
greater number of agro-industries need to be Planned incentives must be put in places
set up, with the public role restricted to that of which improve the quality of jobs. These
a promoter. will induce those staying away from work.
The promotion of industry can be dovetailed The government must shoulder the role of
with greater participation from farmer becoming a catalyst job creator, particularly
entrepreneurs as well as from labour. Links in infrastructure development, health and
between agriculture and industry are weak at education. Employment will be generated
the moment. by increasing investments and encouraging
The survival and growth of the industrial private sector participation in infrastructure,
sector in Punjab depends on greater as well as increasing social sector jobs
efficiency in resource use, upgradation of through innovative community-based
technology and promotion of the skills of initiatives.
those engaged in the production and The government must also create
development process, such as scientists conditions for the private sector to
and engineers. undertake agro-processing and related
Co-operatives can be involved to ensure the activities.
participation of rich/ capitalist farmers in The government has to ensure minimum
industrial development. Such participation labour standards in the private sector.
could also encourage peasant-based co- Measures are needed to secure sustainable
operative processing activities. agriculture development.
There has been a decline in the labour High investment in Research and
absorption capacity of industry, particularly in Development (R & D) is required to ensure
the absorption capacity of local labour. the introduction of new technology, which
Systems need to be developed which could could introduce new viable crops that
ensure the employment of at least 50 would deliver returns comparable to those
percent of local labour. In order to achieve from wheat and paddy.
182
The sustainability of the irrigation system
must be strengthened, particularly through
the replacement of water-intensive crops
by less water-intensive crops, encouraging
water economising technologies,
conjunctive use of ground and surface
water, lining of water channels,
undergrounding of water courses and
enacting legislation to check over-
exploitation of groundwater resources.
Alternative crops have to be such that they
put minimum strain on the water and soil.
A minimum support price along with a
system of procurement should be ensured.
Investments will have to be made in agro- Towards diversification of agriculture
processing of the proposed new crops. To
achieve this, farmers need to be supported shown that such groups are able to handle
materially, through human resource agricultural credit once they have
development and above all through the established links with banks. These groups
creation of an environment which have managed to reduce indebtedness,
ameliorates the uncertainties created by ensured timely formal credit at reasonable
liberalisation and globalisation. rates, and have a much better repayment
Involvement of the state government in record than previous credit based
creation of infrastructure and facilities programmes.
remains crucial. Commercialisation of the Punjab Dairy sector:
Small and marginal farmers face several Dairying in Punjab must be transformed
problems. These include, non- viability of from subsistence to a commercial activity
marginal and small holdings, lack of job by providing small/ marginal farmers the
opportunities in other economic sectors, lack necessary financial support, technical
of skills other than farming, lack of capital training and quality infrastructure in
resources, indebtedness and a high rate of veterinary services.
suicides. This effort needs to be supplemented by
A massive programme of human resource improving marketing services and
development through education and guaranteeing quality by reducing
training for small and poor cultivators is malpractices such as adulteration of milk
required, accompanied by financial and milk products.
investment in setting up enterprises in the In this regard the recommendation of Johal
chosen areas of training or their Committee reports may be given due
deployment in assured areas of attention.
employment. Problems of agricultural labourers:
Across India, self-help groups have There is an urgent need to devise special
provided small consumption loans for poor programmes for the economic upliftment
small and marginal farmer families. Could and social mobility of agricultural labourers.
self-help begin to lend on a large scale? The Agricultural labour needs to be organised
experience of mature self-help groups has so that they can participate in decision-
183
making on their life and livelihood and are paediatric check- ups. Second, primary care
placed in a position where they can ensure centres and hospitals must be equipped
that these decisions are implemented. The with timely and adequate facilities.
empowerment of agricultural labour, Inter-sectoral coordination:
through unionisation, backed by The excessive compartmentalisation within
implementation of statutory provisions, health departments is unnecessary and
can help it to rise out of its present reduces the capacity of the health sector
degradation. to act as an integrated whole.
A separate public health cadre is required
Health for effective implementation of various
The public health sector in Punjab is of great national public health programmes. In
importance, although Punjab also has a rapidly many states, a separate cadre of para-
growing private sector. Little is known about private medical personnel, community-based
health services. The lack of information is mostly health workers for essential services such
due to the fact that this sector remains as immunisation and basic care have been
unregulated, mostly informal and there is little highly effective. Such initiatives could be
accountability, either on quality or on data. The adopted in Punjab.
government must intervene to ensure that the Better institutional care in rural areas:
quality and service of government health centres The private sector should be encouraged
improves. A stringent control structure for the to meet the growing demand for advanced
private health sector must be put in place. health care in rural areas.
A systematic referral system should be
Required funds have not been allocated to the developed whereby a patient moves from
health sector in the state budget. one level of health care to another level of
There must be greater financial allocations care according to medical needs rather
to health. Health investment must be than going to a higher level directly. This
sensitively planned and better distributed. implies that the role of primary, secondary
Charging for services is another means of and tertiary levels of health care should be
infusing funds into the health system, for properly defined.
example, charging user fee in government Personnel and infrastructure should be used
hospitals. Pooling resources between to its maximum potential. Training of health
public and private health sectors may personnel is essential. Also, facilities such
also help in improving the finances of the as drinking water, and drainage must be
health sector. looked after by health personnel.
User charges have been successfully Infrastructure for new developing fields
introduced at the secondary level of health such as bio-informatics should be created.
care. They could be introduced at the Training institutes for health personnel at
primary level as well. all levels should be standardised.
Reducing Infant and Child Mortality Rates: The personnel requirement in a health
The strategy must be a two-pronged one. institution must be restructured. At the
First, immunisation services must be moment, employees of various schemes
improved, proper medical care must be work and draw salaries under many
provided during delivery and parents must separate schemes. Integration of these
be encouraged to bring children for proper and consolidation in form of the service
184
they provide needs to be undertaken. To improve the quality of service provided
Personnel must get directly associated with by the private sector, a Nursing Home
the institution they work in. Registration Act must be enacted.
Absenteeism of doctors, especially in rural Drug abuse:
areas, not only makes the vast health system Stringent laws are necessary. Anti-drug
ineffective, but also forces patients towards education programmes, rehabilitation,
private practitioners. support mechanisms and de-addiction
Making 3-5 years of rural service compulsory centres must be established and
for every doctor is an effective way of maintained.
ensuring the presence of doctors in rural
areas. However, experience in most states Special Groups and Communities
has shown that doctors have effectively In Punjab, women continue to suffer from serious
lobbied and forced governments to overturn disadvantages in education and health, as well as
such initiatives. Since most rural areas of from the effects of poor juvenile sex ratios. It is a
Punjab are already semi-urban in character, matter of great concern that in a progressive and
doctors have far better work conditions than forward-looking state like Punjab, half its population
in other states. It is, therefore, easier to faces such terrible discrimination and deprivation.
enforce such regulations, although at the Stringent action is required to reform this situation.
same time it is necessary to make rural
service more attractive. A gender balance sheet must be created to
Community participation and involvement objectively assess specific successes and
of panchayats can become an effective failures in women’s development. Such an
means of keeping a check on doctors/ assessment must naturally be made within the
paramedical staff. Until now, medical socio-economic context of Punjab.
personnel have been fairly unaccountable The sex ratio in Punjab is poor and the state has
to people or local representatives. Unless the worst child sex ratio in the country. There is
local leaders and citizens play an active role, a high rate of female infanticide and foeticide.
problems such as absenteeism and Stringent laws are necessary. Strict
unresponsive health services are likely to punishment must be handed out if the Pre
continue. Natal Diagnostic Test Act is violated. State
Public health – ensuring quality of drinking water representatives need to be sensitive to
and improving sanitation facilities: women’s concerns and raise the visibility
Much improvement is required in the of women beyond the private domain.
condition of slums dwellers in Punjab, NGOs, religious bodies and other
particularly in the areas of drainage and organisations must be pressed into service
sanitation. to tackle the problem of declining sex ratios
A dual water supply system must be because the government alone cannot
introduced. provide solutions to this terribly disturbing
Environmental pollution must be checked. social trend.
Services of the private health sector: The religious spirit must be awakened
A framework of norms, service delivery among the public so there is an awareness
systems and standards that promote that even to contemplate foeticide or
ethical medical practices is needed. female infanticide is immoral.
185
Health care for adolescent girls: Migrants should be made aware of their
A woman worker from the community can rights and also made aware of the various
be attached to the anganwadi to help ways their grievances can be redressed by
adolescent girls in their transition to the government.
womanhood. The worker should be able Awareness-cum-Registration stalls should
to work at all levels: with girls, parents and be set up at stations of origin. Briefing and
the community. On a macro scale, the state de-briefing of migrant workers should be
should become the protector of the right organised by both home and host states.
of girls to lead a healthy and safe life. Migrant workers are not able to avail of social
A low worker participation rate among women security as many return to their homes after
is an important reason for their poor status. spending their prime working years in Punjab.
Womens’ collectives should become the They neither claim old age pension nor do they
starting point for delivery of all women-oriented avail of any medical services.
programmes. Women’s self-help groups Vigilance committees, on the pattern of
should be used to promote economic activities bonded labour committees, should be set
among women. up in the host state. The committee should
Low political participation of women: include representatives from migrant
The 73rd and 74th Amendments provided labourers and their trade unions.
the basis for empowering women at the Mechanisms should be created to register
grass roots, essentially by providing for 33 migrants in their host state and free them
percent reservation for women in from harassment.
assemblies and panchayats. If panchayats Temporary ration cards should be given to
are strengthened and given greater them so that they can benefit from the
centrality, women leaders will gradually public distribution system
start to emerge across the state. Schools providing full time education
In order to attend to the needs of physically should be set up in areas where migrant
and mentally challenged children, legislative as workers are concentrated.
well as rehabilitative support mechanisms are
required. The Way Ahead
Migrants have come to Punjab because of Punjab must invest in its people by ensuring basic
better wages and work conditions available as needs such as good schools, effective primary
compared to their home states. However, health care and an environment that strengthens
working conditions of migrants need to be and sustains livelihoods.
improved.
Rules and regulations under the Inter State People are always the best resource of human
Migration Workmen Act 1979 need to be development and the State should create
followed seriously. opportunities for the public to participate in its
The Central government should create an own governance. The people of Punjab have
enforcement machinery to inspect and demonstrated time and again their hardiness in
investigate cases of exploitation of migrant the face of adversity and their capacity for
workers. hard work. These energies should be harnessed
In several instances, migrants work on deferred so that Punjab can once again leap forward to
wages and collect full wage payment only the future.
when they return or visit their homes.
186
Technical Notes
Human Development Index enrolment. Both these are used as parameters for
The Human Development Index (HDI) is a the education index.
composite index of human development in
education, longevity or health, and in access to Literacy denotes the most basic and essential
opportunities measured in per capita incomes, criterion. Literacy levels are available for each
with the present status of districts in these district from the Census of India, 2001, and these
parameters related with certain absolute figures were used for the index on literacy. Literacy
achievement positions, or some desirable rate for the population was calculated as
achievement positions. This index is a measure percentage share of all literates in a district over
of how far a district has travelled, from a the total population of people above 6 years in
minimum level of achievement, and the path still the district.
left to travel.
For the target maximum figure for the purpose of
The index is calculated by the following formula: calculating the index of development in literacy, we
use 100 percent. The minimum rate is taken as 0
Targetj – Valueij percent.
HDIij (Index) =
Targetj – Minj
The second component of education is the
HDIij = Index of deprivation for the ith district for combined school level enrolment. Enrolment rates
the jth criterion. have been derived from data on enrolled children
Target j = This is the maximum achievable target from the Directorate of Public Instruction (Schools)
for the jth criterion (for example, it is 100 percent and estimated number of children in school going
for literacy). ages from population projections and age group
Value ij = This is the value of the ith district for the based on Census of India 1991 and 2001.
jth criterion.
Min j = This is the minimum value for the jth criterion The target maximum for this figure is difficult to
(it is 0% for literacy) assess, since the age group 6 – 14 includes ages
at which many children would have passed out of
Education the school after fully completing it, and would
UNDP uses literacy rate as one of the two therefore not be counted. However, as we have
parameters. Recently it has changed the second no estimates to arrive at an acceptable figure for
indicator from mean years of schooling to school a target maximum for calculating the index of
187
TECHNICAL NOTES
deprivation in school enrolment, we use 100 to a need to smoothen the population tables. Thus
percent as the target maximum, and 0 percent as the estimates may become modified, but for the
the minimum. purpose of comparative analysis, and a fairly
accurate picture of the status of longevity, the
The two indices of literacy and school level figures are very useful. Estimates are also provided
enrolment were combined to get the index of for rural and urban and males and females.
Deprivation for Education. The indices were Estimates of male and female life expectancy were
combined in a weighted average, with 2/3 for also calculated using widow techniques.
literacy and 1/3 for all children in schools. A higher
weight for literacy was taken to give importance Estimates of life expectancy for districts from
to this most essential criterion and keeping in 1981 and 1991 were projected, and then sensitised
mind the problems of data in enrolment figures. to regional and state life expectancies projected
by SRS to get estimates of life expectancy
Health for 2001.
Life expectancy is the single criteria used by the
UNDP to assess health status. The Census of India For the maximum target, a figure of 85 years was
has released fertility tables and estimates for infant taken, and for the minimum value, a figure of 25
mortality rates for 1991. The Census fertility tables years was applied to calculate the Health
for 1991 permit us to arrive at indirect estimates Development Index.
of life expectancy at birth for districts for 1991.
The indirect estimates have been arrived at using Income
the methodology applied by Census for calculating The UNDP HDI uses ‘adjusted per capita income
mortality tables for 1981.1 These estimates are for countries’ to calculate the index of income. For
subject to corrections, after final fertility tables are the Punjab income index the same criteria has been
released, and Census publishes estimates for life used. For district level incomes latest estimates
expectancy based on this data. Census has have been calculated and provided by the
released estimates for child mortality, but is yet to Directorate of Economics and Statistics,
publish estimates for expectancy of life at the time Government of Punjab.
of the publication of this report.
Adjusted Incomes
The life expectancy at birth has been calculated Estimates of per capita incomes alone do not give
using Census figures for fertility data on total an idea of the distortions in distribution or the
number of children born and surviving of ever levels of poverty in the districts or the depth of
married women, given by the Census. Based on deprivation of the poor. UNDP for their income
these data IMR is calculated using the component of the HDI, used Aitkinson’s formula
methodology suggested by the Census of India. to adjust incomes, based upon marginal utility of
Mortpak Lite, a United Nation’s programme for incomes. This adjustment reduces the impact of
demography, was used for calculations. While the very high incomes in some districts, and makes
estimates for infant mortality match well with the districts more comparable to each other to assess
1991 Sample Registration Scheme (SRS) relative levels of achievement in incomes.
estimates, they are subject to modification, due
1 The methodology has been taken from ‘Indirect Estimates of Fertility and Mortality at the District Level’, 1981, Occasional Paper No.
4 of 1994, Office of Registrar General of India.
188
However, the problem with this method is that it parameter ε equal to 2. This is the harmonic mean
discounted incomes above a threshold level of the male and the female values.
(minimum level) quite drastically. The UNDP HDI,
now uses a different method of adjusting poverty. The harmonic mean is calculated by taking the
The same method has been used to discount reciprocal of the population weighted arithmetic
incomes for district human development indices. mean of female and male achievement levels
(which are themselves expressed in reciprocal
Income is discounted by using the following form). Although this may sound complicated, the
formula : principle is fairly straightforward. The harmonic
mean will be less than the arithmetic mean to the
Income Index = log y – log ymin degree that there is disparity between male and
log ymax – log ymin female achievement.
y : income of the district Longevity

The first step in the calculation of GDI is to index
ymin : Minimum income the variable for life expectancy and education
attainment. The estimates for life expectancy were
ymax : Maximum target income calculated using Census of India 1991 fertility
tables and projected to 2001, as explained earlier
For a minimum income level, we took the minimum in this chapter. Although the range for life
per capita income required to be above the poverty expectancy is the same for women and men (60
line. years), the maximum and the minimum values are
different. The value (or “fixed goal post”) for male
The three indices of development for health, life expectancy is 82.5 years and the minimum value
education and income are then combined in a simple is 22.5 years. For female life expectancy the
average to get the Human Development Index. maximum value is 87.5 years and the minimum 22.5
years. The values for women and men are indexed
Gender Development Index2 accordingly.
The Gender- related Development Index (GDI) uses
the same variable as the HDI. The difference is that Educational Attainment
the GDI adjusts the average achievement of each The variable for educational attainment is a
district in life expectancy, education attainment and composite index. It includes adult literacy, with a
income in accordance with the degree of disparity 2/3 weight, and gross combined primary,
in achievement between males and females. This secondary and tertiary enrolment with a 1/3 weight.
is based on the GDI developed by UNDP, used first Each of these sub-components is indexed
in the Human Development Report in 1995. separately. Both indices use a maximum value of
100 percent and a minimum value of 0 percent.
For a gender sensitive adjustment, we use a The two indices are added together with the
weighting formula that expresses a moderate appropriate weights to form the composite index
aversion to inequality, setting the weighting for educational attainment.
2 This note has been taken from the Technical Notes describing the methodology for Gender Development Index from the Human
Development Report – 1995, Technical notes 1. Computing gender-equity-sensitive indicators, UNDP
189
TECHNICAL NOTES
Incomes here : one is to consider the workforce participation
The calculation of the index for income is more ratio (WPR), which includes main and marginal
complicated. In calculating female and male workers, and the second is to consider only main
shares of earned income, we used two pieces of workers, where the ratio of male to female main
information: the ratio of the average female wage workers is very high. We choose to take main and
to the average male wage and the female and male marginal workers, for the sake of corresponding
percentage shares of the economically active to the general WPR terms used to assess
population aged 15 and above. participation of people in the workforce. From the
ratio of female to male wages we can derive two
The ratio of the average female wage to the ratio: the ratio of the female wage to the overall
average male wage is not available for the state average wage and the ratio of the male wage.
or the districts. The ratio is assumed to be the
average ratio for the agricultural sector as well. These total ratios are derived from the following
The ratio of female to male was assumed to definition of the total wage bill (WL):
average at 67% based upon some recently
conducted poverty assessment surveys. WL=WfLf + MmLm
The ratio is crude proxy for gender income where W is the average wage and L is the total
differentials in paid work. These approximations labour force, and the f subscript denote female,
for wages need to be improved and assessed for and m subscript denotes male.
each district, but due to lack of proper information
for all districts, the same ratio was applied across Dividing the equation through by WmL, we can
the state. Apart from a possible underestimation solve for W/Wm
of the male-female wage differential, the figure of
67 percent also does not account for the fact that W/Wm = (Wf/Wm) (Lf/L) + (Wm/Wm) (Lm/L)
the numbers of women are greater as casual
labour and as marginal workers, working for less we take the reciprocal of this result to solve for
than 183 days a year. Men on the other hand work Wm/W. We can now also solve for Wf/W
primarily as main workers (gainfully employed for
183 days or more per year). The ratio of 67% also Wf/W = (Wf/Wm) / (W/Wm)
does not account for income disparities based on
non-labour resources, such as land and physical A rough estimate of the female share of income
capital. However, in the absence of better data we can then be derived by multiplying the ratio of the
use this figure. average female wage to the overall average wage
of the female share of the economically active
The next step in calculating gender disparity in population. The male share of income can be
income uses available information on the calculated in the same way or by subtracting
percentage share of men and women in the female share from 1.
economically active population aged 15 and above.
Because of the lack of data on employment of The third step in estimating disparities in income
gender, this procedure makes the simplifying is to calculate the female and the male share of
assumption that female employment and male the population. The adjusted per capita incomes
employment are proportional to female and male are then discounted on the basis of the gender
participation in labour force. We have two choices disparity in proportional income share. In using
190
adjusted per capita incomes, we are already taking access to basic resource necessary for human
into account the diminishing marginal importance development. Finally, we index the adjusted per
for human development of the additional income capita incomes for men and women with respect
above the average world per capita income. Up to maximum and minimum similar to those used
to this point, the methodology is the same as that in the HDI.
used for the human development index.
Income Index = log y – log ymin
The discounting for the gender disparity is log ymax – log ymin
calculated as follows. We form two proportional
income shares by dividing the female and male y : income of the district
shares of income by the female and male shares
of the population. If there were gender equality, ymin : Minimum income
each proportional share would be equal to 1. We
have to apply the gender-equity-sensitive indicators ymax : Maximum target income
(GESI) methodology of (1- ε ) averaging - with equal
to 2 in this case-to the two proportional income The equally adjusted income index is given by :
shares to derive the “equally distributed
proportional income share”. The more gender [female population share X (adjusted female per
inequality there is, the lower this ratio will be related capita)-1 + male population share X (adjusted male
to 1. We then multiply the adjusted per capita per capita)-1 ] -1
incomes by the equally distributed proportional
income share to derive a measure of per capita The last step in calculating the GDI is to add index
income that, in effect, is now discounted for for the income that we have just derived to the
gender inequality. If there were no gender indices for life expectancy and the educational
inequality, the ratio would be equal to 1 and per attainment and divide by 3. That gives each index
capita incomes would remain the same. As in the a one-third weight.
HDI, adjusted per capita income is proxy for
191
TECHNICAL NOTES
Statistical Tables
Table 1: Human Development Index 2001 - Punjab

DISTRICT EDUCATION
EDUCATION HEALTH
HEALT INCOME INDEX
Literacy Literacy Children’s Children’s Education Life Health Adjusted Income Human
DI Enrolment Enrolment Index Expectancy Index per capita Index Develop-
in Schools in Schools at birth Income DI ment
DI Index
A B C D E F G H I J
Amritsar 67.9% 0.679 68.6% 0.686 0.681 72.0 0.784 0.635 0.635 0.700
Bathinda 61.5% 0.615 73.4% 0.734 0.655 68.3 0.722 0.646 0.646 0.674
Fatehgarh
Sahib 74.1% 0.741 71.9% 0.719 0.734 69.6 0.744 0.742 0.742 0.740
Faridkot 63.3% 0.633 74.0% 0.740 0.669 70.1 0.752 0.673 0.673 0.698
Firozpur 61.4% 0.614 65.3% 0.653 0.627 71.0 0.767 0.671 0.671 0.689
Gurdaspur 74.2% 0.742 79.9% 0.799 0.761 74.2 0.820 0.589 0.589 0.723
Hoshiarpur 81.4% 0.814 77.5% 0.775 0.801 68.1 0.719 0.635 0.635 0.718
Jalandhar 77.9% 0.779 73.6% 0.736 0.765 66.1 0.685 0.674 0.674 0.708
Kapurthala 73.6% 0.736 64.4% 0.644 0.705 68.7 0.728 0.688 0.688 0.707
Ludhiana 76.5% 0.765 54.4% 0.544 0.692 76.8 0.863 0.728 0.728 0.761
Mansa 52.5% 0.525 67.7% 0.677 0.576 68.3 0.722 0.602 0.602 0.633
Moga 63.9% 0.639 66.3% 0.663 0.647 70.2 0.753 0.648 0.648 0.683
Muktsar 58.7% 0.587 68.0% 0.680 0.618 70.2 0.753 0.582 0.582 0.651
Nawanshehar 76.9% 0.769 67.8% 0.678 0.738 66.7 0.695 0.686 0.686 0.707
Patiala 70.0% 0.700 64.0% 0.640 0.680 69.5 0.741 0.670 0.670 0.697
Rup Nagar 78.5% 0.785 69.0% 0.690 0.753 70.7 0.762 0.737 0.737 0.751
Sangrur 60.0% 0.600 60.3% 0.603 0.601 65.2 0.669 0.690 0.690 0.654
Source : Derived from the date computed
193
STATISTICAL TABLES
Table 2: Gender-related Development Index 2001
DISTRICT EDUCATION HEALTH INCOME
Gender-
related
Adjusted per capita Develop-
Literacy Rate Child Enrolment Education Expectancy of Life Health Income Income ment
Male Female Male Female Index Male Female Index Male Female Index Index
Amritsar 73.6% 61.4% 61.5% 67.3% 0.665 71.5 72.5 0.784 32413 1077 0.182 0.544
Bathinda 68.3% 53.8% 75.7% 69.8% 0.648 69.1 66.7 0.714 33542 2903 0.512 0.625
Fatehgarh Sahib 78.9% 68.6% 65.5% 70.0% 0.719 66.6 72.8 0.744 43727 1128 0.205 0.556
Faridkot 68.9% 57.1% 74.8% 72.1% 0.665 71.7 68.1 0.746 36101 2961 0.518 0.643
Firozpur 69.6% 52.3% 69.2% 64.2% 0.626 68.5 73.9 0.769 36959 3152 0.535 0.643
Gurdaspur 80.4% 67.3% 74.9% 80.3% 0.752 69.6 79.4 0.821 30456 942 0.123 0.565
Hoshiarpur 87.0% 75.6% 78.1% 78.7% 0.803 65.1 70.7 0.715 35044 2144 0.419 0.645
Jalandhar 82.4% 72.9% 71.6% 73.4% 0.760 65.3 69.6 0.708 36632 2144 0.427 0.632
Kapurthala 78.7% 67.9% 63.8% 65.9% 0.705 73.5 67.5 0.752 38181 2734 0.498 0.652
Ludhiana 80.2% 72.1% 57.0% 58.7% 0.702 71.7 82.9 0.864 44297 1386 0.291 0.619
194
Mansa 59.1% 45.1% 67.4% 64.9% 0.567 69.1 66.7 0.714 29987 2601 0.477 0.586
Moga 68.4% 59.0% 66.8% 67.6% 0.649 71.4 68.7 0.749 35242 2123 0.423 0.607
Muktsar 65.9% 50.6% 70.1% 65.2% 0.612 71.4 68.7 0.749 29475 2440 0.458 0.606
Nawanshehar 83.7% 69.5% 69.1% 74.0% 0.749 65.3 69.9 0.710 41005 2039 0.410 0.623
Patiala 76.1% 62.9% 63.5% 63.9% 0.676 66.1 71.8 0.732 36547 1903 0.393 0.600
Rup Nagar 84.4% 71.7% 68.7% 71.6% 0.755 70.1 71.7 0.766 43297 2553 0.485 0.669
Sangrur 66.0% 53.3% 61.9% 61.7% 0.604 63.1 69.9 0.690 38752 2157 0.433 0.575
Punjab 75.6% 63.6% 67.0% 68.1% 0.689 67.9 71.4 0.745 36592 1997 0.406 0.614
Source : Derived from the date computed

Table 3: District Information
District Blocks Towns Inhabited Villages
1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001
Amritsar 15 16 10 13 1204 1198
Bathinda 9 7 8 9 282 282
Faridkot 10 2 3 3 163 437
Fatehgarh Sahib .. 5 5 5 452 164
Firozpur 9 10 9 9 965 960
Gurdaspur 13 14 12 14 1546 1540
Hoshiarpur 11 10 9 12 1396 1393
Jalandhar 12 10 11 14 958 945
Kapurthala 4 5 3 7 633 625
Ludhiana 10 11 10 12 913 900
Mansa .. 5 4 5 240 239
Moga .. 5 4 4 322 324
Muktsar .. 4 3 4 235 234
Nawanshehar .. 5 4 4 462 463
Patiala 9 9 9 14 1067 1069
Rup Nagar 6 7 8 11 879 867
Sangrur 10 13 13 17 696 689
Total 118 138 125 157 12413 12329
Source : Statistical Abstract
Table 4: Demography
S.No. District Total Population Share in Decadal Growth Urban
State Population in Population Population (%)
1991 2001( P) 1991 2001(P) 1981-91 1991-2001(P) 1991 2001(P)
1 Amritsar 2,505,034 3,074,207 12.35 12.66 14.46 22.72 34.08 40.00
2 Bathinda 985,301 1,181,236 4.86 4.86 20.48 19.89 26.98 29.78
3 Faridkot 455,005 552,466 2.24 2.28 22.90 21.42 33.21 33.89
4 Fatehgarh Sahib 454,919 539,751 2.24 2.22 17.03 18.65 23.27 28.08
5 Firozpur 1,448,903 1,744,753 7.14 7.18 24.38 20.42 25.56 25.81
6 Gurdaspur 1,757,281 2,096,889 8.66 8.63 16.07 19.33 21.98 25.46
7 Hoshiarpur 1,298,712 1,478,045 6.40 6.09 16.42 13.81 17.11 19.66
8 Jalandhar 1,649,909 1,953,508 8.14 8.04 17.25 18.40 40.65 47.45
9 Kapurthala 646,647 752,287 3.19 3.10 19.25 16.34 25.76 32.59
10 Ludhiana 2,428,382 3,030,352 11.97 12.48 36.44 24.79 51.22 55.80
11 Mansa 574,662 688,630 2.83 2.84 18.04 19.83 16.64 20.68
12 Moga 777,922 886,313 3.84 3.65 17.41 13.93 19.23 20.04
13 Muktsar 654,434 776,702 3.23 3.18 20.23 18.68 23.40 25.52
14 Nawanshehar 531,253 586,637 2.62 2.42 18.60 10.43 13.35 13.80
15 Patiala 1,528,569 1,839,056 7.54 7.57 21.56 20.31 31.00 34.98
16 Rup Nagar 899,587 1,110,000 4.44 4.57 26.89 23.39 25.77 32.46
17 Sangrur 1,685,449 1,998,464 8.31 8.23 21.36 18.57 25.43 29.26
Total 20,281,969 24,289,296 100.00 100.00 20.81 19.76 29.77 33.95
195
STATISTICAL TABLES
Table 5: Sex Ratio
S.No. District Sex Ratio
Total Rural Urban
1991 2001(P) 1991 2001(P) 1991 2001(P)
1 Amritsar 873 874 871 885 876 859
2 Bathinda 884 865 888 868 873 860
3 Faridkot 883 881 882 876 884 892
4 Fatehgarh Sahib 871 851 870 859 873 832
5 Firozpur 895 883 898 893 887 857
6 Gurdaspur 903 888 905 895 895 868
7 Hoshiarpur 924 935 932 947 890 888
8 Jalandhar 897 882 907 904 883 859
9 Kapurthala 896 886 910 907 857 843
10 Ludhiana 844 824 880 877 812 784
11 Mansa 873 875 871 875 881 878
12 Moga 884 883 883 885 889 873
13 Muktsar 880 886 877 888 888 883
14 Nawanshehar 900 913 898 914 914 911
15 Patiala 882 864 875 862 899 868
16 Rup Nagar 870 870 870 869 870 871
17 Sangrur 870 868 866 869 881 864
Total 882 874 888 887 868 849
Table 6: Sex Ratio (Children below 6 years)

State/Districts Sex Ratio in 0-6 age group – 1991 Census Sex Ratio in 0-6 age group – 2001 Census
Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban
Punjab 875 878 866 793 795 789
Amritsar 861 864 856 783 789 772
Bathinda 860 866 844 779 789 756
Faridkot 865 867 861 805 805 806
Fatehgarh Sahib 874 872 881 754 747 774
Firozpur 887 894 864 819 824 804
Gurdaspur 878 881 868 775 789 729
Hoshiarpur 884 887 873 810 813 800
Jalandhar 886 891 879 797 806 786
Kapurthala 879 875 891 775 773 779
Ludhiana 877 886 869 814 812 816
Mansa 873 883 814 779 780 775
Moga 867 867 866 819 820 811
Muktsar 858 864 839 807 810 798
Nawanshehar 900 898 913 810 811 805
Patiala 871 870 872 770 764 786
Rup Nagar 884 883 886 791 787 800
Sangrur 873 877 863 784 779 798
Source: Provisional Series, Paper 2 of Punjab, Census of India 2001.
196
Table 7: Work Participation Rate
S.No. District Work Participation Rate Female Work Male Work
Participation Rate Participation Rate
1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001
1 Amritsar 30.7 36 2.7 16.3 55 53.2
2 Bathinda 32.8 42.2 7.1 27 55.5 55.4
3 Faridkot 32.8 42.4 6.8 23 55.7 59.5
4 Fatehgarh Sahib 30.2 38.2 2.1 18.3 54.7 55.1
5 Firozpur 32.3 37.1 7.4 18.5 54.5 53.6
6 Gurdaspur 28.1 33.4 2.4 12.7 51.3 51.9
7 Hoshiarpur 28.6 34.7 4.7 17.3 50.6 51
8 Jalandhar 30.1 34.5 4.6 12.3 53 54.1
9 Kapurthala 31.2 35 5.8 14.4 54 53.4
10 Ludhiana 31.3 37.8 2.6 15.7 55.5 55.9
11 Mansa 34.3 40.7 7.5 25.1 54.4 57.6
12 Moga 31.4 40.1 4.5 24.2 55.1 54.3
13 Muktsar 33.5 39.7 7.1 22.3 56.8 55.2
14 Nawanshehar 29.8 44.9 4 33 53 55.6
15 Patiala 30.2 37.2 4.1 17.6 53.2 54.1
16 Rup Nagar 30.1 39.3 4.6 23.8 52.2 52.8
17 Sangrur 32.3 40.6 4.7 24.1 56.3 54.9
Punjab 30.9 37.6 4.4 18.7 54.2 54.1
Source: Series-4, Provisional Population Totals, Paper-3 of 2001, Census of India, 2001
Table 8: Land Use

S.No. District Net area sown Cropping Intensity Percentage of Net Area Per Capita
(000 Hect.) (%) Irrigated to net area sown Forest Area
(Hect.)
1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001
1 Amritsar 437 446 178 184 98.6 98.5 0.006 0.004
2 Bathinda 491 299 171 188 92 98.6 0.006 0.006
3 Faridkot 517 132 176 187 95.8 97.6 0.006 0.004
4 Fatehgarh Sahib .. 103 .. 188 .. 99.6 .. 0.002
5 Firozpur 506 475 183 190 97.8 99.1 0.004 0.007
6 Gurdaspur 299 292 156 169 88.4 74.5 0.01 0.018
7 Hoshiarpur 247 218 160 168 60.1 86.4 0.066 0.074
8 Jalandhar 293 238 177 174 98.4 99.5 0.001 0.002
9 Kapurthala 141 135 177 194 99.9 99.8 0.003 0.003
10 Ludhiana 325 304 185 199 99.5 100 0.004 0.003
11 Mansa .. 203 .. 181 .. 98 .. 0.004
12 Moga .. 198 .. 198 .. 99.7 .. 0.002
13 Muktsar .. 234 .. 184 .. 92.9 .. 0.005
14 Nawanshehar .. 101 .. 171 .. 82.6 .. 0.002
15 Patiala 390 304 186 196 94 95.3 0.006 0.008
16 Rup Nagar 112 126 179 167 63.1 73.9 0.043 0.047
17 Sangrur 459 456 193 198 99.6 92.7 0.002 0.003
Total 4217 4264 178 186 93 94 0.011 0.011
Source: Statistical Abstract
197
STATISTICAL TABLES
Table 9: Percentage Distribution of Net State Domestic Product at Factor Cost by Sectors in Punjab at Constant
93-94 Prices
(in percent)
Sector 1993-94 1994-95 1995-96 1996-97 1997-98 1998-99 1999- 2000- 2001-
2000 2001 2002
Agriculture 47.89 47.67 45.74 45.66 42.09 41.12 42.15 41.93 40.87
(i) Agricultural Proper 33.72 33.17 31.10 31.19 26.92 26.59 27.65 27.67 26.80
(ii) Livestock 14.17 14.50 14.64 14.47 15.17 14.53 14.50 14.26 14.07
Forestry & Logging 0.14 0.14 0.14 0.13 0.15 0.13 0.15 0.16 0.18
Mining and Quarying 0.01 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
Fishing 0.19 0.23 0.25 0.28 0.32 0.38 0.38 0.40 0.43
Sub Total Primary 48.23 48.04 46.13 46.07 42.56 41.63 42.68 42.49 41.48
Manufacturing Registered 10.01 10.05 9.77 9.35 9.56 9.94 9.73 9.86 9.91
Manufacturing Unregistered 4.39 4.76 5.22 5.22 5.26 5.18 5.18 5.25 5.32
Construction 4.48 4.49 5.10 4.34 5.82 6.82 5.13 5.41 5.72
Electricity & Water supply 0.94 0.89 0.89 0.93 0.95 1.08 1.05 1.03 1.02
Sub Total Secondary 19.82 20.19 20.98 19.84 21.59 23.02 21.09 21.55 21.97
Transport, Storage 2.45 2.54 2.90 3.15 3.44 3.60 4.17 4.37 4.79
and communication
Trade Hotels & Restaurants 13.10 12.95 13.20 13.22 13.62 13.42 13.68 13.70 13.94
Banking & Insurance 3.49 3.75 4.23 5.49 6.04 5.29 5.63 5.32 5.39
Real Estate and ownership 4.27 4.17 4.17 3.95 3.90 3.74 3.58 3.54 3.48
of dwellings
Public Administration 3.87 3.72 3.65 3.76 4.24 4.73 4.72 4.66 4.66
Other services 4.77 4.64 4.74 4.52 4.61 4.57 4.45 4.37 4.29
Sub-Total Tertiary 31.95 31.77 32.89 34.09 35.85 35.35 36.23 35.96 36.55
Total SDP 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
Source: Statistical Abstracts of Punjab, various issues
198
Table 10: Percentage Distribution of Net State Domestic Product at Constant Prices (1980-81) for Punjab State
(in percent)
Sector 1960-61 1970-71 1980-81 1990-91

Agriculture 53.71 54.25 48.46 47.63
(i) Agricultural Proper 42.73 38.50 32.22 30.69
(ii) Livestock 10.98 15.75 16.24 16.94
Forestry & Logging 0.70 0.77 0.99 0.59
Fishing 0.05 0.04 0.03 0.09
Mining &Quarrying 0.02 0.05 0.02 0.02
Sub Total Primary 54.48 55.11 49.50 48.33
Manufacturing 7.29 8.04 11.01 16.27
(i) Registered 3.44 4.17 5.91 9.41
(ii) Unregistered 3.85 3.87 5.10 6.86
Electricity, Gas & Water supply 0.52 0.84 1.31 2.45
Construction 9.74 9.22 6.15 3.82
Sub Total Secondary 17.55 18.10 18.47 22.54
Trade Hotels & Restaurants 9.92 10.97 14.59 11.33
Transport, Storage &communication 1.82 1.73 2.05 2.32
Banking & Insurance 1.59 1.80 2.55 4.67
Real Estate, ownership of dwellings 7.30 4.79 4.26 3.21
and Business services
Public Administration 1.36 1.78 2.82 3.28
Other services 5.98 5.72 5.76 4.32
Sub-Total Tertiary 27.97 26.79 32.03 29.13
Total SDP 100 100 100 100
Source: Statistical Abstracts of Punjab, various issues
199
STATISTICAL TABLES
Table 11: Per Hectare Yield of Wheat and Rice in Punjab (kg.)
Years Actual Three Years’ Moving Average (*)
Wheat Rice Wheat Rice
1970-71 2238 1765
1971-72 2406 2045 2292 1939
1972-73 2233 2007 2285 2113
1973-74 2216 2287 2281 2122
1974-75 2395 2071 2381 2304
1975-76 2373 2553 2399 2412
1976-77 2430 2611 2477 2691
1977-78 2538 2910 2561 2819
1978-79 2716 2937 2684 2817
1979-80 2797 2604 2748 2758
1980-81 2730 2733 2820 2765
1981-82 2932 2955 2889 2945
1982-83 3004 3144 2984 3055
1983-84 3015 3063 3103 3093
1984-85 3289 3073 3278 3112
1985-86 3531 3200 3262 3201
1986-87 2966 3331 3346 3232
1987-88 3540 3164 3391 3088
1988-89 3667 2770 3600 3148
1989-90 3593 3510 3658 3170
1990-91 3715 3229 3704 3332
1991-92 3803 3257 3763 3292
1992-93 3770 3391 3861 3385
1993-94 4011 3507 3957 3426
1994-95 4089 3381 3995 3340
1995-96 3884 3132 4071 3303
1996-97 4234 3397 3390 3331
1997-98 3853 3465 4140 3338
1998-99 4332 3152 4294 3321
1999-2000 4696 3347 4530 3335
2000-01 4563 3506
*: Moving averages are taken as average of the previous year, the current year and the succeeding year,
hence the moving average for the year 1992-93, would be an average for years 1991-92, 1992-93 and
1993-94
200
Table 12: Per Hectare Yield of Cotton in Punjab (kg.)
Year American Desi
1970-71 399 338
1971-72 407 326
1972-73 407 322
1973-74 430 303
1974-75 416 301
1975-76 404 292
1976-77 379 282
1977-78 374 263
1978-79 387 263
1979-80 357 241
1980-81 329 241
1981-82 334 246
1982-83 313 177
1983-84 193 136
1984-85 471 287
1985-86 452 288
1986-87 533 326
1987-88 531 297
1988-89 492 266
1989-90 591 354
1990-91 481 285
1991-92 636 334
1992-93 591 369
1993-94 460 270
1994-95 521 325
1995-96 463 292
1996-97 467 300
1997-98 213 264
1998-99 179 185
1999-2000 337 352
2000-01 437 408
201
STATISTICAL TABLES
Table 13: Number of Non-Agricultural Own Account Enterprises by Major Activity Groups, 1998
Major Activity Groups Rural Urban Total
Numbers Percent Numbers Percent Numbers Percent
Mining and quarrying 14 0.01 19 0.01 33 0.01
Manufacturing 32474 15.77 33250 12.44 65724 13.89
Electricity gas and water 86 0.04 102 0.04 188 0.04
Construction 1106 0.54 1649 0.62 2755 0.58
Wholesale trade 3025 1.47 9168 3.43 12193 2.58
Retail Trade 92075 44.70 131941 49.39 224016 47.35
Restaurants and Hotels 4719 2.29 10181 3.81 14900 3.15
Transport 1972 0.96 4993 1.87 6965 1.47
Storage and Warehousing 247 0.12 852 0.32 1099 0.23
Communications 1577 0.77 5029 1.88 6606 1.40
Financing Insurance real 2119 1.03 7236 2.71 9355 1.98
estate and business services
Community Social and 66494 32.28 62328 23.33 128822 27.22
Personal Services
Others 35 0.02 392 0.15 427 0.09
All activities 205943 100.00 267140 100.00 473083 100.00
Source: Economic Census, 1998
Table 14: Transfer of Resources from Centre to Punjab (Rs. Crore)

Year Share in Grants from Centre Net Loans Total Transfer Net Transfer from
Central Taxes from Centre Centre to Punjab
1 2 3 4 = 1+2+3 5
1990-91 248.2 181.1 745.2 1,174.5 -
1991-92 293.3 233.9 875.4 1,402.6 -
1992-93 349.0 350.4 1,127.1 1,826.5 -
1993-94 378.8 334.1 987.4 1,700.3 -
1994-95 424.3 273.9 822.2 1,520.4 528.70
1995-96 441.8 314.6 408.8 1,165.2 832.50
1996-97 528.4 360.8 1,096.4 1,985.6 803.85
1997-98 657.0 293.1 930.1 1,880.2 1,036.06
1998-99 587.2 398.7 1,077.8 2,063.7 569.19
1999-2000 671.1 968.0 1,579.9 3,219.0 1,530.78
2000-2001 671.1 907.6 1,719.8 3,298.5 1,451.77
Source: Livelihood in Punjab, Department of Economics, Punjab University, Patiala, September, 2001.
202
Table 15: Advance-Deposit Ratio of Public Sector Banks
State Decadal Decadal Year
Average Average
(1971- (1981- 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999
1980) 1990)
Gujarat 57.0 54.48 54.64 54.17 47.20 47.52 51.66 49.88 47.86 48.07 48.55
Haryana 62.54 67.10 56.58 55.55 49.93 51.02 46.75 42.10 40.55 41.25 39.56
Karnataka 87.8 85.20 79.57 75.10 72.52 72.01 72.60 73.09 68.43 64.93 63.34
Kerala 67.4 63.68 51.34 48.65 45.15 46.19 45.13 44.84 41.55 40.48 41.25
Maharashtra 80.86 82.40 61.92 56.38 62.89 62.92 73.71 69.94 68.74 69.49 77.67
Punjab 39.76 43.96 41.89 39.95 40.20 41.22 39.24 39.00 37.07 37.85 37.77
Rajasthan 60.20 65.94 55.36 53.59 50.15 47.32 46.31 44.16 44.88 45.31 46.75
Tamil Nadu 101.40 94.62 95.68 88.98 85.31 87.42 100.72 99.41 92.26 89.95 90.19
West Bengal 71.2 52.44 51.61 53.05 28.68 40.60 54.12 49.32 44.65 42.88 43.57
All India 70.82 64.16 60.92 58.59 57.96 46.01 61.59 58.21 55.46 53.89 55.82
Source : Statistical Abstract of Punjab, various issues.
Table 16: Distribution of Registered Working Factories and Workforce Employed by Size-Groups
Size in Number of Registered Working Factories Number of Workers Employed
average
number of
workers
1971 1981 1991 1999 1971 1981 1991 1999
Less than 979 799 398 907 5736 4570 3339 5022
10 (35.20) (28.92) (28.92) (39.81) (7.02) (4.13) (2.89) (4.05)
10-20 1011 978 437 656 13048 13025 7774 8895
(36.36) (36.44) (31.76) (28.80) (15.97) (11.76) (6.73) (7.17)
20-50 495 593 263 389 15127 18384 10466 12038
(17.80) (22.09) (19.11) (17.08) (18.52) (16.59) (9.07) (9.71)
50-100 192 158 107 141 13021 10538 9089 9768
(6.90) (5.89) (7.78) (6.19) (15.94) (9.51) (7.87) (7.88)
100-150 91 130 122 137 18185 29329 27723 28765
(3.27) (4.84) (8.87) (6.01) (22.26) (26.47) (24.01) (23.20)
500-1000 7 12 32 25 5239 8394 24437 17408
(0.25) (0.45) (2.33) (1.10) (6.41) (7.58) (21.16) (14.04)
1000-5000 6 13 16 23 11338 21462 27178 42078
(0.22) (0.48) (1.16) (1.01) (13.88) (19.37) (23.54) (33.94)
5000 and - 1 1 - - 5085 5457 -
more (0.04) (0.07) (4.59) (4.73)
Total 2781 2684 1376 2278 81,694 1,10,787 1,15,463 1,23,974
(100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) 95 200
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab, Various Issues.
Note: Only factories which submitted returns
203
STATISTICAL TABLES
Table 17: Share of Manufacturing Sector Output of Registered and
Unregistered Sectors in Punjab
Year Registered Unregistered
1970-71 49.33 50.67
1975-76 47.36 52.69
1980-81 53.72 46.28
1985-86 56.11 43.89
1990-91 57.19 42.81
1995-96 64.79 35.21
1998-99 63.37 36.63
Source: Computed from Statistical Abstract of Punjab, various issues.
Table 18: Growth of Registered & Working Factories and Workers Employed
in Punjab–1971-1999
Year Number of Factories Average number Average number
of Workers of Workers
Registered Working employed per factory
1971 4933 4553 118,503 26
1981 7663 7316 208,732 29
1991 11966 11705 383,798 33
1995 13344 13002 431,729 33
1999 13724 13382 446,953 34
Growth Rate per annum (Simple)
1971-81 5.53 6.07 7.61
1981-91 5.62 6.00 8.39
1991-99 1.84 1.79 2.06
Source: Computed from Statistical Abstract of Punjab, various issues.
204
Table 19: Growth Pattern of Small and Medium/Large Industries in Punjab, 1970-71 to 1998-99
Year Number of Units Employment Output Fixed Capital Capital intensity
(number) (Rs. Crores) (Rs. Crores)
Small Medium/ Small Medium/ Small Medium/ Small Medium/ Small Medium/ Total
Scale Large Scale Large Scale Large Scale Large Scale Large
1970-71 257 159 - - 257 159 - - - - -

(61.78) (38.22) (61.78) (38.22)
1974-75 18,114 132 122,162 57,891 484 308 134 109 0.110 0.188 0.135
(99.28) (0.72) (67.85) (32.15) (61.11) (38.39) (55.14) (44.86)
1980-81 43,338 228 264,869 109767 1118 1141 332 727 0.125 0.675 0.284
(99.48) (0.52) (71.08) (28.92) (49.49) (50.51) (31.35) (68.65)
1985-86 97,517 292 464,809 132,174 2151 2535 739 1490 0.159 0.127 0.373
(99.70) (0.30) (77.86) (22.14) (45.90) (54.10) (33.15) (66.85)
1990-91 160368 373 668,845 187,311 4050 7164 1349 4003 0.202 2.137 0.625
(99.77) (0.23) (78.12) (21.88) (36.12) (63.88) (25.21) (74.79)
1994-95 188187 476 777070 199340 8738 13668 1981 6420 0.254 3.106 0.853
(99.75) (0.25) (78.98) (21.02) (39.29) (60.71) (23.51) (76.49)
1998-99 197344 602 864,592 227,929 14444 25376 3361 14039 0.368 6.159 1.593
(99.70) (0.30) (79.14) (20.86) (36.27) (63.73) (19.32) (80.68)
Source: (i) Department of Industries, Punjab.
(ii) Statistical Abstract of Punjab, Various issues
Note: Figures in brackets are percentage share.
205
STATISTICAL TABLES
Table 20: Structure of Output and Workforce Employed in the Manufacturing Sector of Punjab
Code Industry-Group Industrial Output in Percentage Workforce Employed in percentage
1974-75 1980-81 1990-91 1998-99 1974-75 1980-81 1990-91 1998-99
20, 21, 22 Food, beverages and tobacco 23.39 23.98 20.78 20.07 6.52 10.61 13.14 13.38
products (1) (1) (1) (1) (5) (4) (3) (3)
23 Cotton textile 22.44 6.72 9.15 9.30 11.51 8.18 5.27 5.53
(2) (7) (6) (7) (4) (5) (7) (7)
24-26 Woollen, silk, synthetic 11.66 15.66 9.39 9.65 25.35 19.98 18.81 18.12
including art silk hosiery (3) (2) (5) (6) (1) (2) (1) (1)
27 Wood and wooden products 0.19 1.10 0.88 0.64 0.54 2.36 3.62 3.54
(14) (13) (15) (15) (12) (10) (9) (9)
28 Paper, products, printing and 0.34 0.86 1.86 1.79 0.20 1.53 1.94 2.06
allied activities (12) (14) (10) (11) (14) (14) (15) (15)
29 Leather and leather Products 0.94 2.19 1.24 0.82 3.16 2.28 3.88 3.52
(11) (9) (11) (14) (9) (11) (8) (10)
30 Rubber, plastic petroleum 1.19 2.02 3.81 4.18 1.86 2.75 3.40 3.74
and coal products (10) (10) (9) (9) (11) (8) (10) (8)
31 Chemical and Chemical 5.06 7.86 14.37 12.24 3.30 3.43 3.37 3.35
products (7) (6) (2) (2) (8) (7) (11) (11)
32 Non-metalic mineral 0.27 1.18 1.01 1.92 0.29 2.26 2.74 2.86
products (13) (12) (14) (10) (13) (12) (13) (13)
33 Basic metals and alloys 9.20 10.90 12.55 11.10 4.54 7.59 5.63 6.30
(6) (5) (3) (3) (7) (6) (6) (6)
34-35 Metal products, machinery 9.67 12.57 7.49 10.21 19.48 20.61 16.47 15.59
and parts (5) (3) (7) (5) (2) (1) (2) (2)
36 Electrical Machinery 3.02 3.49 4.92 5.12 2.86 2.65 3.11 3.01
(8) (8) (8) (8) (10) (9) (12) (12)
37 Transport equipment and 10.66 9.65 10.32 11.01 15.36 13.09 9.89 9.39
parts (4) (4) (4) (4) (3) (3) (4) (4)
38 Other Industries 1.95 1.59 1.02 1.02 4.89 1.53 2.00 2.08
(9) (11) (13) (12) (6) (13) (14) (14)
96-97 Repair & personal services 0.02 0.22 1.21 0.93 0.14 1.15 6.72 7.53
(15) (15) (12) (13) (15) (15) (5) (5)
Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
Source: Calculated from the data given in Statistical Abstract of Punjab, various issues
Note: Figures in brackets are showing ranks.
206
Table 21: Life Expectancy at Birth
Districts Life Expectancy Rank in 1981 Life Expectancy Rank in 1991 Increase in the
in 1981 in 1991 decade
Amritsar 62.4 3 67.2 3 4.8

Bathinda 61.1 13 64.7 11 3.6
Faridkot 61.6 8 65.8 8 4.2
Fatehgarh Sahib 61.7 7 65.6 9 3.9
Firozpur 62.1 5 66.6 5 4.5
Gurdaspur 61.4 11 67.8 2 6.4
Hoshiarpur 60.9 15 64.5 13 3.6
Jalandhar 62.3 4 64.2 16 1.9
Kapurthala 60.4 16 64.5 13 4.1
Ludhiana 64.2 1 70.5 1 6.3
Mansa 61.1 13 64.7 11 3.6
Moga 61.6 8 65.9 6 4.3
Muktsar 61.6 8 65.9 6 4.3
Nawanshehar 61.8 6 64.3 15 2.5
Patiala 61.4 11 65.4 10 4.0
Rup Nagar 62.9 2 66.8 4 3.9
Sangrur 60.4 16 62.8 17 2.4
Punjab 61.7 65.6 3.9
Highest 64.2 70.5
Lowest 60.4 62.8
Source: Estimates for 1981 are provided by the Registrar General of India (1994), “Indirect Estimates of Fertility and Mortality at the
District Level 1981”, Occasional Paper No. 4. Estimates for Life Expectancy in 1991 are derived from the data on fertility provided by
the Census of India, 1991.
Table 22: Infant and Child Mortality

Districts Infant Mortality Under-5 Mortality Rate
Total Male Female Total Male Female
1981 1991 1981 1991 1981 1991 1981 1991 1981 1991 1981 1991
Amritsar 74 49 @ 48 78 50 103 61 73 65 115 60

Bathinda 80 72 @ 69 83 74 114 87 107 84 121 91
Faridkot 78 53 77 54 78 51 112 67 109 68 117 65
Firozpur 75 61 74 58 76 63 108 77 103 76 114 79
Gurdaspur 78 75 75 75 82 74 116 99 107 96 126 101
Hoshiarpur 81 76 76 68 @ 85 118 100 110 101 127 99
Jalandhar 75 53 70 56 80 51 109 69 101 70 118 69
Kapurthala 92 86 77 73 @ 94 106 112 107 101 105 121
Ludhiana 66 45 66 42 69 47 94 60 88 59 100 61
Patiala 78 64 76 69 @ 59 114 80 109 81 119 73
Rup Nagar 73 60 71 59 75 60 103 76 98 77 109 74
Sangrur 87 53 89 54 @ 51 129 79 123 78 135 80
Punjab 77 56 74 62 79 53 111 92 104 97 118 82
Source: 1.Occasional Paper No. 10 of 1998, Fertility & Child Mortality Estimates of Punjab. Table 2.1 q (1), q (5) Page 41-44, Census of
India, 1981, 2 .Punjab State District Profile-1991, Table no.14, (q1), (q5) page 26, Census of India,1991. Note: @ Not Available
207
STATISTICAL TABLES
Table 23: Population Served per Medical Institution, per Bed, per Medical and Paramedical
Personnel in Punjab
District Population served Population serviced Doctor Midwife Nurse Rural
per Medical per Bed in Medical Population %
Institution Institutions
1 2 3 4 5 6
Punjab 10786 947 1485 1015 1696

Amritsar 10494 617 873 840 1454 40
Bathinda 10006 1172 1421 1253 8351 30
Faridkot 13228 709 1219 817 1529 34
Fatehgarh Sahib 10404 1343 26530 6471 10011 28
Firozpur 11899 1068 3511 1324 1640 26
Gurdaspur 10235 1273 2382 579 973 25
Hoshiarpur 8842 998 1845 669 2057 20
Jalandhar 11172 878 946 1084 1559 47
Kapurthala 9044 971 1867 1463 3910 32
Ludhiana 14827 934 1174 674 892 56
Mansa 10895 1393 27691 7467 16209 21
Moga 10712 1331 21687 2137 2887 20
Muktsar 10541 1257 26534 17488 36062 26
Nawanshehar 8133 1266 38635 4683 5569 14
Patiala 11102 743 724 1532 1696 35
Rup Nagar 9455 1141 2468 1198 2983 32
Sangrur 10822 1275 2518 1794 4469 29
Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 2000
Note: Information given in column 1 and 2 is for the year 2000, and the information given in column 3, 4 and 5 is for the year 1999.
Table 24: Health – District-wise Number of Institutions

Sr. District Hospital Primary Dispensaries Hospital Ayurvedic Unani Homoeopathic
Health Centres CHC/PHC
1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001 1991 2001
1 Gurdaspur 16 13 47 46 127 127 6 10 51 52 4 3 8 7

2 Amritsar 33 33 49 48 178 175 6 13 43 44 4 4 7 7
3 Kapurthala 7 8 10 11 60 59 5 5 26 26 2 2 7 7
4 Jalandhar 25 22 36 27 161 114 6 7 45 32 5 4 10 9
5 Nawanshehar - 3 .. 15 .. 55 .. 3 .. 24 .. 1 .. 2
6 Hoshiarpur 16 13 41 36 122 110 6 8 57 46 2 2 8 7
7 Rup Nagar 8 8 23 23 78 82 5 5 35 37 2 2 12 12
8 Ludhiana 27 27 35 33 156 147 6 10 37 36 5 4 11 11
9 Firozpur 17 16 38 35 100 87 6 11 39 38 3 3 9 8
10 Faridkot 17 6 40 9 118 24 6 2 26 9 2 .. 6 4
11 Muktsar .. 6 .. 14 .. 48 .. 5 .. 11 .. 2 .. 2
12 Moga .. 4 .. 16 .. 59 .. 4 .. 7 .. .. .. 1
13 Bathinda 15 10 38 23 116 78 6 6 39 27 2 1 9 7
14 Mansa .. 5 .. 14 .. 38 .. 4 .. 12 .. 1 .. 2
15 Sangrur 18 17 41 41 117 117 6 10 43 43 3 3 8 8
16 Patiala 19 11 44 35 132 106 6 11 51 40 1 .. 8 8
17 Fatehgarh
sahib .. 4 .. 14 .. 31 .. 3 .. 10 .. 2 .. ..
Outside
Punjab 1 1 .. .. 8 8 .. 0 1 1 3 4
Total 219 207 442 440 1473 1465 70 117 493 495 35 34 106 106
Source – Statistical Abstract 2002
208
Table 25: District-wise Male and Female Literacy in Urban and Rural Areas, Punjab, 2001
(in percent)
Districts Punjab Rural Punjab Urban Punjab
Amritsar 73.58 61.41 67.83 52.69 81.84 74.39

Bathinda 68.31 53.76 62.46 47.16 81.88 69.19
Faridkot 68.92 57.09 64.18 52.27 78.35 66.49
Fatehgarh Sahib 78.85 68.60 76.86 65.83 83.87 75.87
Firozpur 69.55 52.33 64.78 45.78 82.58 71.03
Gurdaspur 80.44 67.31 77.70 63.58 88.16 78.11
Hoshiarpur 86.97 75.56 86.11 73.87 90.30 82.62
Jalandhar 82.37 72.93 80.14 68.17 84.73 78.29
Kapurthala 78.66 67.90 76.27 64.41 83.30 75.33
Ludhiana 80.19 72.11 78.32 66.73 81.58 76.66
Mansa 59.12 45.07 54.27 40.03 77.56 64.14
Moga 68.40 58.96 65.93 55.87 78.05 71.20
Muktsar 65.94 50.59 61.84 45.49 77.78 65.40
Nawanshehar 83.67 69.52 83.15 68.27 86.84 77.30
Patiala 76.13 62.94 70.40 55.29 86.52 76.84
Rup Nagar 84.43 71.74 81.39 66.71 90.63 82.01
Sangrur 65.97 53.29 61.93 48.98 75.67 63.76
Punjab 75.63 63.55 71.70 57.91 82.97 74.63
Source – Paper 1, Punjab, Census of India 2001, Registrar General of India
Table 26: Infrastructure

District Total roads @ Roads per 100sq. Roads per lakh of Percent of villages Percent of villages
(km.)(P) Km. of area (km.) population (km.) linked with roads electrified
1 2 3 4 5
Amritsar 4,492 88 159 98.7 100
Bathinda 2,472 73 213 99.6 100
Faridkot 1,295 88 239 100 100
Fatehgarh Sahib 1,471 125 277 100 100
Firozpur 4,331 81 244 98.2 100
Gurdaspur 3,507 98 175 98.1 100
Hoshiarpur 3,666 111 247 99.6 100
Jalandhar 4,198 159 221 100 100
Kapurthala 1,592 97 212 100 100
Ludhiana 5,779 154 180 99.8 100
Mansa 1,838 85 276 100 100
Moga 1,589 72 179 100 100
Muktsar 2,234 86 290 100 100
Nawanshehar 1,793 143 290 100 100
Patiala 4,225 116 233 99 100
Rup Nagar 3,186 150 285 99 100
Sangrur 4,519 90 226 99.9 100
Total 52,187 104 217 99.2 100
(P) : Provisional
@ : Roads maintained by PWD (B&R), Punjab
Source : Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 2000
Note: Information given in column 1 to 4 is for the year 1999-2000, and the information given in column 5 is for the year 2001.
209
STATISTICAL TABLES
District Profiles
Amritsar
Indices 2001 District Information 1991 2001
Human Development Index (HDI) 0.700 Number of blocks 15 16
HDI rank (out of 17 districts) 9 Number of towns 10 13
Gender Related Development Index (GDI) 0.544 Number of inhabited villages 1204 1198
GDI rank (out of 17 districts) 17
Education 1991 2001
Demography 1991 2001 Literacy rate 58.08 67.85
Total population 2,505,034 3,074,207 Rural literacy rate 49.73 60.65
Share in State's population 12.35 12.66 Urban literacy rate 73.94 78.37
Urban population (%) 34.08 40.00 Number of primary schools .. 1452
1981 1991
Decadal growth of population 14.46 22.72 Gender 1991 2001
Sex ratio 873 874
Livelihoods 1991 2001 Rural 871 885
Work participation rate 30.7 36.0 Urban 876 859
Female work participation rate 2.7 16.3 Juvenile sex ratio 861 783
Male work participation rate 55.0 53.2 Rural 864 789
Net sown area (000 hect.) 437 446 Urban 856 772
Cropping intensity 178 184 Female infant mortality rate 50 ..
Per capita forest area (hect.) 0.006 0.004 Male infant mortality rate 48 ..
Female under 5 mortality rate 60 ..
Health 1991 2001 Male under five mortality rate 65 ..
Life expectancy 67.2 .. Female literacy rate .. 61.41
Infant mortality rate 49 .. Male literacy rate .. 73.58
Under five mortality rate 61 .. Female rural literacy rate .. 52.69
Number of hospitals 33 33 Male rural literacy rate .. 67.83
Number of PHCs 49 48 Female urban literacy rate .. 74.39
Rural population per PHC 36,616 40,992 Male urban literacy rate .. 81.84
Number of dispensaries 178 175
Number of beds per lakh population 177 150 Infrastructure 1991 2001
Road length per 100 sq.km. 78 94
% electrified villages 100 100
211
DISTRICT PROFILES
Bathinda
Education 1991 2001
Total population 985,301 1,181,236 Rural literacy rate 38.97 55.3
Urban population (%) 26.98 29.78
1981 1991 Number of primary schools .. 483
Decadal growth of population 20.48 19.89
Gender 1991 2001
Livelihoods 1991 2001 Sex ratio 884 865
Work participation rate 32.8 42.2 Rural 888 868
Female work participation rate 7.1 27.0 Urban 873 860
Male work participation rate 55.5 55.4 Juvenile sex ratio 860 779
Net sown area (000 hect.) 491 299 Rural 866 789
Cropping intensity 171 188 Urban 844 756
Per capita forest area (hect.) 0.006 0.006 Female infant mortality rate 74 ..
Male infant mortality rate 69 ..
Health 1991 2001 Female under 5 mortality rate 91 ..
Life expectancy 64.7 .. Male under five mortality rate 84 ..
Infant mortality rate 72 .. Female literacy rate 38.04 53.76
Under five mortality rate 87 .. Male literacy rate 53.98 68.31
Number of hospitals 15 10 Female rural literacy rate .. 47.16
Number of PHCs 38 23 Male rural literacy rate .. 62.46
Rural pop. Per PHC 34,394 32,063 Female urban literacy rate .. 69.19
Number of dispensaries 116 78 Male urban literacy rate .. 81.88
Number of beds per lakh population 90 84
Infrastructure 1991 2001
212
Fatehgarh Sahib
Human Development Index (HDI) 0.740 Number of blocks .. 5
Education 1991 2001
Total population 454,919 539,751 Rural literacy rate 60.07 71.71
Gender 1991 2001
Net sown area (000 hect.) .. 103 Rural .. 747
Cropping intensity .. 188 Urban .. 774
Per capita forest area (hect.) .. 0.002 Female infant mortality rate .. ..
Male infant mortality rate .. ..
Health 1991 2001 Female under 5 mortality rate .. ..
Life expectancy 65.6 .. Male under five mortality rate .. ..
Infant mortality rate .. .. Female literacy rate 56.13 68.6
Under five mortality rate .. .. Male literacy rate 69.45 78.85
Number of hospitals .. 4 Female rural literacy rate .. 65.83
Number of PHCs .. 14 Male rural literacy rate .. 76.86
Rural pop. Per PHC .. 27,727 Female urban literacy rate .. 75.87
Number of dispensaries .. 31 Male urban literacy rate .. 83.87
Number of beds per lakh population .. 77
Road length per 100 sq.km. .. 135
213
DISTRICT PROFILES
Faridkot
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
Female work participation rate 6.8 23 Urban 884 892
Net sown area (000 hect.) 517 132 Rural .. 805
Cropping intensity 176 187 Urban .. 806
214
Firozpur
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
215
DISTRICT PROFILES
Gurdaspur
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
Infant mortality rate 75 .. Female literacy rate .. 67.31
Under five mortality rate 99 .. Male literacy rate .. 80.44
216
Hoshiarpur
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
Male work participation rate 50.6 51 Juvenile sex ratio 884 810
217
DISTRICT PROFILES
Jalandhar
GDI rank (out of 17 districts) 6.000
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
Male work participation rate 53 54.1 Juvenile sex ratio 886 797
218
Kapurthala
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
Work participation rate 31.2 35 Urban 857 843
Female work participation rate 5.8 14.4 Juvenile sex ratio 879 775
Male work participation rate 54 53.4 Rural 875 773
Net sown area (000 hect.) 141 135 Urban 891 779
Cropping intensity 177 194 Female infant mortality rate 94 ..
Per capita forest area (hect.) 0.003 0.003 Male infant mortality rate 73 ..
Female under 5 mortality rate 121 ..
Health 1991 2001 Male under five mortality rate 101 ..
Life expectancy 64.5 .. Female literacy rate .. 67.9
Infant mortality rate 86 .. Male literacy rate .. 78.66
Under five mortality rate 112 .. Female rural literacy rate .. 64.41
Number of hospitals 7 8 Male rural literacy rate .. 76.27
Number of PHCs 10 11 Female urban literacy rate .. 75.33
Rural pop. Per PHC 47,637 56,349 Male urban literacy rate .. 83.3
Number of dispensaries 60 59
Number of beds per lakh population 113 103 Infrastructure 1991 2001
219
DISTRICT PROFILES
Ludhiana
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
220
Mansa
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
Net sown area (000 hect.) .. 203 Rural 883 780
Cropping intensity .. 181 Urban 814 775
221
DISTRICT PROFILES
Moga
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
222
Muktsar
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
223
DISTRICT PROFILES
Nawanshehar
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
Female work participation rate 4 33 Urban 911 911
Male work participation rate 53 55.6 Juvenile sex ratio 900 810
Infant mortality rate .. .. Female literacy rate .. 69.52
Under five mortality rate .. .. Male literacy rate .. 83.67
224
Patiala
Education 1991 2001
Urban population (%) 31 34.98
Gender 1991 2001
225
DISTRICT PROFILES
Rup Nagar
Education 1991 2001
Total population 899,587 1,110,000 Rural literacy rate 63.58 74.51
Gender 1991 2001
226
Sangrur
Education 1991 2001
Gender 1991 2001
227
DISTRICT PROFILES
Glossary
Akal Takht Highest temporal seat of the Sikhs
Anand Karaj A ritual followed in Sikh marriages
Abad Kars Agricultural labourer
Anganwadi An early child care centre
Ashram Shelter
Bajjar Kurahit An unpardonable sin
Bann Rope
Begana Puut Not one’s own son, said in the context of son-in-law
Bhaiyas Name given to the immigrants from Bihar and Uttar
Pradesh
Bigha Measure of land
Bahujan Sukhaay Well being of all
Bahujan Hitaaya Welfare of all
Chadar Pauna Practice of marrying off a widow to her younger
brother-in-law
Chak A measure of land
Chamar Member of Schedules Caste engaged in leather work
Chandal Member of a socially low caste group who works in
the cremation ground, and is considered as on
outcast
Chaudhuri Person dealing in money matters, also collected
revenue
Charmakar Person dealing with leather profession
Choe Seasonal rivulet
Daridra Narayan Poorest of the poor
Dalit Member of underprivileged sections, especially
Scheduled Caste
Dai Midwife
Desi Native
Doab Region between two rivers
229
GLOSSARY
Gurudwara Place of worship of the Sikh community
Girdawari Assessment of crops, etc., by village level revenue official (Patwari)
Hakim Traditional doctor
Inquilab zindabad Victory of revolution
Jajmani System A Traditional barter based system between the owner and service provider
Jaziya Tax imposed on non-Muslims by the Muslim emperors
Kesh Uncut hair
Khariff Summer crop
Khanda Double edged sword
Khalsa Pure
Kshatriya Warrior class
Kuccha Made of mud, straw, sticks, etc.
Langar Common meal, a practice initiated by the Sikh gurus in order to establish
norms of equality
Lok Adalat People’s court
Malik Owner
Mandi Wholesale market for fruits, vegetables, grains, etc.
Morcha Organised protest and rally held around a common issue
Munshi Account keeper
Naukar Servant
Nullah Drain
Palledar Loader in markets
Peshagi Initial amount paid to a labourer, usually considered a loan
Prasad Offering to God
Pucca Concrete
Punj Aab Five rivers
Quazi Muslim clergyman
Rabi Winter crop
Rehri A tool used in the brick kilns
Sangat A congregation
Sarpanch Head of the Panchayat at the village level
Sewadar Helper to the priest in a Gurudwara
Sati Practice of self-immolation by a wife on the funeral pyre of her husband
Satsang A congregation of persons gathered for a religious discourse
Siri Type of agricultural labourer
Shamlat Common land
Swadeshi Anything that has to do with one’s own country
Tehsil Unit of administration
Thekedar Contractor
Vaid Traditional doctor
Varnas Caste groups, usually organised on the basis of profession
Vimukt Jati One of the poorest Schedule Caste groups found in Punjab
230
Abbreviations
ASDR Age-Specific Death Rate
AIDS Acquired Immuno-deficiency Syndrome
AISSF All India Sikh Students Federation
ARI Acute Respiratory Infection
B.A. Bachelor of Arts
B.E. Budget Estimates
BCG A vaccine (Tuberculosis)
BIMARO An acronym for Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and

Orissa
BKU Bharatiya Kisan Union
BSP Bahujan Samaj Party
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination Against Women
CHC Community Health Centre
CMR Child Mortality Rate
CPI Communist Party of India
CPI-ML Communist Party of India-Marxist-Leninist
CPM Communist Party, Marxist
DIET District Institute of Education and Training
DPI Directorate of Public Instructions
DPT A vaccine (Diptheria, Pertussis and Tetanus)
DS-4 Dalit Shoshit Samaj Samiti
223311
ABBREVIATIONS
REFERENCES
EPW Economic and Political Weekly
ESO Economical and Statistical Organisation
ETT Elementary Teachers’ Training
FGS Fateh Garh Sahib
GATT General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs
GDI Gender Development Index
GEM Gender Empowerment Index
GNP Gross National Product
HDI Human Development Index
HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus
HPMS Hill Resource Management Society
HSRA Hindustan Socialist Republican Association
ICDS Integrated Child Development Scheme
IEC Information, Education and Communication
IFA Iron Folic Acid
ILO International Labour Organisation
IMR Infant Mortality Rate
INA Indian National Army
IWDP Integrated Watershed Development Programme
JBT Junior Basic training
JFM Joint Forest Management
KKU Kirti Kisan Union
M.A. Master of Arts
MSP Minimum Support Price
NBS Naujawan Bharat Sabha
NCERT National Council of Education Research and

Training
NCLP National Child Labour Project
NDPS Narcotics, Drugs and Psychotropic Substances
NEP National Education Policy
232
NFHS National Family Health Survey
NGO Non-Government Organisation
NHRC National Human Rights Commission
NNM Neo-Natal Mortality
NRR Net Replacement Rate
NSDP Net State Domestic Product
NSS National Sample Survey
OPV Oral Polio Vaccine
ORS Oral Rehydration Salt
ORT Oral Rehydration Therapy
OUP Oxford University Press
PAP Persons Ailing per 1000
PAU Punjab Agriculture University
PDS Public Distribution System
PEPSU Patiala and East Punjab State Union
PHC Primary Health Centre
PPC Persons reporting commencement of any ailment
PRI Panchayati Raj Institution
PWD Public Works Department
R&D Research and Development
SCERT State Council of Education, Research & Training
SC Scheduled Castes
SGPC Shiromani Gurudwara Prabhandak Committee
SHC Secondary Health Centre
SMAM Singulate Mean Age at Marriage
SRS Sample Registration System
ST Scheduled Tribe
STD Sexually Transmitted Disease
TB Tuberculosis
TBA Trained Birth Attendant
223333
ABBREVIATIONS
REFERENCES
TFR Total Fertility Rate
UIP Universal Immunisation Programme
UNDCP United Nations Drug Control Programme.
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UT Union Territory
VDC Village Development Committee
WHO World Health Organization
WTO World Trade Organisation
234
References
1. Agnihotri, Satish B. “Declining Infant and Child Mortality in India: How do

Girl Children Fare”, Economic and Political Weekly, January 20, 2001,
Vol XXXVI, No.3.
2. Ali, Imran. The Punjab under Imperialism, 1885-1947, Oxford University
Press, New Delhi, 1989.
3. Amnesty International, India, Human Rights Violations in Punjab: Use
and Abuse of the Law, New York (USA), 1991.
4. Banga, Indu. Agrarian System of the Sikhs: Late Eighteenth- Early
Nineteenth Century, Manohar, New Delhi, 1978.
5. Bombwall, K.R. Ethno-nationalism, in A Samiuddin (1985)d.
6. Brass, R.Paul. Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison, Sage
Publications, New Delhi, 1991.
7. Calvert, H. “The Wealth and Welfare of the Punjab”, Civil and Military
Gazette, Lahore, 1936, p. 197. Also, Lagging Industrial Development in
Punjab: An Analysis, Studies in Punjab Economy, R.S. Johar and
J.S. Khanna (eds), Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 1983.
8. Dang, Satypal. Genesis of Terrorism: An Analytical Study of Punjab
Terrorists, Patriot Publishers, New Delhi, 1988.
9. Darling, Sir Malcolm. The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt, Manohar,
New Delhi, 1977, reprint.
10. Das D., J. Dhanoa and B. Cowan. “Letting them Live”, in Meera Chatterjee:
A Report on Indian Women from Birth to Twenty, NIPCCD, New Delhi,
1990, p.12.
11. Das, V. “Time, Self and Community: Features of the Sikh Militant
Discourse”, Contribution to Indian Sociology, n.s. 26, 2., 1992.
12. Dasgupta, Monica, “Selective Discrimination against Female Children in
Rural Punjab, India,” Population and Development Review, 13 (1),
March 1987.
13. Fox, R. Lions of the Punjab: Culture in the Making, Archives Publishers,
New Delhi, 1987.
235
REFERENCES
14. George, Liju. Opinion of Hindu and Sikh Women of Chandigarh on Punjab
Crisis, M.A. dissertation, Department of Sociology, Punjab University,
Chandigarh, 1986-87.
15. Government of India. Annual Report: 1993, Narcotics Control Bureau,
New Delhi.
16. Government of India. White Paper on the Punjab Agitation, 1984.
17. Grewal, J.S. Guru Nanak in History (2nd edition), Punjab University,
Chandigarh, 1979.
18. Gupta, D. “Ethnic Images and their Correlative Spaces: An Essay on Some
Aspects of Sikh Identity and Perception in Contemporary Punjab”, Contribution
to Indian Sociology, n.s.26,2., 1992.
19. Habib, Irfan. The Agrarian System of Mughal India 1556-1707 (2nd revised
edition), Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999.
20. Hirway, Indira and Darshini Mahadeva, “Critique of Gender Development
Index: Towards an Alternative”, Economic and Political Weekly, October 26,
1996
21. Home Department Proceedings: Medical and Sanitary, April 1890,
Sr. No. 28, p. 17; February 1896, Sr. No. 40, p. 41; and September 1920,
Sr. No. 96, p.29.
22. International Institute of Population Sciences. National Family Health Survey,
India , 1998-99 – Punjab, Mumbai, 2001.
23. Internet sites: www.punjabi.net, www.punjablinks.com, www.punjabilok.com
24. Jaijee, Inderjit Singh. Politics of Genocide: Punjab 1984-1994, Baba Publishers,
Chandigarh, 1995.
25. Jodhka, S.S. “Crisis of the 1980s and Changing Agenda of Punjab Studies: A
Survey of Some Recent Research” (Review Article), Economic and Political
Weekly 32(6), 8 February 1997, 273-79.
26. Jones, Kenneth W. Arya Dharm: Hindu Consciousness in 19th Century Punjab,
Manohar, New Delhi, 1989, reprint.
27. Jurgensmego. “Community and Identities”, Economic and Political Weekly,
Vol. XXXIV, No. 41, October 9,1994.
28. Jurgensmeyer, M. “The Logic of Religion Violence: The Case of the Punjab”,
Contribution to Indian Sociology, ns 22.1. 1988.
29. Krishan, Gopal, and Surya Kant. “Administrative Space”, Punjab in Prosperity
and Violence: Administration, Politics and Social Change 1947-1997, J.S.
Grewal and Indu Banga (eds), Institute of Punjab Studies, Chandigarh, 1998.
30. Kumar, Ram Naryana et al. Enforced Disappearances, Arbitrary, Executions
and Secret Cremation: Victims’ Testimony and India’s Human Rights
Obligations, Interim Report, Committee for Co-ordination on Disappearance
in Punjab, Chandigarh, 1997.
31. Levinson, F. and J. Morind. An Economic Analysis of Malnutrition Among
Young Children in Rural India, Cornell-MIT, International Nutrition Policy Series,
Cambridge, Mass., 1974.
236
32. Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Centre. Human Development in South
Asia, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 2000.
33. Manku, Darshan Singh. Geography of Punjab, 1998.
34. McLeod, W.H. Who is a Sikh? The Problem of Sikh Identity, Charandon Press,
Oxford, 1989.
35. Miller, Barbara D. “Female Infanticide and Child Neglect in Rural North India”,
in Gender in Cross-Cultural Perspective, Caroline B. Bretall and Carolyn
F. Sargent (eds), Prentice-Hall, New Jersey, 1993.
36. National Sample Survey Organisation. Sarvekshana, Vol. XXIII, No. 3,
Jan-March, 2000, Issue No. 82, NSS 52nd Round, July 1995-June 1996
37. Nayar, Kuldip and Kushwant Singh. Tragedy of Punjab: Operation Bluestar
and After, Visions Books, New Delhi, 1984.
38. Oberoi, H. The Construction of Religious Boundaries: Culture, Identity and
Diversity in the Sikh Tradition, Oxford University Press, New Delhi,1994.
39. Pitti, Grew H. The Sikhs of the Punjab: Unheard Voices of State and Guerrilla
Violence, Zed Books, London, 1995.
40. Provincial Government of Punjab. Report of the Punjab Unemployment
Committee, 1937-38
41. Punjab Dihati Mazdoor Sabha. Report of the General Secretary to 18th Session
(in Punjabi), February 1987.
42. Punjab Khet Mazdoor Sabha. Resolution of 23rd Annual Session (in Punjabi),
November 1986.
43. Punjab State District Profile -1991, Table no.14,(q1), page 26, Census of India,
1991.
44. Puri, H.K. and P. S. Judge (eds). Social and Political Movements: Readings on
Punjab, Rawat Publication, Delhi, 2000.
45. Puri, H.K., P.S. Judge and J.P. Sekhon. Terrorism in Punjab: Understanding
Grassroots Reality, Har-Anand Publication, New Delhi, 1999.
46. Rai, Satya, M. Legislative Politics and Freedom Struggle in the Punjab,
1897-1947, ICHR/People’s Publishing House, New Delhi, 1984.
47. Ray, Aniruddha. Some Aspects of Mughal Administration, Kalyani Publishers,
New Delhi, 1984.
48. Registrar General of India. “Fertility & Child Mortality Estimates of Punjab”,
Occasional Paper No.10 of 1998, Table 2.1 q (1), Page 41-44, Census of
India, 1981
49. Registrar General of India. Census of India 1931, Vol. XVII: Punjab,
Lahore 1933.
50. Registrar General of India. Census of India 1991, derived from Scheduled
Caste tables, available on CD from Registrar General of India, New Delhi.
51. Registrar General of India. Compendium of India’s Fertility and Mortality
Indicators, 1971-97, based on Sample Registration Survey.
237
REFERENCES
52. Report on Agrarian Reforms in PEPSU [c.f. B.D. Talib, “Agrarian Tensions and
Peasant Movements in Punjab”, in Desai, A.R. (ed), 1986, pp. 482-83]
53. Report on the Administration of the Punjab and its Dependencies,
1861-62
54. Sachau, Edward C. (ed). Alberuni’s India, Vol. I & II, Delhi, 1989, reprint.
55. Sachdeva, Veena. Polity and Economy of the Punjab during the Late Eighteenth
Century, Manohar, New Delhi, 1993.
56. Saini B.S. The Social and Economic History of the Punjab, 1901-1939.
57. Samiuddin, A. (ed). Punjab Crisis, Challenge and Response, Mittal Publications,
New Delhi, 1985.
58. Sasha. “Women and the Plague in Colonial Punjab, 1897-1918”, Social Sciences
Research Journal, Vol. 7, Nos. 1-2, 1999, p. 144.
59. Shahin, Sultan. Origin of Narco-Terrorism in Pakistan and Afghanistan,
New Delhi, May 2000.
60. Sharma, Harish C. Artisans of the Punjab: A Study of Social Change in Historical
Perspective, 1849-1947, Manohar, New Delhi, 1996, pp.68-69. Also,
B.S. Saini, The Social and Economic History of the Punjab, 1901-1939,
Ess Ess Publications, New Delhi, 1975.
61. Shiva, V. The Violence of Green Revolution, Zed Books, London, 1991.
62. Sidhu, J.S. The Role of Sikh Youth Activists in the Current Punjab Crisis,
M. Phil dissertation, Department of Sociology, Punjab University, Chandigarh.
63. Singh, Chetan. Region and Empire: Punjab in the Seventeenth Century, Oxford
University Press, New Delhi, 1991.
64. Singh, Kharak (ed). Apostasy Among Sikh Youth: Causes and Cures, Institute
of Sikh Studies, Chandigarh, 1997.
65. Singh, Sukhdev. The Middle Classes in the Punjab (1849-1947), Ph.D. thesis,
Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 1987.
66. “Statement on Dispensaries and Charitable Institutions 1921”, Home
Department Proceedings: Medical and Jails, July 1922, Sr. No. 98, p.53a.
67. Talbot, Ian. Punjab and the Raj, 1849-1947, Manohar, New Delhi, 1988.
68. The United Nations Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action adopted by
the Fourth World Conference on Women: Action for Equality, Development
and Peace, 1995.
69. Wallace, Paul and M.D. Barrier. “Sikh Political Vision: Punjab, the Diaspora
and Pakistan”, Presented in the National Seminar, Department of Political
Science, G.N.D. University, Amritsar, 2001.
70. __________ (ed). Five Punjabi Centuries: Polity, Economy, Society and Culture,
c.1500-1990, Manohar, New Delhi, 2000, reprint.
71. __________. “The Sikhs of the Punjab”, The New Cambridge History of India,
II, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1998.
72. __________. Historical Perspectives on Sikhs Identity, Punjab University,
Patiala, 1997.
238
Punjab HDR
Punjab is at a more
advanced stage of
development than most
other Indian states. However,
the remarkable achievements of the
state have not been equitable. Amidst
prosperity, pockets of deprivation remain
among sections and areas. This report is an
important research-cum-policy document, which
focuses on the current levels of achievement, as
well as areas of concern and possible ways of
progress with reference to crucial
socio-economic indicators.

Human Development Report 2004 Punjab Full Report

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Human Development Report 2004 Punjab Full Report

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Human Development Report 2004 Punjab Full Report

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Punjab HDR

© The Government of Punjab 2004

Price: Rs. 500/-

Cover & layout, design, typesetting and printing by

August 28, 2004 (Captain Amarinder Singh)

However, amidst prosperity, pockets of deprivations remain amongst sections

August 31, 2004 (Surinder Singla)

The state of Punjab occupies an extremely important position in India. India’s

Rohini Nayyar Maxine Olson

The chapter Economy and Livelihoods is based on background papers written

Economic and Statistical Organisation, Punjab, provided the extensive database

Technical Notes 187

Statistical Tables 193

Box 1.1: UNDP Human Development Reports

(Occasional Paper 1 – Human Development in a Changing World, UNDP, 1993)

Table 1.1: Human Development Index for India – Combined

District Human Map 1: Punjab Human Development Index – 2001

In order to assess this difference, UNDP has also

Box 2.1: Guru Nanak (1469-1539)

The ideology of Guru Nanak and his successors British Rule

Box 2.2: Guru Gobind Singh (1666-1708)

As machine-made goods became available, the

The colonial state took two policy decisions

However, Christian missionaries were not only

The Green Revolution

India has gone from a food-deficit to a food-

Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab (Various Issues).

Table 3.3: Percentage Distribution of Net State Domestic Product of Punjab at

Source: Statistical Abstracts of Punjab

Non-sustainability of Agriculture To sum up, Punjab’s agriculture with its present

This indicates that with existing levels of technology

Year Wheat Paddy Wheat + Paddy

Size Class 1970-71 1980-81 1990-91 1995-96

Dairy farming in Punjab

Table 3.11: Number of Non-Agricultural Establishments and

Table 15 (Statistical Tables) depicts the ‘advance-

Industrial Development Industrial work in progress

Table 3.12: Trend of Growth Rates in Output of Manufacturing and Agricultural

Source: Lakhwinder Singh and Sukhpal Singh, 2001

Industry Name of Industry Group Fixed Capital Employment Output

machinery sectors, excluding electrical machinery,

Due to fast growth in these industries, the share

A mention here of various government initiatives to

appropriate and necessary. Twenty-six Industrial Telecommunication, infrastructure has been

Table 3.15: Industrial Workforce in Punjab – 1971,1981 and 1991 Census

Year Value of Export Value of Industrial Percent share

Table 3.17: Share of Industrial Workforce in Public and Private Sectors in

critically assessed. The Sample Registration Life Expectancy

3 SRS Bulletin, October 2001, Registrar General of India.

* For period 1991-95

Table 4.2: Life Expectancy by Sex and Place of

Source : various volumes of SRS, Registrar General of India, New Delhi

Source: Compendium of India’s Fertility and Mortality Indicators

Table 4.7: Age-Specific Mortality Rates of Women in Punjab

Table 4.8: Estimate of TFR for Punjab Diseases of Poverty

Table 4.10: Rate of Prevalence of Diseases of Poverty by Place of

The main diseases amongst outdoor patients in Other Diseases

7 According to the census of 1991.

Workers and Labourers Areas Requiring Intervention