History of India (c.1550-1605)

BHIC-109
HISTORY OF INDIA-V
(c. 1550 -1605)
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

INDIRA GANDHI NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY
EXPERT COMMITTEE
Prof. Swaraj Basu Prof. Najaf Haider
Director Centre for Historical Studies
School of Social Sciences School of Social Sciences
IGNOU, New Delhi Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Prof. Pius Malekandathil Prof. Farhat Hasan
Centre for Historical Studies Department of History
School of Social Sciences University of Delhi, Delhi
Jawaharlal Nehru University
Prof. Abha Singh
New Delhi
Faculty of History
Prof. R.P. Bahuguna School of Social Sciences
Department of History and Culture IGNOU, New Delhi
Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi
Prof. A.R. Khan (Convener)
Dr. Tanuja Kothiyal Faculty of History
School of Liberal Studies School of Social Sciences
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University IGNOU, New Delhi
Delhi
Dr. Mayank Kumar
Department of History
Satyawati College
University of Delhi, Delhi
COURSE COORDINATOR : Prof. Abha Singh

CONTENT, FORMAT AND LANGUAGE EDITING
Prof. Abha Singh
COURSE PREPARATION TEAM

Unit No. Course Writer Unit No. Course Writer
1 Dr. Meenakshi Khanna 2 Prof. Abha Singh
Department of History School of Social Sciences
Indraprastha College Indira Gandhi National Open University
University of Delhi, Delhi New Delhi
3 Prof. Abha Singh 4 Prof. Mansura Haider
School of Social Sciences Centre of Advanced Study in History
Indira Gandhi National Open University Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh
New Delhi
5 Prof. Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqui and 6 Dr. Meena Bhargava
Dr. Rajeev Sharma, Centre of Advanced Department of History, Indraprastha College,
Study in History, Aligarh Muslim University, Delhi; and Prof. Mansura Haider
Aligarh; and Dr. Meena Bhargava, Depart Department of History
ment of History, Indraprastha College, Delhi Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh
7 Dr. Ranjeeta Datta 8 Dr. Divya Sethi
Centre for Historical Studies Centre for Historical Studies
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
9 Dr. Divya Sethi 10 Dr. Rajeev Sharma
Centre for Historical Studies Centre of Advanced Study in History
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh
11 Prof. Aniruddha Ray 12 Prof. Mohammad Afzal Khan
Department of Islamic History and Culture Centre of Advanced Studies in History
Calcutta University, Calcutta Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh
13 Prof. Sunita Zaidi 14 Prof. Sunita Zaidi
Department of History and Culture, Department of History and Culture
Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi; and Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi; and
Prof. A. R. Khan Prof. A.R. Khan and Dr. Sangeeta Pandey
School of Social Sciences, IGNOU School of Social Sciences
New Delhi. Indira Gandhi National Open University
New Delhi
15 Prof. A. R. Khan 16 Prof. A.R. Khan
School of Social Sciences Prof. Ravindra Kumar; and Prof. Abha Singh
Indira Gandhi National Open University School of Social Sciences
New Delhi Indira Gandhi National Open University
New Delhi.
17 Dr. Firdaus Anwar 18 Prof. Abha Singh
Department of History School of Social Sciences
Kirori Mal College Indira Gandhi National Open University
University of Delhi, Delhi; and New Delhi
Prof. Abha Singh
School of Social Sciences
Indira Gandhi National Open University
New Delhi
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Course Contents
Page No
Course Introduction
THEME I : SOURCES AND HISTORIOGRAPHY
Unit 1 : Indo-Persian Histories and Persian Literary Traditions
Unit 2 : Indic Literary Traditions and European Sources
THEME II : INDIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM
Unit 3 : Regional and Local Polities
Unit 4 : Timurid Antecedents
Unit 5 : Afghan Polity
Unit 6 : Mughal Conquests: Warfare and Alliances
Unit 7 : The Nayaks
THEME III : CONSOLIDATION OF MUGHAL RULE
Unit 8 : Historiography on State
Unit 9 : Ideas on Kingship
Unit 10 : Administrative Structure
Unit 11 : Administrative Institutions: Mansab and Jagir
Unit 12 : Composition of Nobility
Unit 13 : Fiscal System
THEME IV : ECONOMIC PROCESSES
Unit 14 : Agrarian Economy and Agrarian Relations
Unit 15 : Exchange Economy: Money and Currency
Unit 16 : Towns, Cities and Growth of Urban Centres
THEME V : IMAGINING THE SACRED
Unit 17 : State and Religion
THEME VI : LITERATURE AND TRANSLATIONS
Unit 18 : Patronage of Literary Culture

Sources and
Historiography
Guidelines for Study of the Course
In this Course we have followed a uniform pattern for presenting the learning
material. This starts with an introduction to the Course underlining the significant
developments in chronological order and covers 4 major themes with coverage of
19 sub-themes or Units. For the convenience of study, all the Units have been
presented with a uniform structure. Objectives as the first section of the Unit have
been included to help you find what are you expected to learn from the study of
the Unit. Please go through these objectives carefully and keep reflecting and
checking them after studying a few sections of the Unit. Introduction of the Unit
introduces you to the subject area covered and guides you to the way subject
matter is presented. These are followed by the main subject area discussed through
sections and sub-sections for ease of comprehension. In between the text, some
self-check exercises have been provided. We advise you to attempt these as and
when you reach them. These will help you assess your study and test your com-
prehension of the subject studied. Compare your answers with the answer guide-
lines provided after the summary. The keywords and unfamiliar terms have been
provided at the end of each Unit, which have been marked in bold in the text. At
the end of each Unit under Suggested Readings we have also provided a list of
books and references. These include sources and books which are useful or have
been consulted for developing the material for the concerned Unit. You should try
to study them. We have also included instructional videos for an enhanced under-
standing by the students. Please try to watch these videos, they will help you in
understanding and learning the subject matter in an all-inclusive manner.
6
Indo-Persian Histories
COURSE INTRODUCTION and Persian Literary
Traditions
In the sixteenth century there emerged three major Islamic empires in the Asian
Continent ? the Ottomans (Asia Miner; modern Turkey; 1300-1923), the Safavids
(Iran; 1501-1722), and the Mughals (India; 1526-1857). All the three empires
started showing signs of decline in the eighteenth century. Safavid Iran (Shia) and
the Ottomans (Sunni) shared the intense rivalry. In contrast, the political relationship
between the Safavids and the Mughals remained more or less peaceful. Distance
could possibly be the major contributing factor. However, all the three took refuge
for legitimacy to different realms: Ottomans looked towards the Caliphate; the
Safavids (Shah Ismail) claimed themselves to be the descendents of the seventh
Imam; while the Mughals took pride in the Turco-Mongol lineage. For the Safavids,
India was the land of opportunities, often literati and men of arts and warriors
found here refuge for fortunes. Mughals hardly shared any meaningful interaction
in Central Asian affairs, and never encouraged the designs and ambitions of the
Safavids and the Uzbegs for a possible Ottoman-Uzbeg alliance against the Shia
Safavids.
In contrast, the Central Asia of late fifteenth and early sixteenth century was chaotic
and marred by constant warfare. It remained the cockpit of constant struggle among
the Persians, Uzbegs and the Turks during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth
centuries. Another factor that further aggravated the chaos was the law of
inheritance that hindered the very base of the centralized polity, what Stephen
Dale (2004: 68) has rightly underlines that, the 'Turco-Mongol states were plagued
by two inherent problems: the ambiguity of political succession and the related
custom of allotting territory to sons of aristocratic and royal lineages.' This created
parcellization of the empires into fragments in Central Asia and often resulted
into fratricidal fights and anarchy.
Mughal story in Central Asia was no different. Abu Said Mirza, grandfather of
Babur, had divided his empire on Chaghatai lines: His eldest son Sultan Ahmad
Mirza was assigned Samarqand and Bukhara, Mahmud Mirza was parted with
Hissar, Kunduz, Badakhshan and Khutlan, Ulugh Beg got Kabul and Ghazna;
while Umar Shaikh Mirza, father of Babur, received the possession of Farghana.
The entire struggle that the young Babur of twelve had to face in Central Asia was
the fallout of this parcellization. Though the Mughals in India had forsaken the
idea of parcellization (except the singular experiment of Humayun, which
ultimately terribly failed and Humayun had to lose his empire to the Afghans.),
failed to resolve the 'ambiguity of political succession'. It became blatantly evident
towards the closing years of Akbar's reign resulting into Salim's (Jahangir's)
rebellion against his father. It marred the Mughal empire throughout the seventeenth
and early eighteenth centuries and resulted in a serious fratricidal wars of succession
towards the closing years of Shahjahan's reign, even resulted in the imprisonment
(if not the murder) of Shahjahan.
Against this backdrop of the Turco-Chaghatai inheritance and legacy that Babur
embarked upon and finally succeeded in establishing Mughal footholds in India.
For Babur, Hindustan was 'a remarkably fine country', a land of opportunities,
though, 'different world' compared to his homeland.
7
Sources and Theme I primarily deals with literary traditions. It focuses on Persian and
Historiography vernacular literary traditions and their significance as important source material
to understand the historical developments of the period. Theme II begins with
political conditions of India on the eve of Babur's invasion (Unit 3). Here we have
also attempted to trace the background of the new ruling elite i.e. the Mughals in
Central Asia (Unit 4). At the same time we would also be touching upon transition
from the Afghans to the Mughals and finally the establishment of the Mughal
empire in India, early problems and issues faced by the nascent Mughal state,
particularly the Mughal clashes with the Afghans (Unit 5). It traces the emergence
of the Afghans under the Lodis and later the re-establishment of the Afghan power
(The Second Afghan Empire) under Sher Shah Sur. Against this backdrop Unit 6
takes you to the consolidation of the Mughal empire under Akbar through warfares
and alliances; Akbar's relations with autonomous chieftains and his policy towards
them. The present Unit would also be discussing in detail Mughal policy of Central
Asia and Persia and the Mughal expansion in the northeast. We have already
discussed the growth of the Vijaynagara empire in our Course BHIC 107, here
our focus would be to analyse the establishment of the Nayaka kingdoms in South
India as a result of the weakening of the Vijayanagara polity (Unit 7).
Theme III takes you to the consolidation part of the Mughal empire, beginning
from the conceptualization of the ideas on kingship, shaping of the Mughal
sovereignty (Units 8 and 9), its administrative structure (Unit 10), etc. The
evolution of mansab and jagir systems, the twin pillars of the stability and strength
of the Mughal empire, are underlined in Unit 11. An in depth analysis of the fiscal
resources of the empire, particularly its taxation system are elaborated in Unit 13.
Theme IV broadly focuses on the economy of the Mughal empire. Nature and
pattern of agrarian economy and agrarian relations are detailed out in Unit 14;
while exchange economy and money and currency system is the concern of Unit
15. The centralized structure of the Mughal empire that led to an unprecedented
growth of urban centres is the focus of Unit 16. The Unit also details out the
nature and pattern of the urban growth and the urban economy during the medieval
period.
A discussion on Mughal rulers’ sacred spaces is central to Theme V. Here, our
prime focus is Akbar’s religious world-view ? How Akbar defined and shaped the
Mughal religious space vis-à-vis the subject. His idea of bandagan-i dargah,
establishment of Ibadatkhana, declaration of mahzar and finally Tauhid-i Ilahi
that crystalised Akbar's religious ideas. We have also deliberated upon Akbar's
attitude towards Jains, Shias, ulama and the Jesuits.
The Course ends with a detailed discussion on the patronage given to Indic literary
traditions of the subcontinent in the sixteenth century (Theme VI). It underlines
the interaction of the vernacular traditions at Imperial and sub-Imperial levels. It
highlights to what extent fusion of Persian and Sanskrit traditions led to the
emergence and flourishing of new literary styles. Unlike the common belief that
the Mughal courtly culture was predominantly Persianate, you would find the
lively presence of Sanskrit and vernacular literary traditions and the vibrant
'multicultural’ world of the Mughals. And ‘we must recognize that Mughal power
and sovereign imagination often operated entirely outside Islamicate culture and
Persian literary productions’ (Truschke 2016: 62).
8
Our emphasis in developing the Courses has always been on continuity and changes. Indo-Persian Histories
Therefore, the present Course BHIC 109 has to be studied in unison with our and Persian Literary
Traditions
Course BHIC 112. One cannot study the sixteenth century (BHIC 109) in isolation,
without understanding the developments in the seventeenth century (BHIC 112).
We have kept in BHIC 109 those features/institutions which got firmly established
by Akbar’s period (sixteenth century); while those which emerged prominent during
the seventeenth century we have covered them in BHIC 112. We have not discussed
Mughal-Rajput and Mughal-Deccan relations in BHIC 109 instead, a
comprehensive analysis of the two is provided in BHIC 112. Similarly, trade and
commerce, commercial practices, Mughal art and architecture, courtly culture,
etc. we have broadly analysed in BHIC 112. However, major administrative
institutions, composition of nobility, Mughal fiscal structure, mansab and jagir all
this formed the core of our discussion here in BHIC 109.
9
Theme I
Sources and Historiography
Time Line
Persian Sources
Abul Fazl
Nizamuddin Ahmad
Bayazid Bayat
Abdul Qadir Badauni
Insha Collections
Official Documents
Indic Literary Traditions
Sanskrit Literature
Brajbhasha Literature
Rajasthani Literature
European Sources
Jesuit Accounts
Father Monserrate
Ralph Fitch
Sources and
Historiography
The Ladies of Krishna’s Harem are shown the Sacrificial Horse, A Folio from Razmnama
Author: Bhagwan, 1598
Photograph Source: British Museum; http://legacy.lclark.edu/~campion/hist259/paint2.htm
http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=or_12076_f017r&_ga=2.44228452.1955518749.1508058994-
1313856845.150805899
Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki File: The_Ladies_of_Krishna%27s_ Harem_are_ shown_the_
12 Sacrificial_Horse.jpg
UNIT 1 INDO-PERSIAN HISTORIES AND and Persian Literary
PERSIAN LITERARY TRADITIONS* Traditions
Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Persian language and literature on the eve of Mughal advent in India
1.3 History writing in Persian: Form, method, and objective
1.3.1 Memoirs and other biographical writings as history
1.3.2 Universal and dynastic histories: Abul Fazl
1.4 Insha-navisi or the art of drafting

1.5 Official Documents
1.6 Akhlaq literature
1.7 Persian translations of Indic works
1.8 Summary
1.9 Keywords
1.10 Check Your Progress Exercises
1.11 Suggested Readings
1.12 Instructional Video Recommendation
1.0 OBJECTIVES
The study of this Unit would enable you to:
 understand the growth and development of political culture introduced in
India,
 find out the interface of the Persian scholars with Indic literary traditions,
 know how did the autobiography tradition develop in the Persian
historiography,
 assess the process of the continuation of the tawarikh/tarikh tradition with
its salient features,
 examine the changing ethos of the poetic compositions of the period,
 appraise the growth and development of insha tradition,
 identify new literary genres like safarnama and akhlaq,
 underline the growth of maktab-khana and its interface with the Sanskrit
literary tradition
* Dr. Meenakshi Khanna, Indraprastha College for Women, University of Delhi, Delhi 13
Sources and
Historiography 1.1 INTRODUCTION
The period of our study marks major historical transformations that were shaped
by political, economic, social, religious, and technological factors existing between
the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries in north India. You will read how those
changes announced the beginnings of the ‘early modern’ phase in Indian history.
Persian culture was introduced with the Ghaznavid invasions of north India. A
significant cultural shift is seen in this period as Persian acquires the status of
lingua franca that bridged across the multilingual and multi-religious diversities
in India. It also linked the subcontinent with the eastern Islamic world as well.
The Mughals were native speakers of a Turkish dialect called Chaghatai turki,
but their preferred mode of public communication for administrative, literary, and
cultural expression was Persian. In this Unit you will learn why and how Persian
became the dominant language of the Mughal Court and communication. These
changes underscore an altered worldview. An expression of new ways of perceiving
the world is illustrated in the writings of Indo-Persian historians of Mughal India
who started recounting the past events in terms of human actions rather than divine
intervention. This, however, does not mean that Mughal historians absolutely ignore
divine involvement, but that element of fatalism is far less in comparison to the
writings of earlier Turko-Afghan historians. Thus, historiography shows ‘secular’
concerns as it shifts away from the more religious and didactic outlook.
Another important feature of Indo-Persian historiography is noticed in the writing
of memoir or autobiography that focused on the individual’s self-narrative. The
previous patterns of recording history (tarikh/tawarikh) continued; however, events
were now described with awareness of an altered worldview that reflected the
new secularism of the day. Besides works on history other kinds of prose and
poetic compositions incorporated the changing ethos of the sixteenth century. A
special position is assigned to the Persian translations of Indic works that were
mainly inspired by the new imperial ideology that moved away from the normative
discourse of the shari‘a in sultanate times to concerns for governance of a
multicultural society in India.
The carriers of this cultural and literary transformation were the Persian knowing
intellectuals and scribes, and their courtly patrons, who came from diverse ethnic
and religious backgrounds rooted in Iran, Central Asia, and India. These aspects
explain the urbane and cosmopolitan features in the Indo-Persian literary practices
of those days. In this Unit you will also learn about the culture of the scribes
(khuttab) and secretaries (munshis), who were authors or compilers, some were
appointed as high officials, and many were employed in the Mughal secretariat
(dîwân al-rasâ¾il or dîwân al-inshâ¾). The Indo-Persian literary traditions in the
sixteenth century cultivated a distinct style called the sabk-i hindi. Official orders,
court histories, poetry, philosophical and mystical concepts, tales of love, wonder
and travel, were diffused throughout the subcontinent. In the absence of the printing
press in India, the principal means for disseminating ideas among the urban literati
was through debates and circulation of handwritten manuscripts. The case of Indo-
Persian manuscripts merits special attention because these were extraordinary
works crafted on handmade paper, with elegant calligraphy and exquisite
illustrations. You will also learn that manuscripts were not merely visual
representation of written words, but also self-representations of the patron.
14
1.2 PERSIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE ON and Persian Literary
THE EVE OF MUGHAL ADVENT IN INDIA Traditions
When Babur laid the foundation of the Mughal rule in India in 1526, Persian
language was in use for more than five hundred years by diverse sections of the
Muslim elites including administrators, literati, and piety minded in the northern,
western, eastern and Deccan regions of the Indian subcontinent. It will be useful
to take a brief survey of the early history of Persian literary milieux, including
history writing in Persian, in India and account for the historical processes that
created a large and varied body of Persian texts in the subcontinent between the
eleventh and the fifteenth centuries (Please see BHIC 107 Unit 1).
The Ghaznavid (997-1187) invasions of northwestern India in the early eleventh
century mark the expansion of the Muslim dynasties and ‘Persianate’1 culture in
India. The Ghaznavids were ethnic Turks and Persianized salves (ghulams) of the
Iranian kings of the Samanid dynasty (819-999) of Bukhara (southern Uzbekistan).
When the Ghaznavids established their independent dynasty, they continued to
observe the administrative and cultural practices of the Samanids who, along with
other dynasties) had patronized the Persian Renaissance2 (c. 900-1100) that
represented traditions of mixed cultural heritage of the pre-Islamic Iran (before
Iran was conquered by the Muslim Arabs in the seventh century) and the Arab
Muslims. The linguistic dimension of this cultural movement was marked in the
tenth century by the emergence of the ‘New Persian’ language - a hybrid of the
indigenous Middle Persian of Iran, and Arabic vocabulary and script brought to
Iran in the seventh century. The ‘New Persian’ (henceforth, Persian) was patronized
by the Samanids as the medium of literary expression and official bureaucracy.
The ancient Iranian traditions of absolute kingship, justice, bureaucratic norms,
cultural pluralism in ethnic and religious matters, art and architecture, literary
ethics, and history writing were compiled along with ideas of the Arab-Islamic
world. For example, the Samanids patronized Bal`ami’s Persian rendition of
Tabari’s universal history of the Muslims Ta¾rikh al-rasul wa’l-maluk (The History
of Prophets and Kings) written in Arabic. The poet Firdausi had started composing
the Shahnama (The Book of Kings) including the legend of Alexander the Great in
this great Persian epic of pre-Islamic Iranian history and mythology, under the
Samanids. According to the historian Richard M. Eaton, Bal`ami had appropriated
the legacy of early Islamic history for the Persianate world, and Firdausi did the
same for legacies of pre-Islamic Iran and Greek imperialism by giving Alexander
the Great his Persian ancestry. Such texts included features of the ‘Perso-Islamic’
worldview, presented in prose and poetic compositions, that were circulated by
itinerant bards who traveled in search of kingly patronage. With the arrival of
paper technology in the eighth and the ninth centuries, the literati and scribal
communities accelerated the movement of texts, often along the military, trading,
and pilgrimage circuits. In the multilingual and multireligious world of Central
1 ‘Persianate’ is a neologism coined by the historian Marshall G. Hodgson

2 The British Orientalist Edward G. Browne had coined the term ‘Persian Renaissance’ as a
cultural movement that refers to the zenith of Persian literary activity noticed first in the
tenth century in Central Asia and Khurasan (north east Iran). This literary activity spread
across the entire Persian speaking world and reached its’ climax in the eleventh century
under the Ghaznavid sultans. 15
Sources and Asian, Iranian, and Afghan communities people adapted to Persian because, unlike
Historiography
Arabic or Turkic, Persian did not have any ethnic or religious associations. These
factors explain to us how Persian emerged as a powerful medium of connecting
diverse ethnic groups, courts, literati, artists, scribes, Sufis, and merchants during
these centuries. Even after the Mongol ravages of Central Asia and north Iran in
the thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries Persian continued as a powerful language
of the courts and everyday use in this region.
The Persian literature produced at the court of the Ghaznavid sultans defined the
themes and styles of composition that would be instructive for later generations of
Persian scholars in India. This corpus included Firdausi’s (940-1020) epic poem
the Shahnama (The Book of Kings) completed in 1010 under Mahmud Ghazni; a
large body of Persian panegyric and lyrical verses written by court poets like
Farrukhi, Manuchehri, Sanai, Sa‘d-i Salman and other poets; and Abul Fazl
Baihaqi’s Tarikh-i Baihaqi (The History of Baihaqi). Another work of great value
for Indian history was conceived in the Ghaznavid province of Punjab, but was an
exception to the Persian literary corpus, is Abu Raihan Biruni’s Kitab al Hind
(The Book of India) which is a study of the north Indian Brahmanical culture and
natural history written in Arabic language. With the establishment of the Ghaznavid
capital in Lahore Persian speaking emigrants from the larger reaches of the eastern
Islamic world settled in north India in search of trade, adventure, and patronage.
The émigré rulers, administrators, scholars, literati, clerics, merchants, and Sufis
were ethnically diverse but culturally integrated into the Persian traditions
epitomized by Bukhara and Ghazni. In India, Lahore became the new hub of Persian
literary production as poets like Abu’l Faraj Runi and Mas‘ud Sa‘d-i Salman wrote
lyrical verses in Lahore. According to Professor Schimmel, Sa‘d-i Salman
introduced the Sanskrit genre of the barahmasa, poems describing the seasons
and the months of the year, in Persian. This is an early example of the ‘Indo-
Persian’ literary culture as it expresses how Persian language was appropriating
the Indic traditions within its fold. It is at Lahore that the Sufi Shaikh Ali bin
Usman Hujwiri Jullabi wrote the Kashf al Mahjub (Unveiling of the Veiled), an
early Persian treatise on Sufism that included elements of biographical notes
(tazkirah) and records of Sufi discourses (malfuzat). These works may not be
directly concerned with history writing but these are extremely important sources
for the study of many social, intellectual, political, religious, and cultural aspects
of the early stages of sultanate formation in India.
Although, the beginnings were made by the Ghaznavids the roots of Persian culture
were embedded in north India by the Ghurids (1148-1206). After acquiring Ghazni
in 1173-1174 Sultan Muizuddin Muhammad bin Sam of the Ghurids began raiding
India through the Gomal Pass with his Turkish slaves and Khalji Afghan commanders,
and captured Uchchh and Multan (1175), Lahore (1186), territories in the Gangetic
Plains, Ajmer, and Bengal (1203). The Ghurids announced their capital at Delhi
(1192), and this city continued to be the seat of authority and cultural patronage for
the different ruling families in the period of the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1398). Various
forms of prose literature, including genealogies (shajarah), historiographies (tarikh),
ethical treatises (akhlaq), advice literature (nasihat), biographies (tazkirah),
16
conversational discourses (malfuzat), collection of letters (maktubat), epistolography Indo-Persian Histories
and Persian Literary
(insha); and poetic compositions in diverse forms – qasida, masnavi, ghazal; along Traditions
with a body of official documents recording administrative orders, were composed
in India on literary formats defined in the Persian oeuvre. A considerable aspect of
literary patronage included narratives of history.
Some important aspects of Indo-Persian history writing in Persian in India during
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries may be summarized here. Firstly, works on
historiography encapsulate two distinct cultural traditions expressed in the term
‘Perso-Islamic’. This term conveys an awareness of the pre-Islamic and Islamic
Persian history; and it frames events against the backdrop of the history of Islam
to cultivate the normative values of Islamic religion. This aspect, for example,
may be illustrated through one of the earliest prose texts on Islamic history and
genealogy the Shajarah-i ansab (The Tree of Genealogies, 1206) of Fakhr-i
Mudabbir, written under the patronage of the Ghurid Sultan Muizuddin Muhammad
bin Sam. The Shajarah accounted for 139 genealogies after Adam down to the
Ghurids. The purpose of genealogies was to show kinship relationships and
universal history of Islam in the design of a genealogical tree. Later, Minhaj-i
Siraj Juzjani used the Shajarah in his Tabaqat-i Nasiri (The Nasirian Tables, 1259)
to give his Ghurid patrons an Iranian ancestry, and a connection to the Abbasid
Caliphs to garner political legitimacy. Further, while ideas of absolute kingship
and justice were themes drawn from legendary Persian kings like Jamshid,
Nushirwan and Faridun; at the same time historians used the imagery of ghazi
sultan to eulogize their Muslim political patron. These elements from pre-Islamic
Persia and sacred history of Islam were frequently used to impress upon the reader
the universal, transregional, and cross-cultural elements in the narrative strategies
in history writing in Persian in India.
The element of moralizing is clearly mentioned in the writings of Ziyauddin Barani
(1285-1357). He wrote that the chronicles of history, such as his own Tarikh-i
Firozshahi (The History of Firozshah), were a companion to hadis (Traditions of
the Prophet Muhammad) and had a didactic purpose. History, therefore, must be
written with the view to teach moral lessons based on the precepts of Sunni Islam.
While the Tarikh reflected the Islamic stream of the Perso-Islamic practice; Barani’s
Fatawa-i Jahandari (Rulings on Temporal Government) presents a blending of
Islamic and Persian concepts. Written by inter-mixing historiographical and advice
(nasihat/andarz) literary styles, this treatise poses Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna’s
advice to his sons on the duties of Muslim rulers. The author lamented the corruption
of ideals of Islamic polity since after the days of the first four Caliphs and submitted
that it would be impossible to rule according to the Islamic precepts. Barani,
therefore, delivered a pragmatic solution to Indo-Muslim rulers to follow the
culturally inclusive practices of pre-Islamic Iranian monarchs and balance the
interests of their Muslim subjects as well.
A different kind of historical writing is available in the compositions of Amir
Khusrau. The Indian born Turk Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) whose self-proclaimed
title Tuti-ye Hind or ‘Parrot of India’ embodies his extraordinary talent as innovator
of Persian literary and musical traditions in India. Khusrau’s oeuvre was not
17
Sources and formatted on the Ghaznavid and Ghurid courtly literature of writing panegyrics in
Historiography
qasida. Nor did Khusrau write in the annalistic mode of historians like Juzjani.
His main contribution lies in experimenting with literary styles like iham (double
entendre) and khayal (poetic imagination); narrative events styled in the masnavi
format and written from a historical perspective; and a new style of epistolography.
Nevertheless, narratives in poetic frames are useful for reconstructing aspects of
courtly life, Sufi devotionalism, and the historical evolution of Perso-Islamic culture
during this period.
Another aspect of Persian history writing in this period concerns the element of
reasoning for events that shape human existence. In the perception of the medieval
historians the causation of historical events was largely ascribed to the element of
fate (taqdir) with minimal role for human agency.
Persian in the wake of Timur
Timur’s military ventures in northern India displaced the political authority of
Delhi (1398) and this, undoubtedly, weakened patronage given to Persian literary
works. What was the status of Persian in the post-Timurid period (c. 1398-1556),
which is referred to as ‘twilight of the Delhi Sultanate’ and the ‘long fifteenth
century’? On the one hand, it is the opinion of some historians, the period between
the death of Firuz Shah Tughlaq (d. 1388) and the accession of Akbar to the throne
(1556) is marked by dearth of Persian texts, signifying a ‘crises’ for Persian in the
Indian milieux. On the other hand, scholars are also of the opinion that in this
period Indian Persian became further rooted in the Indian socio-cultural
environment. While Persian was the language of the new Muslim political elite in
north India and the Deccan, the indigenous language registers, Sanskrit and the
other spoken languages, remained significant mediums of expression for political
and administrative, religious and devotional, literary and philosophical discourse.
Further, this period is noticed for transcultural (Perso-Indic) and multilingual
activities which initiated literary and historiographical trends that mature under
the Mughals.
As the focus of politics shifted from Delhi to the regional sultanates and Rajput
kingdoms, we do not see any large imperial histories that were written from Delhi.
Instead, we have modest political histories compiled in the new sovereign states
which were once subservient to Delhi. Many scholars, merchants, and artisans
had migrated from Delhi and taken refuge in the smaller regional states in Malwa,
Jaunpur, Gujarat, Kalpi, and the Deccan. This created the circumstance for regional
rulers to patronize local histories in the style introduced by the rulers of the Delhi
Sultanate. A case in point is Muhammad Bihmad Khani’s Tarikh-i Muhammadi, a
history of Kalpi that drew on Juzjani’s idea of universal history of the Islamic
world, using genealogy to trace the present patron back to the origin of the Islamic
community. In the Deccan, the rulers of the Bahmanid Sultanate (1347-1527) were
great patrons of Persian culture. It is here that Abdul Malik Isami (d. 1399) wrote
a verse history the Futuh as Salatin (The Victories of Sultans), which he modelled
on Firdausi’s Shahnama, and projected Mahmud of Ghazni as an ideal Persian
king; and linked the founder of the Bahmanid dynasty Alauddin Bahman Shah to
18 Mahmud for marking a historiographical linkage with the founder of Muslim rule
in India. In this way the regional sultanate of the Bahmanids assumed a legitimate Indo-Persian Histories
place in the world of Muslim Persianized monarchies. Traditions
Another feature of this century is the growing indigenization of the Persian language
in India. This aspect is evident from the production of Persian lexicographic works
in India that are multilingual and contain words from Arabic, Turki, Syrian, Greek,
Latin, Pashto, and Hindavi, in the lemmata or dictionary entries and the synonyms
and terms used in their explanations. These lexicographic works were of two kinds
– the lughat and the farhang. The lughat, is a simple dictionary in which the words
and their equivalents are given in one or several languages. While the farhang is an
explanatory dictionary of the Persian language that describes the knowledge, culture,
and the resources of literary language. Several such dictionaries were compiled in
north India during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in the various locales of the
regional sultanates. Stephano Pello, a scholar of Persian language and history, has
argued that production of such normative texts in the regions peripheral to Delhi
indicates the literary status of their patrons in the Persianate world.
These dictionaries were used for language instruction, especially poetic education
by explaining compositions with archaic words, references to historical and
mythical personalities, geographical locations, allegories, and multilingual
vocabularies. In this sense of presenting terms from various languages Persian
has been addressed as a ‘hyper-language’. Some examples include: the Adat al
fuzala (Instrument of the Scholars), compiled in 1419 by Qazi Badruddin
Muhammad Dihlawi called ‘Dharwal’. He was a native of Delhi who travelled to
Jaunpur and then settled in Dhar in Madhya Pradesh. The Farhang-i zafanguya u
jahanpuya (The eloquent and world-seeking dictionary) compiled by Badruddin
Ibrahim before 1433 is one of the first Persian dictionaries to cover a large number
of words (5,170 words), the first to use the principle of alphabetization, and the
earliest Persian dictionary with multilingual words. It provides a detailed statistics
of the foreign loanwords in Persian and is the first attempt at classifying them.
Another work, the Sharafnama-yi Maneri was compiled in 1473 by Ibrahim
Qiwamuddin Faruqi of Bihar for Sultan Ruknuddin Barbak Shah of the Ilyas Shahi
dynasty of Bengal. This dictionary describes details on grammatical outlines on
Persian and Turki. In the absence of any books on Persian grammar this
lexicographic work was used for teaching. The transregional movement of the
lexicographers and their texts indicates the deepening of Persian learning among
the military, courtly, scholarly, and religious elites in north India.
The dictionaries were organised thematically or alphabetically, with specific
sections devoted to words from other languages like Arabic, Turki, Hindavi, etc.
The earliest Persian dictionary that was compiled in India is the Farhang-i Qawwas
and it had only eight Hindi terms. Later dictionaries contain a separate section on
Hindavi words, arranged thematically concerning proper names of people, places;
kinship terms, words related to time, astronomy, medicine, botany, agriculture;
terms for implements, weapons, toys, clothing; and music. The presence of Hindavi
terms in Persian dictionaries explains the diverse nature of contact between the
two cultures summarised in the term Indo-Persian and indicates how the Persian
language undergoes a process of acquiring vocabularies from diverse regions of
19
Sources and India. For example, the Farhang-i lisan-i shu‘ara (The Dictionary of the language
Historiography
of poets), composed in 1378 contains several terms related to everyday life, like
bheli (Hindavi for ‘bran’) as equivalent of Persian tagazhdana; gudgudi (Hindavi
for ‘tickle’) to explain Persian ghilghilich; dhakka (Hindavi for ‘push’) to explain
Persian asib (blow; misfortune). These aspects explain historical processes
described by the scholars like Simon Digby and Stephano Pello as ‘linguistic
indigenization of Persian’ and ‘provincialization of Persian’ in India that sowed
the seeds for its phenomenal growth under the Mughals.
In the pre-Mughal centuries (c. 1000 – 1500), there is great diversity of political,
economic, social, and cultural factors that stimulate large and varied styles of
texts in different language registers, namely, Sanskrit, Arabic, Persian,
Apabhramsha, and the vernacular called hindavi or bhakha (this was the term
used for spoken languages in north India in the Persian sources). In fact, the range
of Sanskrit language was extraordinary as it sprawled across the South Asian region,
and beyond, to create a cultural zone of the ‘Sanskrit cosmopolis’.3 At the same
time, literary compositions, in written and oral format, were being shaped in the
vernacular or the languages spoken in various regions of the subcontinent as well.
The vernacular literature included works on genealogies, biographies, panegyrics
for patrons, devotional literature, and governmental records in the regional courts
located in northern India and the Deccan. The cultural spaces occupied by the
Arbo-Persian, Sanskrit, and vernacular languages, and the social contexts of their
interlocutors were not in isolation from each other. In fact, there was constant
movement, dialogue, and dissemination of ideas, amongst their interlocutors. Some
speakers being proficient in application of more than one, or several tongues.
The movement across linguistic cultures impacted literary output in significant
ways. Firstly, in the vernacular literature new styles appear in the form of
adaptations of classical genres of Sanskrit and Persian literature.4 Secondly, regional
histories and panegyrics were also written in Sanskrit and Persian. Thirdly, literary
production involved works of translation from Sanskrit into Persian and vernacular
languages5, generally commissioned under political patronage. An early example
includes Zain al Abidin’s, (the sultan of Kashmir, r. 1423-74) Persian translation
of the Sanskrit text of Kathasaritasagara. Fourthly, as has been discussed above,
Persian became firmly rooted in the Indian environment, and may be further
illustrated with the earliest Persian grammatical writing in Sanskrit, like the
Yavananamamala (1364), that was written by a Jaina scholar Vidyanilaya working
at the court of Firoz Shah Tughlaq.
3
‘Sanskrit cosmopolis’ is a term coined by the Sanskritist and historian Sheldon Pollock to
define the idea of cultural space, during the fourth to the fourteenth centuries, that was occupied
by common texts, ideas and themes derived from the Sanskrit texts, and shared by diverse
ethnic and linguistic groups of people, who circulated the shared ideas about aesthetics, polity,
kingly virtues, learning, and universal dominion not by force of arms but by emulation.
4
An example of Persian adaptation in vernacular form is the Hindavi Sufi romance or premakhyan
(love story). The earliest text of this genre is the Chandayan written by Maulana Daud in 1379.
The poetic format of the premakhyans is derived from the Persian lyrical style of the masnavi
while the characters of the story are based in the local environment and speak in the vernacular
dialect of Awadhi.
20 5
For example, Vishnudas transcreation of Valmiki’s Ramayana into the vernacular, Bangali.
The post-Timurid period has been described by literary historians as a period of Indo-Persian Histories
slowdown for Persian literary culture in India. These scholars have also suggested Traditions
that the wanning fortunes of the Persian literati and literature during the fifteenth
century are revived under the extraordinary patronage received from the new ruling
dynasty of the Mughals who settled in northern India by the second quarter of the
sixteenth century. The above survey of Persian literary culture and history writing
in the regional or provincial kingdoms, however, creates an alternate scenario for
Persian as it became rooted in the multilingual, multicultural environment in north
India and the Deccan, and became the base for Persian to assume a dominant
position under the Mughals.
Check Your Progress-1
1) Discuss the growth of Persian language and literature on the eve of Mughal
advent in India.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Which normative texts were produced in the regions peripheral to Delhi and
what does their production indicate?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
1. Fill in the blanks:
i) Mughals were native speakers of………….
ii) Under the Mughals scribes were known as……….….
iii) Mughal secretariat where records were preserved and compiled was
known as ………………………
iv) …………….was a distinct Indo-Persian literary style developed during
the sixteenth century.
1.3 HISTORY WRITING IN PERSIAN: FORM,

METHOD, AND OBJECTIVE
During the Mughal period beginning from Zain Khan’s Tuzuk-i Baburi and Khwand
Mir’s Qanun-i Humayuni to Tarikh-i Shah Alam by Munna Lal huge amount of
chroniclers’ accounts were produced. However, here we would be discussing only
a few major political works and chroniclers with a special focus on Abul Fazl
Allami.
During Akbar’s period historical literature was produced at an amazingly large scale.
Akbar commissioned Tarikh-i Alfi to commemorate the Islamic millennium. It covers
the period from 632 down to Akbar’s reign. The book was commissioned in 1582
21
Sources and and completed in 1592. Khwaja Nizamuddin Ahmad wrote Tabaqat-i Akbari. Its
Historiography
chronogram provides the date 1592-93 but the narrative runs upto 1593-94. The
author died in October 1594. Nizamuddin has divided his Tabaqat into nine regions,
each is dealt in a separate tabqa (section): Delhi, Gujarat, Bengal, Malwa, Jaunpur,
Sind, Kashmir and Multan. Author provides interesting information about the cities
and qasbas of Akbar’s empire. He mentions that Akbar’s empire consisted of 3200
qasbas and 120 cities. He intended to write separately on each of them, a task which
he could not accomplish. Badauni penned down Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh against
‘heresies’ and ‘innovations’ of Akbar’s reign. He wrote the book secretly to present
the so-called ‘true’ version of the events. The book is written in three volumes. First
covers from the age of Subuktigin to Humayun and the Second deals with Akbar’s
reign. He laments the ‘annihilation of Islam’ in Akbar’s reign. The third volume is in
the form of a tazkira and provides biographical accounts of mashaikhs, ulama, poets
and physicians of Akbar’s period. Badauni provides firsthand information on Ibadat
Khana proceedings. Badauni has also provided the full draft of mahzar of Akbar
which is otherwise not found in Abul Fazl. Muhammad Arif Qndahari’s Tarikh-i
Akbar Shahi is valuable to understand the administrative structure of the Mughals,
land revenue reforms of Todar Mal and sheds light on the condition of peasantry and
their issues under Akbar.
1.3.1 Memoirs and other biographical writings as history

A historical account/biography that is largely written with personal memories falls
into the category of a memoir. During the medieval period there are major four
accounts which fall into this category 6 Babur’s memoirs, Baburnama, Gulbadan
Begum’s Humanyun Nama/Ahwal-i Humayun Padshah.
Babur’s memoirs (Tuzuk-i Baburi/Baburnama), written originally in Chaghatai
Turkish, can truly be called the ‘only true autobiography in Islamic literature’. It
is an extremely open and frank account of the events. He has presented an absolutely
truthful and unbiased account of the events of his period. Babu admits what ‘I
have said is the plain truth…I have spoken the things as they happened. In all that
I have written…I have in every word most scrupulously followed the truth’. Though
Babur died in 1530, his account abruptly ends on 7th September, 1529. It is written
in the form of a diary of events. Babur provides a vivid account of his struggle in
Farghana and Samarkand and his sojourn to Hindustan; his battles and struggles
in India and his victories. He provides the political, military and socio-economic
conditions of the region he governed right from his accession (1494). Babur
observes the weakness of Indians in the following terms: ‘All Hindustan was not
at that period subject to a single Emperor: every Raja set up for a monarch on his
own account, in his own petty territories’. He also observes the fragile nature of
Indian cities and hamlets. He comments: ‘In Hindustan, the destruction and building
of villages and hamlets, even cities can be accomplished in an instant. Such large
cities in which people have lived for years, if they are going to be abandoned can
be left in a day, so that no sign or trace remains. If they have a mind to build a city,
there is no necessity for digging irrigation canals or building dams…They simply
make huts from the plentiful straw and innumerable trees and instantly a village
or city is born’. However, he was impressed by the presence of innumerable artisans.
22
He wrote that ‘workmen of every profession and trade are innumerable without Indo-Persian Histories
end’. He also comments on the hereditary nature of these professions: ‘the same Traditions
employment and trade have descended from father to son for ages’. His memoir
points out Babur as a true naturalist. His keen interest in local environment and
physical geography 6 flora, fauna, river systems, animal kingdom is extraordinary.
His observation on various kinds of devices used in various regions to lift water
for irrigation is amazing, particularly the detailed description of the use of Persian
wheel and charas. However, Babur could never think of India as his homeland.
He always had a longing for ‘garden palace’ of Samarkand and musk melons of
his homeland. He comments: ‘Many praise the mango so highly as to give it the
preferences to every kind of fruit, the musk-melon excepted, but it does not appear
to me to justify their praise’.
Gulbadan Begum was the daughter of Babur from Dildar Banu Begum. Gulbadan’s
account is of vital importance for hers were the observations from within and it
was she who witnessed the early formation of Mughal sovereignty in India. Babur
died when she was just eight years old. She survived through the tumultuous phase
of Humayun. She penned down her memoirs to facilitate the history of the period
for Abul Fazl’s Akbarnama. Humayun Nama is full of insights on birth, marriage
and other related celebrations. It speaks of activities of the ruler as a human being
outside the formal court. Her account is largely based on memory, heard and
remembered, nonetheless its an eyewitness account of the harem inmates.
Humanyun Nama throws light on Babur and Humayun and provides insights on
the life in the Mughal harem 6 personal/social relationships of the royalty, internal
conflicts/tensions, role of adab (rules/etiquettes/royal protocol/conduct). Her
account suggests that royal women did enjoy distinct position in matters of marriage
and social protocol. It also shows women often played the role of political
intermediaries. Account also throws light on the position of purdah in the Mughal
harem during the early period. It appears it was comparatively less strict. It shows
that the lady of the harem was not the chief queen but was the queen mother who
often acted as advisor to the king. Humayun’s regular visits to Dildar Banu Begum
testify to it. Truly, Gulbadan Begum’s Humayun Nama is a portrayal of ‘lived
experiences and socio-political realities’ of the period. Gulbadan’s account not
just throws light on the domestic life of the Mughal household but also it suggests
the boundaries of the public/private spaces and gender relations vs. political power.
1.3.2 Universal and Dynastic Histories: Abul Fazl

Abul Fazl, younger brother of Faizi and son of the great scholar Shaikh Mubarak
Nagauri, was not just the ‘secretary’ of the empire but also was the close friend of
Akbar, a rationalist and liberal thinker. He joined Akbar’s court in 1574, a year
before Ibadat Khana was established. His chief fame rests upon his monumental
work Akbarnama of which, initially, Ain-i Akbari, another seminal work on the
statistical account of Akbar’s empire, was its third volume. Akbarnama narrative
comes to a close in the 46th regnal year of Akbar; in the 47th regnal year Abul Fazl
got assassinated by Bir Singh Deo Bundela. Ain was completed in the 42nd regnal
year, a section on Berar was added in the 43rd regnal year. Later Muhibb Ali Khan
brings the narrative upto the end of Akbar’s reign. However, the added portion
23
Sources and was probably written during Shahjahan’s reign and appears to have been largely
Historiography
copied from Mu’tamad Khan’s account. From Akbar’s reign onwards the account
becomes an annual chronicle. Ain is divided into five books. First deals with the
Imperial establishment; second discusses the army; third elaborates on various
offices/duties, details of revenue rates, and suba-wise statistics; fourth primarily
covers Hindu philosophy religion, medicine, customs and manners; while the fifth
incorporated the sayings of Akbar. While Akbarnama is full of battles and events;
Ain is written in the form of a gazetteer.
Though Abul Fazl’s style of history writing lies within the framework of Persian
historiography, Abul Fazl attempted to include Arabic tradition also, nonetheless,
as Nizami puts it his intention of including ‘people’ was ‘partial and limited’: ‘the
people were admitted into the charmed circle of a historian’s study not as a matter
of right, as the Arab historians had done, but as a necessity, because without them
a discussion of Akbar’s multifarious activities would have remained incomplete
and insipid’ (Nizami 1982: 153). Nonetheless Abul Fazl used new methodologies
to present the political and administrative realities of Akbar’s realm to the fore.
His Ain provides exhaustive details of the genius of Akbar’s empire. His details of
administrative regulations and topography of the empire and the provinces enriches
and widens the scope of history writing. Abul Fazl explained monarchy as light
emanating from God (farr-i izadi) and sovereign should be a ‘just’ ruler and work
for the welfare of people. For him Akbar was the ‘ideal’ monarch leading both the
spiritual and temporal realms. By the declaration of mahzar Akbar reached to the
level of a mujtahid ‘a perfect man’, imam-i Adil ‘infalliable leader’. He presented
Akbar’s reigns as that of peace, prosperity, stability, good governance and a period
that of religious tolerance and freedom.
However, limitation of Abul Fazl’s writings remains, in his zeal to depict Akbar as
an ‘ideal’ monarch and ‘perfect man’ and in order to glorify Akbar’s achievements
he often tend to overlook his weaknesses and failed to use his ‘reason’ in presenting
the facts thus making at times the account ‘partisan’. To overshadow Akbar’s
failures, certain of Akbar’s experiments found no place in Abul Fazl’s meticulously
crafted Akbarnama: there is no mention of failure of Akbar’s experiment to convert
the entire lands of the empire into khalisa, nor does he mention that in the 24rth
regnal year Akbar resumes the grant of jagirs. Thus Abul Fazl omitted many facts
that did not fit into his scheme of presenting Akbar as an ‘ideal’ monarch or
something that undermined Akbar’s position. Thus Akbarnama is more a ‘story of
Akbar’.
1) List a few memoirs of the Mughal period. In what ways Gulbadan Begum’s
Humayun Nama is important to construct the social history of the period?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Write three lines on Baburnama.
24
........................................................................................................................ Indo-Persian Histories
........................................................................................................................ Traditions
........................................................................................................................
3) Name political chroniclers of the Early Mughal period.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
4) Discuss the importance of Akbarnama as source of history.
...................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
1.4 INSHA-NAVISI (EPISTOLOGRAPHY) OR THE

ART OF DRAFTING
Insha literally means ‘creation’. However, in the medieval period it denotes,
specimen documents and drafts, personal letters, state correspondences. They
provide firsthand information on the working of administration as well as prevailing
socio-cultural condition and ideas during the medieval period. Insha writings were
largely written in the context of diwani. Insha literature was directly connected
with chancellery practices of the Delhi Sultans and later the Mughals.
There were thus two types of inshas, one, written for epistography writings, thus
they may not necessarily be real and are model documents meant to impart
necessary skills in the art of drafting. Manazir-ul Insha of Khwaja Jahan Mahmud
Gawan is the example of this type of Insha. In other types documents/letters/
correspondences are preserved. These second types of insha are of great historical
significance.
Insha collections of the Mughal period are too numerous, beginning from Badai-
ul Insha of Hakim Yusufi (1533) to Nigarmana-i Munshi of Malikzada (1683).
Among all insha collections Abul Fazl’s name stands out 6 Mukatabat-i Allami
(collected by his nephew Abdus Samad) and Ruqqat-i Abul Fazl (collected by his
another nephew Nuruddin Muhammad. Nuruddin Muhammad also compiled
another insha collection of Abul Fazl’s brother Faizi, Lataif-i Faizi/Insha-i Faizi.
Abul Fazl’s Mukatabat-i Allami and Ruqaat are collection of Abul Fazl’s letters
written to Akbar, members of the royal household (Mughal princes, queens, other
notables of the harem) and the Mughal bureaucrats. These letters can be divided
into three categories:
i) Letters and farmans and official dispatches sent on behalf of the king (Akbar) to
the nobles and foreign dignitaries (Akbar’s farman addressed to Mirza Aziz
Koka, Shah Abbas of Persia, Abdullah Khan Uzbeg, Akbar’s letter to respectable
citizens of Mecca, Akbar’s letter to the wise men of the West, etc.);
25
Sources and ii) Abul Fazl’s petitions and representations made to Akbar non issues of state
Historiography
policies and letters written by his colleagues to Abul Fazl;
iii) Letters of general and miscellaneous nature. Abul Fazl’s letters are of immense
importance to understand the political, social and religious atmosphere of the
period. It provides broader understanding of Akbar’s religious outlook as well.
It helps us understand Mughal relations with the Shah of Persia, Turkey and
the Uzbegs vis-à-vis the northwest frontier policy of Akbar.
Abul Fazl’s elder brother Faizi, an erudite scholar, joined Akbar’s court at the age
of 21 and was adorned with the title malik al-shuara in Akbar’s court. Faizi’s
Insha-i Faizi is an extremely informative insha collection, particularly his five
arzdashts written to Akbar. One such arzadasht Faizi wrote to Akbar in 1591
when he was deputed to Burhanpur. It not only throws light on Akbar’s relations
with the Farooqi, ruler of Khandesh, Razi Ali Khan but also elaborates in detail
the continuation of the Sultnate practice of sarparda (creation of royal enclosure
in the absence of the emperor where all royal orders presented and dignitaries
were welcomed before the symbolic throne created in the sarparda suggestive of
ensuring the prestige and honour to be accorded to the Emperor, even in his absence.
Faizi provided a detailed account of the cities enroute from Lahore to Burhanpur.
He also provides graphic account of the production of high quality fruits like
papaya and figs in the Burhnpur region. Interestingly, Faizi addresses Akbar as zil
al-Allah (Shadow of God) and not farr-i izadi (light emanating from God). Further,
Faizi clearly, in tone with Akbar’s religious ideas when Farooqi ruler asked
permission to perform sijda (prostrate) he was politely refused and was told that
sijda could only be performed before God. He also mentions about the atrocities
of the faujdar of Ludhiana; while equally praising the faujdars and karoris of
Sirhind, Thanesar, and Panipat. He also speaks of Gujjars involved in robberies
around Delhi. Thus, Faizi’s insha collection is a valuable source of information to
understand the contemporary polity, society and culture.
Among other insha collections, Munshat-i Namkin of Mir Abul Qasim Namkin
(1598), is important to understand the socio-economic and cultural milieu of the
period. Abul Qasim served both Akbar and Jahangir. However his insha does not
contain any correspondences related to Jahangir’s period. He joined Akbar’s service
sometime around 1567 and served in the regions of Salt Range, Sind, Punjab and
Gujarat and held Bhakkar in his jagir. Munshat is perhaps one of the largest of the
insha collections that survive to date. The section khatimah (the concluding part)
is of utmost historical importance. It deals with imperial manshurs issued to the
grandees of the Mughal empire, petitions, fathnamas (letters of victory),
administrative orders pertaining to various appointments like that of wakil, wazir,
bakhshi, diwan, mir adl, mir bahr, mimar (incharge of building constructions)
etc. Some of the documents pertain to the appointments of religious personnel
like shaikhi, sajjadanashini, and tauliyat (trusteeship). Munshat contains letter of
Shah Tahmasp written to Akbar and Hamida Bano Begum and Abdullah Khan
Uzbeg’s letter to Akbar and Akbar’s letter to Shah Tahmasp. Munshat is also
important from the point that it contains a number of information and
correspondences pertaining to the early period of Akbar’s reign which is otherwise
26
not available in other sources in such details. Important among them are two Indo-Persian Histories
fathnamas issued at the time of surrender of Mankot on the occasion of Mughal Traditions
victory against Sikandar Sur in 1557. Similarly, it contains Akbar’s farman issued
in 1560 at the time of Bairam Khan’s revolt. Equally important is the full text of
the fathnama of Chittor (1568) issued by Akbar. It also provides crucial information
pertaining to administrative divisions, Akbar’s dahsala settlement, batai, ijara,
etc. A manshur appointing Shaikh Kabir as Sajjadanashin of the dargah of Shaikh
Bahauddin Zakariah Multani is important for it sheds light on the presence of
deep imperial interference in the institutions of religious importance. The
documents pertaining to niqahnama mentioned in the Munshat throws valuable
light on the social institution of marriage and particularly on the rights and position
of women. Namkin hailed from a distinguished family of Khorasan so Munshat
contains a good number of documents related to Central Asia as well. Thus, Munshat
is of immense importance to understand the development of Akbar’s administrative
divisions, working of various institutions, and prevalent marriage norms and the
position of women in the medieval society.
1.5 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

With sixteenth century records pertaining to official documents becomes richer
and help us in our understanding of the period. However, the range of official
documents is too wide to count. It includes farmans (emperor’s orders), nishans
(orders issued by a prince), parwanas (instructions issued by a king to his
subordinates), hasb-ul hukm (order issued by a minister at the instructions of an
emperor), etc. A few among such important documents of Akbar’s period are:
Akbar’s farmans issued to Sikh Guru Ramdas; to priests of Chaitanya sect of
Vrindavan; grants given to jogis of Jakhbar; a number of madad-i maash grants
(revenue free assignments to religious grantees and the destitutes); farmans and
parwanas pertaining to madad-i maash grants in the pargana of Batala; Raja Todar
Mal’s memorandum pertaining to revenue administration; Akbar’s farman on the
excavation of Hansi-Hisar Branch of canal;
1) What are inshas?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Write a few lines on Munshat-i Namkin as an important source of history.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Write the importance of official documents during the sixteenth century.
........................................................................................................................ 27
Sources and ........................................................................................................................
Historiography
........................................................................................................................
1.6 AKHLAQ LITERATURE

Akhlaq/normative literature is primarily a form of literature produced on the ethics
and art of governance/political theory. Akhlaq literature is primarily normative,
theoretical and idealistic that articulates the attributes of an ‘ideal’ ruler and his
duties. The earliest of such works produced in India were Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s
Adab-ul Harb wa Shujaat and Ziauddin Barani’s Fatawa-i Jahandari. Among the
akhlaq literature Nasir al-Din Tusi’s Akhlaq-i Nasiri, written in 1235 CE at the
instance of Ismaili prince Nasir al-Din Abd al-Rahim bin Abi Mansur, stands out.
Almost all the later akhlaq literature produced in India borrowed heavily from
Tusi in style. Tusi’s work was widely read and circulated in India. Tusi’s work
was among the most favoured books read among the political elites of the Mughals.
Abul Fazl mentions Tusi’s Akhlaq among the five most favourite books of Akbar
and to be read out to him daily.
The earliest of the akhlaq treatises associated with the Mughals goes to Babur’s
period. It was Ikhtiyar al-Din al-Husaini, the Chief Qazi of Herat and the then
wazir of Timurid Sultan Husain Bayqara who wrote Dastur al-Wizarat dedicated
to the Timurid Sultan. However, after the fall of the Timurids at Heart he joined
Babur and with revised version of the same which he named Akhlaq-i Humayuni
he presented that to Babur. Another major akhlaq work was produced during
Jahangir’s reign by Nur al-Din Qazi al Khaqani’s Akhlaq-i Jahangiri. Since the
work was produced during Jahangir’s reign we will not be discussing it here.
Instead it will form part of discussions in our Course BHIC 112.
Akhlaq-i Humayuni articulated on the ‘high ethical ideals of the monarch’ and
deliberates upon the ‘laws and forms of governance’. Al-Husaini puts ‘adl (justice)
and ‘cooperation’ at the highest level and according to him to ensure justice
principles of sharia and a ‘just king’ is essential and that needs to be achieved not
through exercise of power but through ‘affection and favours’:
The affairs of living must thus be administered through cooperation which depends
on justice (adl). If adl disappears, each man will pursue his own desires. Therefore,
there has to be an institute (dastur) and a balancing agency to ensure cooperation. The
sharia…serves this purpose. But the sharia cannot work without being administered
by a just king, whose principal duty is to keep people in control through affection and
favours.
Muzaffar Alam 2004: 54-55
For Husaini both ‘Muslims’ and Kafirs’ enjoyed ‘divine compassion’ without
discrimination:
The man of ideal politics…considers the riaya as his sons and friends and has control
over his greed and lust through his intellect.
Muzaffar Alam 2004: 56
Emphasis on justice, social harmony and cooperation advocated in the akhlaq

28 literature did influence the Mughal ideal of governance. Subjects are addressed as
‘sons and friends’ so the relationship between the king and the subjects was that of Indo-Persian Histories
‘paternal love’ that goes in consonance with Akbar’s ideal of sulh-i Kul. In Akbar’s Traditions
code of conducts (dasturs) issued to his subordinate officials, akhalaq finds its
place:
When they are [officials] free from their public work, they should read books written
by the pius and saintly, such as those ones on akhalaq that cure moral and spiritual
ailments…
Muzaffar Alam 2004: 62
Thus akhalaq literature is of immense importance to understand the art of

governance under the Mughals.
1) Define akhlaq literature.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Name some of the normative writings done during Akbar’s period.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
1.7 PERSIAN TRANSLATIONS OF INDIC WORKS

Coinciding with the foundation of Ibadat Khana, Akbar established his translation
bureau (maktab khana) in 1574-1575 at Fathpur Sikri and attached it to the royal
library. Largely Sanskrit texts were translated into Persian. However, Persian
translations of some Arabic and Turkish texts were also carried out. The most
notable among them was the Persian translation of Baburnama by his illustrious
noble Abdul Rahim Khan-i Khanan. Some scholars point out that his translation
project was much more than to pacify Hindus, instead, it was aimed at larger
efforts to enhance the status of Persian as official language and language of the
‘common masses’.
The translation project in Akbar’s court probably began in 1575-1576 with the
arrival of Shaikh Bhawan, a Brahman convert, to Akbar’s court. The earliest works
translated from Sanskrit with the help of Shaikh Bhawan by Haji Ibrahim Sirhindi
was Atharva Veda (Bed Atharban) sometime before 1583. In 1582 Akbar
commissioned the translation of Mahabharata (Razmnama) and ordered Badauni
to translate the text; later the task was completed by Mulla Shri, Naqib Khan and
Sultan Haji Thanesari. Abul Fazl composed the Preface of the Persian text. The
tsk was completed by 1584. Faizi was also asked to complete the poetic version of
the Mahabharata, but he could not complete the task.
Badauni’s description of the translation of Mahabharata throws light on how the
29
Sources and translation project was carried out in Akbar’s court. First the Sanskrit text was
Historiography
rendered in ‘Hindi’ by Pandits/scholars, then it was rendered into Persian. Utmost
care was also taken in the accuracy of translations. Badauni had to face wrath of
Akbar on account of so-called inaccuracies in the Persian translation of
Mahabharata.
Badauni also translated Ramayana, a project that completed in 1591. Nizam
Panipati translated Yogavasistha (a treatise on Vedantic philosophy) as an appendix
to Ramayana and dedicated it to Prince Salim. Mulla Shri also translated Harivamsa
(Haribans; Genealogy of K[ichGa) into Persian.
Among the Sanskrit texts of non-religious nature, the most important one translated
into Persian at Akbar’s court was Bhaskaracharya’s Lilavati, a work on Arithmetic
(hisab) translated by Faizi. Kalhan’s Rajatarangini was translated by Shah
Muhammad Shahabadi.
Some of the Sanskrit works were not actually retranslated but were actually the
‘retelling of the Sanskrit texts in Persian’. In the category falls Faizi’s Nal Daman.
These translations points to the fact that in Akbar’s translation project it was
Mahabharat that was central, suggestive of the dominance of Vaishnava traditions,
in contrast to Shaivite traditions at Akbar’s court. Emphasis and interests in
Upanishadic philosophy, one finds, could be generated only under Dara Shukoh’s
patronage (Sirr-i Akbar) during Shah Jahan’s reign. Lord Rama was idealized as
‘model of Hindu monarchs’; even Akbar was depicted as incarnation of Vishnu. It
is rightly pointed out by Truschke (2016: 209) that Akbar’s translation project
helped promoting ‘Akbar’s vision of royal authority as transcending multiple
religious traditions’.
1) List major Sanskrit works translated during Akbar’s period.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the role of maktab khana in translating the Sanskrit works into
Persian.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
1.8 SUMMARY
Under the Mughals series of political chronicles were produced. However, with
Abul Fazl a real break occurred. With his emphasis on reason and rational analysis
a new dimension in the history writing tradition got added. Besides chroniclers’
accounts medieval period is rich in terms of official documents (farmans, manshurs,
30
parwanas, etc.) and insha literature. Akbar’s period is also marked for a number Indo-Persian Histories
of Sanskrit works translated into Persian. Traditions
1.9 KEYWORDS
Arzdashts Petitions/situation reports
Farmans King’s orders
Hasb-ul hukm Order issued by a minister at the instructions
of an emperor
Mir adl Judicial officer; primarily responsible for the
implementation of the judgements
Mir bahr Incharge of river transport, maintained boats,
boatmen and sailors, bridges
Mimar Incharge of building constructions
Nishan Orders issued by a prince
Parwanas Orders/Instructions issued by a king to his
subordinates
1.10 CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

1) See Section 1.2
2) See Section 1.2
3) i) Chaghatai Turki; ii) Khuttab; iii) diwan-i insha/diwan al-rasail; iv) sabak-i
Hindi
1) See Sub-section 1.3.1
1) See Section 1.4
2) See Section 1.4
2) See Section 1.5
1) See Section 1.6
2) See Section 1.6
31
Sources and Check Your Progress-5
Historiography
1) See Section 1.7
2) See Section 1.7
1.11 SUGGESTED READINGS

Alam, Muzaffar, (2004) The Languages of Political Islam in India c. 1200-1800
(New Delhi: Permanent Black).
Hardy, Peter, (1966) Historians of Medieval India (London: Luzac & Co.).
Hasan, Mohibul, (2018 [1982]) History and Historians of Medieval India (New
Delhi: Aakar Books).
Habib, Irfan (ed.) (1999) Akbar and His India: His Empire and Environment (Delhi:
Oxford University Press).
Khan, Iqtidar Alam (ed.) (1999) Akbar and His Age (New Delhi: Northern Book
Centre).
Mukhia, Harbans, (2017[1976]) Historians and Historiography during the Reign
of Akbar (New Delhi: Aakar Books).
Nizami, K.A., (1982) On History and Historians of Medieval India (New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal).
Truschkey, Audery, (2016) Culture of Encounters: Sanskrit at the Mughal Court
(Gurgaon: Penguine Books).
1.12 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECOMMENDATION

Abul Fazl: Chronicling Akbar and His India
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yJ4iRSqg48M
Mughal Historiography and Sources
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qODAcOrYsBg&t=923s
Mughal Historigraphy and Sources - I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m2KLMxyWh9Q&t=685s
Mughal Historigraphy and Sources - II
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LeU25fxsvvE
Historiography and Sources-2(Persian Sources)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=42Tc0UgX2B0
32
UNIT 2 INDIC LITERARY TRADITIONS AND and Persian Literary
EUROPEAN SOURCES* Traditions
Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Indic Literary Tradition: Imperial and Sub-Imperial Transmission
2.2.1 Sanskrit Literature
2.2.2 Brajbhasha Literature
2.2.3 Rajasthani Literature
2.2.4 Assam Burunjis
2.3 European Travellers’ understanding of Mughal India
2.3.1 Jesuit Accounts
2.3.2 English Travellers
2.4 Summary
2.5 Keywords
2.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
2.8 Instructional Video Recommendations
2.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will be able to:
 know the growth of Sanskrit language and literature under the ‘Imperial’
patronage,
 underline the emergence of Brajbhasha as a prominent literary tradition,
 comprehend the evolution of Khariboli/Awadhi in the Awadh region and its
major exponents, particularly the works of Acharya Tulsidas,
 understand the nature of ‘Imperial’ and ‘Sub-Imperial’ patronage received by
Indic literary traditions,
 appreciate the commencement and birth of enumerable new literary genres,
 identify the importance of mangal kavya and burunjis and their key
contributions to the understanding of the contemporary society and polity of
eastern India and Assam,
 observe the significance of Jesuit accounts to understand the polity, society,
and religious conflicts and contradictions prevailing during Ibadatkhana
proceedings, and
 notice the commercial interests of the Europeans and their encounters with
the Mughals.
* Prof. Abha Singh, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open Uniersity,
New Delhi 33
Sources and
Historiography 2.1 INTRODUCTION
The present Unit focusses on two distinct aspects of historical source material:
one pertains to Indic literary tradition while the other deals with European sources.
The Unit’s focus is largely sixteenth century and source material beyond 1605
will not largely be the focus of the Unit.
We have devoted two Units that concern the development of Indic-literary traditions
during the Mughal period. The ‘Imperial’ patronage given to Persian is kept out of
the purview of both of these Units. The growth of Persian literary tradition is
already discussed in Unit 1. The purpose of keeping two separate Units on Indic-
literary tradition is a) In Unit 2 our focus would be to discuss those texts that are
‘historically’ relevant and provide the ‘key’ information to enrich our historical
understanding; b) In Unit 18, however, we would be discussing the general growth
of the vernacular literary tradition and the patronage it received at the ‘Imperial’
(Mughal) and ‘Sub-Imperial’ (regional) level.
Vernacular literature, particularly virgatha kavya (heroic poetry) and aitihasik kavya
(historical poetry) were of utmost importance. For looking at the historical content
of the period in vernacular literature one needs to look deep into the ‘textures’ of
the text what Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Narayan Rao, and David Schulman have
phrased it. You would find some panegyrics, some coated in poetic-heroism; while
a few convey the factual details of the time.
One needs to keep in mind that literary works are not similar to that of a chronicle,
you would find no emphasis on dates and chronology. Nonetheless, they represent
the spirit and social climate of the time; throw light on genealogies, biographies,
and cultural patterns of the period, etc. Thus, what Busch (2009: 25) argues,
vernacular literature ‘may be used with sensitivity as a window onto history’.
From the sixteenth century onwards another important element in the source
material for South Asia gets added, that is, European travellers’ accounts. We
have already discussed in detail the coming of the Portuguese in Indian waters in
our Course BHIC 107. Since our focus is sixteenth century, here, we would largely
be discussing those European travellers who visited Akbar’s court and their
interactions and observations on the contemporary polity, economy, society, and
above all their encounters with Indic religious traditions and Islam.
2.2 INDIC LITERARY TRADITION: IMPERIAL AND

SUB-IMPERIAL TRANSMISSION
The importance of medieval Indic literary tradition lies in the fact that it served as
a link between the local and the Imperial cultural traditions. It served to disseminate
and understanding the Mughal court culture/Mughal rule from local perspectives.
2.2.1 Sanskrit Literature

In Unit 1 we have discussed about translation project of Akbar’s court. Therefore,
Persian translations of Sanskrit texts are kept out of the scope of the present Section.
You must have noticed the ‘Imperial’ translation project shows unique syncretism
and assimilation of Indian and Islamic traditions where (in his introduction to the
translation of Mahabharata [Razmnama]) Akbar is adorned with Hindu gods. Abul
34 Fazl depicted Akbar as an incarnation of Lord Vishnu.
Sanskrit intellectuals at Akbar’s court were largely derived from among the Indic Literary Traditions
Brahmans and the Jains. While Brahmans largely dissociated themselves with the and European Sources
court happenings; in contrast, Jains were very much affected with their surroundings
and did write and commented on the parallel happenings of the time/court and
also about the culture of the time. Jains did speak of historical events in their
kavyas (poetry), charitas (biographies), and prabandhas (narrative poems) which
may not necessarily be called a ‘pure’ historical writing, nonetheless, on certain
aspects, they provide such crucial information which is otherwise not available in
any so-called mainstream Persian historical writings. Audrey Truschke places Jain
Sanskrit writings ‘somewhere between accurate reporting and imaginative
retelling’. The narratives of these Sanskrit texts centres around Indian kings, Mughal
conquests, and even a Sanskrit translation of a portion of Akbarnama
(Sarvadeshavrittantasangraha) is also attempted, probably the solo attempt of a
Sanskrit translation of a Persian text.
Under Akbar’s patronage, Shantichandra composed Kripasakosha (Treasury of
Compassion) in c. 1587. Shantichandra elaborates on Akbar’s ancestors, his birth,
and childhood. He provides a graphic account of the urban landscape of Kabul.
He locates Khorasan outside the landscape of India and associated this ‘foreign
land’ with walnuts, dates, and horses. Interestingly, while he puts Babur and
Humayun outside India, he emphasises upon Akbar solely responsible for Mughal
expansion in the subcontinent. This is in sharp contrast to Jain scholar Rayamalla’s
writings (Jambuswanicharita) where he writes Babur becoming ‘lord of Delhi’
(dillisa). He even provides a vivid account of the Mughal army, particularly the
takeover of Gujarat (1570-72). He frames Akbar’s conquests as digvijaya
(conquered all four directions). He even dedicated few verses to Akbar’s Fathpur
Sikri. He also praises Akbar’s compassion (kripa). Shantichandra’s work suggests
the presence of Jain influence under Akbar. He suggests that many concessions
were declared by Akbar under Jain influence, abolition of jiziya, consideration
towards cows, etc. Shantichandra has even compared Akbar with great Jain-patron
Chalukyan king Kumarapala. Shantichandra celebrates Jain successes in the
Mughal court and himself presented as representative of his community per se.
Other Jain Sanskrit works that discuss Jain-Mughal relations are Padmasagar’s
Jagadagurukavya (1589), Jayasoma’s Mantrikaramchandravamshavali
Prabandha (1594), Devavimala’s Hirasaubhagya (early seventeenth century), and
Siddhichandra’s Bhanuchandraganicharita (a work dedicated to Tapa Gachha
leader Bhanuchandra during the reign of Akbar and Jahangir). Padmasagar’s
Jagadagurukavya (1589) is important to understand Mughal rise to power. He
keeps Babur outside India (Bharata) and Humayun as the first Mughal king and
Mughals as an Indian dynasty. It highlights the military exploits of Humayun and
Akbar. It throws interesting light on Jain-Mughal conversations during Ibadatkhana
proceedings. Padmasagara emphasises the fact that the security of the Kabul-Delhi
route ensured economic prosperity to the Jain community. He also speaks of
prosperity brought by Humayun in the regions of Malwa and Gujarat. Similarly,
writing in 1596 Rudrakavi in his Rashtraudhavamsamahakavya mentions the
clashes of Humayun with Bahadur Shah. However, one needs to be careful in
taking the account at the face value. Rudrakavi here wrongly attributes the victory
of Bahadur Shah. Jain texts incorporated Muslim rulers within the broad ambit of
Indian rulers and do not describe Islam as distinct religious tradition. Devavimala
includes in his Hirasaubhagya conversations/debates between Abul Fazl and 35
Sources and Hiravijaya on merits of Islam versus Jainism during his visit to Akbar’s court
Historiography during 1583-1585. It also hints at Abul Fazl’s inclination towards Jainism.
Devavimala’s account throws light on Jain-Mughal relations, particularly important
is Devavimala’s discussion on Hiravijaya acquainting Jain precepts to Akbar. Jain
sources record Akbar’s conversations with Hiravijaya and Vijayasena
(Vijayaprashastimahakavya) who asked these Jain scholars to explain the Jain
idea of ‘God’, particularly to explain Brahman’s allegations that Jains deny the
existence of God which Hiravijaya and Vijayasena explain convincingly their idea
of Arihant who was devoid of both form and attributes. Similarly, Siddhichandra
in his Bhanuchandraganicharita applauds Abul Fazl’s knowledge of Indian
Shastric learnings.
Sanskrit sources are of great importance to know aspects of Mughal courtly life
on which Persian sources are often silent. Jain scholar Krishnadasa wrote bilingual
grammar Parasiprakasha (late sixteenth century). In this, he praised Akbar as
avatara (incarnation) of Vishnu.
Allopanishad (Allah’s Upanishad; a short text of ten verses) composed by an
anonymous writer identifies ‘Allah’ as ‘equipollent’ with all Hindu deities. The
text uses the phrase Allahu Akbar with an intended double meaning 6 ‘God is
great’ and ‘Akbar is God’. Thus, the text is of extremely crucial to understand
Akbar’s religious worldview. It identifies Akbar as rasul (prophet). Interestingly,
Allopanishad is discarded in Persian writings, is very much preserved in the Sanskrit
copies of Atharvaveda.
Persian texts have equally ignored the Sanskrit titles granted to Jain/Brahman
literati. It suggests the multi-cultural vibrancy of Akbar’s court, which could only
be known to us through surviving Sanskrit texts. Bhanuchandraganicharita, a
biography of Jain scholar Bhanuchandra, written by Siddhichandra mentions that
Akbar awarded him the title of upadhyaya on account of his intellectual feat.
Hiravijaya, the leading Jain scholar was given the appellation jagadguru by Akbar.
It came to be known to us through the two biographies of Hiravijaya
(Jagadgurukavya and Hirasaubhagya). Similarly, the title jyotirvitsarasa conferred
on Narsimha in 1600-1601 is known to us through the writings of Narsimha’s son
Raghunath through his Muhurtamala.
Interestingly, Akbar entrusted many Sanskrit titles to his Muslim nobles. Akbar
adorned Abul Fazl with the title dalalhabhana (pillar of the army) on his acclaimed
Deccan campaigns, something which is even ignored by Abul Fazl in his Persian
chronicle, and we know about this only through Siddhichandra’s biography of
Bhanuchandra (Bhanuchandraganicharita). Similarly, Devavimala, another
biographer of Bhanuchandra, in his Hirasaubhagya records that Akbar entrusted
the title savai upon Vijayasena, a Sanskrit intellectual. Similarly, it records Akbar
entrusting Padmasundara’s books and establishing a Jain library to Hiravijaya.
Another important Jain scholar of Sanskrit who wrote extensively on Mughal
court culture was Rudrakavi. He composed four major treatises Danasahacharita
(1603), Khanakhanacharita (1609) Jahangiracharita (1610-1620), and
Kirtisamullasa (1610-1620). He also composed a history of the Baglan dynasty in
1596. He wrote at the instruction of his patron Pratap Shah of the small principality
of Baglana near Nashik which enjoyed autonomy until the 1630s, though brought
by Akbar under his sway in the 1570s. Rudrakavi portrays Khan Khanan as a
36
powerful military general. It provides a detailed account from Baglana kingdom’s Indic Literary Traditions
perspective of the Mughal-Baglana clashes where Khan Khanan was sent to lead and European Sources
the command. It also shows the use of Rudrakavi by Pratap Shah as a diplomat to
the court of Khan Khanan to negotiate. Rudrakavi’s account highlights the power
and influence of Khan Khanan. He also mentions the participation of Pratap Rudra
in Akbar’s Deccan campaigns (1602) against Ahmadnagar (Malik Ambar). Here,
not only he narrates the power of Khan Khanan but also the participation of his
sons Iraj and Darab in the campaigns whom he compares with two ‘Kamdevas’
battling against Shambara.
Thus, it is through Jain, Sanskrit, and other Indic literature that we come to know
the vibrant presence of the Indic scholars in the Imperial entourage for which we
have almost textual silence of the Persian literati.
Sanskrit inscriptions at Shatrunjaya, a Jain religious centres located in Gujarat
also throws light on the vibrant presence of the Jains in the subcontinent during
the sixteenth century. 1595 Sanskrit inscription in the Adishvara temple mentions
the deeds of Hiravijaya and Vijayasena and their Mughal connections. It speaks of
concessions Hiravijaya succeeded in getting from Akbar such as a ban on cow
slaughter, abolition of jiziya and pilgrimage tax, the establishment of a Jain library,
etc. Patan Sanskrit inscription records Akbar banning animal slaughter and
prohibited fishing in the Gulf of Cambay. Mughal farman confirms the prohibition
of fishing in a lake near Fathpur Sikri in the 1580s under Hiravijaya’s (Jain)
influence.
What is more important here is to understand various historical methods employed
by Indian literati to express the political happenings of the period. In Bengal,
Murari Gupta composed the poetic biography of Sri Chaitanya Sri Chaitanya
Charitamrita in Sanskrit which is valuable to understand the growth of Vaishnava
movement under Sri Chaitanya.
1) Differentiate between the writing styles of Sanskrit historical texts produced
by the Brahmans and the Jains.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Mention representation of Akbar in Shantichandra’s historical writings.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) What is the importance of Jagadagurukavya as a historical treatise?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
37
Sources and 2.2.2 Brajbhasha Literature
Historiography
Riti (kavya) poets are more known for their prashastis (euologies) compositions
to the kings. Keshavadas’ Ratnabavani (52 verses on Prince Ratnasena; probably
commissioned by Madhukar Shah; circa 1570s-1580s) – centres around the Mughal
takeover of Orchha – shows how Orchha became the tutelage of the Mughals
from the perspective of the local Orchha people, what were their reactions and
feelings. The text narrates the story of the valour of the hero of the text, Bundela
ruler Ratansen, son of Madhukar Shah, on the battlefield against Akbar’s forces.
Keshavdas brings out the imminent surrender and defeat of Ratnasen before the
Mughal might and the perplexity of Ratnasen to flee or die fighting, finally,
Ratnasen dies fighting. His sacrifice, brave combat even bring admiration of Akbar.
About Orchha’s submission and the Mughal takeover in the Persian sources we
hear of only Mughal perspective; here Keshav presents much different perspective
than Mughal version; nowhere valour of Ratnasen and the resistance posed by the
Orchha kingdom is highlighted. In this perspective Ratnabavani’s importance as a
source of history is immense. However, we have to be cautious about the
corroboration of facts. Keshavdas does not mention Ratnasen’s fight on behalf of
the Mughals in their Bengal campaigns. Thus, local accounts throw light on, ‘about
the local ways of being historical and of being political in early modern India’
(Busch 2009: 27).
Keshavdas’ Kavipriya also throws light on Keshav’s patron king Bundela Raja
Indrajit, founding of the Orchha kingdom, Bundela genealogy, courtly culture and
court happenings and his lively discussion on six paturs (courtesans) – Navrang
Ray, Nayanbichitra, Tantarang, Rang Ray, Rangamurti, and Praveen Ray.
Keshavdas’s Virasimhadevacharita, written in the poetry-history genre is another
important work written in the court of Bir Singh Deo Bundela. It focuses on the
deeds of Bir Singh Deo (r. 1505-1627).
Jahangirjaschandrika (Moonlight of the Fame of Jahangir, 1612), which was
probably composed under the patronage of Rahim’s son Iraj Shahnawaz Khan,
written in prasasti (euology) format, Keshavdas compares Jahangir with kings
Dilip and Sagara of the revered Raghu clan of Rama – an attempt to naturalise a
Muslim ruler in the Indian setting, a trend which is quite visible in the Sanskrit
inscriptions of the Turkish period (in Palam Baoli Sanskrit inscription dated 1276
Balban is mentioned as Sri Hammir Gayasudin Nripati Samrat).
Among the nobles of Akbar, Abdul Rahim Khan-i Khanan emerged as a great
patron of art and literature, attracted scholars and literati across central Asia and
Persia vis-à-vis Hindustan to his court. Khan-i Khanan was a rare mix of Persian
and ‘Hindi’ intellect – a mixture of cosmopolitan and local tradition. We have
already discussed in detail his Maasir-i Rahimi, a biographical account written by
Abdul Baqi Nahawandi, a Hamadani in 1616. Nahawandi refers to the eulogies of
Khan-i Khanan written by a number of Hindawi poets in sabak-i Hindi and he
expressed his desire to deal with all of them in a separate section, that he could
never do so. Thus there is almost silence on the nature of works produced by
Hindawi literati in Khan-i Khanan’s court. Keshavdas who finally joined the
patronage in the Orchha court wrote Jahangirjaschandrika for Iraj Khan, son of
Khan-i Khanan does contain verses in praise of Iraj Khan, Khan-i Khanan, and his
father Bairam Khan.
38
Gang’s (late 16th and early 17th century) almost seventy five muktak verses are Indic Literary Traditions
full of praise of Mughal emperors and Mughal nobility – Akbar, Khan-i Khanan, and European Sources
etc. Gang has criticised Jahangir’s act of condoning Zain Khan’s act of cruelty of
killing of Brahmans in the town of Eknaur.
The use of Brajified Persian in their literary texts indicates the Mughal influence.
Busch appreciates the ‘special linguistic flexibility’ of Braj and to this mixing, she
calls it ‘Brajification’ of Persian, Arabic, Sanskrit, and local words providing
‘wonderful twists’. They were not concerned more about the purity of language,
instead meant to serve local courts, at times patron soldiers/commanders.
2.2.3 Rajasthani Literature

Bardic literature of Rajasthan is a rich vernacular source to understand and politicise
Akbar’s personality from the perspective of the ‘other’. Rasos, kavyas, vanshavalis,
khyat, and vat are important historical literature available in various dialects of
Rajasthan to construct the history of the period. In the bardic literature, Akbar is
often addressed as shriji, sah, nath, aspati and chhatrapati, in contrast, Rajput
chiefs were represented as Hukumi Chakar.
Among the biographies, one of the earliest such texts is Dalpat Vilas written
sometime during 1579-1612. The focus of the text is Kunwar Dalpat Singh, son of
Raja Rai Singh (r. 1571-1611) of Bikaner. The text is of crucial importance to
understand the formative years of Mughal-Rajput relations. The text acquires
special importance for the author himself was witness to most of the incidents/
events. It highlights the personality of Akbar as a benevolent, kind-hearted at the
same time courageous brave emperor in the battle of Panipat. It provides the detailed
genealogy of the Rathors of Marwar and also touches upon the Rathor relations
with the Surs, particularly Sher Shah Sur, though large portions cover Akbar’s
period. It informs that Kalyan Mal (r. 1539-1571) received from Sher Shah Bayana,
Hissar, Rewari, and Mewat. It also speaks of Sher Shah’s Kalinjar siege and his
final demise suffered during the siege of Kalinjar. It also informs us of the
succession clashes following Sher Shah and Islam Shah’s death and the role of
Hemu in the Sur polity along with details on the second battle of Panipat (1556).
The text provides crucial information on Kalyan Mal-Bairam Khan relations. It
was Kalyan Mal who welcomed Bairam Khan after he went into disfavour of
Akbar. It presents a Rajput perspective of Akbar’s visit to Nagaur in 1570 and
Akbar’s marriage with Rajput princes of Bikaner, nieces of Raja Kalyan Mal
(Bhanumati, daughter of Bhimraj and Raj Kunwar, daughter of Kanhaji). It also
records the grant of Jodhpur to Kalyan Mal which Rai Singh swapped with Merta.
It indicated that it was not Akbar who took Jodhpur from him, instead, it was Rai
Mal’s own desire to swap to which Akbar agreed upon. It also highlights clashes
and aspirations within the Marwar household, particularly tensions between Rai
Singh and his brother Amra.
Another important contemporary bardic account is that of bard-poet Dursa Aadha.
He is reported to have been the court poet of Akbar. He composed seventy-five
verses in praise of Rana Pratap, his valour, his resistance against Akbar vis-à-vis
Akbar’s hidden respect towards Rana. However, to use them as historical text one
needs to be careful for these are full of later interpolations. It nonetheless provides
crucial information that the younger brother of the Rana, Sayat Singh, sided with
the Mughals during the decisive battle against the Rana. Dursa also records that
39
Indian Political System the younger brother of Rana Udai Singh did join Akbar and fought against Rao
Surtan of Sirohi from the side of the Mughals and sacrificed his life fighting for
the Mughals. Akbar is often portrayed as an incarnation of Hindu pantheons Rama,
Krishna, Laxmana by Dursa Aadha (Git Akbar Badsah-ro in Dursa Aadha
Granthavali). Dursa Aadha even projected Akbar’s achievements to such an extent
that even his success shook the throne of Lord Indra.
Mancharita of Amrit Rai (1585) and Mancharita Raso of Narottam (1594),
biographies of Man Singh written in Rajasthan in Braj throw light on the activities
of Man Singh in Akbar’s period. They highlight the Rajput political culture of the
time. Another work of historical nature is the biography of Sujan Singh Hara
(1554-1585), Sujancharita (1590), a Sanskrit kavya, written by Chandrashekhara,
a court poet of the Haras.
2.2.4 Assam Burunjis

Burunjis (lit. a store that teaches the ignorant) are another important sources that
are crucial to understanding the history of pre-colonial Assam. Burunjis began
appearing in the sixteenth century and are largely written in prose. Initial Burunjis
were penned down in Ahom dialect, while later they were composed in the
Assamese. The earliest Ahom Burunji was written in the late sixteenth century. It
records the events from the time of the invasion of the Ahom king Sukapha in the
thirteenth century. It throws valuable light on the contemporary events,
correspondences among the rulers (Ahoms, Jaintia, Kachari, and Tripuri), nature
of taxes, reports, etc. Assam Burunji provides an account of the establishment of
the Ahom kingdom upto the British occupation of Assam in 1826. Deodhai Assam
Burunji largely discusses the Ahom history from the very establishment of the
Ahom rule (568 CE). It is also important for it throws light on the aspects of Ahom
society 6 Ahom royal wedding ceremonies, recreations, Ahom burial practices,
etc. It also details the origin of the Koch, Jaintia, Chutia, and Nara kings. Another
burunji of prime importance to understand Mughal-Assam relations is Padshah
Burunji. It is in Assamese but unlike other burunjis full of Arabic and Persian
terms. It throws valuable light on Babur, Humayun, Sher Shah, and Akbar. It also
contains the career sketch of Raja Man Singh of Amber and Mughal clashes with
Koch Bihar rulers. Kachari Burunji throws light on Ahom-Kachari relations.
Similarly, Jaintia Burunji throws light on the kingdom of Jaintias. Chutia Burunji
discusses the history of the Chutias from 1189 CE to its dismemberment in the
sixteenth century.
1) Discuss Keshavdas’ Ratnabavani as a historical source.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) What light Dalpat Vilas throw on the polity of Shar Shah and Akbar’s period?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
40 ........................................................................................................................
3) Discuss the importance of Rajasthani sources to understand the Mughal- Regional and Local
Rajput relations. Polities
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2.3 EUROPEAN TRAVELLERS’ UNDERSTANDING

OF MUGHAL INDIA
In the present Section, we would mainly be focussing on Jesuit accounts and the
accounts of European travellers who visited Akbar’s court. The chief motives of
Jesuit missions were both politico-cum-religious and their missions remain
primarily evangelical, while English travellers were primarily motivated to gain
political favours to fulfil their commercial gains.
2.3.1 Jesuit Accounts

Early Jesuit Missions to the Court of Akbar
The earliest Jesuit-Mughal encounters began during Akbar’s reign. Father Du Jarric
(1566-1617) left behind a rich account of India in his Histoire. This could also be
referred to as the ‘earliest European description of the Mogul [Muhal] empire’.
Du Jarric himself never visited India and his Histoire is mainly a compilation of
Jesuit accounts. But Jarric’s account particularly stands out for his faithful recording
of the summaries, extracts, and abstracts of valuable letters of missionary fathers
written prior to 1610 which are otherwise inaccessible. Histoire is a three-volume
account and each consists of two Books. We are here mainly concerned with the
first volume which deals with India down to 1599, the other two volumes deal
with Africa and Japan. Prior to the 1600 account, Jarric’s primary authority were
Guzman’s Historia, notes of Father Laertius, Lucena’s life of St. Francis Xavier,
and material supplied to him by Guerreiro, particularly the letters and Reports of
the missionaries. ‘Jarric used his authorities with fidelity, either literally translating,
or carefully summarising’ (Payne 1926: xxxviii).
Jarric’s account is of great historical importance for it is based on personal
observations and experiences. Further, Jesuit accounts may be regarded as ‘earliest
impression of European writers’. Jarric has reproduced accounts of the three Jesuits
missions commissioned to the court of Akbar. The first Jesuit mission to Akbar’s
court was commissioned at Akbar’s request under the leadership of Father Rudolf
Aquaviva, along with Father Antoine de Monserrate and Father Francois Henriques.
The mission reached Akbar’s court at Fathpur in 1580. Though, much prior to the
commissioned Jesuit mission as early as 1578 Portuguese Father Pierre Tauero
was already present in Akbar’s court. The second mission was commissioned under
the leadership of Father Edward Leioton along with Christopher de Vega who
attended Akbar’s court at Lahore in 1591; while the third mission reached Akbar’s
court in 1595 at Lahore accompanied under the leadership of Father Hierosme
Xavier Nauarrois, along with Father Emmanuel Pignero, and Brother Benoist Goes/
de Gois.
Jesuits often accompanied Akbar on his campaigns, served as teachers of Akbar’s
sons. They were entrusted the position of proximity to Akbar during the court 41
Sources and proceedings. The Jesuit account is important for it was based on their personal
Historiography observations Jesuit accounts provide a rich commentary on the Mughal princes,
nobles, and general living conditions of the people of Hindustan. Their insights
on the administrative machinery of Akbar are valuable. Their descriptions of wazirs,
nobles, kotwal, qazis, and eunuchs are valuable. Their descriptions on the law and
punishment are extremely useful. Their account of the prevalent irrigational device
charas for lifting water in the areas between Cambay to Lahore is insightful. Jesuit
accounts are also crucial to know court etiquettes and court proceeds. Interesting
facts are available in the Jesuit accounts about Jahangir’s interests in European
paintings as a prince who got a number of European paintings painted in his atelier.
Detail accounts of Akbar’s Deccan campaigns and his clashes with Malik Amber
are also provided by the Jesuit fathers who were eye witness to the campaigns.
Jesuit fathers, while accompanying Akbar from Lahore to Kashmir narrates a lively
account of the kingdom Kashmir. Jesuits also speaks of Akbar’s inquisitive mind,
particularly, his gung experiment. Missionary activities and Christian settlements
at Agra and in other parts of Akbar’s empire, particularly Lahore and Cambay
throw interesting light on the liberal attitude of Akbar and Jahangir towards
Christians and missionaries. Jesuit accounts also throw light on the open rivalry
between the Jesuits and English merchant adventurer John Mildenhall, who visited
Akbar’s court in 1603. They left no stone unturned to obtain concessions for
themselves and for their countrymen. Jesuit accounts also speak about Jahangir’s
rebellion, Akbar’s illness, and finally circumstances leading to Jahangir’s accession.
Thus Jesuit account is of utmost importance to understand Akbar’s period from
the perspective of the ‘other’. However, often their comments on the religious
world view of Akbar are biased. Nonetheless, their observations on political events,
literati, common masses, and nobles, etc. are of great value. Payne has rightly
observed that in commissioning Jesuit missions Akbar intended to gain political
advantages, to keep an eye on Portuguese settlements. Akbar was always vigilant
and cautious of Portuguese settlements along the Mughal borders, particularly
disturbing for him was the Portuguese advance towards the west coast which
restricted Mughal access to the west coast ports. Payne (Du Jarric, 1926: xlvi) has
rightly branded Portuguese as ‘a very troublesome thorn in Akbar’s side’. Further,
we should also bear in mind that Jesuits were writing for their Christian readership
in mind, where at the backdrop the idea of the superiority of the faith was dominant
that the Jesuit accounts demonstrate well.
Father Monserrate
Father Antonio de Monserrate was a Jesuit missionary who accompanied the first
Jesuit mission to Akbar’s court along with Father Rudolf Aquaviva (leader of the
mission) and their Persian interpreter Francisco Henrique. The first Jesuit mission
arrived at Akbar’s court in 1580.
Father Monserrate’s account is a first-hand narration of his journey from Goa to
Fathpur Sikri and thence his stay at the Mughal court. He provides a lively account
of the cities of India. He praises Surat, its forts, garrisons, merchant activities, and
ships of the port town. Monserrate is also full of praise for the fortifications of the
cities of Mandu and Gwalior. Father Monserrate records that when he met Akbar
he and his two sons adorned in Portuguese attire to honour their culture is suggestive
of Akbar’s deep respect and receptivity for other cultures. Monserrate provides
details of the water supply system of Fathpur Sikri where a tank/dam was ordered
42 to be constructed to fulfil the water needs of the town/palace. Monserrate is also
full of praise for the skilled artisans of the city of Agra. His account of the Indic Literary Traditions
Ibadatkhana proceeds is exhaustive. Monserrate informs that Jesuit Fathers were and European Sources
asked by Akbar to be the teacher of his son Murad. Monserrate’s account of the
rebellions of 1580 in the regions of Bengal and Bihar is important for it presents
the perspective of the ‘others’. Father also narrates Christian encounter with the
practice of sati and their reactions. Monserrate’s account is valuable to understand
Akbar’s personality traits, his interests in hunting, his love to mix with common
masses, his generosity, his courtesy and kindness to foreigners, his emphasis on
imparting liberal education, judicial system, punishments, postal system, etc.
Monserrate also adds to our knowledge the fineries of the administrative structure
of the royal household and the court proceeds. His account of the process of the
construction of Akbar’s new capital Sikri suggests Akbar’s interest in the capital
building project. Father Monserrate also praises Akbar for particularly keen on
ensuring the education of the royal princesses. His account on the working of
Mughal mints is vital to understand the working of the Mughal coinage and control
that the Mughal rulers applied on the overall working of the stability of the Mughal
coinage. Thus, Father Monserrate’s account suggests that not only was he a Jesuit
missionary, he was also an energetic cosmographer. However, a few matters
discussed and analysed by Monserrate one needs to be careful in taking the account
at the face value, particularly his discussions on religious affairs, Ibadatkhana
proceeds, and above all his understanding of the escheat system.
2.3.2 English Travellers

In contrast to the Portuguese and the Jesuits, British encounters with the Mughals
began just at the very close of the sixteenth century. During the late sixteenth and
early seventeenth century, two English merchant adventurers visited Mughal
empire: Ralph Fitch (1583-1591) and John Mildenhall (1599-1606). Mildenhall’s
account that survives is too brief and largely speaks of Mildenhall’s clashes with
the Jesuits at Agra and the Mughal court. In contrast, Ralph Fitch provides much
more detailed observations of the Mughal environment. Thus, here we will be
discussing the importance of Ralph Fitch’s account.
In February 1583, much before the Charter of 1600, Newbery and his companions
(John Elder, Ralph Fitch, and an expert in gems William Leeds) sailed from London
on the ship, ‘Tiger’. They reached Goa in 1585 and via Ujjain reached Agra and
Later Fathpur Sikri in the very same year. At Fathpur Leeds joined Akbar’s services,
Newbery decided to make his way back home overland while Ralph Fitch embarked
upon exploring Eastern India (Bengal) through a riverine route from Agra to Tanda
(in Bengal) via Allahabad Banaras and Patna. From Tanda he marched further to
Kuch Bihar thence again he sailed along the Ganges to Portuguese settlements at
Hugli and thence to Chittagong and in 1586 he sailed for Pegu and Southeast
Asia. He returned from Pegu to Bengal in 1588. This time on his way back to the
home he decided to travel long the coast and reached Cochin, thence via Goa to
Chaul, and then via Basra, Aleppo he reached back London in April 1591.
Ralph Fitch’s observations on medieval Indian cities are noteworthy. Narrating
about the vast expanse of Agra and Fathpur Sikri, Fitch compares it with London.
He mentions the presence of twelve kilometre long market all along the distance
between Agra and Fathpur Sikri. He provides lively discussion on the markets
being filled with all sorts of skilled crafts and merchandise. Fitch narrates the
presence of brisk trading activities between Agra and Tanda (Bengal) through the 43
Sources and riverine route. Fitch’s observations on the medieval society are also useful.
Historiography Strangely he speaks of the presence of polygamy among Brahmans. Similarly, he
speaks presence of child marriages in Indian society. He informs about the richness
of cotton cloth and shashes (turban cloth) of the city of Banaras. He equally applauds
the presence of brisk trading activities in cotton, sugar, and opium from Patna to
the Bengal region. He also speaks about the presence of rich wildlife, particularly
the tigers, along the route between Patna to Bengal. He also praises silk, musk,
and cotton of the Kuch Bihar region. Fitch provides details on the medieval trade
routes, riverine, coastal and inland routes, and also presence of towns and cities
along the coasts and riverine routes, commodities of trade, richness and peculiarities
of a particular town. He is full of praise for the presence of finest cotton in the
markets of Sonargaon. He is full of praise of pearl fishery of Negapatan and pepper
and cinnamon of Calicut His account of the cultivation of pepper in the region is
quite detailed. He also speaks of cultivation of nutmeg and ginger in the region.
The items of imports into India mentioned by him were largely precious stones of
Pegu, musk from ‘Tartarie’. He praises the diamonds of Vijayanagara. He mentions
that best pearls were from Behrain. However, like Pelsaert his narration of the
houses, the living conditions of the common masses suggests the wide gulf between
the lifestyle of the nobility and the masses. He informs that the common masses
lived in houses built of straw with little furniture. He also provides the graphic
account of the Nairs of the Kerala region.
1) What is the importance of Du Jarric’s account as an important historical
work to understand Akbar’s relations with the Jesuits?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Who was Father Monserrate? Discuss his relations with Akbar.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Analyse briefly Ralph Fitch’s observations on India.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2.4 SUMMARY
The Unit focuses on the importance of Indic literature to understand the historical
developments of India of Akbar’s time. To construct the history of the period
historians have largely banked on Persian accounts 6 administrative orders and
chroniclers’ accounts. Hardly any attention is paid to look into Indic literary sources
to analyse the contemporary polity, society, and religious trends of the period.
44 Indic literary accounts are of great value for they represent the perspective of the
‘other’. It is important to know that Indic literary texts attempted to assimilate Indic Literary Traditions
Akbar, a Muslim monarch into Indic tradition and often they represented Akbar as and European Sources
an ‘Indian’ ruler and mentioned him as an avatara (incarnation) of Vishnu. Thus,
Indic literary ‘textures’ attributed a Muslim monarch with ‘Hindu’ symbols. In
this context Jain and Brahman Sanskrit texts are especially important and help us
understand Akbar’s early forays from the perspective of the rulers whom Akbar
subjugated; particularly important is Mughal-Orchha encounters described by
Keshavdas in his Brajbhasha text. Equally significant are raso, khyat, and vat
literature from Rajasthan which are valuable to understand Mughal-Rajput
relations. To understand the Mughal advances towards the northeast (Assam)
Burunji literature throw a flood of light on Mughal-Assam relations vis-à-vis the
local political formations.
During Akbar’s period, another genre of literature becomes available to us with
the coming of the Europeans on Indian waters, particularly the Portuguese and the
English. Thus Jesuits and English travellers’ visits enrich our understanding of
the Mughal empire and Akbar’s court politics based on the observations of the
European accounts. In this context Father Monserrate and Ralph Fitch’s accounts
are valuable. Through their writings, one gets to know the European perspective
of the Mughal empire.
2.5 KEYWORDS
Charitas Biographies
Farmans King’s royal order
Kavyas Poetry
Khyat Panegyric bardic accounts largely centres
around historical personalities/rulers.
Muktak Freestanding poems; a muktak is generally not
part of a larger narrative
Prabandhas Narrative poems; contain semi-historical
anecdotal accounts of prominent personalities
of the time
Prashasti Euology
Raso Heroic ballads;
Riti (Kavya) Literally poetry of method; poetry in which
primary concepts are defined and explained
from the Sanskrit rhetoric (rasa [emotion]),
nayikabheda (categories of female characters),
alankara (figures of speech). Poets attempted
to transform Sanskrit poetic genres into
vernacular literary culture. In riti poetry there
is emphatic emphasis on shringara (erotic
poetry)
Vamshavali Genealogies
Vat Short oral narrative 45
Sources and
Historiography 2.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
1. See Sub-section 2.2.1

Bhadani, B.L., (1992) ‘The Profile of Akbar in Contemporary Rajasthani
Literature’, Social Scientist, vol. 20, Nos. 9-10, September-October, pp. 46-53.
Bruijn, Thomas de and Allison Busch, (ed.) (2014) Culture and Circulation
Literature in Motion in Early Modern India (Leiden: Brill).
Busch, Allison, (2014) ‘Poetry in Motion: Literary Circulation in Mughal India’,
in Bruijn, Thomas de and Allison Busch, (ed.) (2014) Culture and Circulation
Literature in Motion in Early Modern India (Leiden: Brill).
Busch, Allison, (2011) Poetry of kings: the classical Hindi literature of Mughal
India (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
Busch, Allison, (2009) Braj Beyond Braj: Classical Hindi in the Mughal World,
Occasional Publication-12 (New Delhi: India International Centre).
Du Jarric, Father Pierre (1926) Akbar and the Jesuits, Translated with introduction
and notes by C.H. Payne, (London: George Routledge & Sons Ltd.).
Foster, William, (ed.) (1921) Early Travels in India 1583-1619) (London:
Humphrey Milford).
Khan, Ahsan Raza, ‘Dalpat Vilas, Nainsi and Bankidas: A Study in Some Aspects
of Biographical and Khyat Literature of Rajasthan’, Proceedings of the Indian
History Congress, vol. 37, 1976, pp. 279-284.
Monserrate, Antonio de, (1922) The Commentary of Father Monserrate, S.J. on
His Journey to the Court of Akbar, Translated by J.S. Hoyland. Annotated by S.N.
Banerjee (London: Oxford University Press).
Sharma, Girija Shankar (2003) Dalpat Vilas: Itihas ki drishti se
46
samikshan in Hamare Purodha-19 (in Hindi) (Udaipur: Rajasthan Sahitya Indic Literary Traditions
Akademi). and European Sources

2.8 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO

RECOMMENDATIONS
Historiography and Sources-3
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4y5eAdxPn3A
47
Theme II
Indian Political System
Time Line
Political Formations on the Eve of Babur’s Invasion
Timurid Antecedents
Cental Asia and Babur
Foundation of Mughal Rule in India
India of Babur’s Time
Humayun
Sur Interregnuum
Mughal Warfares and Alliances
Autonomous Chieftains
The Nayaks
Sources and
Historiography
Battle of Panipat, 1526, A Folio from Baburnama; Late 16th Century,

Photograph Source: http://art.thewalters.org/detail/14445/the-battle-of-panipat/
http://www.oldindianarts.in/2011/10/illustrations-from-manuscript-of.html
Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: The_ battle_o f_ Panipat_ and_the _death_of_
50 Sultan_Ibr%C4%81h%C4%ABm,_the_last_of_the_L%C5%8Dd%C4%AB_Sultans_of_Delhi.jpg
UNIT 3 REGIONAL AND LOCAL POLITIES * and Persian Literary
Traditions
Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Political Formations on the Eve of Babur’s Invasion
3.2.1 Principalities around Delhi and Agra
3.2.2 Northwest India
3.2.3 Western and Central India
3.2.4 Eastern India
3.2.5 Deccan and South India
3.3 Rushbrooke Williams on Political Formations on the eve of Babur’s Invasion

3.4 Critique of Rushbrook Williams
3.5 Summary
3.6 Keywords
3.0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this Unit, you should be able to:
 know the political formations on the eve of Babur’s invasion,
 examine Rushbrook Williams’s analysis on the political formations on the
eve of Babur’s invasion, and
 evaluate and assess the critique of Rushbrook Williams’s understanding of
the political formations on the eve of Babur’s invasion.
3.1 INTRODUCTION
In our Course BHIC 107 we have discussed that with the decline of the Tughlaq
power Sultanate started showing the signs of disintegration. Timur’s onslaught in
1398 exposed the weakness of the Sultanate. The succeeding Saiyyid (1414-1451)
and Lodi (1451-1526) rulers did not have that acumen to keep in check the
disintegrating forces. The Sultanate was marred with rebellions and revolts. Daulat
Khan Lodi revolted in Punjab and even had sent an invitation to Babur to invade
Hindustan. Alauddin Khan Lodi and Farmuli nobles also turned against Ibrahim.
One of the contributory factor towards the emergence of a number of Afghan foci
was also probably inherent in Afghan polity what Abbas Khan Sarwani explicitly
_______________________________
*
Prof. Abha Singh, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University,
New Delhi
51
Indian Political System underlines, ‘God in his goodness has granted kingdom of Delhi to
Afghans…whatever be conquered shall be shared with us.’ This idea of ‘first among
equals’ in spite of Sikandar Lodi’s attempt to centralization, could hardly alter the
inherent nature of the Afghan polity. These prominent Afghan nobles were at liberty
to create new jagirs and zamindaris of their own without the permission of the
Sultan. Thus, practically each prominent Afghan noble served as an independent
Lord in his own jurisdiction. In spite of the prevalent idea of being equal, idea of
‘privileged’ and ‘favoured’ was very much dominant. The favoured clans within
the Afghans were Lodis, Sarwanis, Lohanis and Farmulis (Shaikhzadas of Ghazni);
while tribes like Surs and Kakkars were completely neglected, even Niazis were
looked down upon as uncouth. However, in spite of dominant Afghan nobility,
other elements of non-Afghan origin were equally co-opted by the Lodis,
particularly the non-Muslims and the Rajputs.
We have already discussed the emergence of new kingdoms in the fifteenth century
in our Course BHIC 107. Here, our purpose is to look into the interests of regional
kingdoms/local powers groups operating in the sixteenth century on the eve of Babur’s
invasion. Further, we would also be revisiting Rushbrook Williams’s analysis of the
political formations in the subcontinent on the eve of Babur’s invasion.
3.2 POLITICAL FORMATIONS ON THE EVE OF

BABUR’S INVASION
On the eve of Babur’s invasion Indian polity was completely fragmented. According
to Ishwari Prasad, ‘India was a congeries of states at the opening of the sixteenth
century and likely to be the easy prey of an invader who had the strength and will
to attempt her conquest.’
3.2.1 Principalities Around Delhi and Agra

On the eve of Babur’s invasion there were numerous Afghan chieftaincies working
almost independent of the Lodi Sultanante around Agra and Delhi which were not
only powers to reckon with, but were also capable of tilting the balance of power
in favour of one or the other groups. Waqiat-i Mushtaqi provides the graphic account
of disintegrative Afghan polity and the presence of its multi-foci:
One half of the whole country was assigned in jagir to the Farmulis, and the
other half to other Afghan tribes. At this time the Lohanis and Farmulis
predominated. The districts of Saran and Champaran were held by Mian Husain;
Oudh, Ambala and Hodhna by Mian Muhammad Kala Pahar; Kanauj by Mian
Gadai; Shamsabad, Thanesar and Shahabad by Mian Imad; Marahra by Tatar
Khan, brother of Mian; and Hariana, Desua, and other detached parganas by
Khwajagi Shaikh Said.
The chief of the Sarwanis was Azam Humayun, and the principal chieftains of
the Lodis were four: Mahmud Khan, who had Kalpi in jagir; Mian Alam, to
whom Etawah and Chandwa were assigned; Mubarak Khan whose jagir was
Lucknow; and Daulat Khan Lodi who held Lahore. Among the Sahu-Khails , the
chiefs were Husain Khan and Khan Jahan, both from the same ancestor as Sultan
Bahlol; Husain Khan, son of Firoz Khan, and Qutb Khan Lodi Sahu-Khail.
Some kept great establishments, Azam Humayun, Jagirdar of Kara, used to

52 buy 200 copies of the Quran every year, had 45,000 horses under his command,
and 700 elephants. Among those of lesser note, were Daulat Khan, who had Regional and Local
4000 cavalry; Ali Khan Ushe, who had 4000 also; Firoz Khan Sarwani, who Polities
had 6000. Among other nobles, there were 25,000 more distributed. Ahmad
Khan also, the son of Jumal Khan Lodi Sarang Khani, when he was appointed
to Jaunpur, had 20,000 cavalry under him.
Intrigues dominated following the death of Sikandar Lodi (1517). The leader of
the intrigues was one of the most prominent Afghan noble Azam Humayun Sarwani.
It was reported that it was Azam Humayun had facilitated the escape of prince
Jalal Khan (brother of Ibrahim Lodi) to Gwalior at the time of clashed between
the Afghan groups following Sikandar’s death resulted him in the imprisonment
of Azam Humayun. This act of Ibrahim further complicated the situation. Islam
Khan, son of Azam Humayun Sarwani, raised the banner of revolt against Ibrahim
and captured Agra. Ibrahim’s position further got vulnerable when the act of Ibrahim
was condemned and other dominant Afghan nobles Azam Humayun Lodi (muqta
of Kara) and Said Khan Yusuf Khail Lodi (muqta of Lucknow) demanded the
release of Azam Humayun Sarwani. Though Ibrahim successfully pushed back
the designs of Islam Khan and later executed him, at the same time Azam Humayun
Sarwani also died/killed in prison. Thus, Ibrahim’s policy, instead of winning over
the prominent Afghan nobles, sternness of Ibrahim in tackling the rebels further
aggravated the feelings of dissensions among the Afghan nobility against Ibrahim.
This paid heavily on the Afghan Sultanate. Shaikh Husain (muqta of Saran and
Champaran), Mian Ma’aruf Farmuli (muqta of Oudh), also deserted Ibrahim and
joined the Rajput camp, putting Ibrahim almost on the brink of an imminent defeat
at the hands of the Rajputs. Mian Bhua, one of the most experienced and respected
Afghan noble of Sikandar, with whom Ibrahim shared his fatherly affection was
also not spared and was sacked, replaced by his son and finally put to death.
Waqiat-i Mushtaqui records that Ibrahim put many prominent nobles into prison:
Fath Khan, son of Azam Humayun Sarwani, Said Khan Lodi and Kabir Khan
Lodi. He even blames that Ibrahim intended to put son of Daulat Khan Lodi
(Dilawar Khan) but he fled. Waqiat-i Mushtaqui puts blame on Ibrahim estranging
the prominent nobles, ‘Said Khan Lodi, Khan-I Jahan Lodi, Mian Husain Farmuli
and Mian Ma’aruf Farmuli became apprehensive about their future; they united
and organized themselves in the eastern vilayets and rebelled against the Sultan.
The Sultan also turned hostile to Masnad-i Ali Dariya Khan, the wazir who was
posted in Bihar.’ Ibrahim’s such acts of highhandedness and no attempts to win
over the old influential Afghan nobles estranged the prominent nobles from him
and either they themselves rebelled or in need they withdrew their support and
often rallied around his opponents to add to his miseries.
The most prominent among them was Afghan chieftain of Mewat, Hasan Khan Mewati.
Bayana was controlled by the powerful Afghan chieftain Nizam Khan. Gwalior, lying
next to Agra was under the hegemony of Tatar Khan Sarang Khani. Dholpur further
south was controlled by another powerful chieftain Muhammad Zaitun.
Clearly, neither there was any unity of purpose among the Afghan chieftains nor
they were willing to accept the hegemony of one single command in case of
contingency; instead their personal interests predominated.
3.2.2 Northwest India

In the early sixteenth century Sindh was ruled by the Sammas (1351-1520). In
53
Indian Political System 1520, Sammas were overthrown by the Arghun Shah Beg. His son Shah Husain
was ambitious and the power of the Arghuns (1520-1591) expanded under his
tutelage.
On the eve of Babur’s invasion Punjab was under prominent Afghan chieftain
Daulat Khan Lodi, son of Tatar Khan. Daulat Khan Lodi was perhaps, what R.P.
Tripathi puts it, ‘one of the bitterest opponents of Sikandar Lodi’. He, ruling from
Lahore as ‘uncrowned king’ had been in control of affairs of Punjab for past twenty
years when Ibrahim ascended the throne. Even Alam Khan Lodi, one of the
claimants to the throne of Agra sided with Daulat Khan Lodi. Though, Ibrahim
wished to win over the loyalty of Daulat Khan Lodi, disliked being sent his son
Dilawar Khan to the capital, instead of paying obesicence personally. Ibrahim
warned of the consequences of such act which was conveyed by Dilawar Khan
along with the presence of ‘suppressed discontent’ of the Afghan nobility at the
court. Daulat was the first to face the threatening advances of Babur, who in 1518-
1519 crossed the Indus and raided Bhira, being governed by Ali Khan, his son,
twice. Babur even sent his envoy Mulla Murshid to Ibrahim to surrender Bhira,
Khushab, Chinab and Chiniut who was stopped by Daulat Khan and was even
denied an audience and kidnapped the envoy instead. Daulat Khan, though had no
interests in the court intrigues, was conscious of maintaining his supreme authority
in Punjab. With this desire in mind Daulat Khan Lodi had sent an invitation to
Babur to attack Hindustan. These developments convince Babur that, ‘there was
no solidarity among the Afghans and the opportunity was favourable for an
adventurous drive’ (Tripathi, 1963: 28-29). His son Dilawar Khan Lodi is reported
to have visited Babur in Kabul. Ibrahim sent his forces to occupy Lahore under
Biban Khan and Mubarak Khan. Without resistance Lahore was occupied and
Daulat Khan Lodi moved to Multan to wait for assistance from Babur But found
no difficulty in occupying Lahore, even marched towards Dipalpur and occupied
that (1524). It was here that Daulat Khan Lodi came to pay respect who in turn
was rewarded by the governorships of Jullundhar and Sultanpur districts. But loss
of Lahore was immense for Daulat Khan and further misunderstanding between
the two led to imprisonment of Daulat Khan and Ghazi Khan. It was a great humility
that Daulat Khan Lodi had to face at the hands of Babur. Ibrahim Lodi also this
time did sent a letter showing his utter surprise over intriguing with ‘foreigners’
for settling internal Afghan dissentions.
Alam Khan Lodi asked Babur to entrust Punjab in lieu of his assistance to help
him occupy Delhi.
Dilawar Khan even later reported to have fought on the side of Babur against
Rana Sanga in the battle of Khanwah in 1527.
3.2.3 Western and Central India

In the western and central India there were three major powers: Gujarat, Malwa
and Mewar. While Gujarat occupied the space on the west coast and the Gulf of
Cambay region with its capital at Ahmadabad, Mewar principality bordered Gujarat
Sultanate and large part of it fell in the western Rajasthan.
In western India, the power of the house of Mewar and the might of Rana Sangram
Singh (1509-1528) reigned supreme. Shaikh Zain, biographer of Babur, writes,
‘There was not a single ruler of the first rank in all these great countries like Delhi,
54
Gujarat, and Mandu, who was able to make head against him.’ Regional and Local
Polities
In Gujarat, after the death of Mahmud Begada in 1511, Muzaffar Shah II (1511-
1526) ascended the throne. However, he had to face the might of the Rana Sanga
of Mewar. Gujarat Sultanate had flourishing trading ports and possessed thriving
oceanic trade.
In central India, it was ruled over by the Khaljis. However, Malwa, being situated
at the heartland of the subcontinent had always been the cockpit of struggle among
the Lodi Sultans at Delhi and Gujarat and Mewar on the western sides. It was in
the interests of both Gujarat and Mewar either to keep Malwa as an independent
buffer or else exercise its physical influence over the territory. Malwa was
strategically located and all routes to the Deccan and Gujarat ports from north
India must cross Malwa. Besides, the territory was rich in war elephants. Further,
it was extremely fertile region and rich in the production of food grains. Gujarat
always had to look towards Malwa region for its foodgrain supplies.
The chief feature of the period was the constant tripartite struggle among the Gujarat
Sultanate, Malwa and the Rana Sangram Singh of Chittor. During Mahmud II’s
reign (1510-1531) Rajput influence dominated and the Malwa Sultanate at this
time was in the able hands of its Rajput chief minister Medini Rai of Chanderi,
who had the support of Rana Sangram Singh of Mewar. The rising influence of
Madini Rai, intrigues and clashes marred the Malwa Sultanate that led Mahmud
Khalji II to seek refuge in Gujarat. Gujarat Sultan came to his rescue and attacked
Medini Rai. Medini Rai got the support of Rana of Mewar thus Malwa Sultanate
by the turn of the sixteenth century became the cockpit of struggle between the
Sultanate of Gujarat and Rana of Mewar. In the meantime following Muzaffar
Shah II’s death, Bahadur Shah ascended the throne in Gujarat in 1526. Mahmud
Khalji unfortunately gave shelter to Bahadur Shah’s brother Chand Khan. This
opened up the rivalry between the Gujarat Sultanate and Malwa. In the struggle
ultimately Mahmud Khalji was killed, thus ended the Khalji dynasty of Malwa,
and the Malwa Sultanate was assimilated into the Gujarat Sultanate by Bahadur
Shah.
Rana Sangram Singh even asked Babur, when he was in Kabul, to attack Ibrahim
Lodi, probably in return of promise to allow him to capture eastern Rajputana.
3.2.4 Eastern India

Towards east, in the fifteenth century kingdom of Jaunpur emerged prominent
which was again subsumed by Sikander Lodi as part of the empire and was placed
under the Afghan nobles. However, by the turn of the fifteenth century, Lohanis
and Farmulis emerged prominent in the region. The prominent Afghan chieftains
of the region were Jamal Khan Sarang Khani of Jaunpur, Nasir Khan Lohani of
Ghazipur and Ma’aruf Farmuli. Darya Khan Lohani of Bihar emerged the leader
of the Afghan rebels in the region. Ibrahim Lodi’s forces had to face rebuttals
many times sent by the Delhi Sultan to quell the Afghan activities in the region at
the hands of Darya Khan Lohani.
In Bengal, situation was comparatively not so serious. Husain Shahis were
dominant. Bengal Sultanate flourished under Alauddin Husain Shah (1493-1519).
His son Nasrat Shah (1519-1533) was equally strong and influential. In the words
of Babur he was the ‘a prince of considerabl;e substance’. However, for Ibrahim,
55
Indian Political System in 1521 advance of Nasiruddin Nasrat Shah towards Bihar was alarming. Nasrat
Shah occupied Tirhut and pushed the frontiers of the Bengal Sultanate as far as
Monghyr and Hajipur.
Map 3.1: India in 1525

Source: Prasad, Ishwari, (1958) A Short History of Muslim Rule in India: From the Advent of
Islam to the Death of Aurangzeb (Allahabad: The Indian Press), p. 211
56
3.2.5 Deccan and South India Regional and Local
Polities
In the south lied the mighty Vijayanagara empire and at the time of Babur’s invasion
was ruled by its most powerful ruler Krishna Deva Raya (1509-1529). Praising
the strength of the might of the Vijayanagara rulers Babur records, ‘Of the Pagons
the greater both in territory and army, is the Raja of Bijanagar’.
In the Deccan, Bahamani kingdom was on the decline and gave way to the
establishment of five Deccani Sultanates: Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar (Khandesh;
1489-1636); Adil Shahis of Bijapur (1489-1686); Qutb Shahis of Golconda (1512-
1687); Barid Shahis of Berar (1489-1619); and Imad Shahi kingdom of Bidar
(1490-1572). Khandesh was at that time ruled by the Faruqis. However, after Adil
Khan Faruqi’s death (1457-1503), his son Miran Muhammad was no match to
him.
1) Discuss the presence of Afghan chieftaincies around Agra and Delhi.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Mention the tripartite struggle among the kingdoms of Mewar, Malwa
and Gujarat.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Write a note on the dominance of Lohani and Farmuli Afghans.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
4) Discuss the political formations in the Deccan and South India on the eve of
Babur’s invasion.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3.3 RUSHBROOKE WILLIAMS ON POLITICAL

FORMATIONS ON THE EVE OF BABUR’S
INVASION
Rushbrook Williams in his monumental work An Empire Builder of the Sixteenth
Century puts forth an argument that on the eve of Babur’s invasion Rajput
principalities succeeded in organizing a sort of ‘confederacy’ to siege control over
‘Hindustan’. And, had Babur not intervened Rajputs under the leadership of
illustrious Rana Sanga (Rana Sangram Singh) of Mewar would have captured
power in northern India. 57
Indian Political System He further emphasises that this confederation was organized mainly on religious
lines and under the leadership of Rana Sanga Rajput confederacy with religious
zeal embarks upon to establish ‘Hindu’ empire. Thus, Rushbrook Williams’s main
contention is that in the politics of early sixteenth century waning of the ‘Muslim’
power and the ‘Rajput predominance’ was the ‘leading’ factor.
According to Rushbrooke Williams, the ‘petty realms’ of Hindustan ‘fall into four
well defined groups’. ‘First, there is what may be called the Northern belt of
Muhammadan powers, which sweeps in a great semi-circle from the mouth of the
Sindh to the Bay of Bengal [Sindh, Multan Punjab, chiefdoms around Agra and
Delhi, and Bengal]…The second group may be termed the Southern Muhammadan
belt [Gujarat, Malwa, Khandesh, Bahamanids]…Wedged in between the Northern
and Southern band of Muhammadan states lies Rajputana…which have overtaken
the politics of Islam. Of its principalities the more notable are Marwar, and above
all, Mewar, now rapidly rising into a power of the first rank. To the south of the
Southern Muhammadan belt there was another great Hindu power, the empire of
Vijayanagar…while to the east lies the Hindu kingdom of Orissa, politically of
little importance, but acting as a barrier, more or less effectual, to the southerly
expansion of Bengal…To sum up…There are two groups of Muhammadan powers,
each group menaced on the south by a formidable Hindu polity’ (Williams 1918:
4-6). He argues that, The Rayas of Vijayanagar were engaged in a constant struggle
with the states constituting what I have called the Southern Muhammadan belt…’
By the turn of the fifteenth century Bahmani kingdom disintegrates giving way to
the establishment of five Deccani Kingdoms: Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar
(Khandesh; 1489-1636), Berar (1484-1527), Ahmadnagar (1489-1633), Bijapur
(1489-1686), and Golconda (1512-1687). Rushbrook Williams’s (1918: 13) further
underlines that, ‘Such was the power of the Hindu confederacy [under Sangram
Singh], and such the decline of the resources of Islam, when the balance was once
more turned against the Rajputs by the coming of Babur and his Turkish warriors
from the north.’ Rushbrook Williams (1918: 18) emphasizes that, ‘The
Muhammadan powers were weak, distracted by their own divisions; the Rajput
confederacy, led by Mewar, was almost ready to seize the empire which lay within
its grasp. But the Fate willed otherwise. That Sangram Singh was cheated of his
prize, that the forces of Islam were re-established, that the Rajputs were doomed
to endure rather than enjoy…’
This very assumption of Rushbrook Williams is based on Babur’s famous passage
where Babur mentions:
At the date of my conquest of Hindustan it was governed by Five Musalman
rulers (padshah) and two Pagans (kafir). These were the respected and
independent rulers, but there were also, in the hills and jungles, many rais and
rajas, held in little esteem (kichik karim).
To substantiate his argument another source sited by Rushbrook Williams is

Fathnama issued by Babur immediately after the battle of Khanwa where he claims
victory against the ‘pagans’ and ‘Hindus’ and assumed the title ghazi (victor in the
Holy-war):
For Islam’s sake, I wandered in the wilds,
Prepared for war with pagans and Hindus,
Resolved myself to meet the martyr’s death.
Thanks to be God! A ghazi I became.
58
Thus Rushbrooke Williams has emphasised that the Rajput confederacy organized Regional and Local
under the leadership of Rana Sanga was motivated by religious zeal and intended Polities
to overthrow the ‘Islamic power’.
3.4 CRITIQUE OF RUSHBROOK WILLIAMS

Rushbrook Williams’s analysis received severe criticism by historians.
They argue that Babur has just narrated the presence of existing powers and nowhere
has he elaborated that these powers were organized on religious grounds.
Further, Babur, himself admitted that many of the Hindu rais and ranas were
obedient to ‘Islam’.
Historians argue that if one sees the composition of the socalled ‘Rajput
confederacy’, it was not exclusively consisted of Rajput/Hindu chieftains. Many
prominent Muslim/Afghan chieftains were very much part of the confederacy and
played an important role in the battle of Khanwa (1527) against Babur. The most
prominent among them were Hasan Khan Mewati (who died fighting on the side
of the Rana), Mahmud Khan Lodi, etc.
In contrast Waqiat-i Mushtaqi (c. 1560) held Hasan Khan Mewati responsible for
creating the ‘confederacy’ to overthrow the Mughal power in India. He informs
that, ‘Hasan Khan of Mewat declared Sultan Mahmud, son of Sultan Sikandar (Lodi)
as the King (of Delhi), invited the Rana of Chittor (Rana Sanga), (Rai) Salahadi [Rai
of Chanderi], the Afghans and turned a rebel against the King (Babur)’.
Further, we do not find any intention of the Rana to proclaim himself to be the
‘king’ of Hindustan, instead it was Sultan Mahmud Khan Lodi, as informed by
Waqiat-i Mushtaqui was proclaimed the Sultan of Delhi.
Unquestionably, on the eve of Babur’s invasion the might of the Rana was
‘supreme’. However, never in his endeavours Babur seems to be anxious to ward
off the Rajput dominance, instead for him the Afghan menace required to be
addressed immediately. Not just Babur, even Humayun throughout considered
the Afghans to be his major enemies and he all through remained busy tackling
them and even was finally overthrown by Sher Shah, the Afghan. Thus, Rushbrooke
Williams’s analysis of the formation of Rajput ‘confederacy’ on religious grounds
seems to have been too loosely constructed and thus does not hold ground.
1) Discuss Rushbrook Williams analysis of the political formations on the
eve of Babur’s invasion.
..................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Provide the critique of Rushbrook Williams’s analysis of the political
formations on the eve of Babur’s invasion.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................ 59
3.5 SUMMARY
On the eve of Babur’s invasion the power of the Lodi Sultanate was on the wane
and the Lodi influence just shrank to the areas in and around Delhi. The intrigues
and ambitions of the Afghan chieftains further aggravated the situation. In contrast,
on the eve of Babur’s invasion east and the Deccan and the South were
comparatively ruled under the powerful rulers. However, the region of Western
and Central India was marked by the constant struggle and Malwa often fell prey
to the ambitions of Gujarat and Mewar rulers. The principalities ruled by both the
powerful ‘Hindu’ (Mewar and Vijayanagara) and ‘Muslim’ (Delhi, Agra, Bengal,
Bihar and the Northwest frontier) rulers often clashed over to usurp each other’s
territories. However, it would be wrong to accept Rushbrook Williams’s analysis
that there was a creation of a ‘Rajput confederacy’ by Rajput forces against Babur
on religious lines. One of the prominent Afghan chieftains of the time Hasan Khan
Mewati fought and died fighting against the forces of Babur in the battle of Khanwa.
3.6 KEYWORDS
Sarwanis A Pashtun tribe of Afghanistan
Lohanis/Nohanis An Afghan tribe; they were prominent in the
region of Bihar. Darya Khan Nohani was their
most prominent leade rwho rebelled against
Ibrahim Lodi and declared himself independ
and assumed the title of Sultan Muhammad
Farmulis A Pashtun tribe of Afghanistan; Shaikhzadas
of Ghazni; the most prominent Farmuli noble
was Ma’aruf Farmuli who was muqta of
Qanauj and rebelled against Ibrahim Lodi;
Shaikh Bayazid Farmuli was another powerful
noble of Ibrahim (muqta of Oudh); Farmuli
noble Ali Khan Farmuli fought for Sultan
Ibrahim Lodi against Babur
Kakkars/Khokkars A warlike tribe inhabited the northern and
western Punjab/Salt Range region
Niazis A Pashtun tribe of Afghanistan. Lodi noble
Langar Khan Niazi sided with Babur in the
battle of Panipat
3.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
60
Check Your Progress-2 Regional and Local
Polities
1. See Section 3.3
2. See Section 3.4

Dale, Stephen Frederic, (2018) Babur: Timurid Prince and Mughal Emperors,
1484-1530 (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press).
Dale, Stephen Frederic, (2004) The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and the
Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530) (Leiden:
Brill).
Hasan, Mohibbul, (1985) Babur: Founder of the Mughal Empire in India (New
Delhi: Manohar Publications).
Mushtaqui, Shaikh Rizq Ullah, (1993) Waqiat-e Mushtaqui, translated and edited
by Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui (New Delhi: Northern Book Centre).
Pandey, Awadh Behari, (1956) The First Afghan Empire in India (1451-1526 A.D.)
(New Delhi: Bookland Limited).
Prasad, Ishwari, (1958) A Short History of Muslim Rule in India: From the Advent
of Islam to the Death of Aurangzeb (Allahabad: The Indian Press).
Sharma, S.R., (1940) Mughal Empire in India (Bombay: KArnatak Publishing
House).
Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain, (1969) Some aspects of Afghan Despotism in India
(Aligarh: Three Men Publication).
Tripathi, R. P., (1963) Rise and Fall of the Mughal Empire (New Delhi: Central
Book Depot).
Williams, Rushbrooke L.F., (1918) An Empire Builder of the Sixteenth Century: A
Summary Account of the Political Career of Zahir-Ud-Din Muhammad (London:
Longmans, Green and Co).
3.9 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECCOMENDATIONS

Talking History |8| Delhi: The Foundation of Mughal Empire | Rajya Sabha
TV
https://www.youtu.be/anQWopp1NCo
61
UNIT 4 TIMURID ANTECEDENTS*
Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Geographical Delimitation of Turan and Iran
4.3 The Antecedents of Uzbegs and the Safavis
4.4 The Historical Perspective on the Eve of the Political Formations in Central
Asia
4.5 Establishment of Uzbeg Power in Transoxiana
4.5.1 The Tripartite Conflict of the Uzbegs, Persians and Timurids
4.5.2 Recovery and Resurgence of the Uzbeg Power
4.5.3 The Uzbeg Empire
4.6 Origin of the Safavis: Historical Perspective

4.6.1 The Aq Quyunlus and Qara Quyunlus
4.6.2 The Turcomans and the Safavis
4.6.3 Shiism and the Safavis
4.7 The Safavis and the Uzbeg-Ottoman Confrontation

4.8 Central Asia and Babur
4.9 Summary
4.10 Keywords
4.0 OBJECTIVES
The study of this unit would enable you to:
 understand the appearance of the Mughals on Indian borders and to learn
about their origin and antecedents,
 demarcate the geographical boundary of the two powerful neighbouring states
of the Mughal Empire,
 acquaint yourself with the historical perspective of the establishment of the
Uzbeg and Safavi Empires,
* Prof. Mansura Haider, Centre of Advanced Study in History Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh.
The present Unit is taken from IGNOU Course EHI-04: India from 16th to mid-18th Century,
62 Block 1, Unit 1.
 analyse the factors which influenced and shaped the internal and external Timurid Antecedents
decisions and policies of the Mughals at earlier stages, and
 learn about Babur's encounters in Central Asia.
4.1 INTRODUCTION
The conquest of India by the Mughals was a direct consequence of the political
reshuffling and dynastic changes which took place on its north-western frontier at
the turn of the 15th century. These in turn led to the formation of two new states
i.e., Turan (Transoxiana in Central Asia) under the Uzbegs and Iran (Persia) under
the Safavi rulers..
A study of the political formations in West and Central Asia in the first decade of
the sixteenth century is important due to the geographical proximity and the age-
old close cultural and commercial contacts existing between these regions and
India. The fugitive Uzbeg princes of Dasht-i-Qipchaq, led by Shaibani Khan,
wrested Central Asia from the Timurids, exterminating the dynasty founded by
Timur. In fact, this led Babur (one of the very few Timurid survivors) to turn
towards India.
The Mughals, having originated from and ruled over Central Asia for over thirteen
decades (1370-1505) naturally brought with them a well-tried administrative system
and a bequest in the form of Turco-Mongol terminology, institutions (both political
and economic) and practices (see Themes III&IV) which had a bearing on the
Mughal rule in India. The history of Mughal India can be better understood if we
have some idea of its neighbouring regions rather than studying it in isolation.
Such a study, therefore, assists us in understanding the historical perspective, socio-
economic background and the ethos of the Mughal rulers in India. The twin states
of Central Asia and Persia rose and fell almost simultaneously with that of the
Mughals. The political and cultural relations at all levels increased during the
sixteenth century between these states. The common cultural heritage through the
ages was enriched further due to a continuous exchange of ideas and movement of
men and commodities.
It is worth mentioning here that the definition of West and Central Asia is a polemic
issue as its frontiers fluctuated more with the interpretations than with its
geographical or territorial extent. It is safer to call the region with which we are
concerned here by a generally accepted term, i.e., 'the inner Asia'. The regions
described as West and Central Asia, therefore, refer in this context to the two
'states' known as Turan and Iran. These two states which developed as separate
political and cultural entities in the sixteenth century had often formed part (as a
province) of a large empire under one central authority (such as the Umayyads,
Abbasids, Mongols and the Timurids). The two states, therefore, carried elements
of common heritage in many of their administrative and organizational features.
The religio-political and socio-economic transformations arising out of the
changing regimes added their own new distinctive features without obliterating
their deep-rooted and age-old similarities, traditions and common heritage.
Although both these states had tribal bases in the 16th century, their cultural and
racial distinctions were retained (and even heightened due to sectarian differences)
until their disintegration. This unit takes into account the various aspects related
to Turan and Iran.
63
4.2 GEOGRAPHICAL DELIMITATION OF TURAN
AND IRAN
The inner Asian region called Turan acquired the name Mawaraunnahr (literally
meaning between the two rivers) from its Arab conquerors as the region was situated
between the two rivers Syr and Amu. The above region was surrounded by Aral
sea, river Syr and Turkestan in the North; Iran, river Amu and Afghanistan in the
South; Tienshan and Hindukush mountains in the East up to the Karokorum deserts,
and the Caspian sea in the West with its diverse geographical features (arid and
semi-arid lands, steppes, deserts, mountains, valleys and oases). Thus, the region
was a chequer-board of varied patterns of life-style ranging from nomadism,
pastoralism to a settled mode of living. This region is also a land of inland drainage
with enclosed basins away from the sea and is isolated from Atlantic and Pacific
circulations. Apart from agriculture, cattle-breeding was a popular profession. The
region was famous for its horses which were exported in large numbers to India.
Samarqandi paper and fruits (both fresh and dry) were other items of export. The
eastern ridges of Elburz Mountains separated Iranian plateau from Turkestan (Iran).
In terms of physical geography, Iran or Persia consists of extensive mountain
ranges extending from Asia Minor and Cacuasus to the plains of Punjab called
Iranian Plateau. A chain of mountains surrounds the sandy saline deserts of the
central plateau thus converting it into a closed basin.
Iran had four major divisions, namely:
 the Zagros system comprising Khuzistan and small outer plains,
 the northern highlands of Iran (i.e., Elburz and Talish system) and the Caspian
plains,
 eastern and south-eastern upland rim, and
 the interior region.
In terms of economic life, considerable variation is noticed such as pastoralism
(mainly in the higher regions), agricultural settlements (in low lying areas) and
nomadism (towards the West among Kurdish shepherds) all existing
simultaneously. The north-western section of Zagros connected ancient east-west
trade routes, and the Iranian wool, leather, carpets and silk found commercial
outlets from several places.
4.3 THE ANTECEDENTS OF UZBEGS AND THE

SAFAVIS
The Uzbegs
The Uzbegs of Turan or Transoxiana were the descendants of Chingiz's eldest
son, Juji. They derived their name from Uzbeg Khan (1312-40) of the Golden
Horde and hailed from Jiji's appanage ? the Dasht-i-Qipchaq. The Uzbegs spoke
Chaghatai Turkish and followed Turco-Mongol traditions. They were orthodox
Sunni and followed the Hanafite Law. Numerous Turco-Mongol tribes such as the
Naiman, Qushji, Durman, Qunghrat and others supported the Uzbeg state. The
hostile tribes which eroded their power through constant invasions were the
Mongols, Qazaqs and Qirghiz.
64
The Safavis Timurid Antecedents
The Safavis were of the native Iranian stock (from Kurdistan), professed Shii'sm
and followed Perso-Islamic traditions of the land they were called upon to govern.
They spoke Azari Turkish and also Persian. Being of a humble sufi origin, they
later constructed an impressive genealogy. The mainstay of the Safavi power was
the constellation of the Turcoman tribes though the Iranian element was equally
strong in the administrative bureaucracy. To the two groups were added the
Georgians and Circassians later on. The four elements (particularly the Turcoman
groups) were as much a source of strength in external political relations as they
were a cause of perpetual intrigues internally.
1) Describe the significance of the study of Central Asian history in relation to
the Mughals.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Give a geographical description of Turan and Iran
........................................................................................................................
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........................................................................................................................
3) Discuss the antecedents of the Uzbegs and the Safavis.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
4.4 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE EVE OF

THE POLITICAL FORMATIONS IN CENTRAL
AND WEST ASIA
During the civil wars (which were a common occurrence in the Timurid
Transoxiana), the Timurid princes of Transoxiana (like Abu Said, Muhammad
Jugi, Sultan Husain Baiqra and Manuchihr Mirza) often approached the Uzbeg
ruler Abul Khair of Dast-i-Qipchaq for assistance against their respective rivals.
The latter successfully intervened in Timurid politics and assisted Abu Said (1451),
Muhammad Jugi (1455) and others to gain the throne. After the disintegration of
the Empire of Abulkhair (1428-68) in the Dasht, his grandson Shaibani took shelter
with the Timurids of Central Asia. At this juncture, there were five states in
Transoxiana. The three sons of Sultan Abu Said (1451-69) namely, Sultan Mahmud
Mirza, Sultan Ahmad Mirza (1469-94) and Umar Shaikh Mirza ruled over the
three states comprising Samarqand and Bukhara, Tirmiz, Hisar, Qunduz and
Badakhshan, and Farghana and its vicinity respectively. The fourth Timurid state
of Balkh and Khurasan was held by Sultan Husain Baiqra. Again, there was the
Mongol Khanate of Tashkand and Moghulistan where the Mongol rulers Yunus 65
Indian Political System Khan (1462-87) and his two sons, Mahmud Khan and Ahmad Khan, reigned.
Yunus Khan's three daughters were married to the three above mentioned sons of
Abu Said. The mutual rivalries and jealousies existing among the five states often
resulted in bitter wars. In one such conflict when Sultan Ahmad was involved in
the battle of Syr against his rival Sultan Mahmud, the former hired Shaibani along
with his retinue hoping that he could be a good match to the Mongols in the art of
fighting. Although Shaibani appeared in this battle as an ally of Sultan Ahmad
Mirza, he served the cause of Mahmud Khan as secret negotiations had already
taken place. This led to an unexpected victory for Mahmud Khan. For this timely
assistance, Shaibani received the reward in the form of governorship of Otrar? a
town in Khwarazmia? which provided him with the long awaited and much desired
base in Transoxiana. Thereafter, Shaibani took full advantage of the prevailing
anarchy in the various remaining Khanates, and gradually eliminated them with
his political acumen and stratagem.
Map 4.1: Central Asia in the Fifteenth Century
4.5 ESTABLISHMENT OF UZBEG POWER IN

TRANSOXIANA
After the death of Umar Shaikh and Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Sultan Mahmud Mirza
was also assassinated. His two sons, Sultan Ali and Baisundhur Mirza, now became
rivals for the throne of Samarqand and Hisar. During the anarchy which prevailed
in the Timurid empire, the Tarkhan nobles became powerful. They not only usurped
the entire revenue but made opportunistic alliances and used one prince as a
counterpoise against the other. Taking advantage, Shaibani wrested Bukhara from
its Timurid governor Baqar Tarkhan in 1499, and then besieged Samarqand. Since
66 the queen mother Zuhra Begi was an Uzbeg lady, she promised to surrender
Samarqand if Shaibani gave the governorship of the choicest province to her son, Timurid Antecedents
Sultan Ali. Thus, Shaibani occupied Samarqand in 1500 without a war though
Sultan Ali passed away soon after. The Uzbegs, were, however, soon overthrown
as the Samarqandis led by Khwaja Abul Mukarram invited Babur. In the battle of
Saripul (1501 Babur was defeated and, since no assistance was forthcoming, he
left Samarqand and went to his uncle Mahmud Khan. In early 1503 Shaibani
inflicted a crushing defeat upon the joint forces of Babur and his maternal uncles
Mahmud and Ahmad Khan, both of whom were made captives. Babur's noble
Tambal invited Shaibani to occupy Farghana. Shaibani conquered Farghana and
Qunduz (1504) and overran Balkh, Memna and Faryab in 1505. Although Shaibani
released the Mongol Khans, Mahmud and Ahmad (the latter died shortly afterwards)
due to their past kindness, he ultimately put Mahmud Khan and his five children
to death (1508) as their existence would have been a danger to his Empire.
A galaxy of Timurid princes including Babur, Badiuzzaman and Muzaffar Hussain
led by Sultan Hussain Baiqra planned to face the Uzbegs unitedly. Before the
joint could materialise, Sultan Hussain died .in 1506. Herat was plunged into a
war of succession. The chaos persisted even after the dual rule of Badiuzzaman
and Muzaffar Husain was established. The conquest of the last Timurid principality
was, therefore, a foregone conclusion. Soon after, Shaibani undertook a campaign
against the Qazaqs of Moghulistan in 1508. Now the entire Transoxiana lay at the
feet of Shaibani. The dynasty which was established by Shaibani came to be known
as the Shaibanid. The immediate reasons for this transfer of power from the
Timurids to the Uzbegs were:
 the personal incompetence of the later Timurid rulers,
 their mutual rivalry,
 the absence of any settled rule for succession, and
 the lack of strong administration.
Map 4.2: Farghana and Its Neighbourhood in the Fifteenth Century

Source:Williams, Rushbrooke L.F., (1918) An Empire Builder of the Sixteenth Century: A
Summary Account of the Political Career of Zahir-Ud-Din Muhammad (London: Longmans,
Green and Co), p. 20 67
Indian Political System 4.5.1 The Tripartite Conflict of the Uzbegs, Persians and
Timurids
The conquest of Khurasan had brought the border of Shaibanid empire closer to
the Safavi one. Since, Shaibani was ambitious, he demanded allegiance from the
Shah which eventually led to a war in 1510, in which Shaibani was defeated and
killed. Shah Ismail not only occupied Khurasan but also assisted Babur thereafter
to reoccupy Transoxiana from the Uzbegs. Babur received a very warm welcome
from the Samarqandis, but the latter disapproved his association with 'heretic'
Shia Shah Ismail. The subsequent reprisal perpetrated upon the subjects by Babur's
greedy followers further provoked the Central Asians to long for the Uzbeg rule.
4.5.2 Recovery and Resurgence of the Uzbeg Power

After their expulsion from Central Asia (1510-11), the Uzbegs had clustered in
Turkestan having no courage to face the combined forces of Babur and the Shah.
The only aspiring Uzbeg prince was Ubaidullah, a nephew of Shaibani. Though
his resources were limited, he conquered Transoxiana after defeating Babur.
Thereafter, the Uzbegs gradually recovered Bukhara, Samarqand and other
territories in 1512-1513.
In 1514, the Ottoman Sultan Salim (1512-20) invited Ubaidullah to join him against
Ismail. Although Ubaidullah failed to oblige Salim, the latter managed to inflict a
crushing defeat upon the Shah through strategic manoeuvres which were later on
applied by Babur in his battle of Panipat in 1526. The most important rulers of the
Shaibanid Empire were Ubaidullah and Abdullah Khan ? the latter being a
contemporary of Akbar. Both Ubaidullah and Abdullah Khan (whose span of
rulership was from 1513-1540 and 1565-1598 respectively) waged several wars
against Persia (See Unit 6).
The Astrakhanids: After the death of Abdullah Khan (1598) and the assassination
of his only son and successor Abdul Momin six months later, the dynasty came to
be known as Astarakhanids. The Uzbeg Empire lasted until the Russian conquest.
The Empire disintegrated almost at the same time when other Asian states collapsed
in the face of colonialism.
4.5.3 The Uzbeg Empire

The revenue collections of the Uzbeg Transoxiana depended mainly upon booty,
city taxes and commercial resources. With artificial irrigation and limited
agriculture, even a high tax on land (amounting to more than a half) fetched a
negligible amount. Situated on the crossroads of caravans (en route the Silk Road),
Transoxiana continued to be in a flourishing state in early middle ages. Due to
diversion of trade routes under certain Mongol Khans and after the discovery of
the sea-route to Asia from Europe in 1498, a decline in trade is noticed by the
travellers and chroniclers. The administrative structure of the Timurids underwent
a slight change under the Uzbegs as the Turco-Mongol traditions were further
strengthened. The socio-religious atmosphere was now characterised by a wave
of fanaticism and sectarian bigotry. At the same time, the domination of the
Naqshbandi saints over the political arena was a new phenomenon introduced
under the Uzbegs.
68
Check Your Progress-2 Timurid Antecedents
1) Briefly describe the main stages in the conquest of Transoxiana by the Uzbegs.
........................................................................................................................
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........................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the reasons for the downfall of the Timurids.
........................................................................................................................
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3) Give a short account of the tripartite relations of the Uzbegs, Persians and the
Timurids.
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4.6 ORIGIN OF THE SAFAVIS: HISTORICAL

PERSPECTIVE
The Safavi Empire sprang up almost in the same geographical area where the
Ilkhanid state had once flourished. Hulaku's Empire re-emerged in a diminutive
form (the Jalayrid Empire) ? extending over Mesopotamia, Azerbaijan and later
on covering the region of Shirvan also. The remaining portions of the Ilkhanid
territory were lost to the two Turcoman confederations, namely Aq Quyunlu (the
white sheep) and Qara Quyunlu (the black sheep). Aq Quyunlu extended their
sway over Diyar-i Bakr with their centre at Amid. Qara Quyunlus had their centre
at Arjish (on the eastern shore of lake Van) spreading in the north to Erze Rum and
in the south to Mosul. The heterogeneous population of the two regions comprised
the Arabs, Armenians, Kurds and others.
4.6.1 The Aq Quyunlus and Qara Quyunlus

Under the enterprising Jahanshah, Qara Quyunlu dynasty expanded from Van to
the deserts between Persia and Khurasan and from the Caspian Sea to the Persian
Gulf. They had become independent of the Timurids. Jahanshah was widely known
as a progenitor of the Shias while the Aq Quyunlus were Sunnis. The most famous
Aq Quyunlu ruler was Uzan Hasan (1453-78) who defeated Jahanshah and
established his suzerainty almost over the entire Persia. Hence, the borders of his
Empire came closer to that of the Timurids. The Ottoman ruler Muhammad II
always looked upon him as a mighty princeling enjoying the resources of Anatolia,
Mesopotamia, Azerbaijan and Persia. However, Uzun Hasan was defeated by the
Ottomans (in 1473) whose artillery was superior to the former's army. At the time
of Uzun Hasan's death (in 1478), his Turcoman Empire extended from upper reaches
of Euphrates to the Great Salt Desert and the province of Kirman in South Persia,
and from Transcaucasia to Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf.
69
Indian Political System Uzun Hasan's sister Khadija Begam was married to a very enterprising and
influential shaikh, named Junaid (1447-60). He was the leader of the most popular
sufi order called the Safaviya with its Centre at Aradabil. Shaikh Junaid was a
successor of Shaikh Safiuddin Ishaq (1252-1334), a disciple and son-in-law of
Shaikh Zahid (1218-1301). Safiuddin Ishaq (from whom the Safavi dynasty derived
its name) not only inherited the sufi order of Shaikh Zahid but also founded his
own order as Safaviya in Ardabil in 1301. Due to their popularity, Shaikh Safiuddin
and his successors always aroused the jealousy of the Qara Quyunlu Sultans.
Shaikh Junaid was the first spiritual guide of the Safaviya order. He collected an
army of 10,000 to fight the Qara Quyunlu ruler. He imparted militancy to the
order replacing the sufis by the ghazis (warriors of faith). After his death in 1455,
his son and successor Haider married the daughter of his maternal uncle Amir
Hasan Beg who put Jahanshah to death and became the ruler of Azerbaijan and
the two Iraqs. Out of this union, three sons were born, namely, Sultan Ali, Ibrahim
and Ismail. The youngest Ismail (b. 1487) became founder of the Safavi Empire.
Sultan Haider had prepared a scarlet cap of twelve gores (with reference to the
twelve Imams), and ordered all his followers to make their headgear after this
fashion, hence came the title Qizilbash (redheads).
Haider marched against the tribal elements of Cherkes and Daghistan. On the
way, he lost his life in a battle with the forces of the Shirvan ruler Farrukh Yassar,
the son-in-law of Yaqub Mirza in 1488. Although Yaqub spared the life of the
three sons of Haider for the sake of his own sister Halima Begi Agha, he imprisoned
them in the fort of Istakhara. When a civil war broke out between the deceased
Yaqub Mirza's sons Baisunghar and Rustam Mirza, the latter sought help from
Sultan Ali. As soon as Rustam Mirza achieved success, he put Sultan Ali to death
out of jealousy. Sultan Ali had already sensed the imminent danger and had
nominated Ismail as his successor (1494). Ismail had to face much difficulty until
the death of Rustam Mirza in July 1497 after which Aradabil was engulfed in a
civil war. Ismail seized this opportunity and sent his men to collect his scattered
followers. Reinforced by the military assistance received from Qaracha Illiyas
and strengthened by 7000 of his followers from Turcoman tribes, he subdued
Georgia and acquired much booty in 1500. At the age of fourteen, he had an
encounter with Farrukh Yassar of Shirvan at Gulistan fort and having killed the
ruler, invaded Baku. It was in the year 1501 that Ismail won a victory over Aq
Quyunlu, entered the Turcoman capital at Tabriz and ascended the throne with the
title Shah.
4.6.2 The Turcomans and the Safavis

The power of Safavis (the new dynasty which lasted in Persia till 1736), was
based on the support given by the Turcoman tribes, namely Shamlu, Rumlu,
Takkalu, Zulqadar, Afshar, Qachar, Ustajlu and Warsaq. The Turcoman adherents
of Aradabil order were the basis of this new ruling class though the Safavids
themselves were not pure Turcomans. The Turcomans were attracted towards the
Persian Shah owing to religious affinity and also for social and political reasons.
The Turcoman tribes of Asia Minor or Central Asia could not integrate themselves
with the Ottomans or the Uzbeg Empire due to their racial and religious differences.
On the other hand the Ottoman or the Uzbeg rule also had no better prospects to
offer them. The Turcomans enjoyed an extraordinary position in the Persian Empire.
70 Initially, almost all the important civil, military and administrative posts were
held by them. The traditions of governance and administration were borrowed by Timurid Antecedents
the Safavis from the rulers of Tabriz. The tribal loyalties of these Turcomans
sustained Shah Ismail well. The Shah not only carried the traditions of the god-
king (combining in himself the spiritual and temporal powers) but also legitimised
his rule in the name of his relationship with his grandfather Uzun Hasan. Shah
Ismail's kinship with Aq Quyunlu was important for him. Undoubtedly, the Qara
Quyunlu and Aq Quyunlu had previously created certain pre-conditions for the
establishment of a new dynasty with older political and cultural traditions of Persia.
4.6.3 Shiism and the Safavis

The new dynasty had created a somewhat changed military and political structure
with the Shia creed as state religion and Iranicisation of Persian Islam ? sprouting
into a new cultural entity, i.e., the evolution of a 'Persian People'. The Safavi state
originated from a religious-cum-political nucleus. Thus, the inter-twinning of
religion and politics which is noticed at the outset, seems to match the sectarian
attitude of the Sunni Ottoman and the Uzbeg states. Shah Ismail received full
support frorn Kashan and Qum which were mainly inhabited by the Shias.
Elsewhere (as in the Sunni Baghdad or Herat), the population resisted his advance
and he faced reprisal.
4.7 THE SAFAVIS AND THE UZBEG-OTTOMAN

CONFRONTATION
The rising power of the Shia 'Safavis' (new contenders of supremacy in the Muslim
world) checked the Ottomans from incorporating Persia into their domain. In fact,
the Perso-Uzbeg and Perso-Ottoman wars were a continuous feature of the sixteenth
century.
Although Shah Ismail (1502-1524) did not fight any war after his debacle at
Chaldiran in 1514 at the hands of the Ottoman ruler Salim (1512-1520), his son
and successor Shah Tahmasp (1524-76) had to face both the Uzbegs and the
Ottomans almost incessantly. The five major invasions of the Uzbegs on Khurasan
(1524-38) and four full-scale Ottoman invasions on Azerbaijan (1534-35, 1548,
1553) failed to overwhelm Shah Tahmasp, though he signed a peace at Amasya
(29 May 1555) with the Ottomans. Besides these external dangers there also
emerged some internal problems. For example, the two different racial and linguistic
groups of the Turcomans and Iranians (each of whom had different origins, culture,
and customs) were joined by new constituents? the Georgians and the Circassians.
This led to increased court intrigues.
While the Safavis had pragmatic relations with the Mughals of India (see Unit 6),
they also maintained good relations, though occasionally, with the Russians and
the Portuguese.
Apart from Shah Tahmasp, Shah Abbas I (1588-1629, whose reign is said to be
the zenith of the Safavi power) Shah Abbas II (1642-66) and Shah Safi were other
important Safavi rulers. With Shah Abbas I, the Safavi state gradually developed
from its theocratic base and military structure into a full-bloomed Empire of the
Orient. He introduced many administrative and military reforms. A new group of
loyalists (the Ghulams) was created who occupied many new posts. The army
was organised on the pattern suggested by Robert Sherley who was appointed as
71
Indian Political System 'Master General against the Turks'. A centrally paid strong army was organised,
and a regiment of artillery with 500 guns was established.
1) Briefly discuss the achievements of Shah Abbas I.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Write a few lines on the Qara Quyunlu and Aq Quyunlu.
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3) Discuss the early history of the Safavi
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........................................................................................................................
4) Highlight the importance of the Turcomans in the Safavi Empire.
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4.8 CENTRAL ASIA AND BABUR

By the close of the 15th century, the power of the Timurids was on the decline in
the region. By this time the Uzbegs succeeded in establishing strong footholds in
Transoxiana under Shaibani Khan. Around the same time, the Safavis rose into
prominence under Shah Ismail in Iran; while further west the Ottoman Turks
dominated the scene. Shaibani Khan overran almost whole of Transoxiana and
Khorasan. However, finally in 1510 Shah Ismail of Iran defeated Shaibani Khan.
In a short while (1512) the Ottoman Sultan defeated Shah Ismail, thus leaving the
stage again to the Uzbegs to become the master of the whole Transoxiana. Babur
ascended the throne at Farghana (a small principality in Transoxiana) in 1494 at
the tender age of twelve. However, it was not a smooth succession for Babur. Both
the Mongol Khans as well as the Timurid princes, specially Sultan Ahmad Mirza
of Samarqand, an uncle of Babur, had interests in Farghana. Besides, Babur had to
face the discontented nobility. Against all odds Babur struggled to strengthen his
foothold in Central Asia and did succeed in taking Samarqand twice (1497, 1500).
But he could hardly hold that for long. With Shaibani Khan's success over Khorasan
(1507) the last of the four Timurid centres of power finally sealed Babur's fate in
Central Asia and he was left with no option but to look towards Kabul where the
conditions were most favourable. Its ruler Ulugh Beg Mirza had already died
(1501). Babur occupied Kabul in 1504. Yet Babur could not completely leave the
1
This Section is taken from IGNOU Course EHI-04: India from 16th to mid-18th Century, Block
2, Unit 5, Section 5.3 written by Dr. Meena Bhargava, Indraprastha College, University of Delhi,
72 Delhi.
dream to rule over Central Asia. With the help of Shah Ismail Safavi, he was able Timurid Antecedents
to control over Samarqand (1511) but Shah Ismail's defeat in 1512 and the
resurgence of the Uzbegs left Babur with no alternative but to consolidate himself
at Kabul.
Thus, it was the Central Asian situation which pressed and convinced (after 1512)
Babur to abandon the hopes of creating an Empire in Central Asia and look towards
India. The rich resources of India and the meagre income of Afghanistan, as Abul
Fazl comments, might have been another attraction for Babur. The unstable political
situation after Sikandar Lodi's death convinced him of political discontentment
and disorder in the Lodi Empire. Invitations from Rana Sanga and Daulat Khan
Lodi, the governor of Punjab, might have whetted Babur's ambitions. Perhaps
Timur's legacy also provided some background for his invasion. After the siege of
Bhira in 1519, Babur asked Ibrahim Lodi to return western Punjab which belonged
to his uncle Ulugh Beg Mizra. Thus, Babur had both reasons and opportunity to
look towards India.
1) Discuss early problems faced by Babur in Central Asia.
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........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Why Babur had to forsake his designs in Central Asia?
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4.9 SUMMARY
In this Unit we have tried to trace the antecedents and origin of the Mughals. A
geographical sketch of the two powerful neighbouring states of India ? namely,
Transoxiana and Iran in Central Asia? has been provided. The ethnic and political
antecedents of the Uzbeg and Safavi empires of Transoxiana and Iran respectively
have been dealt with. A study of the two empires in its historical perspective is
also given. The Mughals originated from Central Asia and ruled over this region
for three decades. Therefore the historical perspective, socio-economic-political
background and ethos of Mughal rule in India can only be understood against the
backdrop of Central Asian history.
4.10 KEYWORDS
Appanage Something that is derived as a matter of right on account
of one's lineage, position, etc.
Gore Triangular or wedge-shaped pieces of cloth
Khanate It denotes the office and jurisdiction of the Khan who was
the political and administrative head over a particular
territory
73
Indian Political System Nomadism A mode of living practised by tribes who do not lead a
settled life and wander from place to place in search of
livelihood
Ottomans This is an anglicised corruption of the Arabic Usman. The
Ottomans were Turks whose power was rising rapidly in
the 15th century. They completed the conquest of Asia
Minor after taking Constantinople in 1453
Pastoralism A mode of living practised by tribes in which animal
rearing was an important aspect. This pattern led to
nomadism
Shia A sect of Muslims which upholds the rights of the members
of Prophet Muhammad's direct descendants to the religious
and political leadership of the Muslim community. The
name is derived from Shiat Ali, the Arabic term for the
party of Hazrat Ali who was the cousin of Prophet
Muhammad and husband of Prophet's daughter Fatima
Sunni A sect of Muslims disagreeing with the claims of the Shias.
Sunni is from the Arabic sunnat, that is, the sayings and
deeds of Prophet Muhammad as exemplified in the Hadis,
a source for Shariat (a set of rules) next to the Quran
Silk Road Silk road derived its name after the lucrative Chinese Silk
trade along the route from the East (China) to the West
(Mediterranean). Originating at Xian (Sian in China),
passing through Takla Makran deserts, crossing Pamirs,
Afghanistan reaches Levant (Mediterranean). The route
began in 130 BCE when the Han dynasty (206 BCE-
220CE) opened up trade links with the West the route was
in use till 1453 when finally Ottoman rulers boycotted the
trade with China and closed the route. \
Turcoman Groups Tribes of Asia Minor and Central Asia

EXERCISES
1) See Section 4.1 Your answer should include the following points:
i) the Mughal conquerors originated from and ruled over Central Asia;
ii) this had an important bearing on Mughal rule in India;
iii) therefore, it is relevant to study the Central Asian relations, etc.
2) See Section 4.2 Your answer should include the following points:
i) the inner Asian region called Turan acquired the name Transoxiana from
its Arab conquerors as the region was situated between the two rivers,
namely, Syr and Amu;
74
ii) Iran consists of extensive mountain ranges extending from Asia and Timurid Antecedents
Caucasus to the plains of Punjab called Iranian plateau, etc.
3) See Section 4.3. Your answer should include the following points:
i) the Uzbegs of Turan were the descendants of Chingiz's eldest son; and
ii) they derived their names from Uzbeg Khan, etc.
1) Your answer should include the following points:
Anarchy in the Timurid empire enabled Uzbegs to wrest Bukhara and
Samarqand from Timurids; joint forces of Babur and his maternal uncles
defeated by Uzbegs and Farghana, Qunduz, Balkh, Memna and Faryab were
taken; Herat occupied by the Uzbegs due to chaos prevailing there, etc. (see
Section 4.4 and 4.5).
Personal incompetence of the later Timurid rulers; mutual rivalry, etc. (see
Section 4.5).
Conquest of Khurasan brought the borders of the Uzbegs close to the Safavi
Persia; the Uzbegs tried to assert themselves as the supreme power in the
region but were subdued by the Persians, etc. (see Sub-section 4.5.1).
1) Your answer should including the following points:
Aq Quyunlu (the white sheep) and Qara Quyunlu (the black sheep) were
Turcoman confederations; Aq Quyunlu had their centre at Amid while Qara
Quyunlu had their Centre at Arjish, etc. (see Sub-section 4.6.1).
The famous Aq Quyunlu leader Uzun Hassan's sister was married to a Shaikh
namely Junaid, the leader of a sufi order called Safaviya with its centre at
Aradabil; his son and successor Haider put the Qara Quyunlu ruler to death
and became the ruler of Azerbaijan; his youngest son Ismail founded the
Safavi empire, etc. (see Section 4.6 and Sub-section 4.6.1).
The Turcoman tribes were the mainstay of the Safavi empire; they formed
the basis of the new ruling class, etc. (see Sub-section 4.6.2).
In Shah Abdas I's time the Safavi state developed into an empire; he introduced
many administrative and military reforms, etc. (see Section 4.7).
1) Discuss, both the Mongol Khans and Timurid princes, specially Sultan Ahmad
Mirza of Samarqand wanted to occupy Farghana (see Section 4.8)
75
Indian Political System 2) Discuss, with Shaibani Khan's rising power and his occupation of Khurasan
and also the emerging might of the Uzbegs left Babur with no option in
Central Asia but to look towards Kabul and India (see Section 4.8)
4..12 SUGGESTED READINGS

Cosmo, Nicola Di, Allen J. Frank and Peter B. Golden, (2009) The Cambridge
History of Inner Asia: The Chinggisid Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press).
Dale, Stephen Frederic, (2018) Babur: Timurid Prince and Mughal Emperors,
1484-1530 (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press).
Dale, Stephen Frederic, (2004) The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and the
Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530) (Leiden:
Brill).
Book Depot).
Williams, Rushbrooke L.F., (1918) An Empire Builder of the Sixteenth Century: A
Summary Account of the Political Career of Zahir-Ud-Din Muhammad (London:
Longmans, Green and Co).
4..13 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO

RECOMMENDATIONS
KYRGYZSTAN: Where did the Mughals of India come from?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MYWVuCHq7Z0
The Timurids and Babur: The Mughal Empire I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V2AVVuB1ws8
76
Timurid Antecedents
UNIT 5 AFGHAN POLITY*
Structure
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 The Lodi Empire
5.2.1 Sikandar Lodi
5.2.2 Ibrahim Lodi
5.3 Administrative Structure

5.3.1 Nature of Kingship
5.3.2 General Administration
5.4 Foundation of Mughal Rule in India

5.4.1 Babur and the Rajput Kingdoms
5.4.2 Babur and the Afghan Chieftains
5.5 Humayun: 1530-1540

5.5.1 Bahadur Shah and Humayun
5.5.2 Eastern Afghans and Humayun
5.5.1 Humayun and His Brothers
5.6 The Second Afghan Empire in India: 1540-1555

5.7 Revival of Mughal Rule in India
5.8 Summary
5.9 Keywords
5.0 OBJECTIVES
 understand the nature of political authority exercised by Sikandar Lodi,
 analyze the problems faced by Ibrahim Lodi,
 evaluate the early difficulties of Babur in establishing the Mughal rule,
 assess the administrative set-up under the Lodi Sultans,
*
Prof. Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqui and Dr. Rajeev Sharma, Centre of Advanced Study in
History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh; and Dr. Meena Bhargava, Department of
History, Indraprastha College, Delhi. The present Unit is taken from IGNOU Course
EHI-04: History of India from 16th to mid-18th Century, Block 1, Unit 2, Block 2, Unit 5 and
Block 4 Unit 14. 77
Indian Political System  list Babur’s successful campaigns against the Lodis,
 evaluate the conquests and conflicts of the Mughals with the local ruling powers,
specially their clashes with the Afghans and the Rajputs,
 explain the circumstances in which Humayun was defeated by Sher Shah,
 understand the emergence and consolidation of Sher Shah, and
 comprehend the circumstances and factors that led to the revival of Mughals in
India under Humayun.
5.1 INTRODUCTION
The first half of the 16th century in North India was a period of political turmoil
and instability. This period witnessed frequent changes of ruling dynasties and
emergence of diverse ruling groups. The most significant event was the Mughal
conquest of India. This influenced, in a major way the Indian polity, economy and
society for the coming 200 years. In this Unit we will focus our attention mainly
on the first half of the16th century. Our aim here is to familiarize you with the
political background in which the powerful Mughal Empire established itself in
India.
At first we will discuss the political developments during this period. Our discussion
starts with the Lodi dynasty of the Afghans. After that we shall see how the
Mughals defeated the Afghans and established their own political power. Next,
we will discuss the overthrow of the Mughals by the Afghans. The Unit ends with
the account of the re-establishment of the Mughal power under Humayun. We
hope this Unit will also help you in understanding the subsequent Mughal polity
of this period. Afghans’ bid to challenge and overthrow Mughal authority is also
discussed here. A brief survey of the Afghan rule has also been attempted. This Unit
deals mainly with the territorial expansion under Babur and Humayun. The
organizational aspects of the Mughals will be dealt in subsequent Units.
5.2 THE LODI EMPIRE

By the end of 15th century Bahlul Lodi firmly established the Lodi dynasty at
Delhi. He succeeded in bringing large area of North India under his control.
After his death, his son Sikandar Lodi succeeded him to the throne.
5.2.1 Sikandar Lodi

In the sixteenth century the Lodi Empire, under Sultan Sikandar Lodi, in North
India reached its zenith. In 1496, Sultan Husain Sharqi, the ex-ruler of Jaunpur
was driven away from south Bihar and the Rajput chieftains in alliance with
him were either forced into submission, or uprooted. Their zamindaris were
brought under the control of the Sultan or reduced to the status of vassal
principalities. Likewise, the power of those Afghan and non-Afghan nobles,
reluctant to acquiesce to the Sultan’s authority, was eliminated in the area around
Delhi. In the first decade of the sixteenth century, the annexation of Dholpur
paved the way for the expansion of the Afghan rule in the regions of Rajputana
and Malwa. The forts of Narwar and Chanderi were annexed while the
Khanzada of Nagaur acknowledged the suzerainty of the Lodi Sultan in 1510-
78 11. In short, the whole of North India, from Punjab in the north-west to Saran
and Champa ran in north, Bihar in the east, and Chanderi to the south of Delhi Afghan Polity
were brought under the Lodi rule.
Map 5.1: India from c. 1500

Source: EHI-04: India from 16th to mid - 18th Century, Block 1, Unit 2, p. 20
5.2.2 Ibrahim Lodi

Unlike his father, Sultan Ibrahim Lodi (1517-1526) had to face the hostility of
the Afghan nobility soon after his accession to the throne in 1517. He found
himself surrounded by powerful nobles bent upon weakening the centre to
gain an upper hand for themselves. His father had to fight against his brothers
and relatives and was supported by the nobles who wanted to replace the princes
in the resourceful provinces. Upon the death of Sultan Sikandar, the nobles
decided to divide the Empire between Sultan Ibrahim Lodi and his younger
brother Prince Jalal Khan Lodi, the governor of Kalpi.
Sultan Ibrahim was forced by them to accept the division which naturally
weakend the centre. Sometime later, some of the senior nobles, like Khan
Khanan Nuhani, who came from their provinces to do obeisance to the new 79
Indian Political System Sultan, criticized the supporters of division, calling their action detrimental to
the Empire. They also persuaded the Sultan to rescind the agreement. On their
advice, Sultan Ibrahim sent high nobles to Prince Jalal Khan. Their mission
was to persuade him to withdraw his claim and acknowledge his elder brother
as the Sultan. The efforts went in vain and this created a succession crisis.
At this juncture Sultan Ibrahim appeared more powerful than his rival brother.
Hence, the old nobles rallied round him. However, there were few exceptions
like Azam Humayun Sarwani, the governor of Kara and his son Fath Khan
Sarwani. They stood by Jalal Khan but for some time only. When Sultan Ibrahim
marched in person, even these two deserted Jalal Khan and joined the Sultan.
The Suftan deputed Azam Humayun Sarwani against Raja Bikrnmajit of
Gwaliar. This was done so because Prince Jalal Khan had taken shelter there.
From Gwaliar, Jalal Khan fled towards Malwa but was captured by the Gonds
and sent as prisoner to the Sultan in Agra. However, his escape from Gwaliar
made the Sultan suspicious of the loyalty of the old nobles to him. Azam
Humayun was recalled and thrown into prison. The Raja of Gwaliar surrendered
to the nobles and agreed to join the service of the Sultan. He was given the
territory of Shamsabad (Farrukhabad district) in iqta. It was about this time
that the celebrated wazir Mian Bhua also lost royal confidence and was put
under arrest. The imprisonment of the old nobles sparked off wide-spread
rebellion in the eastern region.
The Sultan raised his favourites to key positions at the court and sent others to
the provinces as governors. As a result, the old nobles became apprehensive of
their future and began to build up their power in the provinces. Darya Khan
Nuhani, a powerful governor of Bihar, became a rallying point for the
dissatisfied nobles in the east. About the same time, Babur occupied the sarkar
of Bhera and Daulat Khan Lodi, the supreme governor of the trans-Sultej
Punjab, failed to liberate it. When summoned to the court, Daulat Khan did not
come and revolted against the Sultan in Lahore. He also invited the uncle of
Sultan Ibrahim, Alam Khan Lodi (son of Bahlul Lodi), and declared him as the
new Sultan under the title of Sultan Alauddin. Both formed an alliance with
Babur, the ruler of Kabul, against Sultan Ibrahim. Rana Sangram Singh and
Babur also seem to have reached to an understanding against Ibrahim Lodi.
5.3 ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE

A number of new administrative measures were taken during this period. Afghan
kingship also showed a marked departure from the Turkish concepts. This
change can well be seen in the formulation of almost all the administrative policies.
5.3.1 Nature of Kingship

The kingship under the Turkish Sultans was highly centralized. The Sultan’s
powers were absolute. However, with the rise of the Afghan power, there also
followed distinct changes in the monarchy. Afghan monarchy was primarily
‘tribal’ in nature. For them, king was ‘first among equals’.
In fact, political expediency also played its own role. Bahlul, being Afghan, could
not look towards Turks for support. He had to virtually accept the terms of his
80 fellow Afghans. The Afghan nobles must have enjoyed complete local autonomy.
The only bond between them and the Sultan was to render military service when Afghan Polity
the need arose. Such was the position under Bahlul that he neither ever sat on the
throne in front of his fellow Afghan nobles, nor did he organized an open darbar.
He used to call his Afghan nobles masnad-i ali.
However, a distinct change came with Sultan Sikandar Lodi who clearly saw
the dangers of unrestrained nobility. He is credited with having introduced such
important changes into the political system of the Empire that transformed it
into a highly centralized political entity.
Unlike his father, Sultan Bahlul Lodi, Sultan Sikandar Lodi demanded
obedience from his nobles. His military success made the nobility completely
loyal and subservient to him. It also suppressed its sentiments of equality with
the Sultan. He is reported to have sat on the throne regular1y in an open darbar
where the nobles were required to stand, showing due respect to the Sultan
like servants. Even in his absence, his farmans were received by high nobles
with respect. The noble to whom the farman was sent had to come forward six
miles to receive it. A terrace was prepared upon which the courier stood and
placed the farman on the head of the noble who had to stand below. Then all
those concerned had to listen to it while standing. The nobles who failed to
retain the confidence of the Sultan fell into disgrace. According to a
contemporary writer, ‘any one who turned from the path of obedience, he (the
Sultan) either got his head severed off the body or banished him from the
Empire’.
Though, in general, the Sultan did not tamper with their autonomy at the local
level, at times the nobles were transferred and sometimes were even dismissed.
The Sultan expelled Sultan Ashraf, son of Ahmad Khan Jilawani, who had
declared his independence in Bayana after Sultan Bahlul Lodi’s death. He also
exiled the twenty-two high Afghan and non-Afghan nobles for their involvement
in a conspiracy against him in 1500. Jalal Khan Lodi, who succeeded his father
as the governor of Kalpi in 1506, incurred the displeasure of the Sultan by not
properly conducting the siege operations against the fort of Narwar in 1508,
for which he was thrown into prison.
The nobles were also put to closer scrutiny of their iqtas. But, in spite of these
changes, the Afghan kingship basically remained unchanged. Some of the
offices were made hereditary. The Afghans continued to assume high titles,
such as Khan-i Jahan, Khan-i Khanan, Azam Humayun, Khan-i Azam, etc.
They also enjoyed freedom to maintain informal relations with the Sultan at
the playground, marches, hunting, etc. Thus, monarchy under Sikandar was
more of a compromise between the Turkish and tribal organizations.
The process of centralization accelerated under Ibrahim. He believed that
kingship knows no kinship. Under him, the prestige of the Sultan went so high
that even the royal tent was considered worthy of respect. However, Ibrahim’s
policy had severe consequences and proved ruinous to the interests of the Afghan
kingdom. The· Afghan nobles were not prepared for the master-servant
relationship. This led to dissatisfaction and rebellions to the extent that some
of them even collaborated with Babur to depose the Sultan. When the second
Afghan Empire (Surs) was established in India, they had learnt the lesson well
for they never attempted to establish tribal monarchy. Instead, Sher Shah Sur
81
Indian Political System succeeded in establishing a highly centralized autocratic monarchy. With the
coming of the Mughals on the scene, one finds the opening up of another
chapter – the Mughals who were influenced by both, the Turkish and the Mongol
traditions.
5.3.2 General Administration

Sultan Sikandar Lodi is also praised for introducing sound administrative
machinery. He introduced the practice of audit in order to check the accounts
of muqtis and walis (governors). Mubarak Khan Lodi (Tuji Khail), the governor
of Jaunpur, was the first noble whose accounts came under scrutiny in 1506. He
was found guilty of embezzlement and, therefore, dismissed. Similarly, Khwaja
Asghar, a non-Afghan officer-in-charge of Delhi, was thrown into prison for
corruption. The Sultan also reorganized the intelligence system in order to keep
himself well informed about the conditions in the Empire. As a result, the nobles
feared to discuss the political matters among themselves, lest the Sultan be
displeased.
Interested in the well-being of the general public, the Sultan had charity houses
opened in the capital as well as in the provinces for the benefit of destitute and
handicapped people. The deserving persons got financial aid from these charity
houses. Scholars and poets were patronized and educational institutions were
granted financial aid throughout the Empire. He imposed a ban on the use of any
language other than Persian in the government offices. This led many Hindus to
learn Persian and they acquired proficiency in Persian within a short span of time.
Consequently, they began to look after and supervise the revenue administration.
When Babur came to India, he was astonished to see that the revenue department
was completely manned by the Hindus.
Likewise, the serious interest taken by Sultan Sikandar Lodi in ensuring
impartial justice to all and sundry in his Empire brought peace and prosperity.
1) Discuss the extent of Sikandar Lodi’s Empire.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Match the following:
1) Azam Humayun A) Governor of Bihar
2) Darya Khan Nuhani B) Governor of Punjab
3) Jalal Khan Lodi C) Governor of Kara
4) Daulat Khan Lodi D) Governor of Kalpi
3) In what way did the Afghan polity differ from the Turkish polity?
..................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
82 ........................................................................................................................
4) Discuss the measures taken by the Surs to curb the power of the nobles. Afghan Polity
..................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
5.4 FOUNDATION OF MUGHAL RULE IN INDIA

Much before the final showdown at the battle of Panipat (1526), Babur had invaded
India four times. These skirmishes were trials of strength of Mughal arms and Lodi
forces.
The first to fall was Bhira (1519-1520), the gateway of Hindustan, followed by Sialkot
(1520) and Lahore (1524). Finally, Ibrahim Lodi and Babur’s forces met at the
historic battlefield of Panipat. The battle lasted for just few hours in favour of Babur.
The battle shows Babur’s skill in the art of warfare. His soldiers were less in number
but their organization was superior. Ibrahim’s forces though many times greater
in number (approximately 100,000 soldiers and 500-1000 elephants as compared to
Babur’s 12,000 horsemen) fared badly. Babur successfully applied the Rumi (Ottoman)
method of warfare (for details see Figure. 5.1).
Figure 5.1: Rumi device used by Babur at the Battle of Panipat

Source: EHI-4: History of India from 16th to mid-18th Century, Block 2, Unit 5, p. 8
83
As the Afghans advanced to attack the right flank; Babur ordered his reserve forces
under Abdul Aziz to move. The Afghans, greater in number, were unable to
move forward nor backward. They were attacked from both sides. This created
total confusion among the Afghan forces. Babur took full advantage of the
situation, and his right and left wings soon attacked the Afghan forces from the rear
side. This was followed with the opening up of fire shots. This completely paralyzed
the Afghan army. Afghan casualties reported by Babur were approximately 20,000
including the Sultan Ibrahim Lodi. In the battle it was not Babur’s artillery but his
‘superb tactics’ and the ‘mounted archers’ played the decisive role, a fact which
Babur himself acknowledged.
The battle of Panipat, though formally established the Mughal rule in India, it
was the first among the series of battles in the years to come. For example, to
secure this triumph, it was equally important to overcome Rana Sanga of Mewar
and the chieftains in and around Delhi and Agra. Another important opponent in
the eastern India was the Afghans. To add to this, problems were mounting within
his own nobility.
5.4.1 Babur and the Rajput Kingdoms

We have already discussed that Rana Sanga of Mewar was a power to reckon with.
Babur, in his memoirs, has blamed Rana Sanga for breaking his promise by not
siding with him in the battle of Panipat against Ibrahim Lodi. Leaving apart the
controversy whether it was Rana or Babur who asked for help, the fact remains
that there was some understanding on both the sides to join hands against Ibrahim
Lodi in which the Rana faltered. Rana expected Babur to return to Kabul and
leave him free to establish his hegemony, if not over whole of Hindustan, at
least over Rajputana. Babur’s decision to stay back must have given a big jolt to
Rana’s ambitions. Babur was also fully aware of the fact that it would be impossible
for him to consolidate his position in India unless he shattered the Rana’s power.
Rana Sanga this time succeeded in establishing the ‘confederacy’ against Babur
with the help of Afghan nobles. Hasan Khan Mewati not only joined the Rana
but also played a crucial role in forming the ‘confederacy’. This time (1527) Hasan
Khan of Bari and Husain Khan Gurg-andaz joined the Rana. Husain Khan Nuhani
occupied Rapri, Rustam Khan prevailed over Koil, while Qutb Khan captured
Chandawar. Pressure of eastern Afghans was so much that Sultan Muhammad
Duldai had to leave Qannauj and join Babur. To add to this, the defeat of Babur’s
commander Abdul Aziz and Muhibb Ali at Biana and their praise of the valour of
the Rajput army completely demoralized Babur’s army. Firishta and Badauni
(Akbar’s contemporary) comment that the sense of defeatism was so strong
that it was proposed by a majority at a council of war that the Padshah should
withdraw to Punjab and wait for developments of unseen events. The Baburnama
does not say anything about such a proposal, but this shows the general feeling
of ‘despair and frustration’. However, Babur prevailed over the situation with
his fiery speech touching the religious sentiments of his men.
Babur fortified his position near Sikri at the village Khanwa. Here also he planned
and organized his army on the ‘Ottoman’ lines. This time he took the support of
a tank on his left, front side again was defended by carts but ropes were replaced
by iron chains. However, this time he used the strong wooden tripods connected
with each other by ropes. They offered not only protection and rest to the guns
but also they could move them forward and backward on the wheels. It took around
20-25 days to complete the strategy under Ustad Mustafa and Ustad Ali. In the
battle (17th March, 1527) Babur made use of his artillery well. Rana Sanga got
severely wounded and was carried to Baswa near Amber. Among his other
associates, Mahmud Khan Lodi escaped but Hasan Khan Mewati was killed. The
Rajputs suffered a big loss. In fact, there was hardly any contingent whose
commander was not killed. Shyamal Das (Vir Vinod) attributes the treachery of
Silhadi of Raisen as the major factor behind the defeat of Rana. But, in fact, it was
irrational for Rana to remain inactive for over three weeks. This provided an
opportunity to Babur to strengthen himself and prepare for war. Babur’s disciplined
army, mobile cavalry and his artillery played the most decisive role in the battle.
Though the Mewar Rajputs received a great shock at Khanwa, Medini Rai at
Malwa was still a power to reckon with. In 1520, Rana Sanga bestowed Malwa on
Medini Rai, the chief noble of Mahmud II of Malwa. In spite of great valour with
which the Rajputs fought at Chanderi (1528), Babur faced little difficulty in
overcoming Medini Rai. With his defeat, resistance across Rajputana was
completely shattered. But Babur had to tackle the Afghans. Mahmud Khan Lodi
who had already escaped towards the east could create problems if left unchecked.
Map 5.2: Babur’s Empire

Source: EHI-04: India from 16th to Mid-18th Century, Block 2, Unit 5, p.10
5.4.2 Babur and the Afghan Chieftains

The Afghans had surrendered Delhi, but they were still powerful in the east (Bihar
and parts of Jaunpur) where the Nuhani Afghans were dominant led by Sultan
Muhammad Nuhani. The Afghans of Chunar, Jaunpur and Awadh were not ready
to cooperate with the Nuhanis in a bid to give a united opposition against the
Indian Political System Mughals. Instead, they surrendered meekly to Humayun (1527). In the meantime,
Sultan Muhammad Nuhani died (1528) and left the Nuhanis disjointed as his son
Jalal Khan was still a minor. But the vacuum was soon filled by the appearance of
Prince Mahmud Lodi, son of Sikandar Lodi and brother of Ibrahim. The Afghans,
including the non-Nuhanis, who were a little hesitant earlier to side with the
Nuhanis, now readily accepted Mahmud’s leadership. Besides, even the Nuhani
Afghans like Babban, Bayazid and Fath Khan Sarwani, etc. who felt leaderless
with the desertion of Jalal to Bengal, welcomed Mahmud, Nusrat Shah of Bengal
also, though apparently advocated friendship with Babur, secretly adopted hostile
measures against him. He considered the existence of the Nuhani kingdom in
Bihar as buffer between the Mughals and his own possessions in parts of Bihar.
Babur could hardly afford to ignore these developments. He mobilized his forces
at Ghagra and inflicted a crushing defeat upon Nusrat Shah’s army (1529). Thus
ended the Afghan-Nusrat coalition and Nusrat Shah had to surrender large number
of Afghan rebels who had taken asylum in his territory. The Afghans were now
totally demoralized. Though Babban and Bayazid did attempt to resist at Awadh,
but when pressurized (1529) they fled to Mahmud. Thus, within four years Babur
succeeded in crushing the hostile powers and now could think of consolidating
himself at Delhi. But he could hardly get the opportunity to rule as he died soon
after (29 December, 1530).
The establishment of the Mughal Empire under the aegis of Babur was significant.
Though the Afghans and Rajputs could not be crushed completely (a task left to
his successors), his two major blows at Panipat and Khanwa were certainly decisive
and destroyed the balance of power in the region and perhaps was a step towards
the establishment of an all-India empire.
1) Discuss Babur’s success against Ibrahim Lodi at the battle of Panipat.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the significance of the battle of Khanwa.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Write a note on Nusrat-Afghan coalition against Babur.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
5.5 HUMAYUN: 1530-1540

The situation under Humayun was quite different. Like Babur he did not command
the respect and esteem of the nobility. Moreover, the Chaghatai nobles were not
86
favourably inclined towards him and the Indian nobles, who had joined Babur’s Afghan Polity
service deserted the Mughals at Humayun’s accession. Muhammad Sultan Mirza,
a descendant of Timur; Muhammad Zaman and Mir Muhammad Mahdi Khwaja,
brother-in-law of Babur, were considered worthy to aspire to the throne; especially
Amir Nizamuddin Ali Khalifa, a grandee of Babur, hatched a conspiracy which
failed. To sustain imperial power and hegemony, Humayun had to contend against the
Afghans both in the east and the west which was supported by a large social base. But,
most dangerous of all, was Humayun’s brother Kamran Mirza. The situation was
further aggravated by the existence of two centres of power within the empire 6
Humayun at the centre and Kamran’s autonomous control over Afghanistan and
Punjab. Humayun decided to deal, at first, with the western Afghans.
5.5.1 Bahadur Shah and Humayun

Humayun’s relations with Bahadur Shah represent a curious contrast due to the
circumstances. In the beginning (early 1531 to mid-1533), Bahadur Shah assured
Humayun of friendship and loyalty. But, at the same time he also attempted to
expand his area of influence closer to the Mughal frontiers. The first to taste the
wrath was Malwa. Bahadur Shah was a little apprehensive of the Mughal designs on
Malwa, He feared that if this buffer state between the two was left unoccupied, the
Mughals might attempt to conquer it. Besides, all trade routes to Gujarat ports passed
through Malwa. It was also very fertile and rich in grain production and Gujarat
depended much upon this region for grain supply. After 1530, Bahadur Shah started
putting up military pressure on Malwa and finally occupied it in January 1531. Soon
after, Bahadur Shah started making alliances with Humayun’s adversaries in the east 6
Sher Shah in Bihar (1531-15 32) and Nusrat Shah in Bengal (August-September 1532).
Nusrat Shah is also reported to have sent an embassy under Khwajasara Malik (August-
September 1532) who was well received by Bahadur Shah. Besides, many disgruntled
Afghans of the north and the east also joined him in a bid to oust Mughals in order
to regain their lost pride. Sultan Alauddin Lodi, son of Bahlul Lodi, and his sons Fath
Khan and Tatar Khan, Rai Nar Singh, nephew of Raja Bikramajit of Gwalior (1528)
and Alam Khan Lodi of Kalpi (1531), all looked towards Bahadur Shah and extended
their help against the Mughals. Even the eastern Afghans – Babban Khan Lodi
(Shahu Khail), Malik Roop Chand, Dattu Sarwani and Ma’ruf Farmuli – joined
hands with Bahadur Shah.
Humayun could ill afford to ignore these developments. Situation could have
worsened in case of combined Afghan attack from east and the west. In the
meantime, Bahadur Shah’s aggressive designs continued unabated. He occupied
Bhilsa, Raisen, Ujjain and Gagron. Thus he could well keep the Mughals away from
Gwaliar, Kalinjar, Bayana and Agra. While Bahadur Shah was busy in expanding
towards Malwa and Rajputana, Humayun was besieging Chunar. These
developments forced him to rush back to Agra (1532-33). But Bahadur Shah was
keen to avoid any clash with the Mughals and immediately sent an embassy under
Khurasan Khan (1533-34). Humayun demanded that he should not give shelter to
Mughal rebels especially Muhammad Zaman Mirza. At the same time Humayun agreed
not to threaten the Gujarati establishments while Bahadur Shah promised to withdraw
from Mandu. Bahadur Shah in the meantime was involved in suppressing the
Portuguese menace (September-December 1533) and Humayun was busy in
tackling the Afghans in the east.
87
Indian Political System New developments resulted in the invasion of Gujarat by Humayun in 1535. In 1534,
Bahadur Shah gave shelter to Muhammad Zaman Mirza and also attacked Chittor.
Chittor was important for Bahadur Shah for it could provide him a strong base in
Rajputana. It could have also facilitated expansion towards Ajmer, Nagor and
Ranthambhor. But Humayun at this point made no attempt to stop Bahadur Shah
from conquering Chittor. His move from Agra to Kalpi was too slow. Similarly, he
took a longer route to reach Chittor. It seems that Humayun was not very keen to
stop Bahadur Shah from occupying Chittor. Bahadur Shah was anxious to reach
Mandu before Humayun could intercept. But the latter reached there much before.
Mandu was the only route to retreat from Chittor to Gujarat and that was already
occupied by Humayun. He blocked Bahadur Shah’s camp from all directions,
thus, cutting the supplies. Within a month, with no hope left, Gujarati army
themselves destroyed their best artillery to stop the Mughals to use it against them.
Bahadur Shah fled from Mandu to Champaner, Ahmadabad, and Cambay and crossed
Kathiawar and reached Diu. Mughals chased him. But, again, they hardly showed any
eagerness for either arresting or killing Bahadur Shah.
It seems that the real aim of Humayun was just to destroy the power of Gujarat. At
Champaner, when Bahadur Shah was recognized by Mughal officers, they did not
arrest him. Soon Humayun had to leave Mandu and rush to Agra because his long
absence from there had resulted in rebellions in Doab and Agra. Mandu was now left
under the charge of Mirza Askari. The handling of local population by the Mughals
had caused widespread indignation. People were looted and slaughtered. As a result,
as soon as Humyun left Mandu people rejoiced Bahadur Shah’s return from Diu.
Bahadur Shah took advantage of the opportunity and defeated the Mughals at
Ahmadabad. In the meantime, to check the Portuguese advance, Bahadur Shah had
to return to Diu. But this time the Portuguese succeeded and Bahadur Shah was
treacherously murdered (17 February 1537). This created confusion everywhere.
The Afghans, left with no alternative, now turned towards Sher Shah for leadership.
5.5.2 Eastern Afghans and Humayun

The Afghans’ defeat at the hands of Humayun (siege of Chunar in November, 1531)
resulted in the flight of Afghan nobles to Gujarat. This created a political vacuum in
the east, providing an opportunity to Sher Khan to consolidate his power.
The period between 1530-1535 proved crucial for Sher Shah. To consolidate his position
in the east, he had to tackle with Bengal and Afghan nobles who got shelter under
the Bengal ruler. On the other hand, he was hardly in a position to face the Mughals in
case of any direct clash. Fortunately, circumstances took a favourable turn for Sher
Shah. Considering Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, a serious threat, Humayun decided
to tackle him first. During this period Sher Shah was left free to consolidate himself.
Sher Shah had to face two invasions of Bengal rulers. The first attack took place
under Qutb Khan, the muqti of Munger in 1532-1533 during Sultan Nusrat Shah’s
reign, and, the second under Ibrahim Khan during Sultan Mahmud Shah’s reign
(1534). However, Bengal armies were defeated on both the occasions. These
successes completely exposed the weakness of the Bengal army. This raised the prestige
of Sher Khan. The eastern Afghans who had earlier deserted him now rushed to serve
under his banner. Besides, the destruction and death of Bahadur Shah by Humayun
left the Afghans with no alternative but to join him against the Mughals.
88
Now Sher Shah wanted to establish himself as the undisputed Afghan leader. This Afghan Polity
time (1535) he took the offensive and defeated the Bengal army in the battle of
Surajgarh. In a peace settlement after the battle, Sultan Mahmud Shah of Bengal
agreed to supply war elephants and financial help to Sher Shah whenever required.
This grand success against Bengal, followed by his attacks on the Mughal territories
in the east (from Gorakhpur to Banaras), alarmed Humayun. Humayun now deputed
Hindu Beg as governor (hakim) of Jaunpur to keep an eye on the developments in
the eastern region. But, Sher Shah, acting cautiously on the one hand assured
Hindu Beg of his loyalty, while on the other utilized the time for strengthening his
army for his next onslaught on Mughals. As soon his preparations were over, he
wrote a threatening letter to Hindu Beg. At the same time, he launched his second
attack on Bengal (1537). Hindu Beg, annoyed with Sher Shah’s behaviour, reported
his hostile intentions to Humayun. The Afghan nobles suggested Humayun to
stop Sher Shah from occupying Bengal, while the Mughal nobles advised him to
occupy Chunar first to use it as a base for his operations in the east. The latter
option was important for maintaining the line of communications with Agra. But
it took too long for Rumi Khan to capture Chunar (6 months). Historians consider
it a great ‘mistake’ that cost Humayun his ‘empire’. Though leaving Chunar in the
hands of the Afghans could have been unwise, leaving Sher Shah free and
unchecked in Bengal was ‘equally wrong’.
Sher Shah utilized the time and captured Gaur (April, 1538), the capital of Bengal.
At this stage, Humayun asked Sher Shar to transfer Bengal and Rohtasgarh to
him, but Sher Shah was not ready to surrender Bengal and the negotiations failed.
Now Humayun decided to curb Sher Shah’s power but he did not want to involve
himself in Bengal politics. Yet, the circumstances were forcing him towards it.
Sher Shah shrewdly withdrew from Bengal, and Humayun, with no obvious
obstructions, reached Bengal (September, 1538).
He had to stay there for four months until he finally settled the prevailing chaos.
In the meantime, Sher Shah succeeded in controlling the routes to Agra thus making
communication difficult for Humayun. To add to Humayun’s worries, Hindal Mirza,
who was sent to gather supplies for his army, assumed sovereign power. Humayun
hurried back to Chunar and reached Chausa (March 1539). He encamped on the
western side of the river Karmnasa. At this stage Humayun was still in control of
the situation. On the front side he was guarded by the river, while to his rear was
Chunar, which was still in the hands of his men. Sher Shah, too, showed willingness
to accept truce. But at this stage Humayun unnecessarily exposed himself to danger
by crossing the river. Sher Shah knowing fully well the paucity of Humayun’s
provisions, equipment and transport wasted no time in exploiting the situation.
He, while pretending to fulfil the terms of the truce, attacked the Mughal army.
Panic spread in the Mughal camp. Large number of Mughal forces were killed.
Humayun and Askari Mirza managed to flee. Humayun reached Agra by way of
Kara Manikpur and Kalpi (July 1539). Raja Virbhan, the ruler of Gahora, helped
greatly in rescuing them. Kamran Mirza welcomed Humayun on his return to
Agra with his army totally destroyed; while Sher Shah, elated by his victory,
proclaimed himself an independent king. Under these circumstances, the final
clash was inevitable. Humayun was defeated badly in the battle of Qannauj at the
banks of Ganga (1540). This paved the way for the establishment of the second
Afghan empire in India. A number of factors had contributed in Humayun’s debacle
against Sher Shah. These include: 89
Indian Political System i) faced hostility of his brothers. On many occasions he dealt with them too
kindly.
ii) Sometime he reacted lethargically when the situation demanded swift action.
This can be seen well in his Gujarat and Bengal campaigns.
iii) He was also victim of an ‘inexorable fate’. For example, Mahmud Shah of
Bengal kept him unnecessarily involved in Bengal politics. This provided an
opportunity to Sher Shah to gain strength.
iv) Humayun also lacked financial resources for continuous warfare. This
weakness became very much evident when in Bengal he got stranded and
lacked money and supplies (1539).
v) Besides, Sher Shah had the courage, experience and organizing abilities; he
was also skilled in exploiting political opportunities. Humayun could not
match his capabilities.
5.5.3 Humayun and His Brothers

Immediately after the death of his father Babur, Humayun divided his empire into
four parts giving Mewat to Hindal, Sambhal to Askari and Punjab, Kabul and
Qandahar to Kamran. The very division itself was unfavourable to Humayun for he
was left with little resources at his disposal. In spite of this kind treatment, his
brothers hardly helped him when he needed. His brother Askari Mirza, whom
Humayun made governor of Gujarat at the time of Bahadur Shah’s attack on
Ahmadabad, could not tackle the situation. As a result, Humayun had to lose Malwa
(1537). Askari Mirza also sided with Kamran and proceeded to Qandahar at the
crucial juncture when Humayun needed their help after his defeat at the hands of
Sher Shah at Qannauj. However, Hindal Mirza by and large remained loyal to
Humanyun and even died fighting for him (1551).
The greatest threat to Humayun arose from Kamran Mirza who had assumed almost a
semi-independent position in Afghanistan and Punjab. Thus emerged two centres of
power 6 one at Kabul and the other at Agra. This situation prevented the rise of a
centralized state and the political instability was evident in the first major crisis which
the Mughals faced (1538-1540). Though Kamran Mirza remained loyal to Humayun
in the early years and once rushed to Delhi at the call of Yadgar Nasir Mirza (governor
of Delhi) to tackle Hindal Mirza (June 1539). Here again, instead of marching
towards Chausa to help Humayun, both the brothers, Hindal and Kamran, watched the
developments from a distance. Had they extended help to Humayun, he could have
defeated Sher Shah.
It seems Kamran was more interested in defending his own territory rather than
putting up a united front against the Afghans. Even before Humayun’s final clash
with Sher Shah (1540), Kamran Mirza, instead of sending his whole army, sent only
3000 troops to serve the Emperor at Lahore. After Humayun’s defeat at the hands
of Sher Shah (1540), Kamran even sent a proposal to Sher Shah, through Qazi
Abdullah, to accept Punjab as the frontier between the two. Sher Shah realized
that there was no unanimity between the brothers and forced them to accept Indus
as the boundary. Kamran felt that he had to lose Punjab due to the incompetency
of his brother and became more anxious to save Kabul and Qandahar for himself.
The period between 1545-1553 is one during which Humayun was busy in dealing
90
with Kamran Mirza. However, it is difficult to put the entire blame for Humayun’s Afghan Polity
failures on his brothers. But their support would have made things easier for
Humayun and the Empire could have been saved.
5.6 THE SECOND AFGHAN EMPIRE IN INDIA: 1540-

1555
Finally, after expelling Humayun, Sher Shah became the Emperor of North India
from the Indus to the Bay of Bengal in the east and from Himalaya in the north to
Malwa in the south. The Baloch chiefs of Multan and upper Sind and Maldeo in
western Rajputana and Bhaiya Puran Mal of Raisin were defeated. A centralized
political system was again revived by Sher Shah Sur. With Sher Shah Sur, a new
era began in the history of North India. Certain important changes took place in
the realm of ideas and institutions.
After defeating the Mughal Emperor, Sher Shah declared himself as the sovereign ruler and
started building the Second Afghan Empire. The fifteen years (1540-1555) of Afghan rule
form an interlude in the history of Mughal Empire. This period, nevertheless, was significant
for the administrative innovations and reorganization. During Sher Shah’s short reign (1540-
1545), he was busy in fighting for keeping his new Empire intact. Here we will give a very
brief account of Sher Shah’s conflicts during this period.
The Ghakkars (inhabitants on the North-West frontier between the Indus and Jhelum rivers)
were the first one to come in conflict with him. But Sher Shah got very little success in this
venture. The Ghakkars put up a stiff resistance. Khizr Khan, the governor of Bengal, also
showed some signs of independence. All this forced him to withdraw from Punjab and
marched towards Bengal (1541). There he dismissed Khizr Khan. Malwa was the next target
of Sher-Shah where Qadir Shah showed disobedience. On this way he occupied Gwalior
from Abdul Qasim. Qadir Shah also surrendered and was arrested (1542). To tackle the
Rajputs, Sher Shah besieged Raisen in 1543. Raja Puran Mai, ruler of Raisen, though offered
submission, Sher Shah attacked him. Puran Mai along with many others died in the battle.
The province of Multan was also conquered in 1543. In spite of the defeat of the Rajputs at
Raisen, Maldeo of Marwar was still formidable. He had already extended his dominion
towards Sambhar, Nagor, Bikaner, Ajmer and Bednar. Sher Shah marched towards him and
in 1544 occupied Ajmer, Pali and Mount Abu. Without any serious resistence, Udai Singh
also handed over the keys of Chittor to Sher Shah. Thus, almost the whole of Rajputana fell
into his hands. Sher Shah also succeeded in occupying the impregnable fort of Kalinjar, but,
while besieging it, Sher Shah was severely wounded on account of explosion and died soon
after (22 May, 1545). Thus, ended the glorious career of Sher Shah.
Sher Shah’s son and successor Islam Shah (1545-1553), though kept the legacy of his father
intact, failed to consolidate it any further. He was most of the time busy in suppressing the
intrigues within his own camp which emerged under the leadership of his brother Adil Shah
along with Azam Humayun and Khawwas Khan. Besides, his humiliating treatment towards
the Niyazi Afghans specifically and the Afghans in general generated more resentment rather
than gaining any support. The ill effects of which had to be borne by his son and successor.
One finds that in spite of all efforts of Islam Shah to clear the road for the smooth succession
of his son after his death (1553) internal strife’s marred the infant Afghan kingdom to the
advantage of Humayun. Soon after Islam Shah’s death, Mubariz Khan murdered Islam’s
son Firuz and ascended the throne with the title of Adil Shah. Sedition and rebellions marred
91
Indian Political System the entire country and the Empire broke into ‘five’ kingdoms (Ahmad Khan Sur in Punjab;
Ibrahim Shah in Sambhal and Doab; Adil Shah in Chunar and Bihar; Malwa under Baz
Bahadur; and Sikandar Shah controlled Delhi and Agra). This provided an ideal climate for
Humayun to strike.
Sur Administration
In the process of evolution of Mughal administrative machinery, the Afghan interlude
(1540-1555) was significant. Under Sher Shah Suri the experiment in the formation of
a bureaucracy under a centralized despotism had taken place. Akbar gave it a definite
shape.
We get very little information about the working of central administration under Sher
Shah. But he was an autocrat and kept everything under his direct control and
supervision. Therefore, things went well so long as he was alive: his successors were
no match to him.
Sher Shah seems to have been inspired by the history of Sultan Alauddin Khalji’s
(l296-1316) reign. He adopted most of the rules and regulations introduced by the
Khalji Sultan. However, like Khaljis he was not harsh in their implementation. In
the doab region, the sarkar (the successor of shiqq under the Khaljis) was the
administrative-cum-fiscal unit, while wilayat, comprising a number of sarkars in
the outlying regions, such as Bengal, Malwa, Rajputana and Sind and Multan
were retained for the convenience of defence. The sarkar comprised a number of
parganas, each pargana consisting of a number of villages. The village was the
primary fiscal unit.
The noble posted as incharge of sarkar or wilayat was not given unlimited powers.
He was regularly directed through royal farman to implement new rules and
regulations. The spies informed the king about the conduct of the officers. Anyone
who was found failing in his work was punished. For instance, Khizr Turk, the
governor of Bengal, was dismissed and thrown into prison because he married the
daughter of the ex-Sultan of Bengal without Sher Shah’s permission and acted
independently.
The shiqqdar was in-charge of the pargana. His chief function was to collect the revenue
at pargana level. He was frequently transferred under Sher Shah. He was assisted by
two karkuns (clerks) who kept the records both in Hindi and Persian. The munsif was
responsible for measuring the land, etc. Both (shiqqdar and munsif) were directly appointed
by the king. The qanungo maintained the records at pargana level. He was a hereditary
semi-official. The fotadar was entrusted with the treasury of the pargana.
A number of parganas formed a sarkar (shiqq), headed by shiqqdar-i shiqqdaran. He
was the supervisor and executive officer over the shiqqdars of all the parganas in a
sarkar (shiqq). The munsif-i munsifan performed the duties of amin (created later by
the Mughals) at sarkar (shiqq) level. There were 66 sarkars (shiqqs) in Sher Shah’s
Empire.
The village was the smallest unit of administration. A group of villages constituted a
pargana and a few parganas a shiqq which was equivalent to Mughal sarkar. However,
in few areas, such as Punjab, Bengal, Malwa, etc. several shiqqs were placed under an
officer whom we can equate with the Mughal subadar. The village-head was known
as muqaddam who worked as the sole link between the government and the village.
92
Though he was not the government servant, nonetheless he was responsible for Afghan Polity
maintaining law and order in his village. Next comes the patwari, a village record-
keeper. He was also not an employee of the state but of the village community.
Sher Shah attached great importance to the administration of justice. Civil cases of the
Muslims were taken care of by the qazi, while the criminal cases were tried by the
shiqqdar. The largest responsibility for detecting crimes rested upon muqaddams. If
the muqaddam of the village, where the crime was committed, failed to capture the
culprit, he was liable to severe punishment.
Similarly, Sher Shah’s policy with regard to the planting of Afghan colonies in the
territories known for recalcitrant inhabitants also demonstrates the nature of
kingship under him. For example, Gwalior was one of the places colonized by the
Afghans during Sher Shah’s reign. In short, Sher Shah was an absolute monarch
for all practical purposes.
In organizing his nobility, Sher Shah took people belonging to different ethnic
groups in such a way that his dynastic interest could be safeguarded. No group
was strong enough to assume the shape of a pressure group. We find the non-
Afghan nobles, Khawwas Khan, Haji Khan and Habib Khan Sultani holding the
charge of important provinces with large iqtas. This shows that the establishment
of a pure Afghan nobility was never a consideration with Sher Shah.
On Sher Shah’s death, his second son Prince Jalal Khan ascended the throne under
the title of Islam Shah. He overpowered and eliminated many senior and
experienced nobles who supported his elder brother Adil Khan. After their
elimination, Islam Shah was free to translate his political ideas into practice. He
shifted his capital from Agra to Gwalior and also brought his father’s treasures
from Chunar. Thus, Gwalior became the centre of Indo-Muslim Delhi culture.
It is also worth mentioning that Islam Shah went a step further from Sher Shah in
centralizing the polity of the Empire. He took away the iqtas of the nobles and
brought the whole Empire under khalisa. The officers were paid in cash instead of
iqtas. The nobility and army were reorganized into new grades. Officers were
appointed from among them to look after and inspect the proper maintenance of
soldiers and necessary army equipment by the nobles. The nobles were also denied
the possession of war elephants: it was a king’s prerogative.
Islam Shah was very harsh in dealing with the nobility but he was benevolent
towards the public. He provided people with the security of life and property by
holding the officer-in-charge of a territorial unit responsible for the loss of property
and life in his jurisdiction. Consequently, the officer in whose territory any crime
was committed, went out of his way to arrest the culprit. Like his father, Islam
Shah also ensured the administration of impartial justice in the Empire.
5.7 REVIVAL OF MUGHAL RULE IN INDIA

After Humayun’s defeat at Qannauj, when Askari Mirza and Kamran withdrew to
the North-West; Hindal and Yadgar Nasir Mirza decided to be with Humayun.
The latter now decided to try his luck in Sind. But, here, Hindal Mirza also deserted
him and at the invitation of Kamran marched towards Qandahar. The ruler of
Sind, Shah Husain Arghun, also succeeded in winning over Yadgar Nasir Mirza
93
Indian Political System by giving his daughter in marriage. Humayun himself could not succeed in his bid
to occupy Sihwan. Frustrated by all these developments, Humayun alone tried his
luck in Rajputana. He was invited by Raja Maldeo, the ruler of Marwar (July
1542). But, at this juncture, Sher Shah asked Maldeo to hand over Humayun. The
latter fled in fear (August 1542). He was well received by Rana Birsal. With the
help of the Rana, Humayun tried his luck in Sind once more but failed. Now he
marched towards Persia via Ghazni (December 1543) where he was well-received
by Shah Tahmasp (1544). The latter promised him in regaining Qandahar, Kabul
and Ghazni provided he promised to surrender Qandahar to the Shah. It was agreed
upon and Qandahar, then under Askari Mirza, was occupied and handed over to
the Shah.
But misunderstandings crept up, for the Persians showed no eagerness to help
Humayun to occupy Kabul and Ghazni. This compelled Humayun to wrest
Qandahar from the Persians (1545). Humayun’s success at Qandahar won over
many nobles – specially Hindal and Yadgar Nasir Mirza to change sides. These
developments totally demoralized Kamran and he fled from Kabul to Ghazna and
thence to Sind and thus, facilitated Humayun’s entry in Kabul (November 1545).
From 1545 to 1553, Humayun spent his energies mainly in dealing with his brother
Kamran who kept Humayun on his toes. In this conflict Hindal Mirza lost his life
on the battlefield (1551). This forced Humayun to have a final showdown. Kamran,
to get help from Islam Shah but was cold shouldered. While fleeing from place to
place, the Ghakkar chieftain Sultan Adam captured Kamran and handed him over
to Humayun. Finally, Kamran was blinded and permitted to proceed toMecca
(where he died in 1557).
With the end of Kamran’s opposition, Humayun emerged an undisputed master of
Kabul. With favourable political climate in India, now Humayun could plan for
the re-acquisition of his lost Indian Empire. He started in November 1554 and
reached Lahore in February 1555. With little difficulty, the Mughals continued
their victorious march and occupied Machhiwara. The final clash took place at
Sirhind. Sikandar Shah Sur had to flee towards Siwalik and the road to Delhi,
thus, lay clear. Humayun reached Salimgarh in June 1555 and occupied Delhi.
However, Humayun could hardly accomplish the task of conquest and
consolidation. He died soon after (26 January 1556), leaving behind his minor son
Akbar under heavy odds.
1) Discuss in brief Humayun’s struggle with Bahadur Shah.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the factors responsible for Humayun’s debacle against Sher Shah.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Write a short note on Humayun’s relations with his brothers.
........................................................................................................................
94
........................................................................................................................ Afghan Polity
........................................................................................................................
4) Discuss the circumstances which facilitated Humayun to regain his power in
India.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
5.8 SUMMARY
Polity in the first half of the 16th century was mainly dominated by the Afghans –
the Lodis. The Mughals also emerged on the scene, but they were still struggling
to dominate the Afghan polity. This, in fact, was a period of instability. The Afghan
nobility was not prepared to accept the autonomy of the Sultan. It played a crucial
role in determining the political events of the period. As political expediency
demanded, Bahlul was virtually dictated by Afghan nobility. Sikandar, who
succeeded in exerting his power, did attempt a compromise. But, Ibrahim and
later the Surs established an autocratic centralized monarchy, and made the nobility
totally subservient to the Sultan. In spite of political instability, people enjoyed
prosperity and economic stability.
In this Unit, we have studied the political situation of India on the eve of Babur’s
invasion. It would not be fair to assume that Indian politics was determined by
religious considerations; rather circumstances and personal interests dominated
the political scene. But, even after Panipat, Babur’s path was not smooth. He had
to face the Rajput chieftains and the dispirited Afghans. The alliances that were
forged during these conflicts cut across religious considerations. We have seen
that the confederacy had in it both the Rajputs and the Afghan nobles. It was
Babur’s great generalship that made him victorious against all odds. His son
Humayun, who was not as gifted a general as his father, could not stand against the
united Afghan opposition and thus failed to keep his father’s legacy intact (1540).
As a result, he was thrown into wilderness for almost thirteen years. During this
period, we saw the emergence of a great Afghan – Sher Shah – who, though ruled
for just five years, left his permanent marks of excellence in history. He not only
provided a strong administrative setup, which was followed and further
strengthened by Akbar, but also brought almost the whole of north India under
one administrative unit. But his successors failed to consolidate further. Their
personal intrigues and the prevailing chaos provided an apt opportunity for
Humayun to strike. This time Humayun made no mistake. He regained power in
1555. He died soon after leaving the task of consolidation to his son Akbar. We
shall read about the developments that followed in the next Unit.
5.9 KEYWORDS
Amin Revenue assessor
Baburnama Memoir written by Babur (also known as
Tuzuk-i Baburi)
95
Indian Political System Muqti Governor; iqta holder
Pargana An administrative unit comprising of a number
of villages
Sarkar Territorial divison consisted of a number of
parganas. Between parganas and sarkars
were the shiqqs but from Akbar’s reign
onwards shiqq was not commonly used.
Wazir Prime Minister
Wilayat Province. Provinces in this period were not
well-defined administrative units. The well-
defined provinces (subas) emerged for the first
time during Akbar’s reign in 1580.

EXERCISES
1. See Section 5.2
2. 1) C-Governor of Kara; 2) A-Governor of Bihar; 3) D-Governor of Kalpi;
4)B-Governor of Punjab
1. See Section 5.4
4. See Section 5.7

Pandey, Awadh Behari, (1956) The First Afghan Empire in India (1451-1526 AD)
(New Delhi: Bookland Limited).
Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain, (1969) Some aspects of Afghan Despotism in India
(Aligarh: Three Men Publication).
96
Tripathi, R. P., (1963) Rise and Fall of the Mughal Empire (Allahabad: Central Afghan Polity
Book Depot).

Talking History |8| Delhi: The Foundation of Mughal Empire | Rajya Sabha
TV
https://www.youtu.be/anQWopp1NCo
Talking History |9| Delhi: The Mughal Empire under Humayun | Rajya Sabha
TV
https://www.youtu.be/SeCpvMT_vA4
97
Sources and
Historiography Unit 6 MUGHAL CONQUESTS: WARFARE
AND ALLIANCES *
Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Power Politics and Regency of Bairam Khan: 1556-1560
6.3 Territorial Expansion
6.3.1 North and Central India
6.3.2 Western India
6.3.3 Eastern India
6.3.4 Rebellions of 1581
6.3.5 Conquests in the North-West
6.4 Territorial Expansion under the Successors of Akbar

6.5 Policies towards Autonomous Chieftains
6.6 Mughals and the North-West Frontier
6.6.1 Akbar and the North-West Frontier
6.6.2 Jahangir and the North-West Frontier
6.6.3 Shah Jahan and the North-West Frontier
6.6.4 Aurangzeb and the North-West Frontier
6.7 Summary
6.8 Keywords
6.0 OBJECTIVES
 assess how Bairam Khan’s regency came to an end and Akbar took control of
the affairs of the state,
 evaluate the territorial expansion of Mughal Empire under Akbar and his
successors,
* Dr. Meena Bhargava, Department of History, Indraprastha College, Delhi; and Prof.
Mansura Haider, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. The present
Unit is taken from IGNOU Course EHI-04: India from 16th to mid-18th Century, Block 2,
98 Units 5, 6 and 7.
 analyze the problems faced by the Mughals in expanding the Empire, Indic Literary Traditions
Mughal Conquests:
and European
Warfare Sources
and Alliances
 understand the relationship between the Mughals and autonomous chiefs and
appreciate how did it help in the expansion and consolidation of the Empire,
and
 evaluate the relationship between the Mughals and the North-West Frontier.
6.1 INTRODUCTION
Humayun had rescued and restored the Mughal Empire in 1555. But, had it not been
for Akbar, the Empire perhaps would not have sustained. It was during the rule of
Akbar that the Mughal
Empire became a political fact and an important factor in the Indian politics. Akbar’s
policies were emulated by his successors with few changes or in accordance with the
political atmosphere of their times.
In this Unit, we will not go into the details of administrative machinery and the
creation of the ruling class (this will be discussed in Theme III). Here we will confine
ourselves mainly to the territorial expansion under the Mughals and the problems
related to it. In the course of developing a large Empire the Mughal rulers had to deal
with some political powers who held sway in various regions. Important of these
were the Rajputs and the rulers to the south of the Vindhyas like Bijapur, Golkonda
and Ahmadnagar and the Marathas. However, here, we will not discuss Mughal-
Rajput, Mughal-Maratha relations, and the Deccan policy of the Mughal emperors.
All this is discussed in detail in our Course BHIC 112.
For expediency, Akbar concentrated on the extension and consolidation of his Empire
within India rather than involving himself in ventures beyond the Hindukush or Hormuz.
From the very beginning of his reign, he wanted to retain Kabul and Qandahar under
his sway as a bulwark against external invaders. Abul Fazl emphasized the fact that
Kabul and Qandahar are the twin gates of India, one leading to Central Asia and the
other to Persia. Earlier, Babur, too, had noted this aspect in his Baburnama. Later
Chroniclers also expressed such views. While Akbar and his predecessors had a
nostalgic love for their homeland, his successors were drawn into the whirlwind of a
reckless imperialist ambition and, hence, in many ways the Mughal Empire had to
pay the price for adventures in the North-Western campaigns under Shah Jahan.
We begin this Unit with Akbar’s efforts to get rid of his adversaries and to establish
himself at the helm of affairs at the Mughal court. Let us take up Bairam Khan’s
regency.
6.2 POWER POLITICS AND REGENCY OF BAIRAM

KHAN: 1556-1560
At Humayun’s death, Akbar was only thirteen years old. It was his tutor and
Humayun’s confidant, Bairam Khan, who served as the regent from 1556-1560. The
period of Bairam Khan’s regency could be divided into four phases: The first was
from the accession of Akbar to before the second battle of Panipat, i.e., January-
October 1556. This was a period when the nobles accepted Bairam Khan’s leadership
to protect their interests. The second phase was marked by the second battle of
Panipat and the arrival of the royal ladies (Hamida Banu Begum and Maham Anaga)
99
SourcesPolitical
Indian and System in India. During this period, Bairam Khan was in absolute control of the state affairs.
Historiography He attempted to create a personal following. In the third phase, which lasted till
mid-1559, Bairam Khan’s influence and power declined. The last phase witnessed the
attempts of Bairam Khan to regain control. There was also growth of factional strife
which ultimately led to the dismissal of Bairam Khan.
Politically, the first phase was insecure. It saw not only Humayun’s death but also a
challenge to the Empire by the Afghan forces under Hemu. The events especially
cast a gloom since Akbar was a minor. The only alternative to save the situation was to
appoint a regent. But the fear was that the exercise of de facto sovereignty by one of
the nobles as regent would disrupt the mutual relations of the nobles and threaten the
administration. Despite these fears, Bairam Khan was appointed wakil. Surprisingly,
there was no opposition to the appointment even by those nobles who could claim
wikalat either on the basis of long service, blood relationship or past association with
Akbar. These included even the most severe critics of Bairam Khan.
While accepting Bairam Khan as the regent, it appears that these nobles wanted to
share power and influence with Bairam Khan. Bairam Khan, on the other hand, was
determined to exercise power rigidly. On the assumption of the office as wakil-us
Sultanat, he expected factional conflict and tussle for power. He, therefore, began the
process of eliminating all those nobles who would challenge him. He dismissed and
imprisoned Shah Abul Ma’ali, his ardent critic. This did not arouse much opposition
since Ma’ali was generally unpopular among the nobles.
Subsequently, all such nobles who posed a challenge to Bairam Khan were sent to
Kabul. Bairam Khan, however, attempted to win the support of Mun’im Khan, the
governor of Kabul and Ali Quli Khan Uzbeg, the commander of the Mughal forces in
Awadh. Bairam Khan did not trust Mun’im Khan. He wanted to confine him to
Kabul and distance him from the court. The opportunity came in May 1556 when
Mirza Sulaiman attacked Kabul. Mun’im Khan’s contacts were delinked with the
court for the next four months and Bairam Khan used this period to strengthen his
power at the court.
Tensions were developing in the nobility and it was on the verge of crisis by the
second battle of Panipat. The imperial forces led by Tardi Beg failed to defend
themselves against the Afghan forces at the battle of Tughlaqabad. At this juncture,
trying to assert himself, Bairam Khan, without the sanction of the emperor, ordered
the execution of Tardi Beg on the charges of treachery. This aroused dissension in the
nobility. But the victory at Panipat revived Bairam Khan’s power. He further
strengthened his position by distributing titles and jagirs in the Doab and granting
promotions and rewards to his loyalists. He also gave important positions to his
favourites. Pir Muhammad Khan was appointed his personal wakil, Khwaja
Aminuddin as bakshi and Shaikh Gadai as sadr.
Bairam Khan was virtually in complete control of the affairs within six months of
Tardi Beg’s execution. To vest considerable power in himself, he prevented access to
the king especially that of his possible rivals. Mun’im Khan and Khwaja Jalaluddin
Mahmud were sent away to Kabul and were not allowed to come to the court. The
strengthening of Bairam Khan’s power and the exercise of de facto authority by him
was resented by the nobility.
The first evident decline in Bairam Khan’s power was when Akbar was married to
100
the daughter of Mirza Abdullah Mughal, a son-in-law of Mun’im Khan despite
Bairam Khan’s resistance. Bairam Khan’s position was also affected after the arrival Indic Literary Traditions
Mughal Conquests:
of Hamida Banu Begum from Kabul in April 1557. She was accompanied by Maham and European
Warfare and Sources
Alliances
Anaga who had earlier supported Bairam Khan in the event of Tardi Beg’s execution.
Bairam Khan was compelled to compromise on the functioning of the Central
government, i.e., he had to share power with leading nobles. Bairam Khan as wakil
could not place any proposal before the king without the consent of leading nobles.
This compromise diminished his power and by 1558 even his personal wakil, Pir
Muhammad, turned against him.
To regain his power, he attempted a coup in 1559. He replaced Pir Muhammad by
Muhammad Khan Sistani as his personal wakil. Shaikh Gadai was given additional
charge apart from being a sadr. Many small ranking officials were also given
promotions. But Bairam Khan remained isolated from the large section of the
nobility and the king. He aroused their resentment by his authoritarianism.
Scholars like R.P. Tripathi, have accused Bairam Khan of granting favours to the
shias to the disadvantage of the sunnis and thus annoying them. But Iqtidar Alam
Khan argues that although Bairam Khan was a shia, there is no historical evidence
to prove that he granted favours on religious grounds. In fact, Bairam Khan’s
favourite Shaikh Gadai, the sadr, was a Sunni and not a Shia.
Bairam Khan had underestimated the shrewdness of Akbar. He had made no attempt
to win the confidence of the king and when the king announced his dismissal in March
1560, all the loyalists of Bairam Khan either supported the king or declared their
neutrality.
The study of the period of Bairam Khan’s regency indicates that actually the political
power was vested in the nobility. The nobles accepted the authority of Bairam Khan in
a limited sense. They were not willing to accept his de facto sovereign power.
Bairam Khan tried to curb the nobility but he failed to acquire absolute power. To
maintain his position, he had to depend on one or the other section of the nobility.
Thus, he failed to acquire a stable independent following. In fact, he alienated
large sections of the nobility by giving high ranks and promotions to junior officers
and creating inefficient amirs. At the end of his career, Bairam Khan realized that even
his favourites opposed him.
The tussle between Bairam Khan and the nobility was in fact a conflict between the
central authority represented by the regent and the nobility. The king during this
period was a mere figurehead who often became a tool in the hands of Bairam Khan’s
opponents. Bairam Khan had tried to weld together the two main groups of the
Mughal nobility, i.e., the Chaghatai and Khurasani. But most of the nobles regarded
this as an attempt by the regent to curb their power and independence. Even the
loyalists of Bairam Khan realized that they could not accept the central authority as
represented by Bairam Khan.
Bairam Khan’s regency was a period of dilemma for him. While he wanted to curtail
the independence of the nobility, he needed their support for his power. This created
contradictions in his position throughout this period. It was not possible for him to
counterbalance this opposition by introducing a new group. The Afghans could not be
recruited because they were the main contenders to the throne. The only alternatives
were, therefore, the Rajput chiefs, the zamindars or other local chiefs. But inducting
them would have been a long process. Thus, whenever Bairam Khan tried to recover
his position, he was opposed by the court nobility. Consequently, he often found 101
SourcesPolitical
Indian and System himself isolated and was ultimately overthrown.
Historiography
Bairam Khan’s exit confirmed the struggle between the central authority and the
forces against it in the Mughal polity. It resulted in the triumph of the latter. This
trend would help to understand the difficulties which Akbar faced with his nobility
between 1562-1567 after he assumed complete sovereign powers. We notice that
throughout Bairam Khan’s regency, political power rested with the dominant section
of the nobility which consisted of the Chaghtais and other groups of Turani origin.
Bairam Khan was able to exercise power as the regent as long as they supported him.
The nobles, as mentioned earlier, accepted Bairam Khan in a limited sense and not as
a de facto sovereign. They did not oppose him till the Afghans were crushed. But
after Hemu’s defeat in the second battle of Panipat, they resisted the regent’s efforts
at centralization and forced him to accept the authority of the leading nobles.
6.3 TERRITORIAL EXPANSION

After overcoming initial problems and consolidating his hold on the throne, Akbar
started a policy of extending Mughal territories. Any policy of expansion meant
conflict with various political powers spread in different parts of the country. A few of
these political powers were well organized, the Rajputs, though spread throughout the
country as autonomous chiefs and kings, had major concentration in Rajputana. The
Afghans held political control mainly in Gujarat, Bihar and Bengal. In Deccan
and South India, the major states were Khandesh, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur, Golconda
and other southern kingdoms. In the north-west some tribes held their sway. Kabul
and Qandahar, though held by Mughal factions, were opposed to Akbar.
Akbar through a systematic policy started the task of expanding his Empire. It must be
noted that the major expansion of Mughal Empire took place during the reign of Akbar.
During the reigns of his successors (Jahangir, Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb), very
little was added in terms of territory. The main additions in the later period were made
during Aurangzeb’s reign in South India and North-East (Assam).
6.3.1 North and Central India

The first expedition was sent to capture Gwalior and Jaunpur in 1559-60. After a
brief war, Ram Shah surrendered the Gwalior fort. Khan Zaman was sent to Jaunpur,
ruled by Afghans who were defeated easily, and it was annexed to the Mughal Empire.
Malwa in central India was ruled by Baz Bahadur. Adham Khan and others led the
expedition against Malwa. Baz Bahadur was defeated and fled towards Burhanpur.
Next, Garh Katanga or Gondwana, an independent state in central India ruled by
Rani Durgawati, widow of Dalpat Shah, was conquered in 1564. Later, in 1567,
Akbar handed over the kingdom to Chandra Shah, the brother of Dalpat Shah.
During this period, Akbar had to face a series of revolts in central India. Abdullah
Khan Uzbeg was the leader of the revolt. He was joined by a number of Uzbegs.
Khan Zaman and Asaf Khan also rebelled. Akbar with the help of Munim Khan
succeeded in suppressing them and consolidated his position.
A long conflict with nobility, which had started after the dismissal of Bairam Khan
(1560), now came to an end. Akbar through his diplomatic skills, organizational
capabilities and the help of some trusted friends tackled this serious crisis.
102
6.3.2 Western India Indic Literary Traditions
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Conquest of Rajputana
Akbar realized that to have a stable Empire, he must subjugate the large tracts under
Rajput kings in the neighbouring region of Rajputana. A calculated policy was
devised not only to conquer these areas but turn their rulers into allies. Akbar with the
exception of Chittor’s Rana Pratap, managed to secure the allegiance of all the Rajput
kingdoms. A large number of them were absorbed in Mughal nobility and helped
Akbar in expanding and consolidating the Mughal Empire (here we are leaving
details on Mughal relations with the Rajputs that will be dealt in detail in our
Course BHIC-112).
Conquest of Gujarat
Having consolidated his position in Central India and Rajputana, Akbar turned
towards Gujarat in 1572. After Humayun’s withdrawal, Gujarat was no longer a
unified kingdom. There were various warring principalities. Gujarat, apart from
being a fertile region, had a number of busy ports and thriving commercial centres.
Sultan Muzaffer Shah III (r. 1561-1573; d. 1592) was the nominal king claiming
overlordship over seven warring principalities. One of the princes, I’timad Khan,
had invited Akbar to come and conquer it. Akbar himself marched to Ahmedabad.
The town was captured without any serious resistance. Surat with a strong fortress
offered some resistance but was also captured. In a short time most of the
principalities of Gujarat were subdued.
Akbar organized Gujarat into a province and placed it under Mirza Aziz Koka and
returned to the capital. Within six months various rebellious groups came together and
revolted against the Mughal rule. The leaders of rebellion were Ikhtiyarul Mulk and
Muhammad Husain Mirza. The Mughal governor had to cede a number of territories.
On receiving the news of rebellion in Agra, Akbar started for Ahmadabad. This
march is considered as one of the most outstanding feats of Akbar. Travelling at a
speed of 50 miles a day Akbar along with a small force reached Gujarat within 10 days
and suppressed the rebellion.
For almost a decade there was peace in Gujarat. Meanwhile, Muzaffar III escaped
from captivity and took refuge in Junagadh. After 1583, he tried to organize a few
rebellions.
6.3.3 Eastern India

Ever since the defeat of Humayun at the hands of Sher Shah, Bengal and Bihar were
governed by Afghans. In 1564, Sulaiman Karrani, the governor of Bihar, brought
Bengal under his rule. Sulaiman realizing the growing strength of Akbar had
acknowledged the overlordship of the Mughals. He used to send presents to Akbar.
After his death in 1572, followed by some infighting, his younger son Daud came to
occupy his throne. Daud refused to acknowledge Mughal suzerainty and got engaged
in conflict with the Mughal governor of Jaunpur.
In 1574, Akbar along with Mun’im Khan Khan-i Khanan marched towards Bihar. In a
short time, Hajipur and Patna were captured and Daud fled towards Garhi. After a
brief stay Akbar returned. Mun’im Khan and Raja Todar Mal continued to chase
Daud who later submitted to the Mughals. After a short time, he again rebelled and
103
SourcesPolitical
Indian and System was finally killed by the Mughal forces under Khan-i Jahan and Gaur (Bengal)
Historiography was taken. This ended the independent rule of Bengal in 1576, which had lasted with
few interruptions for almost two centuries. Parts of Orissa were still under some Afghan
chiefs. Around 1592, Man Singh brought the whole of Orissa under the Mughal rule.
6.3.4 Rebellions of 1581

According to V. A. Smith, ‘The year 1581 may be regarded as the most critical time in
the reign of Akbar, if his early struggle to consolidate his power be not taken into
account’.
After the conflict of nobility which had lasted till 1567, now again serious conflicts
came to surface in Bengal, Bihar, Gujarat and in the north-west. At the root of these
conflicts was the discomfort of Afghans who were overthrown everywhere by the
Mughals. Akbar’s policy of strict administration of jagirs was also responsible for
this. By this new policy, the jagirdars were asked to submit the accounts of their jagirs
and a cut was enforced in the military expenditure. The governor of Bengal enforced
these regulations ruthlessly, giving rise to revolt. Soon the rebellion spread to Bihar.
Masum Khan Kabuli, Roshan Beg, Mirza Sharfuddin and Arab Bahadur were the
main leaders of rebels. Muzaffer Khan, Rai Purshottam and other imperial officers
tried to crush the rebellion but failed. Akbar immediately sent a large force under
Raja Todar Mal and Shaikh Farid Bakhshi. A little later Aziz Koka and Shahbaz Khan
were also sent to help Todar Mal. Meanwhile, the rebels declared Akbar’s brother
Hakim Mirza, who was in Kabul, as their king. The Mughal forces crushed the
rebellion in Bihar, Bengal and adjoining regions. A few rebel leaders escaped and
took shelter in the forest region of Bengal. They had lost all following but for a few years
they continued to harass Mughal officers with their small bands without much success.
Mirza Hakim, to put greater pressure on Akbar, attacked Lahore. Akbar also
marched towards Lahore. Hakim Mirza, after hearing the news of Akbar’s march,
immediately retreated. Hakim Mirza was expecting a number of Mughal officers to
join him but all his calculations failed. Akbar after organizing the defence of North
West frontier, sent an army to Kabul. Akbar also marched towards it. By the time
he reached there, Hakim Mirza had left Kabul and Akbar occupied it. Akbar gave
the charge of Kabul to his sister Bakhtunnisa Begam and left for Agra (1581). After
some time, Mirza Hakim came back and continued to rule in his sister’s name. Mirza
Hakim died after four years and Raja Man Singh was appointed governor of Kabul.
Gujarat also witnessed some rebellion at around the same time when Bihar, Bengal
and North-West regions were in trouble. Here the ex-ruler Muzaffar Shah escaped
from captivity and organized a small force. He started attacking the Mughal
territories in Gujarat. I’timad Khan was deputed as the governor of Gujarat. Nizamuddin
Ahmed in the capacity of bakhshi helped him in his operations against the rebels. In
1584, Muzaffar Shah was defeated at Ahmadabad and Nanded. He escaped towards
the Kutch region. Nizamuddin Ahmed followed him there also. In whole of the Kutch
region, a number of forts were erected and Mughal officers were appointed. Muzaffar
kept brewing some trouble in that region till 1591-92 when he was finally captured.
6.3.5 Conquests in the North-West

After the death of Hakim Mirza, Kabul was annexed and given to Raja Man Singh in
jagir. At around the same time, Akbar decided to settle the various rebellions in the
104 North-West Frontier region and conquer new areas.
Suppression of the Roshanais Indic Literary Traditions
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The first to attract Akbar’s attention was the Roshanai movement. Roshanai was a
sect established by a solider who was called Pir Roshanai in the frontier region. He
had a large following. After his death his son Jalala became the head of the sect. The
Roshanais rebelled against the Mughals and cut the road between Kabul and
Hindustan. Akbar appointed Zain Khan as commander of a strong force to suppress
the Roshanais and establish Mughal control in the region. Sayyid Khan Gakhar and
Raja Birbal were also sent with separate forces to assist Zain Khan. In one of the
operations Birbal was killed with most of his forces (around 8,000). Subsequently,
Zain Khan was also defeated but he could survive to reach Akbar at the fort of
Atak. Akbar was greatly shocked by the death of Birbal, one of his most favourite
companions. Akbar appointed Raja Todar Mai with a strong force to capture the region.
Raja Man Singh was also asked to help in the task. The combined efforts of the two
yielded success and the Roshanais were defeated.
Conquest of Kashmir
Akbar, for a long time, had his eyes set on conquering Kashmir. While camping in
Atak, he decided to dispatch an army for the conquest of Kashmir under Raja Bhagwan
Das and Shah Quli Mahram. Yusuf Khan, the king of Kashmir, was defeated and he
accepted the suzerainty of the Mughals. Akbar was not very pleased with the treaty as
he wanted to annex Kashmir. Yusuf’s son Yaqub along with a few amirs also decided
to oppose the Mughals and waged war. But some dissensions set in the Kashmiri
forces. Finally, the Mughals emerged victorious and Kashmir was annexed to the
Mughal Empire in 1586.
Conquest of Thatta
Another region in the North-West which was still independent was Thatta in Sindh.
Akbar appointed Khan-i Khanan as the governor of Multan and asked him to conquer
Sindh and subdue Bilochis in 1590. Thatta was annexed and placed under the governor
of Multan as a sarkar in that suba.
The Mughal forces continued the suppression of Bilochis in the adjoining regions.
Finally, by the year 1595, the complete supremacy of Mughals over North-West region
was established.

Akbar had started taking interest in the Deccan states of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and
Golconda after the conquest of Gujarat and Malwa. The earlier contacts were limited
to the visits of emissaries or casual contacts. After 1590, Akbar started a planned
Deccan policy to bring these states under Mughal control. Around this time, the
Deccan states were facing internal strife and regular conflicts.
In 1591, Akbar sent a few missions to the Deccan states asking them to accept Mughal
sovereignty. Faizi was sent to Asir and Burhanpur (Khandesh), Khwaja Aminuddin to
Ahmadnagar, Mir Muhammad Amin Mashadi to Bijapur, and Mirza Ma’sud to
Golconda. By 1593 all the missions returned without any success. It was reported
that only Raja Ali Khan, the ruler of Khandesh, was favourably inclined towards the
Mughals. Now, Akbar decided to follow a militant policy. Here we will not go into
the details of the Deccan policy. We will provide only a brief account of Mughal
expansion here (the details would be discussed in BHIC 112).
105
SourcesPolitical
Indian and System The first expedition was dispatched to Ahmadnagar under the command of Prince
Historiography Murad and Abdul Rahim Khan Khanan. In 1595, the Mughal forces sieged
Ahmadnagar. Its ruler Chand Bibi at the head of a large army faced the Mughals.
She approached Ibrahim Ali Shah of Bijapur and Qutb Shah of Golconda for help
but with no success. Chand Bibi gave a very serious resistance to the Mughal
Army. After heavy losses on both the sides, a treaty was formulated. According to
this treaty Chand Bibi ceded Berar. After some time, Chand Bibi attacked Berar to
take it back. This time Nizamshahi, Qutbshahi and Adilshahi troops presented a
joint front. The Mughals suffered heavy losses but could manage to hold the field.
Meanwhile, serious differences between Murad and Khan-i Khanan weakened
the Mughal position. Akbar therefore dispatched Abul Fazl to the Deccan and
recalled Khan Khanan. After Prince Murad’s death in 1598, Prince Daniyal and
Khan-i Khanan were sent to the Deccan. Akbar, too, joined them. First, Ahmadnagar
was captured. Meanwhile, Chand Bibi died. Next, Asirgarh and adjoining regions
were conquered by the Mughals (CE 1600). Adil Shah of Bijapur also expressed
allegiance and offered his daughter in marriage to Prince Daniyal. Now Mughal
territories in the Deccan included Asirgarh, Burhanpur, Ahmadnagar and Berar.
Map 6.1 Akbar’s India

106 Source:
Check Your Progress-1 Indic Literary Traditions
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1. How did Bairam Khan deal with the initial challenges to his power?
........................................................................................................................
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2. Explain the revival of Bairam Khan’s power after the second battle of Panipat.
And discuss the decline in Bairam Khan’s position subsequent to 1557.
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........................................................................................................................
3. How was Gujarat brought under the Mughal rule?
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........................................................................................................................
4. Which were the main areas affected by the rebellion of 1581?
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5. List the subas formed in 1580.
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6.5 TERRITORIAL EXPANSION UNDER THE

SUCCESSORS OF AKBAR
The territorial expansion under Akbar gave a definite shape to the Mughal Empire.
Very little progress was made during the reigns of his successors, viz., Jahangir,
Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb. After Aurangzeb we find that the process of
disintegration of the Empire began. In this Section we will trace the expansion of
the Empire during the reigns of Akbar’s successors.
During the seventeenth century the main areas of activity were the North-West
frontier, Deccan and South India, North-East and some isolated regions.
In the North-West the Roshanais were decisively curbed by 1625-26. Qandahar
became a region of conflict between the Persians and Mughals. After Akbar’s
death, the Persians tried to capture Qandahar but failed under Shah Abbas I, the
Safavi ruler. Following this, Shah Abbas I in 1620 requested Jahangir to hand
over Qandahar to him but the latter declined to do so. In 1622, after another attack,
Qandahar was captured by the Persians. The struggle to capture Qandahar continued
till Aurangzeb’s reign but Mughals got little success (see Section 6.6).
107
SourcesPolitical
Indian and System Mewar was the only region in Rajputana which had not come under the Mughals
Historiography during Akbar’s time. Jahangir followed a persistent policy to capture it. After a
series of conflicts, Rana Amar Singh finally agreed to accept Mughal suzerainty.
All the territories taken from Mewar including the fort of Chittor were returned to
Rana Amar Singh and a substantial jagir was granted to his son Karan Singh.
During the reigns of the successors of Akbar, the Rajputs generally continued to
be friendly with the Mughals and held very high mansabs.
During the last years of Akbar and early years of Jahangir, Ahmadnagar under
Malik Ambar started challenging the Mughal power. Malik Ambar succeeded in
getting support of Bijapur in this conflict. A number of expeditions were sent by
Jahangir but they failed to achieve any success. During Shahjahan’s reign, Mughal
conflict with the Deccan kingdoms of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda was
revived. Ahmadnagar was first to be defeated and most parts were integrated into
Mughal territory. By 1636, Bijapur and Golconda were also defeated but these
kingdoms were not annexed to the Mughal Empire. After a treaty the defeated
rulers were to pay annual tributes and recognize Mughal authority. For almost ten
years, Shah Jahan kept his son Aurangzeb as the governor of Deccan. During this
period, the Marathas were emerging as a strong political power in the region.
During Aurangzeb’s reign, the struggle with Deccan states and Marathas became
more intensive. In fact, Aurangzeb spent the last twenty years of his life in Deccan
fighting against them. By 1687, the Deccani kingdoms of Bijapur (1686) and
Golconda (1687) were annexed to the Mughal Empire.
Annexation of Assam
The major success of the Mughals in the north-east was the annexation of Assam.
In 1661, Mir Jumla, the governor of Bengal, invaded the Ahom kingdom. Mir
Jumla had 12,000 cavalry, 30,000 soldiers and a fleet of boasts with guns under
his command. The Ahom resistance was very feeble. Mir Jumla succeeded in
capturing Kamrup, the capital of Ahom kingdom. The king fled from the kingdom.
In early 1663, the Swargdeo surrendered and peace was established. Assam was
annexed and Mughal officers were appointed. Mir Jumla died in 1663. Another
notable achievement in north-east was the capture of Chatgaon in 1664 under
Shaista Khan, the new governor of Bengal.
The Ahom kingdom could not be directly controlled for long. The Mughal faujdars
posted there had to face a number of confrontations. By 1680, Ahoms succeeded
in capturing Kamrup and the Mughal control ended.
6.4 POLICIES TOWARDS AUTONOMOUS

CHIEFTAINS
In his efforts to consolidate the Mughal Empire, Akbar concentrated his attention on
chieftains also. Chieftains is a term which is generally used (and has got wide acceptance
among historians) for the ruling dynasties spread throughout the country. These rulers
enjoyed a different sort of relationship with the Mughals. On the one hand, they were
free to carry out administration within their territories. On the other hand, they held
subordinate position vis-a-vis the Mughal Emperor.
Akbar’s success lies in the fact that he could enlist the support of this group for the
stability of his Empire. The subsequent Mughal Emperors also followed more or less
108 similar path.
The Nature of Power of Chieftains Indic Literary Traditions
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In contemporary accounts these chiefs are referred to by different names such as Rai,
Rana, Rawats, Rawals, Raja, Marzban, Kalantaran, etc. Sometimes the term zamindar
is used to denote both ordinary landholders and autonomous chiefs. But there is a
definite difference between the two. The zamindars were not independent of the Mughal
authority while the chiefs enjoyed comparative autonomy in their territories and had
a different relationship with the Mughal Emperors.
The first major study on chieftains was made by Ahsan Raza Khan. He established
that they were not confined to peripheral areas of the Empire but were also found
in the core regions in the subas of Delhi, Agra, Awadh and Allahabad. The largest
number of these chieftains were Rajputs but they belonged to all castes including
Muslims.
The chieftains were a powerful group possessing large infantry, cavalry and hundreds
of miles of land area yielding vast amount of revenue.
Mughal Encounters with Chieftains
After the defeat of the Lodis, the central power in India, Babur had to face joint
rebellions of Afghans and chieftains. Humayun also had to face their hostility.
Akbar’s initial contacts with the chieftains were through skirmishes and wars. In many
cases the chieftains joined hands with the Afghan and Mughal rebels. In the process of
the conquests and consolidation of Mughal power, Akbar got the support and submission
of chieftains. There was no formal declared policy of Akbar towards them. On the
basis of references in the contemporary sources, we get an idea about the relations
between chiefs and the Mughals. These may be summarized as follows:
1) After the conquest of or submission they were generally left free to administer
their territories. They also had authority to collect revenue, impose taxes, levies
and transit tax, etc. In the collection of revenue, the chieftains generally followed
local practices rather than the Mughal regulations.
2) These autonomous chieftains were taken into military service of the Mughals.
They were given jagirs and mansabs. A.R. Khan estimates that around 61 chiefs
were given mansab during Akbar’s reign. The same trend continued during the
reigns of successive Mughal Emperors.
3) In many cases where chieftains were not directly absorbed as mansabdars, they
are found helping the Mughal army in their operation against enemy territories or
suppression of rebellions. Throughout the Mughal rule they helped in
conquering extensive areas, at times even against their own clansmen.
4) Apart from providing military help, they were given important administrative
positions like subadar (governors), diwan, bakhshi, etc.
5) Often they were assigned their own territories as jagir, known as the watan jagir,
which was hereditary and non-transferable.
6) An interesting characteristic of their relations was that the Mughal Emperor
retained the right to recognize the chieftain as the ruler in case of disputes within
the family. At the same time, those who had accepted the Mughal suzerainty
were extended military protection.
7) The chieftains were supposed to pay a regular tribute to the Mughal Emperor 109
SourcesPolitical
Indian and System called peshkash. It is difficult to ascertain the exact nature of this peshkash. This
Historiography was at times in cash and at others in diamonds, gold, elephants or other rarities.
Apart from being a source of revenue, the payment of peshkash was a symbol
of submission to the Mughals.
8) A number of matrimonial alliances were also established between Mughal
royal family and the chieftains.
Rebellions of Chieftains
We come across numerous instances of rebellions by chieftains. The causes for
such rebellions are often stated as non-payment of revenue or tribute. In case of
rebellions, the Mughal policy was not to dispossess the chieftains from their
territories. Someone from the same family was left in control of the territory. In
some instance, when a chieftain was dispossessed, it was for a short period often
as a reprimand. Later, he or one of his family members was reinstated.
The Mughal policy towards chieftains initiated under Akbar continued during the
reigns of subsequent Mughal Emperors. The policy of absorbing them into the
Mughal nobility paid rich dividends to the Empire. The Mughal Emperor succeeded
in getting the support of chieftains and their armies for new conquests. As part of
Mughal nobility, their help was also available for administering a large Empire. In
addition, a friendly relationship with them ensured peace for the Empire. At the
same time, the chieftains also benefited. Now they could retain their territories
and administer them as they wished. In addition, they received jagir and mansab.
Often they got territories in jagir bigger than their own kingdoms which also
provided them security against enemies and rebellions.
1. List the main achievements in territorial expansion under Aurangzeb.
.................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2. How the policy adopted by the Mughals towards the chieftains was one of mutual
benefit?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
6.6 MUGHALS AND THE NORTH-WEST FRONTIER

With the expulsion of Babur from Central Asia, the traditional hostility between the
Mughals and the Uzbegs was suspended for a while probably due to the fact that there
was nothing to quarrel for as in the case of Persians over the issue of Qandahar.
Nevertheless, Babur’s exhortations to Humayun to reconquer some parts of
Transoxiana and latter’s unsuccessful or temporarily successful attempts continued.
However, these were without any lasting effects as Mughal territorial possessions
in India were yet to be consolidated and extended. In subsequent years, both the
110
Uzbegs and the Mughals were faced with numerous internal problems and could Indic Literary Traditions
Mughal Conquests:
not venture to expand. A new chapter began in the history of Mughal-Uzbeg and European
Warfare and Sources
Alliances
relations with the emergence of Abdullah Khan (1560-98) who tried to establish
vital contacts with Akbar.
6.6.1 Akbar and the North-West Frontier

The Mughal-Uzbeg relations under Akbar can be studied in three phases: (1) 1572-
1577, (2) 1583-1589, and (3) 1589-1598.
First Phase (1572-1577)
It was neither the expectation of some military assistance from Akbar nor a question of
exploring the possibility of making an alliance against the Persian Empire which
prompted Abdullah to send two embassies in 1572 and 1577. With his designs on
territories like Badakhshan and Qandahar, it was only natural that Abdullah should
strive to develop friendly relations with Akbar and thereby ward off the danger from
this side. These two embassies were thus probing and appeasing missions sent for the
following purposes:
a) To ascertain Akbar’s attitude towards Persia and Qandahar,
b) To find out his general policy in relation to Badakhshan and, if possible,
c) To mislead Akbar about his own designs on Badakhshan.
The dangers threatening Akbar at his North-Western frontiers e.g., rebellious attitude
of Mirza Hakim (ruler of Kabul) and the latter’s friendship with Shah Ismail II of
Persia; the possibility of triple alliance between Abdullah, Mirza Hakim and Ismail
II; and Akbar’s own inability to become involved in external affairs necessitated a
friendly attitude towards Abdullah Khan. Hence, an embassy was sent in 1578 to
Akbar. Akbar rejected the proposal for a joint attack on Persia. It seems that the
reaction of Abdullah to this letter was not quite favourable since no further embassies
were sent to Akbar for about a decade.
From 1577 onwards, a shift is noticeable in the respective positions of Abdullah Khan
and Akbar which also brought about a change in their policies towards each other. By
1583, Abdullah had conquered all of Transoxiana, and had also eliminated all his
kinsmen. When his father died in 1583, he became the Khaqan and could now compete
with his other counterparts in the Muslim world. While Abdullah had improved
his position and was now adopting a bolder and demanding attitude towards Akbar,
the attitude of Akbar himself had become more conciliatory.
By this time the difficulties of Akbar had increased further. There were troubles in
Kashmir and Gujarat, and also tribal commotions in Kabul, Sawad and Bajaur. The
frontiers for Akbar had become even more insecure after the death of Mirza Hakim
(1585). The Persian Empire had also become weak now under the unsuccessful reign
of the incompetent and half-blind ruler Khudabanda (1577-1588) and the Empire
had been completely shattered by the invasions of the Ottomans as well as by internal
intrigues of the nobles.
Second Phase (1583-1589)
After a lapse of several years, Abdullah sent another embassy to Akbar in 1586.
Akbar responded by sending Hakim Humeim in 1586 as his envoy. It is difficult to
111
SourcesPolitical
Indian and System explain why Abdullah chose to send two separate letters simultaneously.
Historiography
Nevertheless, neither of the two letters can be discarded as spurious since Akbar’s
reply contains answers to the questions raised separately in both the letters. It is clear
from the contents of both the written and verbal messages from Abdullah that the
purpose of this embassy was not to seek the cooperation of Akbar for an attack on
Persia but to prevent him from sending any assistance to the Persian ruler. Abdullah
explained that he had discontinued all correspondence with Akbar from 1578-1585
due to the reports that ‘Akbar had adopted the religion of metapsychosis and the
behaviour of Jogis and had deviated from the religion of the Prophet’. In his reply
sent through Hakim Humeim, Akbar called it ‘fabrications and accusations of certain
disaffected persons’.
Third Phase (1589-1598)
The dispatch of Ahmad Ali Ataliq from Abdullah’s court marks the beginning of the
third phase in the Uzbeg-Mughal relations. Through the letter sent with this envoy,
Abdullah sought friendship and sent counsel for ‘exerting ourselves to strengthen the
foundations of concord and make this Hindukush the boundary between us’.
Nevertheless, the formal acceptance of this offer of peace was confirmed by Akbar
only in 1596 after the conquest of Qandahar.
In the changed circumstances, Akbar was feeling emboldened and was also aware of
the aggressive designs of Abdullah Khan due to which he had personally come to
Punjab and was planning to occupy Qandahar from 1589 onwards. Akbar
entertained designs upon Qandahar and was finally successful in persuading the
Mirzas to come to India. After the conquest of Qandahar, Akbar felt the need of
reviving his contacts with Abdullah Khan. Since, after the occupation of Qandahar,
the Mughal forces had engaged themselves in an armed conflict with the Uzbegs over
the possessions of Garmsir and Zamindawar, it had become all the more necessary
to pacify Abdullah Khan. Moreover, in 1594, the Ottoman Sultan Murad III (r. 1574-
1595) had sent a letter to Abdullah proposing a joint attack on the Persian territory.
The fear of the Ottoman-Uzbeg friendship might have also alarmed Akbar. No
military alliance could take place at this time, as the Uzbeg envoy was still on his way
to the Ottoman court when Sultan Murad III died in 1595.
The fear of the Uzbegs continued, particularly, in view of the fact that Abdullah Khan
had opened correspondence with the new Ottoman ruler Mohammad and had even
proposed a joint attack of Persia. After the occupation of Qandahar, Akbar realized the
urgency of sending an embassy to Abdullah through Khwaja Ashraj Naqshbandi and
showed his willingness to accept the Hindukush as the boundary between the two
kingdoms.
6.6.2 Jahangir and the North-West Frontier

Jahangir’s relations with Turan were predominantly determined by his relations with
Persia. Although his love for Turan is visible in his autobiography, the conquest of
Turan was not included in his plans. His relationship with the Uzbegs is best assessed
in his own answer to an English traveller, Thomas Coryat’s, request for a letter of
recommendation in 1616 that:
There was no great amity between the Tartarian princes and himself and his
recommendations would not help the traveller at Samarqand.
112
In the first decade of his rule, Jahangir maintained no active political relations with the Regional and Local
Mughal Conquests:
Uzbegs, except for attempting to forestall any probable expansionist design on his Polities
Warfare and Alliances
frontiers. The early indifference of Jahangir towards the Uzbegs was expediently
changed as soon as the question of Qandahar was raised by the Shah through his
envoy Zainul Beg. In February 1621, Mir Baraka was sent on a ‘highly confidential
mission’ to Imam Quli, the Uzbeg ruler who in turn sent an embassy to Nur Jahan
Begam. Imam Quli’s confidential message received by Jahangir with much
enthusiasm as it contained criticism of the Persians and sought an alliance with the
Mughals against Persians. Jahangir had been invited to join the holy war which was
obligatory on Imam Quli not only to avenge the death of his own father but also to
clear the road to Mecca which was under Persian control.
Although Jahangir had himself ignored friendly overtures of the Ottoman Sultan
of Turkey, the news of a possible Uzbeg-Ottoman alliance was quite disturbing
for him. After the capture of Baghdad in 1624, Sultan Murad had sent a favourable
reply to Imam Quli’s call for an alliance against Persia and had even exhorted him
to take away Iran from the control of the Persians. The Ottoman Sultan had sent a
similar letter to Jahangir aiming at a triple alliance against Persia. Although several
letters were exchanged during 1625-26, no plans could materialize as Jahangir died
in 1627.
6.6.3 Shah Jahan and the North-West Frontier

With the accession of Shah Jahan, the Uzbeg-Mughal relations took a new turn. The
underlying objective of Shah Jahan’s foreign policy was three fold:
i) The recovery of Qandahar;
ii) The re-conquest of the ‘ancestral land’; and
iii) The hegemony over Deccan.
For this purpose, he wanted to ensure friendship of both the contemporary powers
of Persia and Transoxiana alternatively when Qandahar and Transoxiana were
invaded. Out of sheer diplomacy, Shah Jahan ignored the invasion of Nazr
Muhammad on Kabul and sent an embassy to Imam Quli at Bukhara. Through
this exchange of embassies, solidarity against Persia was emphasized. Shah Jahan’s
embassy led by Safdar Khan arrived in April 1633. This visit was followed by another
envoy, Mir Husain, in May 1637. Unlike Jahangir, Shah Jahan even wrote a letter to
Murad IV in 1636 expressing his desire to reconquer Qandahar and proposing a tripartite
alliance of Mughals, Uzbegs and Ottomans against the Persians. Shah Jahan,
however, managed to conquer Qandahar even without the assistance of any of
these rulers.
After the capture of Qandahar in 1638, Shah Jahan’s sole aim was to conquer his
‘ancestral land’ of Transoxiana. A large-scale Uzbeg invasion of Maruchaq along
Persian frontiers provided the much sought after Persian-Mughal entente in April-
May 1640. A joint invasion of Balkh was proposed. However, the task was left
unfulfilled. The correspondence between the Persians and the Mughals at this
juncture shows that the latter succeeded in persuading the Persians to cooperate
with them only to a limited extent as the letters from the Persian side smacked of
their fear and circumspection. Equally apprehensive were the half-hearted allies –
the Uzbegs – as they could sense the expansionist ambitions of Shah Jahan. An
opportunity soon appeared in this regard for the Mughals.
113
PoliticalSystem
Indian Political System The Uzbeg Empire was passing through a phase of anarchy. The despotism and
stubborn autocracy of Nazr Muhammad provoked opposition of the nobility which
now started supporting his son Abdul Aziz. In desperation, Nazr Muhammad sought
the assistance of Shah Jahan who immediately seized this opportunity to conquer
Balkh on the pretext of saving it from the rebels. The conquest was justified on
grounds of extending necessary protection to the Saiyids of Balkh. It was also
conveyed through this letter that Nazr Muhammad should be sent to Mecca and
should not be allowed to return to Turan. The Persians themselves hesitated to
support the cause of Nazr Muhammad as they were doubtful about his success. In
fact, Shah Jahan had dispatched three successive envoys to Persia for ensuring
Persian neutrality in the Turanian affairs. However, this was not the only factor
which determined the Persian attitude towards Nazr Muhammad. They were
somewhat reluctant to help him not only because of his sullen temperament but
also because of the traditional Uzbeg-Persian hostility. The absence of capable
leadership in Persia further thwarted such designs. Before the envoys reached
Persia Nazr Muhammad had already left for Turan.
The conquest of Balkh and other territories proved easier for Shah Jahan than
their occupation. The conquest at the same time was hazardous, too, due to a
variety of factors. The evacuation was also difficult for the Mughals and was
equally unpleasant for the Persians. Hence, an agreement had to be reached with
Nazr Muhammad in October 1647.
In 1650, Shah Jahan sent an embassy to Abdul Aziz, the Uzbeg ruler of Turan. But
the political realignments taking place in Turan recently had made the situation
difficult for Abdul Aziz. His brother Subhan Quli was being supported by his
father-in-law Abul Ghazi – the then ruler of Khwarazm and a satellite of Persia.
Shah Jahan often persuaded Abdul Aziz to invade Kabul. Shah Jahan’s attempt to
form an alliance with the Ottoman rulers Murad IV (r. 1623-1640) and Muhammad
(Mehmet) IV (r. 1648-1687) had failed. The tenor of the letters sent by the Ottomans
to Shah Jahan was distasteful to the latter and not very conducive to mutual
understanding. The Mughal occupation of Balkh was also not liked by the
Ottomans. Thus, the Mughal-Ottoman relations could not prosper.
6.6.4 Aurangzeb and the North-West Frontier

Aurangzeb’s hostility towards Deccani kingdoms was further accentuated due to
secret negotiations between his brother and the Shah of Persia. Aurangzeb desired
recognition from Shah through Zulfiqar Khan – the Persian governor – who
immediately sent an envoy in 1660
presumably with the Shah’s approval. The Shah’s letter referred to ancient ties of
friendship and the assistance rendered by the Shahs of Iran to the Mughals and
explanations for the conquest of Qandahar. Although a warm welcome was given
to the envoy, the tenor of the reply was displeasing. A return embassy was sent
under Tarbiyat Khan – the governor of Multan – with a friendly letter treating the
Qandahar affairs as a closed chapter. But the relations between the two rulers
deteriorated and the impertinence of the envoy (who declined to accompany the
Shah to Mazandaran) provided the Shah the opportunity to challenge the Mughal
Emperor for a trial of strength. The letter sent by the Shah contained references to
Aurangzeb’s fratricide and his ineffective government resulting in disorder. The
114
news of the Shah’s intended march reached Aurangzeb before the arrival of Tarbiyat Regional and Local
Mughal Conquests:
Khan. Preparations started for war and an embargo was placed on all kinds of Polities
trade with Persia. The governor of Surat was ordered to stop all ships sailing to
Persia. But the news of the death of the Shah in 1666 averted the danger. Tarbiyat
Khan, however, lost favour and was declined audience for a year because of
listening tamely to the Shah’s insulting remarks.
The next Persian ruler, Shah Sulaiman (1666-1694), was rather incompetent, and
his pious and righteous son and successor Sultan Hussain (r. 1694-1722) lacked
diplomacy and political acumen. Aurangzeb was aware of the difficulties involved
in the Qandahar campaign. He assisted the rebel Persian governor of Herat in
1688. He persuaded Prince Muazzam to go to Qandahar as he himself was
preoccupied with problems of Jats, Sikhs, Marathas, and, the rebel son Akbar who
had crowned himself in 1681. Although Aurangzeb was keen to secure help from
the Shah, the latter desisted from it. The diplomatic relations with Abdul Aziz and
his brother Subhan Quli of Turan were strengthened and their sectarian affinity
was emphasized. The plans of raid on Bala Murghab in 1685 and the proposed
anti-Persian alliance and a joint invasion of Iran were also contemplated. Almost
simultaneously the Uzbeg ruler Abdul Aziz sought friendship of Shah Abbas II (r.
1642-1666). But the Perso-Uzbeg alliance could not materialize as Turan was
threatened by Urganj and Khwarazm and torn by internal and external dissensions,
devoid of a good leadership. The Safavi Empire was also, during this period, in a
state of slow but sure dissolution. It was in no position to extend its support to
Deccan Kingdoms. By 1687, Aurangzeb managed to destroy the two remaining
Deccan kingdoms of Bijapur and Golconda and annexed their territories. As no
threats existed from Central Asia and Iran, Aurangzeb’s position was strengthened.
Thus, Aurangzeb left the Mughal Empire in a ‘state of diplomatic isolation’ except
for an insignificant embassy from Bukhara in 1698. Although Aurangzeb never
dreamt of the recovery of Qandahar, the Mughal-Safavi relations deteriorated
gradually and even an embassy from the Ottoman ruler remained unanswered.
1. Discuss Akbar’s policy towards northwest frontier.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2. What were the objectives of Shahjahan’s northwest frontier policy?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3. Write a note on Aurangzeb’s policy towards Persia.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
115
PoliticalSystem
6.7 SUMMARY
In this Unit, we studied the fact that Akbar became Emperor at a very young age.
During the first four years, Bairam Khan worked as regent for the young Emperor.
The nobility was divided into various factions each trying to establish its supremacy.
Akbar gradually took control of the situation and created a dedicated group of
nobles faithful to him. The Mughal Empire’s control at that time was limited to a
small territory.
Akbar started a policy of conquests and brought large areas in the east, west, north
and south under the Empire, though success in the south was confined to the regions
of Deccan only. Along with conquests, the process of consolidation was also initiated.
As a result, the conquered territories were placed under a unified administrative
system. The consolidated Empire created by Akbar was maintained with a measure of
success by his successors for more than hundred years. During the reign of
Aurangzeb, new territories in the south (Bijapur, Golconda, etc.) and in the North-
East were added. The notable achievement of the Mughal Emperors lay in securing
the help of the autonomous chieftains for the expansion and consolidation of the Empire.
In the ultimate analysis, this unit has tried to bring out the geo-political and
commercial significance of the North-West frontier, control over which was the
bone of contention between the Mughals, Safavis and Uzbegs.
6.8 KEYWORDS
Akbarnama The official chronicle of the reign of Akbar,
written in Persian by the court historian Abul
Fazl ibn Mubarak.
Pargana An administrative unit comprising of a number
of villages.
Regent A person who administers a state/kingdom
when the legal monarch is a minor or unable
to rule due to other reasons.
Suba A province; Subas were established by
Emperor Akbar during the administrative
reorganization in 1580. Initially, there were 12
provinces and after the Deccan conquest, the
number reached 15.

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise-1
1. See Section 6.2
2. See Section 6.2
116
Check Your Progress Exercise-2 Regional and Local
Mughal Conquests:
Polities
1. See Section 6.4
2. See Section 6.5
3. See Section 6.7
4. See Section 6.7
Check Your Progress Exercise-3

Khan, A. R., (1977) Chieftains in the Mughal Empire during the Reign of Akbar
(Simla: IIAS).
Prasad, Beni, (1962) History of Jahangir (New Delhi: Indian Press).
Book Depot).
Varma, Ramesh Chandra, (1967) Foreign Policy of the Great Mughals, 1526-
1727 A.D. (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co.).

Harbans Mukhia in Kitab
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LRpHubqTPtY
Desh Deshantar: Role and Contribution of Sher Shah Suri & Akbar
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i3zSukHOQmY
The Myth and Reality of Emperor Aurangzeb – An Illustrated Lecture | The
Hindu Lit for Life 2019
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=riEfw0JbtB0
117
Unit 7 THE NAYAKAS*
Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Historiography
7.3 Historical Sources
7.4 Emergence and Development of the Nayaka Kingdoms
7.4.1 Migration of the Nayakas and the Vijayanagara State
7.4.2 Madurai, Tanjore and Senji: The Beginnings
7.4.3 The bases of the Nayaka State Formation
7.5 Relationship with the Vijayanagara Rulers

7.6 Nayaka Rulers and Chieftains: Consolidation and Administration
7.7 Warfare Technology of the Nayaka States
7.8 Kingship, Legitimacy and the Image of the King
7.8.1 Use of the Past
7.8.2 Capital City as a Source of Authority
7.8.3 Representation of the Enemy
7.9 Political Economy of the Nayaka States

7.10 Cultural Developments
7.11 A New Ethos
7.12 Decline of the Nayaka Kingdoms
7.13 Summary
7.14 Keywords
7.15 Answers to check your progress exercise
7.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will be able to know about the following:
 History of south India from the middle of the sixteenth to the end of the
seventeenth century.
 The emergence and consolidation of the nayaka kingdoms of southern India.
_______________________________________________________
* Dr. Ranjeeta Datta, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawahar Lal Nehru University, New
118 Delhi
 Nature of kingship and legitimations in nayaka states Regional
Theand Local
Nayakas
Polities
 Political Economy of the nayaka kingdoms
 Emergence of a new cultural ethos in the sixteenth and seventeenth century
CE.
 The decline of the nayaka kingdoms of Madurai, Tanjore and Gingee.
7.1 INTRODUCTION
In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, during the period of Vijayanagara rulers,
Krishnadevaraya (1509-29 CE) and Achyutadevaraya (1529-42 CE), the military
leaders or nayakas emerged in large numbers in the administration. These nayakas
were assigned territories (sima, sime, sirmai) by the Vijayanagara kings and in
exchange the nayakas had to maintain an armed contingent and collect taxes on
behalf of the state. Such a landed assignment known as the nayakatana or
nayakkattanam became the basis for the emergence of independent political
formations, which gradually acquired the status of kingdoms during the
Vijayanagara rule. Some of these powerful nayaka polities were Ikkeri and Odeyars
in northern and southern Karnataka regions respectively and Senji (Gingee),
Tanjavur and Madurai in the old territorial divisions of Tondaimanadalam,
Cholamandalam and Pandiamandalam respectively in the Tamil region (Wagoner
1993: 24). These polities despite being powerful independent kingdoms claimed
symbolic allegiance to the Vijayanagara Empire (1336-1672 CE) by portraying
themselves as loyal feudatories of the Vijayanagara rulers. It should be noted that
the Mughals were ruling simultaneously while the nayakas were in power in south
India. During this period the arrival of the Jesuits, foreign travellers, the British,
French, Dutch and other European Companies and their interactions influenced
the nayaka states in particular and the history of south India in general. The nayaka
polities continued till 1730s in the eighteenth century when Madurai, the last of
the major nayaka states declined.
This unit will discuss the historical importance of the nayaka kingdoms from the
period of their emergence in the sixteenth century to the early eighteenth century
when they declined, the sources especially the textual narratives composed in the
respective nayaka kingdoms, the aspects of political formation, authority and
legitimation, political economy and cultural developments. The unit will highlight
the emergence of a new ethos that was not only politically significant, but was
also noteworthy for its rich culture.
7.2 HISTORIOGRAPHY
The period from the latter half of sixteenth century till the middle of the eighteenth
century, that is, after the defeat of the Vijayanagara ruler Rama Raja (1542-65 CE)
in the hands of the five Deccani sultanates of Bijapur, Golkonda, Ahmadnagar,
Bidar and Berar till the rise of Hyder Ali in 1761 CE has been virtually ignored
and considered as ‘something akin to a blackhole in south Indian history (Rao
et.al. 1992: x). Many historical researches do not consider it worthwhile to deal
with this period as according to them, it represented the end of the Empire with
the defeat of the Vijayanagara army in 1565 CE at Talikota and political chaos due
to the presence of numerous polities. Therefore, the history of the powerful nayaka
119
Indian Political System kingdoms situated in this period did not receive much scholarly attention till
recently.
It needs to be pointed out that despite the defeat of the Vijayanagara ruler and the
abandonment of the capital near Hampi, the Empire continued to exist for almost
another hundred years under the rule of the last line of Vijayanagara kings, the
Aravidus (1570-1646). The Aravidus established themselves at the fortified sites
of Penukonda and then at Chandragiri, near the shrines at Tirumala-Tirupati, in
southern Andhra. A civil war over succession in 1614 CE left the Aravidus with a
much-reduced kingdom. The last of the Vijayanagara kings Sriranga III died in
1672 CE, more than hundred year later than the battle of Talikota ( also known as
Rakshasa Tangadi).
Further, the presence of many kingdoms and absence of a strong Vijayananagara
Empire did not mean anarchy. This period corresponding to the development and
consolidation of the nayaka states was one of the politically dynamic periods in
the history of south India. A culturally vibrant period with a new ethos, the nayaka
states were famous for their elaborate temple and civic architecture, and artistic
and cultural achievements, which reflected the Dravidian as well as Islamic
influences. The famous Tanjore paintings belonging to a classical school of south
Indian art developed in the nayaka kingdom of Tanjavur. The relationship between
the nayaka and Vijayanagara states is one of the fascinating themes of study. These
nayaka kingdoms though were once a part of the Vijayanagara Empire, possessed
distinct political and geographical identity and had a specific social, economic
and cultural milieu.
Historiographically there have been significant contribution to the study of the
individual nayaka kingdoms of Senji, Ikkeri, Odeyars, Madurai and Tanjore. Some
of the notable are those of R. Sathyanatha Aiyar on Madurai (1924), Srinivasachari
on Senji (1943) Vriddhagirisan on Tanjore (1947) and K.D. Swaminathan on Ikkeri
(1967). These works provide a comprehensive geographical, political and cultural
history of the respective nayaka kingdoms using a wide variety of historical sources
and have formed the bedrock on which later historiographical research is based
upon. The recent work of Velecheru Narayana Rao, David Shulman and Sanjaya
Subrahmanyam titled Symbols of Substance (1992) followed by Philip B. Wagoner’s
Tidings of the King (1993) are useful contributions in understanding the history of
the nayaka rule.
The Symbols of Substance deals with the political culture of three major nayaka
states of Tanjavur, Madurai and Senji along with minor polities located on the
peripheries of these kingdoms. The book explains that the transition in the nayaka
period was due to the social flux caused by migrations of several groups from the
Telegu region and social mobility of marginal groups present in the nayaka states
to a position of political influence. It also highlights the issues of war and
contestations and the nature of the nayaka kingship. According to the authors, the
nayaka kingship had limited political authority but made inflated claims of a
glorious polity. While discussing the emergence of institutions, the authors analyse
the literary texts of this period to support their arguments.
The Tidings of the King, a tranlsation and ethnohistorical analysis of a Telugu text
called the Rayavacakamu deals with the period of Krishnadevaraya. However,
Wagoner points out that the text was written in the court of the Madurai Nayaka,
120 that is more than a hundred years later. It was, according to Wagoner, composed
with the purpose of accquiring political legitimacy for the Madurai ruler by claiming Regional
Theand Local
Nayakas
his lineage as a loyal feudatory of the powerful and famous king, Krishnadevaraya. Polities
But at the same time it did not recognise the political authority of the contemporary
Vijayanagara ruler of the Aravidu dynasty as the latter was weak and declining.
Such a paradox is reflected in the text that further asserts that the Aravidu dynasty
did not possess any moral and ritual authority as the source of that authority, the
capital city, Vijayanagara was destroyed in 1565 CE by a confederation of the
Muslim states of Deccan and no other city of the same stature developed
subsequently.
7.3 HISTORICAL SOURCES

The sources for the history of the nayaka period are of various types. Inscriptions
carved on the stone walls of numerous temples patronised by the nayakas are an
important source that give us information about land grants, donors, donee and
various ritual and administrative activities. However after the sixteenth century,
the inscriptions started diminishing in number.
There are numerous literary texts commissioned by the nayaka courts of Senji,
Madurai, Tanjavur and other polities and have been considered lately as signficant
sources of the nayaka history. These texts were composed in Telugu, Sanskrit and
Tamil and were primarily meant for ‘an educated, multi-lingual audience of
courtiers, courtesans, pandits and officials.’ (Rao et.al.1992: 334). These literary
texts were usually courtly dramas in the form of yakshgana plays consisting of
songs and dance and themes of love, kavya texts which were a mixture of prose
and poetry (campu style) with mythological themes, chronicles, treatises on
grammar, philosophy and astrology, devotional (bhakti) poetry, other minor works
(laghukavya, prabandha) and several others.
The example of the Rayavackamu cited above will be discussed briefly here to
demonstrate the nature of one of the textual sources belonging to the nayaka period.
The Rayavackamu was written by a sthanapati, the agent of Vishvanatha Nayaka
(1595-1602 CE), the ruler of Madurai. Written in the form of a diplomatic “report”
or “tidings” (vacakamu) of “the king” (raya), the text recounted political affairs
and events of the Vijayanagara state during the time of Krishnadevaraya- a period
of unprecedented development in politics, art, culture and economy (Wagoner
1992: 3) According to Wagoner, despite the author’s claim that he resided in
Krishnadevaraya’s court while writing the text, the Rayavacakamu was composed
in the court of the Madurai nayaka in the sixteenth- seventeenth centuries (Wagoner
1993: 7-10). According to many scholars, the text is a work of ethnohistory, that
is, “an indigenous discourse about the past”, which needs to be understood in its
own cultural terms and not from the point of modern historical worldview. (Dirks,
1987: 57-8). Thus the Rayavackamu located in the ‘intellectual world’ of the
seventeenth century nayaka period in Madurai, reflected its ‘experience and
sensibilities’ (Wagoner 1993: 8) and was a source of information for that period.
Accounts of foreign travellers who visited the nayaka courts have also provided
information for this period. For example, the sixteenth century travel accounts of
Italians merchants like Cesare Federici and Gasparo Balbi, Flemish gem trader
Jacques de Coutre and Iceland traveller Jon Olafsson are useful in understanding
the history of this period (Rao et.al. 1992: 338). The Jesuit letters dating from
1540s published in various volumes provide us with the information of court politics 121
Indian Political System and social conditions in the nayaka states. The Portuguese records belonging to
the sixteenth and seventeenth century and the English and Dutch Company records
from the factories at Armagon, Madras and Pulicat also provide us with rich
information, especially about the Coromandel.
These variety of sources depending on their nature had different viewpoints. For
instance, the literary texts produced in the nayaka courts would like us to believe
that the nayaka ruler was powerful and independent of the Vijayanagara political
authority. However, the Jesuit accounts and records in Dutch and Portuguese give
a different picture. The Dutch and Portuguese records inform us that the big nayaka
in the seventeenth century paid tribute regularly to the Vijayajanagara king. In
case, any nayaka defaluted or refused to pay the remissions, the Vijayanagara
ruler sent an army to extract the tribute. This happened in the case of Senji nayaka
who refused to pay the tribute and had to be subordinated by the army of the
Vijayanagara ruler, Venkata II. Even after the civil war of 1614 CE that reduced
the status of the Aravidu dynasty of the Vijayanagara Empire considerably, the
nayakas continued to pay one fourth of their revenue collection as a tribute (Rao
et.al 1992: 105-7; Karashima 2014: 227).
1. Give three characteristics of the nayaka kingdoms:
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2. Match the following:
i) Ikkeri a. Pandiamandalam
ii) Madurai b. Tondaimanalam
iii) Odeyars c. Cholamandalam
iv) Senji d. South Karnataka
v) Tanjavur e. North Karnataka
3. Put a for a True and a  for a False statement:
i) Achyutadevaraya was the last ruler of the Vijayanagara Empire. ( )
ii) The battle of Talikota in 1565 CE marked the end of the Vijaynagara
Empire. ( )
iii) Nayakas were powerful rulers claiming a connection with the Vijyanagara
rulers ( )
iv) Literary texts are exagggerated accounts and donot help in understanding
the history of the nayakas. ( )
7.4 EMERGENCE AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE

NAYAKA KINGDOMS
According to some historians, the nayaka kingdoms emerged after the downfall
122 of the Vijayanagara Empire in 1565 CE. However, the Vijayanagara rule survived
for more than hundred years after the battle, existing simultaneously with the Regional
Theand Local
Nayakas
independent nayaka kingdoms in the later part of sixteenth century and first half Polities
of the seventeenth century. In fact, the Vijayanagara rulers after 1565 CE continued
to assign nayakkattanams.
7.4.1 Migration of the Nayakas and the Vijayanagara State

The nayaka political elites were mostly Telugus in their origin and traced their
lineage to those warrior groups that had migrated from the Andhra region and
settled in the Kannada and Tamil regions of the Vijaynagara Empire during the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. They were called the vadugas or northerners- a
term used for Telugu migrants into the Tamil country. Hence their ‘socio-political
universe’ was always the Andhra region (Rao et. al. 1992: 7). It is stated that most
of them belonged to the Telugu speaking Balija caste groups, were highly mobile
and were both martial and mercantilist in their orientation.. They contributed
significantly to the nayaka state systems and their cultural and political traditions.
For instance, the Bajigas restructured the revenue systems of the Madurai and
Tanjavur nayaka kingdoms (Rao et al 1992: 10). Several warrior groups also came
from the Kannada region and settled in the Tamil region during the fourteenth and
fifteenth century.
Undoubtedly, the nayaka polities emerged and developed from the administrative
power that the nayaka officials had over the territories assigned to them during
the Vijayanagara rule. Epigraphical evidence attests the presence of a large number
of nayaka officials in the fifteenth and sixteenth century CE. Fernao Nuniz, a
Portuguese traveller informs us that there were ‘two hundred captains’ who were
assigned territories by the Vijayanagara king and the nayakas ‘on their part, had
to collect revenue in their territories to remit a certain amount to the state and also
to maintain an armed contingent of a certain size for the king, apart from carrying
out general administration in the territories through his agents.’ (Karashima
1992:195-6). There was a hierarchy amongst the nayaka officials themselves. Some
of them enjoyed the status of an overlord and others were often subordinate chiefs
or agents of the big nayakas. Studies suggest that the king transferred them but
when the political authority of the rulers weakened especially after 1565 CE, some
of the nayakas asserted their independence in their respective localities.
Based on the genealogies of the nayakas of Madurai, Tanjavur, Senji and Ikkeri in
the inscriptions and literary texts, it can be concluded that the ancestors of the
respective nayaka dynasties can be traced to the sixteenth century CE when they
were appointed as nayaka officials during the time of the Krishnadevaraya and
Achyutadevaraya. For instance, the nayaka kingdoms of Senji, Madurai and Ikkeri
(north Karnataka) emerged in the sixteenth century during the period of
Krishnadevaraya’s reign. The nayaka kingdoms of Tanjore and Madurai were
founded during Achyutadevaraya’s reign. Tanjavur (modern Tanjore and North
Arcot) emerged under Sevappa Nayaka during Achyutadevaraya’s time in 1532
CE. The historical chronicles inform us that these three nayakas were three generals
who were deputed to take care of the Tamil region by Krishnadevaraya.
7.4.2 Madurai, Tanjore and Senji: The Beginnings

Although the historical origins of the Madurai, Tanjavur and Senji nayakas are
obscure, it is possible to get some information from the sources. Nagama Nayaka
and his son Visvanatha Nayaka were the founders of the Madurai nayaka state 123
Indian Political System (Rao et.al. 1992: 44-56). The emergence of the Madurai nayakas is fairly well
documented in the chronicles. These chronicles represent the glories of the military
skills of the Madurai nayakas, especially Visvanatha and their ability to negotiate
with the chieftains of the region. Visvantha is credited with construction of forts,
temples, irrigation canals, creation of brahmana settlements and negotiations with
the Jesuits who operated in and around Madurai amongst the local fishing (paravas)
population. It should be noted that the Madurai nayakas based their polity on the
Kakatiya model that was aggressive with the domination of warriors (Aiyar 1924:1-
47; Rao et.al. 1992: 39-40, 41). But they also claimed a strong loyalty to their
Vijayanagara overlords. In fact the chronicles tell us that Krishnadevaraya was so
impressed with their loyalty that he gave way the only image of Durga that was
divine source of power and protection for the Vijayanagara Empire.
The chronicles on Tanjavur, while documenting the history of the region especially
in the eighteenth century discuss the role of one Cevappa, whose father Timmappa
Nayaka was the holder of a nayakkattanam in the Arcot region of Tamil Nadu.
Cevappa’s wife was the sister-in-law of Achyutadevaraya and through this
matrimonial alliance he received Tanjavur. He was also probably in close service
of the Vijaynagara ruler. The Tanjavur nayakas based their polity on the brahmanical
principles and had brahamana gurus or preceptors, the most famous being Govinda
Dikshita (Vriddhagirisan 2011: 1-23, 113-24; Rao et.al. 1992: 41).
The founder of the Senji nayaka lineage in the historical chronicles is Tubaki
Krishnappa Nayaka. There are narratives of how he constructed a fort magically
on the Senji mountains (Srinivasachari1943: 1-26). It is said that this construction
was done at the behest of a wild boar, an incarnation of Vishnu, who led the nayaka
from Kanchipuram to Senji. In some documents, Krishnappa Nayaka
(Srinivasachari1943: 131-51) is depicted as belonging to a shepherd family pre-
dating the Vijayanagara times. Thus the origin story of the Senji nayaka kingdom
is based upon ‘a fortress and a state’, ‘created not by conquering new lands but
out of an abundance of fluid resources, magically attained ad continually
reproduced…’ (Rao et.al.1992: 41-2). Historically speaking, the Senji nayakas
could establish their power after a long struggle in the last two decades of the
sixteenth century notably under one Kondama Nayaka (1578-94 CE) and then
under Muttu Krishanappa. The nayakas then repaired the fort that already existed
and urban centre developed around it. However, due to the lack of a legitimate
genealogical tradition, which the Madurai and Tanjavur nayakas possessed, several
chieftains and nayakas challenged the authority of the Senji nayakas. The pressures
from these chieftains and the Vijayanagara rayas of the Aravidu dynasty at
Chandragiri ultimately proved to be harmful for the Senji nayakas in the seventeenth
century (Srinivasachari1943: 27-64; Rao et.al. 1992: 42-4)
7.4.3 The bases of the Nayaka State Formation

The formation of the nayaka states and their consolidation was based upon six
main components that marked a substantial departure from the previous period.
One was the possession of liquid capital that is money, which had become more
important than landed property. In fact, sources tell us that Nagama Nayaka of
Madurai asserted his right to be the king on the basis of his possession of large
amount of money. Two, the significant role of mercenaries in state formation cannot
be ignored. They were mobile, had no ties with land and were equipped with
124 arms, good horses that enabled them to travel swiftly without much preparation
Three, a territory in which this mobile warrior elite would settle down and Regional
Theand Local
Nayakas
consolidate their power. Fourth, the allegiance to the Vijayanagara king was Polities
essential, even if the latter had become weak for that legitimized the newly founded
kingship. Fifth, the consolidation of power had to be based on divine sanction and
display of complete devotion to the divine power was crucial. For instance, goddess
Minakshi was the patron deity of the Madurai nayakas. Sixth, the role of brahmanas
to compose genealogies for providing a kshatriya lineage, or function as ministers
and advisers was not relevant any more. The nayakas could assert their
independence if they possessed money, were mobile and well equipped, controlled
a region and had the legitimizing authority of the Vijayanagara king and divinity
(Rao et.al. 1992: 54-6).
These six requirements for state formation and consolidation of power also
influenced the ideology of kingship, which will be discussed below.
7.5 RELATIONSHIP WITH THE VIJAYANAGARA

RULERS
The relations between the nayakas and the Vijayanagar ruler fluctuated from display
of loyalty to rebellion. At times the nayakas sought the help of the Vijayanagara
rulers to counter each other. For example, the Senji nayakas remained loyal to the
Vijyanagara rulers till 1592 CE. Similarly, the nayakas of Tanjore remained loyal
to the Vijayanagara through the sixteenth century and supported Venkatapatideva,
the Vijayanagara king against the invasion from the Golconda sultanate. The
Madura nayaka, Visvappa and his successors also remained loyal to the
Vijayanagara rulers and even supported the raya against the Portuguese. Similarly,
the nayakas of Ikkeri were also loyal to the Vijayanagara rulers. Sadasiva Nayaka
(1540-65 CE) at Ikkeri helped Rama Raya to defeat the Bijapur Sultan. Thereafter,
Rama Raya rewarded him with the title of Raya.
Both Krishnadevaraya and Achyutadevaraya often transferred the nayakas from
one place to another. But the nayakas especially of these four polities often managed
to avoid the transfer, held on to their territories and strengthened their position
after 1565 CE. However, despite defying the Vijayanagara authority, they continued
to claim loyalty to the Vijayanagara rule and considered themselves to be
responsible for the administration of their territories (Karashima 2014: 227).
After 1592 CE, the Vijayanagara king, Venkatapati I shifted his capital from
Penukonda to Chandragiri in order to control the nayakas. This generated
resentment amongst the nayakas, who often evaded the payment of tribute to the
Vijayanagara state. In fact, whenever the Vijayanagara rulers increased their power
to centralize the administration, the nayakas responded by challenging the ruler’s
authority. For instance, after 1580s the Madurai nayakas rebelled against the
Vijayanagara rulers and refused to pay taxes to them. Venkatapati I had to send his
army to subjugate the Madura nayakas in order to collect the revenue.
Often the Vijayanagara rulers also tried to set up one nayaka against another so
that no powerful alternative arose to challenge the Vijayanagara authority. For
example, Venkatapati instigated the nayakas of Vellore to challenge the authority
of their feudal overlord, the Senji nayakas and ultimately by 1608 CE Venkatapati
overtook both Senji and Vellore. Similarly the Ikkeri nayakas who had remained
loyal to the Vijayanagara rulers throughout the sixteenth century, rebelled in the 125
Indian Political System seventeenth century under Venkatappa Nayaka (1586-1629 CE) of Ikkeri during
the reign of Vekatapati I.
Some of the nayaka kingdoms always remained difficult for the Vijaynagara rulers
to control. The Odeyara chiefs, who had settled in the region of Mysore in the
thirteenth century, predating the establishment of the Vijayanagara Empire, never
accepted the authority of the Vijayanagara rulers. Even Krishnadeveraya found
the Odeyars, difficult to control. It was under Chamaraja III (1513-53CE) and his
son Timmaraja (1553-72CE) that the Odeyars became powerful. By 1610 CE, the
Odeyar raja could establish his independence when the Odeyars successfully
eliminated the Vijayanagara viceroy from Seringapattanam and declared it as the
capital of Odeyar nayaka kingdom.
After 1614 CE, a change in the political attitude of the nayakas is visible. In 1614
CE, Vijayanagara ruler Venkata II died without leaving an heir. Thereafter a
prolonged war of succession broke out between two sets of claimants to throne;
each supported by the nayakas of Madurai and Senji one hand and nayakas of
Tanjavur on the other hand. There were heavy losses and the Vijayanagara ruler
became weak with virtually no power in his hands. Though the relationship between
the nayaka states and the Vijayanagara rulers continued as that of the overlord and
feudatory in the 1640s, it was in name only. In 1642 CE Sriranga II ascended the
Vijayanagara throne. Soon thereafter, the Madura and Senji nayakas rebelled
against him and he had to shift to stay in the nayaka kingdom of Tanjavur for
sometime. In 1649 CE, Bijapur attacked Tanjavur and Sriranga II sought refuge
with the nayakas of Odeyars and relocated himself in Mysore. A few years later,
on account of the conflict between Golconda and Bijapur and the Mughal invasions
of these Deccani Sultanates, Sriranga II moved to Carnatic in the Coromandel and
seized back Chandragiri, the capital of the Vijayanagaras from the Golconda sultan.
Due to his conflicts with the nayakas of Senji, Tanjavur and Madurai, Sriranga II
again sought asylum in Karnataka with Sivappa Nayaka of Ikkeri who symbolically
considered him as his overlord.
7.6 NAYAKA RULERS AND CHIEFTAINS:

CONSOLIDATION AND ADMINISTRATION
In the Tamil, Karnataka and Telugu regions, there was always the presence of
petty chieftains who had powerful local roots, controlled a large part of agrarian
production and trade and possessed large territories called palaiyam. Some of
them also possessed a big army. These chieftains were known as palaiyakaran in
Tamil, palegana in Kannada, palegadu in Telugu and poligars in English.
(Karashima. 2014: 228). During the seventeenth century CE, the nayakas employed
these chieftains ‘for local administration and guarding the forest areas and
highways.’ Most of these poligars were loyal to their respective nayaka overlords
and also supported them militarily especially during invasions of other powers.
However, some of these chieftains or poligars were able to assert their power and
made their respective palaiyams as independent chieftaincies, especially in the
eighteenth century. One of the well-known examples is that of the Sethupathis of
Ramanathapuram, who were Marava chieftains or poligars (Dirks. 1987;
Karashima.2014: 228).
Check Your Progress 2
126
1. Give a brief account of the rise of the nayaka polities in south India from the Regional
Theand Local
Nayakas
sixteenth to the seventeenth century. Polities
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2. Who were poligars and what was their role in nayaka polity?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3. Briefly state any three bases of the nayaka state formations.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
4. Discuss briefly the relationship of the nayaka polities with the Vijayanagara
state.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
7.7 WARFARE TECHNOLOGY OF THE NAYAKA

STATE
Since this was a period of conflict between the nayaka states, Aravidu rulers of
the Vijaynagara kingdom, lesser nayaka subordinates, chieftains, Bijapur and
Golconda sultanates, the development of warfare technology would have received
some patronage and attention. The geographical knowledge of the terrain and
issues of mobility were crucial as the nayaka warriors and chieftains like the
Maravas, Sethupathis and Kallars engaged in guerilla warfare (Rao et.al 1992:
238-9). This period is known for the construction of forts and fortresses for the
purpose of defense and security. The fort at Senji is well known and was considered
to be practically impregnable.
The nayaka polities were familiar with the use of firearms and used it during
armed combats. (Rao et.al 1992: 220-41) The literary sources provide information
about firearms and firearms technology while discussing warfare, hunting and
romance. (Rao et.al 1992: 224-26). Interestingly they used ‘firearms as a poetic
device in diverse contexts…’ (Rao et.al 1992: 224). The European trading
companies were the major supplier of firearms to the nayaka states. The Dutch
factory records inform us about local chieftains making several requests for canons
to be given on loan or sold to them. (Rao et.al 1992: 230).
However, some historians feel that despite an environment of warfare and presence
127
Indian Political System of a strong martial culture, firearms were not widely used. Rather their use was
often looked down upon and swords and lances were considered to be a greater
test of courage as using them brought a warrior face to face with the enemy. (Rao
et.al 1992: 235-36). Thus, it is emphasized that though new military innovations
were accepted and widely known, it was not a period of ‘military revolution’ as
the nayaka states did not easily incorporate these new technologies into their
warfare infrastructure. In addition there was a heavy dependence on cavalry than
on infantry. It is for these reasons that the Bijapur and Golaconda armies with a
skilled use of firearms and a well-organized infantry could overwhelm the nayaka
armies in various battles. (Rao et.al 1992: 239-41)
7.8 KINGSHIP, LEGITIMACY AND THE IMAGE OF

THE KING
The previous polities of south India, for instance, the Pallavas, Cholas and to a
great extent the Vijayanagara Empire derived the legitimacy for their rule from
the Vedic rituals. The nayaka rulers in addition to the Vedic rituals derived their
respective legitimacies from the authority of the greater power of Vijayanagara by
claiming a lineage based upon loyalty and political ties with its rulers. Thus all the
nayakas of Senji, Madurai, Tanjavur, Ikkeri and Mysore claimed that they were
loyal subordinates of the Vijayanagara rulers and the latter had granted them special
favours and positions in the past. Such a political lineage not only bestowed prestige
to the nayaka rulers but also strengthened their position by empowering them
with some kind of moral and ritual authority to rule at a time when the politics of
south India was dominated by small states always in competition and warfare
with each other.
This is well documented in the textual sources of the nayaka period. Citing from
the Rayavacakamu, Wagoner points out that the nayaka states in general and the
nayaka kingdom of Madurai in particular despite being powerful ‘never assumed
the titles and positions of “great kings or universal overlords” (Dirks 1987:45),
but instead remained content to follow the political mode of dependent kingship,
professing subordination to the Vijayanagara throne and thereby strengthening
their own authority through a reflected glory.’ (Wagoner 1993:10). Thus the
mechanisms of legitimacy that consolidated the nayaka kingship documented in
the Rayavacakamu was as follows:
7.8.1 Use of the Past

According to Wagoner, Madurai ruler, Visvanatha Nayaka deemed it appropriate
to commission a genealogical text that would claim a lineage to a glorious past of
the Vijayanagara Empire with a grand capital city and a great ruler,
Krishnadevaraya. Such a connection it was felt would bestow prestige upon
Madurai as a legitimate successor state. Since the contemporary Vijayanagara
dynasty of the Aravidus that co-existed with the nayaka kingdoms was a mere a
shadow of a glorious past and the Vijayanagara king, Vekatapati represented a
‘faded’ monarchical power, identifying with such a state would diminish the prestige
of Madurai. (Wagoner 1993: 10-11, 23-33).
128
7.8.2 Capital City as a Source of Authority Regional
Theand Local
Nayakas
Polities
According to the Rayavacakamu, Vijayanagara or City of Victory was a glorious
capital city and an important source of power and authority. In a separate chapter
devoted to the city, the text informs us that the city was founded by divine power
three hundred years before Krishnadevaraya’s reign. Therefore it was implied that
the persona of the individual ruler including Krishnadevaraya was secondary and
derived from ‘the physical possession of the city’, which was the only source of
legitimacy and power for every ruler. The destruction of the city after the battle of
Talikota in 1565 CE also meant the loss of the source of ritual power and
‘destruction of legitimate dynastic authority’. Since the Vijayanagara kingdom in
the seventeenth century could never find an alternative to the city of Vijayanagara,
it was thus devoid of any legitimizing authority, with a diminished stature of the
ruler. (Wagoner 1993:11-12, 33-50).
7.8.3 Representation of the Enemy

Since the destroyer of the city of Vijayanagara were the Deccani sultanates whose
rulers were Muslims, the Rayavacakamu portrayed them in a critical manner as
people belonging to an alien culture, hostile to the dharmic kingship of the
Vijaynagara rulers. Defining them as the ‘Demons of the Kali Age’, the text
condemns their social practices and cultural sensibilities. It also portrayed a picture
of a strong enemy, confronting whom implied military prestige. (Wagoner 1993:
12, 50-63). It should be noted that such a description of the Muslim presence as a
threat was a standard theme in the Telugu poetry of the seventeenth century and
had become a literary convention. (Rao et.al. 1992:7)
Therefore, the nature of the nayaka kingship was a balance between dependence
upon and independence from the Vijayanagara rule. Despite becoming independent
in the sixteenth century and not paying any tribute to the Vijayanagara ruler, the
nayaka politics sought legitimacy from a distant glorious past and a magnificent
city that was ‘a powerful talisman bestowing an invincible authority on its
possessor.’(Wagoner 1993: 11). In fact, the status of a loyal feudal subordinate
who owed allegiance to his powerful Vijayanagara overlords gave the nayaka
kingdoms legitimacy and prestige which enabled them to exercise power over the
powerful chieftains and poligars who were placed lower in the political hierarchy.
Thus sovereignty was always indirectly claimed.
Another important feature of the nayaka kingship was that it did not any longer
require the brahmanical sanction of a kshatriya lineage. Though the Vedic and
Puranic ideas were acknowledged but they now exercised lesser influence on the
development of kingship and the political ideology related to it. The Sanskritic
framework was no longer necessary to camouflage the non-brahmana shudra
background of the nayaka king and was upheld with pride as an equally respectable
pedigree. This new model of kingship was no longer based on dharmic ideology
that upheld the king as a guardian of the traditional varna hierarchy. (Rao et.al.
1992: 79; 57-82)
The notion of bhoga came to be identified with the kingship and the image of the
king. It implied that the king’s ritual role as a donor of lands to the temples and
brahmanas was no longer important as it was in the previous regimes. Rather,
kingship meant lavish spending on food and distributing the food amongst people
129
Indian Political System of the kingdom. Thus the ritual role of annadana (giver of food) shaped the image
of a ruler as generous and not land grants any more. The idea of bhoga also
advocated extravagant lifestyles, elaborate court life, dance, music, literature and
sensuous pleasures. The personality of the king had to exemplify these qualities
and in addition to being a warrior, he was supposed to possess intelligence, wit
and refined manners. However, the king continued to bestow land and other gifts
to the brahmanas and temples, but now gifting of fluid resources (dravya) acquired
predominance.(Rao et.al. 1992: 61-72).
1. Why did the nayaka states need legitimacy from the sixteenth century
Vijayanagara state?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2. Explain the process of political legitimation as portrayed in the
Rayavacakamu.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3. Which of the following statement is false?
a. Rayavacakamu is a Telugu text. ( )
b. The glorious past of the Vijayanagara Empire was used by the nayakas
to legitimize their kingship. ( )
c. The nayaka period witnessed a glorious military revolution. ( )
d. The Muslim rulers of Deccan were condemned for their attack on the
city of Vijayanagara. ( )
4. The notion of bhoga implied that:
a. Land was no longer important
b. Land was important
c. Land was irrelevant
d. None of the above
7.9 POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE NAYAKA

STATES
The new political ideology of kingship and the ideal image of the king were rooted
in the changing context of the economy from the fifteenth century onwards. A
form of mercantilism developed and the nayaka rulers took interest in maritime
matters and developed an efficient method for custom duty collection. This was a
period when south India had flourishing trading relations with the world economy
130 and new crops and manufacturing commodities were produced. (Rao et.al. 1992:
107-11) Trade was also encouraged for it fostered diplomatic relations with various Regional
Theand Local
Nayakas
powers across the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia. Several items were exported Polities
and imported, especially precious metals, war-horses and elephants. The nayakas
especially the Madurai nayakas took interest in pearl fishery and delegated agents
on their behalf for it. They also interacted with the Portuguese and Dutch who
also engaged in pearl fishing. The nayakas controlled the retail trade in pearl and
collected a large amount of taxes from it. (Rao et.al. 1992:111). Thus there was
money and gold in circulation in large numbers and this income from trade was as
significant as the income from the agrarian sector. The elites owned ships and
several mercantile families like the Balijas had trading relations with Burma, the
Malay Peninsula and Sri Lanka (Rao et.al.1992: 108-09).
The nayaka states developed several urban centres. Those towns that existed before
the nayaka rule, underwent transformation and adopted the new ethos. These towns
became centres of circulation and redistribution of resources and encouraged
extravagant consumption for population who lived there, mainly warriors, artisans,
specialist cultivators and traders. Foreign travel accounts give detailed descriptions
of flourishing court towns of Velur, Madurai, Tiruchchirapalli, Senji, Tanjavur,
Odeyars and Ikkeri that flourished. The military character of nayaka towns with
fortified urban settlements known as palaiyams developed and were described
vividly in the accounts of the foreign merchants, Jesuits, European Companies
and so on. Large-scale construction of temples in these towns also took place.
These accounts describe the urban lifestyle as martial in spirit, with an influential
urban population being warriors, cavalrymen and soldiers who also moved in and
out of the nayaka courts. The market towns, pettai also emerged during this period
in large numbers with periodic markets and some of them gradually developed
into palaiyams. (Rao et.al. 1992: 82-92)
The fiscal resources in the nayaka kingdoms were based upon a range of complex
landed rights over agricultural land and its income. (Rao et.al. 1992: These rights
were held by individuals, corporate bodies, temples and monastic organizations
and often required the recognition of the state, which in turn took tax remissions.
The most significant of these rights was kani, the right to possession of property,
especially agricultural land and its produce. The other rights like the amaram,
nayakkattanam and palaiyams, were the rights of the warrior groups that gave
them fiscal claims over the landed produce. The state controlled these rights with
help of its elaborate administrative machinery comprising powerful officials like
dalavay, rayasam and pradhani. Since these rights were competitive and conflicts
were common, the transfer of fiscal resources to the nayaka state varied and the
nayaka rulers had to device various strategies to collect taxes. For instance, the
Madurai nayakas frequently visited the southern parts of their territory to ensure a
smooth collection of fiscal resources. The nayakas controlled certain parts of their
territories directly and used the administrative machinery to collect taxes.
By the middle of the seventeenth century, a new fiscal commercial arrangement
developed, known as the revenue farming. The evidence tells us that the revenue
farmers belonged to several social groups including the brahmanas, velalas, chettis,
and migrant Telugu warriors. These revenue farmers not only collected land tax,
but a host of other dues on trade, artisanal and non-agricultural products. Hence
they needed to possess good commercial knowledge in order to assess ‘the revenue
potential of a region’. According to Rao, Shulman and Subrahmanyam, the state
encouraged revenue farmers as they had superior information networks about 131
Indian Political System assessing the revenue potential of a region. In addition, they took the risk of a
poor collection while passing on the fixed amount to the state whose fiscal stability
was thus ensured. (Rao et.al.1992: 1054-05). But there was always the danger of
these revenue farmers becoming powerful with an army of their own and not
paying the revenue finally, causing fiscal loss to the state.
7.10 CULTURAL DEVELOPMENTS

Nayak rule was noted for its artistic and cultural achievements, and the creation of
a unique style of temple architecture. In many ways, it was an elaboration upon
Vijaynagara architecture. The Nayaka rulers often made additions to the already
existing temple structures that existed from the previus reigns (Karashima 2014:
221). The temple architecture consisted of large pillared halls (mandapa) on the
outer side of the main sanctum sanctorum. These pillars ranged from one hundred
to one thousand in number. Tall gateways (gopurams) with more storeys, slender
in appearance were constructed around the temple. The granite basement of these
gopurams developed into elaborate structures. (Karashima 2014: 221). The Madurai
nayakas constructed the tallest gateway (gopura) in Tamil Nadu. The gateway
was located in Srivilliputtur near Madurai.
The temple structures, including the mandapa and gopurams were carved with
elaborate sculptures that gave a heavy and rich look. There were painted stucco
statues on the surface, and long corridors were cosntructed aroung the temples.
Some of the elaborate sculptures on the pillars and architecture of the nayaka
period can be found in the Meenakshi temple at Madurai, most of which was
constructed in the seventeenth century during the period of Tirumalai Nayaka
(1623-59CE). The sculptures on the pillars ususally were images of god, tribal
heroes, folk dieties and lifesize images of nayaka rulers and their queens.
(Karashima 2014: 221). In addition to the Meenakshi temple at Madurai, other
famous temples with elaborate nayaka period sculptures and architectures are
found in Jalagandesvara temple at Vellore, Aghoresvara temple at Ikkeri, Ramesvara
and Virabhadra temples at Keladi and Ahobilam and Somapalem temples in the
Andhra region. (Karashima 2014: 221).
One of the new features during the Nayaka period was the construction of numerous
palaces and forts. The fort complex at Senji in Tamil Nadu spread over three hills
with palaces and temple structures constructed by the Senji nayakas. The fort had
a reputation of being a strong structure that could never be destroyed and its
architectural layout made it inacessible. The site of the fort was developed in the
ninth century during the Chola period and gradually over a period of time additions
were made to it by various ruling dynasties and powerful overlords. However, the
Senji nayakas made significant contributions to the development and construction
of the fort. The utility of the fort as a strong battlement is established when at
various points of time, it was captured by the Marathas, Bijapur sultans, the
Mughals, Nawabs of Carnatics, the French, Hyder Ali and finally the British. The
nayaka civic architecture combined Dravidian and Islamic styles, as exemplified
by the palace erected by King Thirumalai Nayak of the Madurai Nayak dynasty in
1636 CE.
Painting and art also received patronage and developed during the nayaka period.
For instance, Tanjavur painting, a famous South Indian school of classical painting,
132 emerged under the nayakas. These paintings were usually in bright colours and
gold foils, tiny glass beads and pieces and precious and semi-precious stones were Regional
Theand Local
Nayakas
inlaid into the paintings. The theme of these paintings was usually devotional, the Polities
subjects mostly being gods, goddesses, saints and narratives from various religious
texts. There was an influence of the Deccani and Vijayanagara art forms and later
on of the Marathas and European Companies on the Tanjavur or Tanjore paintings.
The nayaka courts emerged as a centre of literary development and performance
arts. One of the unique features of the nayaka literary tradition was that it was
expressed in multiple languages. This multilingualism also influenced the courtly
performance of dance dramas, music and dance. Such a culture of ‘polyglossia’
(existence of multiple languages) was due to the social changes that had taken
place from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century (Peterson 2011:285-301) A
rich Sanskritic and regional linguistic traditions in Telugu, Tamil and Kannada
had already developed under the Vijaynagara rule and continued to flourish in the
nayaka kingdoms especially with the migration of the Telugu warrior communities.
In addition, the presence of the Deccani sultans, the Mughals, merchant
communities, palaiyakkarars, British, French and other European Companies also
contributed towards the development of a cosmpolitan environment which
influenced the literature and arts in the nayaka kingdoms.
7.11 A NEW ETHOS

The historians consider the period between the sixteenth and seventeenth century
as characterized by a new ethos, a departure from the previous period and culturally
and politically innovative. Based on various genres of literary works produced in
the nayaka kingdoms, like court literature, dance-dramas, praise-poems and so
on, Velcheru Narayana Rao, David Shulman and Sanjay Subrahmanyam
demonstrate in their work, Symbols of Substance the areas in which change and
difference were noted. According to them, one of the fundamental features of this
new ethos was increasing use of ‘money’ that acquired prominence over landed
property. Wars and rebellions, according to these authors took place over the
acquisition of this liquid wealth (Rao et. al.1992: 57-110) The rebellion of Nagama
Nayaka of Madurai against Krishnadevaraya is cited in this case (Karashima
2014:228). Such an ethos was due to the involvement of south India with the
world economy through international trade and exchange. This is a period when
the Portuguese, French and other European Companies entered the south Indian
commercial system, established their factories and also interfered in the local politics.
Another area that experienced a new flavor, according to the Symbols of Substance
was the image of the king and idea of kingship. The king was now apart from a
warrior, a man of aesthetics, intelligent, a sensuous hero, a good lover who enjoyed
life and had many pursuits. Hence, the personal qualities of the king were held in
high esteem and the three authors illustrate this new image by citing the personality
of Vishvanatha Nayaka of Madurai as an instance (Rao et. al.1992: 57-72; 169-
80). Similarly the social markers of caste, lineage and position were now no longer
dependent on the brahmanical supremacy. Rather the authors demonstrate through
examples from literary texts that instead of attributing importance to the kshatriya
status, the shudra origin of the nayakas was upheld, accorded social prestige and
considered as a significant factor in acquiring the status of a king, thus inverting
the classic Sanskritic varna scheme (Rao et. al.1992: 13). In fact the social landscape
expanded ‘with realistic portrayal of predatory bandit castes, alluring courtesans,
133
Indian Political System pretentious doctors, Mleccha merchants, Deccani soldiers, and local little kings
of ‘an altogether new type’ and ‘the Balija elite with its heroic ethos, at home, at
war…” (Rao et al 1992: 12)
Enjoyment of sensuous pleasure, food, wealth and songs and dance became the
spirit of this period. Money and personal qualities of a warrior hero were given
more importance, which was not the case before. Such a spirit, according to Rao,
Shulman and Subrahmanyam described in the nayaka literature was probably
introduced from the earlier period with the migrations of the Telugu warriors from
the northern areas and their subsequent interactions with the Tamil and Kannada
environment (Rao et. al.1992: 27-56).
Culturally as discussed above, this was a period of great literary development.
Different genres of literature were developed at the court of the nayaka rulers who
were also authors of some of these works. Many of these compositions became
themes of performance, which the nayakas patronized actively. New forms of
literary tradition developed, namely ‘the short lyric padam, which was both sung
and mimed, and the musical drama form called yakshagana, which drew from
literary and theatrical traditions of the adjacent regions of Karnataka and Andhra.’
(Peterson 2011: 291) In fact, the yakshgana texts were inspired by the classical
Telugu tradition and became subjects of several courtly performances. In fact,
Telugu became an important language of literary productions.
Thus a new ethos emerged that created a wide canvass for cultural creativity
(Peterson 2011:28, 50-90; Rao et.al. 1992). Such an ethos is well documented in
Tanjavur in the courts of the Madurai nayakas. Raghunatha Nayaka (1600-34 CE)
and his son Vijayaraghava (1634-73 CE) not only patronized various kinds of
literature, they also composed court poems (kavyas) in Telugu and Sanskrit. Their
ministers, queens and courtesans also composed in Telugu and Sanskrit (Peterson
2011: 291) In the seventeenth century, especially under these two nayaka rulers,
Tanjavur became the centre of dance and music. Subsequently the advent of the
Marathas further contributed towards Tanjavur’s cosmopolitanism and
multilingualism (Rao et.al.1992).
7.12 DECLINE OF THE NAYAKA KINGDOMS

The repeated attacks of the Decaani sultanates of Bijapur and Golconda proved to
be fatal for the various nayaka kingdoms. The nayaka rule in Senji virtually came
to an end by 1650 CE after being defeated by Bijapur. However, the nayakas of
Tanjavur, Madurai, Mysore and Ikkeri managed to survive for sometime. Finally
in 1676 CE, Tanjavur was attacked and conquered by the Bijapur Sultanate, putting
an end to the nayaka rule there. A Maratha general named Venkhoji (Ekoji) led the
Bijapur army. He was the half-brother of Shivaji and carried out the orders of his
Bijapur overlord by placing a child prince on the throne of Tanjavur. After sometime,
Venkhoji asserted his independence and established the Maratha rule in Tanjavur.
The Maratha-Bhonsle clan continued to rule till 1855 CE till the British annexed
Tanjavur under the Doctrine of Lapse (Rao et.al. 1992: 314). The Madurai nayaka
polity came to an end in 1732 CE, when the Nawab of Arcot captured it. Similarly,
Ikkeri polity was overtaken by Hyder Ali and merged with Mysore in 1763 CE
(Karashima 2014:228)
The nayaka rulers also fought amongst themselves. As already stated above, each
134
of these kingdoms was separate, with an identity of their own, with a distinct Regional
Theand Local
Nayakas
language, court culture, political dynamics and regional configurations. The Ikkeri Polities
nayakas had hostile relations with the Odeyar chiefs of Mysore and Bijapur Sultan.
Their desire to acquire control over the rich tract of Gersoppa in the north Canara
region that had a flourishing pepper cultivation often led to warfare with the queen
of that region.
By the eighteenth century CE, the nayaka polities had disappeared and the Mughal
rule spread in the south with the help of the Nizam of Hyderabad and Nawab of
Arcot. The Nawabs, Marathas, Mysore and the poligars now were politically
powerful and controlled the politics in the south as was evident in their negotiations
with each other in the Carnatic and Mysore wars. The arrival of the English and
the French on the scene further complicated the political dynamics.
1. In what ways did trade contribute to the development of the nayaka economy?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2. Discuss briefly revenue farming in the nayaka states?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3. Describe any two features of cultural development in the nayaka period.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
4. Give three reasons for characterizing the nayaka period as an era of new
ethos.
.......................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
7.13 SUMMARY
This unit discussed the main features of the nayaka states with a special focus on
Madurai, Tanjavur and Senji. The historiography has usually neglected this period
from the sixteenth to the end of the seventeenth century, when the Vijayanagara
Empire was considered to be weak ad its capital lay in ruins. It is lately that research
on these years preceding the British rule in south India has become important for
analysis. The Telugu origins of the nayakas and the experience that they carried s
from the northern Andhra region shaped the economy, polity and culture of the
Vijayanagara Empire. While these Teulgu warrior groups were absorbed into the
Vijayanagara administration as nayaka officials and given territories to administer, 135
Indian Political System they gradually became powerful and asserted their independence with new
kingdoms. These nayaka states became centres of new political practice, ideologies
of authority different from the previous times, changed social orientation, a
transformed political economy and cultural milieu. All these features became
hallmarks of the new ethos of this period and provided a context for the historical
developments in the eighteenth century south India.
7.14 KEYWORDS
Aravidu Vijayanagara dynasty ruled from 1570-1646
Battle of Talikota Battle of Talikota was fought between the
Vijayanagara ruler Aliya Rama Raya and the
combined forces of the Deccani Sultanates in
1565. It resulted in the defeat of the
Vijayanagara ruler and the decline of the
Vijayanagara power in South India
Nayakatana Territorial assignments made to the nayaks for
the maintenance of their troops
Odeyar Dynasty that ruled over the kingdom of
Mysore between 1399-1950. They were the
feudatories of the Vijyanagara rulers. Later,
with the decline of Vijayanagara power, Raja
Odeyar got the opportunity to occupy
Srirangapatnam and declared his
independence from Vijayanagara yoke in
1610.
Paravas Local fishing community in the Madurai
region
Sima, Sime, Simai Territories assigned to nayaks
Vadugas Telugu nayaks migrated from the Andhra
region and got settled in in Kannada and Tamil
regions during the 14-15th centuries
Yakshagana Musical drama form

EXERCISE*
1. See Sections 7.2, 7.3
2. i-e; ii-a; iii-d; iv-b; v-c
3. i-X; ii-X; iii-”; iv-X
1. See Section 7.4
136 2. See Section 7.6

3. See Sub-section 7.4.3 Regional
Theand Local
Nayakas
Polities
4. See Section 7.5
1. See Section 7.8
3. (d)
4. (d)
1. See Section 7.9
2. See Section 7.9
3. See Section 7.10
4. See Section 7.11

Aiyar, R. Sathyanatha, (1924) History of the Nayakas of Madura (Madras: Oxford
University Press), (Reprint).
Dirks, Nicholas, B., (1987) The Hollow Crown: Ethnohistory of an Indian Kingdom
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Karashima, Noboru, (1994) Towards a New Formation: South Indian Society under
Vijayanagar Rule (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Karashima, Noboru, (2014) A Concise History of South India. Issues and
Interpretations (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Peterson, Indira Viswanathan, (2011) ‘Multilingual Dramas at the Tanjavur Maratha
Court and Literary Cultures in Early Modern South India’, Medieval History
Journal 14, 2: 285-321.
Rao, Velacheru Narayana, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, and David Dean Shulman,
(1992) Symbols of Substance. Court and State in Nayaka Period in Tamil Nadu
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Srinivasachari, Rao Bahadur C.S., (1943) A History of Gingee and Its Rulers
(Annamalainagar: The University Press).
Subrahmanyam Sanjay, (2001) Penumbral Visions: Making Polities in Early
Modern South India (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press).
Swaminathan, K.D., (1967) The Nayakas of Ikkeri (Madras:P.Varadachary &Co.).
Stein, Burton, (1989) Vijayanagara. The New Cambridge History of India
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Vriddhagirisan,V., (2011[Reprint]), The Nayakas of Tanjore. Edited With
Introduction and Suppelementary Notes By Rao Bahadur Professor C.S.
Srinivasachariar, M.A. (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services [ 1942, 1995,
137
Indian Political System Annamalai University Historical Series, No.3, University of Annamalai,
Annamalainagar]).
Wagoner, Philip B., (1993) Tidings of the King. A Translation and Ethnohistorical
Analysis of the Rayavacakamu. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

RECOMMENDATIONS
Thirumalai Nayakar History in English
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QOzuMShsQe4
Madurai Nayak dynasty
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=89XKif7Z4po&t=2s
The Nayakas of Chitradurga
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CDEvXEbFyb4
The Nayakas of Keladi
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cweIidKR-qM
Thanjavur Nayak kingdom
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4iCiLjZOuPY
138
Regional and Local
Theme III
Polities
Consolidation of Mughal Rule
Time Line
Mughal Historiography
New Trends and Themes
Nature of the Mughal State
Turco-Mongol Legacy
Mughal Theory of Kingship
Mughal Administration
Mansab and Jagir
Mughal Land Revenue System
Young Abdur Rahim Khan-i Khanan Being Received by Akbar, Miniature from Akbarnama, Circa
1590-1595
Painter: Ananat
Photograph Source: Victoria and Albert Museum
139
Photograph Source: Victoria and Albert Museum

S o u r c e : h t t p s : / / c o m m o n s . w i k i m e d i a . o r g / w i k i / F i l e : Yo u n g _ A b d u l _ R a h i m _ K h a n - I -
140 Khana_being_received_by_Akbar,_Akbarnama.jpg
Regional and Local
UNIT 8 HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE Polities
MUGHAL STATE*
Structure
8.0 Objective
8.1 Introduction
8.2 New trends and themes in Mughal historiography
8.3 Nature of the Mughal State
8.3.1 Oriental Despotic Theory
8.3.2 Centralized State Theory
8.3.3 Patrimonial-Bureaucratic State Theory
8.3.4 Segmentary State Theory
8.3.5 Revisionist Theories
8.3.6 Theocratic Model of Mughal State
8.3.7 Gun-powder Theory
8.4 Summary
8.5 Keywords
8.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercise
8.0 OBJECTIVES
 Acquaint yourself with the various historical approaches adopted to study
the nature of Mughal State,
 Analyze the various factors which influenced and shaped the studies
undertaken by different historians regarding the nature of Mughal State,
 Understand the nature of political organization under the Mughals, and
 Comprehend the historiography of Mughal State.
8.1 INTRODUCTION
Historiography is the study of history of academic writings and theories concerning
a particular subject, which in this context is nature of the Mughal State.
Historiography of the nature of state concerns with the enquiry into the utilization
of political power in achieving certain objectives in pre-colonial India. The study
of medieval Indian state administration and accompanying social and political
* Dr. Divya Sethi, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi 141
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System implications is one of the most contested subject matters, especially the Mughal
Rule Indian state. The study of Mughal state began by asserting the Hindu-Muslim
divide by the imperial historians. With the establishment of colonial conquest, the
propaganda was systematically spread across the academic plane, percolating to
the history textbooks.
The colonial power wanted to usurp power by legitimizing from the earlier practices
prevalent under the Mughal regime. With religion as the sole determining factor
in historical writing and the tripartite division of Indian history into Hindu, Muslim
and British epochs by James Mill1, modern historiography of the Mughal state
developed on two trajectories. As the medieval Muslim state, on the one hand, the
Mughal state was seen as spreading Islam in India. On the other hand, an alternative
approach was developed which saw the initial challenges posed by the Mughal
power to the indigenous subjects and their later mutual accommodation. One strand
of history came to be seen as communal by the other projecting itself as secular
nationalist.
Initially writings on the military and political organization under Mughals were
given credence. Historians like W. H. Moreland in his work, Agrarian System of
Moslem India, continued with the theories and assumptions about the nature of
Mughal state advocated by the Britishers. Though Moreland incorporated the
analysis of historical documents into his study. With the decline of Eurocentric
theories and nationalist theories being written in the post-independence era, a
major break marking the shift in the base of history writing away from these two
paradigms arrived in 1956 with the work of D. D. Kosambi2 and the work of Irfan
Habib3 in 1963, Marxist influence over the process of history writing was witnessed.
Focus on religion was shifted to focus on the existence of class and economic
processes in the country.
One of the most seminal historical works on Mughal India that came to be
recognized was done by Irfan Habib in his study of the agrarian system under the
Mughal regime. Much credence was given to the Persian sources. Prof Habib’s
work became a seminal work of reference around which a whole body of work
came to be written. Though at the time same, the liberal-nationalists such as
Mohibbul Hasan and Haroon Khan Sherwani, among others continued to write on
the Mughal regime in India. The latter has extensively worked upon the regional
sources and published volumes on history of the Deccan. Historians such as Khaliq
Ahmad Nizami and Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi delve into the aspects of religious
policies under Mughals.
The Aligarh historians influenced by the Marxist writings evolved a new trend in
historiography of the Mughal state. Even the Aligarh School shared the view of
oriental historians on the distribution of resources under the Mughal empire. The
Mughal state was seen by these historians as a highly centralized and systematic
bureaucratic state. They categorized it into the kind of a ‘conquest state’. He state
parceled out some of its powers in order to extract maximum revenue from the
1
Mill, James, (1817) The History of British India, in 6 volumes (London: Baldwin, Cradock &
Joy).
2
Kosambi, D. D., (1956) An Introduction to the Study of Indian History (Bombay: Popular Book
Depot).
142
3
Habib, Irfan, (1963) The Agrarian System of Mughal India (Bombay: Asia Publishing House).
people while simultaneously maintaining a well-established system of checks and Regional and Local
Historiography of the
balances in order to retain the centralized power. Polities
Mughal State
There were issues that were not dealt by the Aligarh school of historians. The
chronology under focus was majorly from 1556 to 1707, i.e. from Akbar to
Aurangzeb. There was a relative negligence of the first half of the seventeenth
century. Moreover, emphasis was laid on the Ain-i-Akbari written by Shaikh Abu’l
Fazl. Moreover, the epithet of ‘centralized and bureaucratic despotic ‘absolutist’
nature of the Mughal empire could find no basis in the periods of history before
Akbar nor under the emperors after Aurangzeb. Also, it was argued that the Mughal
state was largely an extractive state which took away almost all the surplus from
the peasantry and used it for non-productive conspicuous consumption.
In the 1960s, the Cambridge School – known so because of the approach adopted
by certain historians who did not necessarily belonged to Cambridge, focused on
intensive archival research and writings of elites. The complex interplay of polities
at the regional or local levels were paid much attention by these historians. The
Mughal rule was considered indirect in nature, with no other reason than military
success binding the emperor to the mansabdars. According to them, rule was
dependent upon the group of intermediaries with patron-client ties forming the
base. Critical of the Cambridge school, the subaltern school studied the Mughal
state from a different aspect.
In the 1980s, C.A. Bayly pointed out that the earlier writings on Mughal state
emphasized entirely upon the agency of state and has entirely ignored the agency
of enterprising communities. He saw a continuity marking the transition from
Mughal to colonial India with economic activities being carried by regional elites
as hallmarks of decentralization that were formed under the Mughal rule. This
viewpoint was supported by Muzaffar Alam who emphasized upon the institutions
of jagir and ijara as manifestation of growth in the state administration.
Historians like Stephen Blake, M. Athar Ali, Douglas Streusand, John F. Richards
and Herman Kulke termed it to be a patrimonial-bureaucratic state. The Subaltern
Studies broke new ground by moving away from the top-down approach to
historical understanding. These studies criticized the emphasis on elites and
nationalist icons in the earlier understandings of the Mughal state. They attempted
to recover the history of the masses under the Mughal regime. The Subaltern school
held the belief that the local communities in the Indian society were quite
autonomous and self-governing. These communities persisted with their beliefs
and customs with constrained external interference. They utilized the oral archives
of history. As pointed out by other groups of historians, one of the weaknesses in
their approach to historical research has been the lack of attention paid to quantified
data of the widespread consequences.
Revisionist theories towards understanding the Mughal state have been criticized
for their analysis of historical sources and to be less assertive in character. By the
1980s and 1990s, new paradigms of historical inquiries had emerged in the realms
of cultural and social history. The concept of normative text began featuring in
these works. With changing approaches to looking at history of the subcontinent,
useful insights into studying the varied aspects of the Mughal state have evolved
over time ranging right from the analysis of historical events as evident in paintings
to the problem of court culture from bottom up.
143
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Indian of Mughal
Political System According to Irfan Habib, Mughal empire concentrated its power in the hands of
Rule high officials and Mughal ruling class. When the second edition of Irfan Habib’s
work, The Agrarian System of Mughal India, was published in 1999 several fresh
studies of Mughal State had emerged by then. Looking at the state from only a
fiscal-administration aspect became an old school of study. Historians moved
beyond the canonical position ascribed to particular historical texts and are
analyzing the history of everyday lives and associations. New and fresh approached
towards understanding the system of governance under the Mughal regime came
to be adopted.
8.2 NEW TRENDS AND THEMES IN MUGHAL

HISTORIOGRAPHY
 The question of religion under the Mughals generated a great deal of interest,
especially overlapping with the Babri Masjid controversy in the subcontinent.
The works left by Sufi saints and other saintly figures, once relegated to
secondary position, during the period began to receive attention.
 Language, literature and culture under the regime. These studies broke down
the earlier perceptions around the Indian state which was seen to be under a
constant oriental inertia. The cultural traditions followed by the Mughal elite
received much attention under these studies and continue to arose much interest
among scholars.
 The earlier neglected periods of Mughal history, i.e. the first halves of the
sixteenth century and seventeenth century.
 Regional monographs began receiving their due consideration. The regions
of Bengal, Bihar and Punjab began to be studied in detail. Farhat Hasan’s
work, State and Locality in Mughal India: Power Relation in Western India c.
1572-1730, is considered as one of the seminal works of this genre belonging
to the Aligarh school.
 The integration of art and architecture as part of the ‘visual culture’ under the
regime. Both the fields began to be analyzed as being components of the
larger propaganda and ideology of the Mughal rule. This marked a break
from the preceding studies that looked at art history and architectural studies
as two distinct domains of history.
 Textual editions of several important Persian works, for example Mau’izah-
i Jahangiri of Muhammad Baqir Najm-i Sani, came to be studied.
 Lastly, the field of gender studies have received attention not only with respect
to femininity or the studies around Mughal harem but also with respect to the
notion of masculinity in the Mughal world. These studies did not restrict
themselves to the Mughal elite. Rather they encompassed themselves to the
people at large.
 In addition to the new fields of study, the fields of political ideology, political
economy, science and technology continue to attract scholarly attention.
1) Describe the earlier approaches to study the nature of Mughal state.
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........................................................................................................................ Regional and Local
Polities
Mughal State
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Which aspects of the Mughal empire received attention by the imperial
historians?
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........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) How was the Mughal state characterized by the Marxist historians? What
were the differences between their study of Mughal state and that done by
the Subaltern Studies?
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........................................................................................................................
4) Who, among the following, dealt with a major break away from the
Eurocentric and nationalist theories in the post-independence era history
writing of Mughal India?
a. Irfan Habib
b. Mohibbul Hasan
c. Haroon Khan Sherwani
d. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami
5) Which, among the following, was not a new trend in Mughal historiography?
a. Art and Architecture as part of Visual Culture of the regime
b. Language, literature and culture
c. Political economy, science and technology
d. State as the sole agency of governance
e. All of the above
6) What are the new trends and approaches to study and analyze the nature of
Mughal state in India?
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8.3 NATURE OF THE MUGHAL STATE

The study of the nature of Mughal state, especially in the context of the study of
nature of pre-colonial state in India is a very interesting subject matter. There are
several theories promulgated by different historians towards understanding the
Mughal empire: 145
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8.3.1 Oriental Despotic State Theory

The concept of Asiatic Despotism and the Asiatic Mode of Production emerged in
the writings of Karl Marx in a different context. With respect to the nature of pre-
colonial state in India, Francois Bernier4 propounded his theory of Oriental Despotic
Monarchies which were essentially different in character from the European state.
Under this theory, monarchies were the ones where:
i. King was the owner of the land and extractor of revenue
ii. Unlike hereditary European lords, temporary tenures were held by tax
collectors, a system that reflected state ownership of land
Francis William Buckler, in his essay ‘The Oriental Despot’, described the Mughal
sovereignty as a model of ‘corporate kingship’ wherein all the nobles were
‘members’ in the set-up rather than being servants. This system of governance led
to the exploitation of peasantry and decline in economic development and prosperity
of the people. The element wherein there was a lack of restraint in the collection
of taxation lent the state a ‘despotic’ character. The Britishers were opined to have
infused an element of freedom into this existent Oriental Despotic State.
James Mill5 and John Crawfurd adopted the argument formulated by Bernier and
argued in the East India House that India was the most lightly tax country in the
world. Later, W. H. Moreland6 in his seminal work opined that, after weather
conditions the most dominant factor in the economic life of the people in the
Mughal period was the state administration. The whole focus of the theory of an
Oriental Despotic state rested on the premises of land and taxation.
This model of state sovereignty has been nuanced by historians. Historians such
as R. P. Tripathi – Some Aspects of Muslim Administration; Ibn Hasan – The Central
Structure of the Mughal Empire; and P. Saran – Provincial Governments of the
Mughals, asserted the fact that the various administrative institutions of monarchy
were based on the geographical and cultural institutions of the country. They argued
that there was little scope of over-taxation in the Mughal regime. After 1947, the
Marxist influence on historical writings became much evident. The major
interpretation of pre-colonial Indian state under the Marxian influence was
4
Bernier, Francois, (1916) Travels in the Mughal Empire A.D. 1656-1668, Translated by A. Con-
stable (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
5
Mill, James, (1817) The History of British India, in 6 volumes (London: Baldwin, Cradock &
Joy
6
Moreland, W. H., (1929) Agrarian System of Moslem India (Allahabad: Central Book Depot).
146
propounded by D. D. Kosambi7. D. D. Kosambi argued that with a change in Regional and Local
regime, distinct elements in the ‘relations of production’ evolve. Polities
Mughal State
8.3.2 Centralized State Theory

According to this view, the state power at the centre penetrates to all the levels of
society via revenue inflows from the periphery. This approach has largely been
termed as a Centre-Oriented Theory. Policies leading to political unification by
exerting power over the local regimes, secular norms of governance and composite
composition of the ruling classes, among other state practices, are emphasized by
the promulgators of this theory of Mughal state. The nationalist historians developed
this theory within the confines of a liberal nationalist state in order to counter the
imperialist view. The Mughal state aimed at achieving communal and political
unification.
According to the centralized state theory, the state administration penetrated into
all levels of the society through the agency of the intermediaries. The intermediaries
such as merchants, artisan and peasants were entirely dependent upon the state.
Thus, state and society remained closely tied aspects in the regime. Every
phenomenon revolved around the centre. As per the centralized state theory, all
aspects of society were viewed from above. Much of the influence exerted upon
this theory is by the chroniclers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries who
mostly portrayed the Mughal state in a similar light. Much emphasis has been laid
upon the systemization of administration done under emperor Akbar, especially
the mansabdari system and uniformity in division of offices for different regions.
These offices and centralized administration were carried on and strengthened
under successive emperors.
During the first half of the twentieth century, Satish Chandra synthesized the work
already done on the Mughal polity and administration. Irfan Habib accepted the
Centralized State Theory that emphasized on the centralized ruling class which
collection land-tax. To him, this was a hierarchical system wherein resources were
shared between the ruling class and the class of zamindars. This assertion was
based on an extensive scrutiny of historical and official works in addition to local
documents. With the help of Marxist tools of analysis, these studies reinforced the
dominant nationalist interpretation of Mughal state in many essential facets.
The earlier model of Mughal agrarian system being bipolar in nature, with the
state and the peasantry constituting the two major elements, was replaced with a
three-tiered division of society under Mughals – the ruling class (state), the
zamindars (zamindar) and the peasants (peasantry). The Mughal state was viewed
as the foremost exploiting instrument. The hierarchy among the class of zamindars
was reinforced.
With the increasing influence exerted by the segmentary state model propounded
by the American sociologists in the 1970s, the centralized state model came to be
criticized by many historians. Douglas E. Streusand’s The Formation of the Mughal
Empire questioned the centralizing nature of Mughal empire. Though he saw four
levels of transformation under the regime: central power, acceptance of emperor
Akbar, the mansabdari system and subsequent changes in the regime. He has
7
Kosambi, D. D., (1956) An Introduction to the Study of Indian History (Bombay: Popular Book
Depot). 147
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Political System tried to integrate both the theories for the Mughal state throughout his work. The
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real question posed by critiques is on the level of control exerted by the Mughals
in several regions, i.e. away from the centre.
8.3.3 Patrimonial-Bureaucratic State Theory

One of the new paradigms to study the Mughal state has been to view the nature of
state from the lens of a patrimonial-bureaucratic rule. This theory derives from
the Max Weber’s model on patrimonial state. Under this model, a persistent divide
exists between the patrimonial polity and bureaucratic administrative structure
under a pre-modern regime. A ruler governs the state on the same lines as a patriarch
asserts authority over his household or within the patriarchal domain. The larger
realm is considered as an extension of this patriarchal domain where supreme
authority is asserted in all realms such as military and jurisdictional.
This patrimonial model of political organization, when operating on a huge scale
within a large territorial area, is referred to as a patrimonial-bureaucratic empire.
Since through the medium of several tactics and policies, authority is diffused in
order to govern varied regions. To ensure that the administration is carried
successfully, an array of army was organized who were loyal to the ruler. The
enormous troops were divided into two groups, first those who were directly under
the service of the emperor and second, those who were the soldiers of the
subordinates bound to their commanders.
Similarly, in other realms of administration members served at the pleasure of the
emperor and displayed a certain level of loyalty and allegiance. A large proportion
of state revenue was assigned to such class of officials. Over a period of time, this
system led to the waning of power possessed by the emperor. Therefore, checks
and balances were maintained by the person of the emperor to curtail this increase
in power held by state officials. For example, periodic rotation of officials was set
in place along with a huge network of spy officials who reported directly to the
emperor. Elaborate rules governed the court and throne, confirming to the
patriarchal relationship shared between the emperor and subjects. The centrality
of the imperial household is persistent in the organization of the administration.
Historians like Stephen Blake have analyzed the highly bureaucratic mansabdari
system as described in the Ain-i-Akbari as confirming to this patrimonial-
bureaucratic state model. Wherein the mansabdars and other components of the
Mughal army are seen as an adjunct to the patrimonial-bureaucratic empire. The
army personnel were called to the court at times of promotions or change of
assignment. They were promoted as mansabdars after standing duties in the
imperial household and an approval done by the emperor himself. Likewise,
management system of the land revenue administration also followed the
patrimonial-bureaucratic pattern. Even while touring the territories, the emperor
used to hold court regularly and the state work was carried much efficiently.
Many contemporary Asian states – the Safavid Empire of Iran, the Ottoman Empire
of Turkey and the Ming Empire of China have been categorized by historians as
patrimonial-bureaucratic states. The Mongol and Turkish influences of their
ancestors are opined to have contributed to the working of Mughal state. The
strong centralizing tendency and the well-organized bureaucratic administrative
system is considered as a legacy inherited from Central Asia by the Mughals.
148
Some of these elements were already exhibited by earlier empires in India, Delhi Regional and Local
Sultanate and the Mauryan Empire. And some of the elements were brought by Polities
Mughal State
emperor Babur upon his arrival in the subcontinent, later refined and crystallized
by emperor Akbar. The emperors after Akbar largely followed the practices
established by him.
The following features characterized the patrimonial-bureaucratic nature of Mughal
state:
 Emperor as a divine patriarch
 Imperial household as the central element in governance
 Army personnel completely dependent upon the emperor
 Structured administration controlled by the imperial household
 Various checks and balances kept by the emperor
8.3.4 Segmentary State Model

Post-1970s, the historiography of Mughal state was influenced by the American
sociologists’ segmentary state model. In the segmentary state model, all the
segments or components of a formal state are said to be in existence. These segments
are coherent in themselves and are held by a sovereign in a nominal manner.
According to this approach of history writing, the penetration of centre into the
regional or periphery areas was overruled. The relationship between the centre
and the periphery was looked upon as a ritual one, rather than being political in
nature. Ritual obligations tie the periphery to the centre.
According to the segmentary sate model, the society is divided into a hierarchical
structure, each segment or unit converging into the succeeding unit. For instance,
village, locality, supra-locality and the larger kingdom. Burton Stein raised
objections on the development of a centralized state institution in India in view of
the cultural and social environment. With respect to South India, he propounded
the ‘segmentary state model’. In this approach to the study of governance,
institutions such as caste, status and religion were given credibility in understanding
the regime of state and local authorities. This theory was not itself free from
criticism from other historians who refuted it in the context of South India.
Douglas E. Streusand8 expanded this model to the territorial bounds of Mughal
India, especially for the time-period from 1556 to 1582. Streusand had studied the
military and fiscal hierarchy existent in the Mughal state, the influx of varied
groups into the empire apparatus, and the nature of sovereignty exercised by the
emperor, especially the mechanisms evolved under the reign of emperor Akbar.
Many transformations have been observed under Akbar’s regime – increasing
exertion of central power, acceptability of the sovereign power, and standardization
of the Mansabdari system. The Mughal conception of kingship constituted an
amalgamation of several earlier concepts practiced in the country. Mughal policies
established by Akbar, for example, the abolition of jiziah, introduction of sulh-i-
kul and adoption of a liberal religious policy had huge administrative and social
implications.
8
Streusand, Douglas E., The Formation of the Mughal Empire. 149
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Political System Streusand transposed the elements of segmentary state model as promulgated by
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Burton Stein in the context of zamindari areas in the Mughal polity, and the central
state approach in the context of parganas falling under direct control of the central
administration. As opposed to the centralized state model, the segmentary state
model argues for the existence of autonomous regional powers with no economic
linkage with the central authority. The historians have taken a larger view-point.
Many studies from below have been undertaken where the focus has been on
lower classes of society and their lives as active participants in the various processes
of state.
1) Who categorized the Mughal state as an Oriental-Despotic State? And Why?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Differentiate between the Centralized State theory and Segmentary state
model in the context of Mughal state in India.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Explain the main proponents of the Patrimonial-Bureaucratic State theory.
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8.3.5 Revisionist Theories

C. A. Bayly presented a theory of continuity under the British regime by assigning
authority to the ‘social classes’ wielding economic power who shifted loyalty to
the British after the decline of Mughal state. In his study of the Mughal polity,
decentralization and regional polities emerged as prime factors defining the
character of the state. The penetration of the Mughal empire was confronted by
the regional traditional village elites. Therefore, the decline of the empire in the
eighteenth century did not lead to a setback at the economic front and there was
continuity between the Mughal empire and the colonial regime.
C. A. Bayly and Sanjay Subramanyam, of late, categorized a ‘contact zone’ or
‘grey area’ - an area where the state and society converged. This ‘grey area’
constitutes of the place where the elements of centralized state model and
segmentary state model converge. Initiatives from above and engagements from
below submerge together. According to Subramanyam and Bayly, certain social
groups articulated between the state and society. In South India, these social groups
were largely the revenue farmers or ‘portfolio capitalists’ who were participants
in the economic processes. They ensured guaranteed economic gains to the state.
Hence, C. A. Bayly recognizes the signs of economic growth in the state. The
agents of this economic growth were not always created by the state such as
150
mansabdars or jagirdars appointed by the state. Some of these agents of growth Regional and Local
were already embedded within the structure of society and grew in power with Polities
Mughal State
procuring more and more resources at their disposal. They constituted the political
economy for a particular region. Similarly, historian Muzaffar Alam9 emphasized
upon the institutions of jagir and ijara as manifestation of growth in the state
administration. Frank Perlin has criticized the economic study of Indian history
that focus on Mughal and Maratha-centric treatment. To him, the watan was the
basic unit of political power.
Recently, the work done by Farhat Hasan10 has made significant contributions in
the way Mughal state has been perceived. He does not categorize the Mughal
state into a unilateral, centralized or patrimonial-bureaucratic model. Rather
according to his research the Mughal power was a result of the day-to-day
interactions with the local elites. The dense network of imperial-local alliances or
bonds sustained the power house of Mughals. For instance, the merchant
associations in different regions mediated the state demands on their associates.
The local merchant associations in Cambay and Surat performed this role in the
region of Gujarat. These elite houses were not subservient to the stately authority.
They employed different mechanisms to counter any oppression done onto them
by the state officials or to put forward their demands to the state. The people
found their own ways to sustain under the larger regime. Everyday struggle was
witnessed by the state authorities, be it in courts or markets.
8.3.6 Islamic Theory of Sovereignty

One of the earliest historical research that looked at the Mughal state in the context
of role of Islam in the functioning of state, colonization of India and struggle for
independence posed the question whether it was a theocratic state or not. These
ideas date to the posterior. The concept of conquest being used as a legitimizing
tool was a prevalent trend in medieval times. Modern colonialism altered the very
meaning of conquest, primarily done for the economic benefit of one nation by
controlling the resources of another nation.
Historians like Doughlas E. Streusand who are critical of both the centre-oriented
studies and segmentary state oriented studies of Mughal state, have used a new
theory called the Hybrid Islamic administration theory. According to this theory,
at one level i.e. at the level of empire centric regions the administration is imposed
from above. Whereas at the provincial level, indigenously developed administration
used to exist. This model for studying the nature of Mughal state is not a decline-
oriented study.
Whether it was the methodology of history writing being adopted by individual
contemporary historians under successive emperors at the Mughal courts or the
general trend of asserting power by conquering lands, with references to kafirs
and kufr, for instance the Battles of Panipat (Babur) and Kangra (Jahangir) – such
methodology and episodes reflect upon the proselytizing zeal of the Mughal state.
But the real question is that how far was Islam institutionalized in terms of the
functionality of the state. Historian Harbans Mukhia has placed two criteria as an
9
Alam, Muzaffar, Writing the Mughal State.
10
Hasan, Farhat, (2004) State and Locality in Mughal India: Power Relations in Western India,
c. 1572-1730. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). 151
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the jurisdiction of Islamic law in the territorial expanse.
The tolerance of individual emperors varied during their respective reigns with
some demolishing temples and others assisting in getting temples constructed.
Also, the motivations for conversions ranged from intellectual conviction to gaining
promotion in the administrative hierarchy. With majority of episodes of conversions
relating to politically affluent individuals who had an act of defiance or dereliction
of duty in the eyes of the state. The proportion of Muslim population within the
central territories ruled by the Mughals is said to have never exceeded 15 per cent.
Moreso, documentary evidences of reverse conversions are also found under the
Mughal rule. In the absence of substantiated evidence, it would appear an excess
to categorize the Mughal state as a theocratic state, Islamic in this case.
Islam was one of the legitimizing elements during the Mughal regime, but it was
not the only one. There were several other factors that were used to legitimize the
rule by the regime. For instance, during Akbar’s rule whence a new theory of
kingship was developed by the emperor who was the paternal head of the empire
and emphasis were laid upon social harmony. Neither was Islamic law the only
basis of administration and jurisdiction by the state. While Islam gave an identity
to the rulers but governance was carried on an administrative set-up where power
and resources were shared amongst the officials and different segments of society.
In addition to the composite nature of Mughal nobility and establishing institutions
of centralization, the Mughal rulers were seen stressing upon the absoluteness of
the sovereign. While legitimizing this absolute status, marital alliances were forged
with elite chieftains in different territorial areas. A direct relation was also
established between the emperor and his subjects. Also, with respect to religion
apart from attempts to assert status within the framework of Islam, the emperor
enjoyed a position of spiritual guide amongst the non-Muslim subjects. Though
the presence of Islam as a structure was very much present in the state’s functioning
at the political, intellectual and popular realms. Practices such as jharoka darshan,
tolerant religious policies and basing the legitimacy of rule on spiritual sanctity
not only gave stability to the regime but at the same time ruled out the state being
absolutely Islamic or Theocratic in nature.
8.3.7 Gunpowder Theory

Recently, historians have associated the increasing use of gunpowder or firearms
beginning from the middle of fifteenth century as a crucial factor in the increasing
power asserted by empires across the world. The highly centralized empires across
Asia have been categorized by historians like Marshall G. S. Hodgson as
‘gunpowder empires’. The changes brought by the introduction of gunpowder
technology in the context of state formation in India were very crucial. Others
empires that have been categorized as ‘gunpowder empires’ are the Ottoman
Empire, the Safavid Empire and the Uzbek Khanate.
During the second half of the fifteenth century, some primitive form of gunpowder
artillery is said to be in existence in different regions of the country. A personnel
working in the field of firearms was referred to as kashakanjir in north India. In
Kashmir, references to a weapon called topa in Muslim language and kanda in
the Kashmiri dialect are found. Contemporary texts, as cited by historian Iqtidar
152
Alam Khan, such as Ma’asir-i Mahmud Shahi (1468) and Riyazu’l insha’ (1470) Timurid Antecedents
also cite existence of the usage of some form of cannon in the region of Malwa Mughal State
and Deccan in those days. The siege of some of the stronghold fortifications –
Champanir, Mandalgarh, Vijaymandirgarh - was a reflection of the destructive
power of gunpowder artillery. Many of these forts had to be redesigned in the
fifteenth century.
These costly cannons were possessed by some of the prosperous regional kingdoms
like Vijayanagar and Malwa. Most of the zamindars and chieftains could not afford
such equipment. Many of the powerful regional kingdoms conquered fortifications
in the periphery or neighbourhood with the help of gunpowder artillery, thus,
consolidating the process of state formation. This led to territorial expansion by
powerful kingdoms. This process was accompanied by other factors such as
increasing control on local chiefs and increasing sources of revenue. This further
gave impetus to the strengthening of power by powerful kingdoms.
With the introduction of new techniques and methods in artillery due to the influence
from West and expertise brought by Babur in sixteenth century India, gunpowder
became a symbol for affirming the strength of a powerful kingdom. Though this
technology did not come without posing some challenges such as difficulty in
mobility and slow rate of firing. Despite the challenges, gunpowder was majorly
used as a symbol of power assertion. Gunpowder did not play a chief role in the
process of consolidation of empire by the Mughals. Apart from the siege of Chittor
in 1568 and the siege of Ramthambhor in 1570 under Akbar’s reign, firearms did
not play a very crucial role in territorial acquisitions under Akbar’s military
campaigns and under the reign of other Mughal emperors. During the early sixteenth
century, light artillery was effectively utilized in the siege operations and on the
battlefield.
The usage of light cannons mounted on carriages or matchlock muskets aided the
growth and consolidation of a centralized Mughal empire. One of the most
significant innovation in terms of firearms in the seventeenth century was the
placing of cannons on swivels mounted on the back of the camels. Matchlock
muskets were effectual firearms of combat. At times in a battle formation, these
were used so as to provide cover to artillery carts in the battlefield. The forceful
attack and large scale of destruction caused by matchlock muskets, in comparison
to mounted archers who continuously discharged arrows, could play a decisive
role in a war. On an average, under the mansabdari system, one musketeer existed
over five to eight horsemen in a contingent. These musketeers were an integral
part of the contingent in direct service of the Emperor and remained a crucial
component in maintaining control over local chieftains.
The importance of matchlock musket has been stressed by few historians in the
Mughal warfare and centralizing character of the empire. Whereas historians like
Irfan Habib have considered mounted archery as the mainstay of Mughal warfare.
Almost all the theories concerning the nature of Mughal state harmonize on the
bureaucratic formation of the empire and the prevalent strong centric aspect. These
studies have supplemented the study of regional polities and state institutions.
Study of regional polities and new readings on village communities or crime and
punishment under the Mughals does not imply that the institutions of governance
such as Mansab and Jagir were of any less importance. Rather they reveal the
153
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power asserted by different local authorities, in the overall nature of state under
the Mughal regime in the subcontinent.
It is important to understand here that a centralized state need not necessarily
exert influence and power equally in all the regions. Also, a regional or decentralized
power might exert very strong power within its territorial boundaries while a central
state exists simultaneously. The scrutiny of these concepts must rely on an objective
analysis of the available documentation. Of all, the Centralized State theory is
regarded as the most credential among historians, who share the same view with
respect to certain institutions such as mansab and jagir. Though it is equally crucial
to understand the cultural and social environment in which the Mughal state existed
and the varied practices established under its regime with their powerful impact
upon the people.
The varied perspective of historians or specifically the historiography of Mughal
state should be understood in the context of the time-period when a particular
theory concerning the state under Mughals was perceived. The element of
presentism ingrained in a theory needs to be understood. For instance, nationalist
studies, neo-Marxist studies, and others where looking back at history in order to
justify the present actions or decisions. The right methodology would be to look
for answers to means through the medium of which the rulers justified their actions
at that point in time. Moreover, the categorizing of Mughal state into oriental,
despotic or a combination of varied elements is arrived at while looking at some
specific aspect of the state. Depending upon which aspect was being analyzed, the
nature of state was categorized. One needs to place the Mughal state as part of a
particular type of political organization.
Mughal India was not merely a world of Muslim rulers. The differentiated
hierarchical and economic classes within the caste and communities cannot be
kept in isolation. The centralizing nature of the Mughal empire cannot be viewed
without the composite institutions and comprehensive policies. The nature of
Mughal state should rather be understood in its own historical context. It cannot
be understood as an Islamic state or a welfare state. It was no mere simple
continuation of preceding regimes or an ancestor to the British raj in India. It
exerted a profound impact on the economic and social conditions of the people.
The nature of such an empire can be understood by the accompanying hierarchies
and established traditions. Every successive emperor contributed new elements
while keeping the larger administrative structure integral. A new theory of kingship
evolved over time, which will be dealt in detail in the next unit.
1) Who, among the following, propounded the Gunpowder Empire theory for
Mughal Empire in India?
a. Irfan Habib
b. Mohibbul Hasan
c. Iqtidar Alam Khan
d. Marshall G. S. Hodgson
e. None of the above
154
2) How did the Revisionists view the Mughal rule in medieval India? Examine. Timurid Antecedents
Mughal State
..................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Was the Mughal state a theocratic state? State reasons.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
8.4 SUMMARY
In this unit, we have tried to understand the various theories promulgated by
different groups of historians concerning the nature and character of the Mughal
state. During this discussion, we came across the several institutions and their
character as established under the Mughal rule in India. The major features of
each of these theories have been given in detail. These theories and their rationale
have been dealt with respectively. The factors that should be kept in mind while
understanding all these theories have been explained, thereby, demonstrating the
inextricable value of these scholastic traditions. Further, it is explained as to why
an analysis of various theories depicting the nature of Mughal state is crucial
towards a better understanding of different viewpoints and for studying the
institutions and customs practiced during the Mughal empire. Such an analysis in
addition to an understanding of the cultural and social environment in which the
Mughal state existed will help us comprehend the historical and socio-political
perspective of the Mughal rule in India.
8.5 KEYWORDS
Banduqchis Musketeers
Barqandaz A corps of mounted musketeers
Gunpowder Empire An Empire with considerable success in
military expeditions achieved with the help of
firearms, especially cannon. For example, the
Ottoman Empire, the Safavid Empire and the
Mughal Empire during the medieval times
Historiography The study of writing of history with respect to
a particular subject matter. For example, the
historiography of the nature of Mughal state
Kashakanjir A personnel working in the field of firearms
during the fifteenth century India. He used to
throw balls through the usage of explosive
material/cannon
Oriental Despotism The viewpoint wherein the society is viewed
in a polar apparatus is associated with the
155
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System theory of Oriental Despotism. At one end of
Rule
the pole lie the rich classes, on the other the
plebian classes – peasantry and artisans
Riyaz-ul Insha A historical work for the Bahmanis of
Gulbarga by Mahmud Gawan. It is a collection
of letters written by Khwaja Mahumud Gawan
written in Persian
Subaltern Studies The studies undertaken with a bottom-top
approach wherein emphasis is laid upon the
lower classes of society
Theocracy/Theocratic State A government wherein priestly class rules in
the name of God. Or a state which governs
with one dominant religion and people
belonging to other religions are not allowed
to practice their own religion
Topa/Kanda Most probably meaning cannon in Muslim/
Kashmiri dialect
Watan Locality

EXERCISE
i) The Imperialist approach towards the study of Mughal state
ii) The Nationalist approach to the study of Mughal state
iii) The Cambridge School
iv) The Subaltern Studies
i) The various arguments made by Imperial historians regarding the nature
of Mughal State
ii) The reasons for their arguments
i) When was the Marxist influence introduced upon the historiography of
the Mughal state
ii) What were the new aspects analyzed by the Subaltern Studies concerning
the Mughal state?
iii) How were these aspects different from what the Marxists opined?
4) a. Irfan Habib
5) d. State as the sole agency of governance
6) See Section 8.2. In addition to the new fields of study, the fields of political
156
ideology, political economy, science and technology continue to attract Timurid Antecedents
scholarly attention. Mughal State

1) See Section 8.3.1. Your answer should include the following points:
i) The main features of the argument
ii) The historians who supported this argument
iii) Why was the theory criticized by some historians?
2) See Section 8.3.2 and Section 8.3.3. Make a comparison of the major points
of difference between the Centralized and Segmentary Theories propounded
by historians for understanding the nature of Mughal state.
i) The source of inspiration for patrimonial-bureaucratic theory on Mughal
state
ii) The main features characterized under the patrimonial-bureaucratic
nature of Mughal state
1) d. Marshall G. S. Hodgson
2) See Section 8.3.5. Your answer should include the recent studies undertaken
by C. A. Bayly, Frank Perlin, Muzaffar Alam and Farhat Hasan.
3) See Section 8.3.6. Your answer should include the premises and validity of
this argument regarding the nature of Mughal state.

Alam, Muzaffar and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, (ed.) (1998) The Mughal State, 1526-
1750 (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Ali, M. Athar, (1993) ‘The Mughal Polity – A Critique of Revisionist Approaches’,
in Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 27, No. 4, October.
Bayly, C.A., (1983) Rulers, Townsmen and Bazars: North Indian Society in the
Age of British Expansion, 1770-1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Blake, Stephen P., (1979) ‘The Partimonial-Bureaucratic Empire of the Mughals’,
in The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 39, No. 1, November.
Habib, Irfan, (1963) The Agrarian System of Mughal India 1556-1707 (New Delhi:
Oxford University Press), Revised, 1999.
Hasan, Farhat, (2004) State and Locality in Mughal India: Power Relations in
Western India, c. 1572–1730 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Khan, Iqtidar Alam, (2009) ‘Tracing Sources of Principles of Mughal Governance:
A Critique of Recent Historiography’, in Social Scientist, Vol. 37., No. 5-6. May-
June.
Khan, Iqtidar Alam, (2005) ‘Gunpowder and Empire: Indian Case’, in Social
Scientist, Vol. 33, No. 3-4, March-April.
157
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System Khan, Iqtidar Alam, (2001) ‘State in the Mughal India: Re-Examining the Myths
Rule
of a Counter-Vision, in Social Scientist, Vol. 29, No. 1-2, January-February.
Malik, Z.U., (2014) ‘The Core and the Periphery: A contribution to the Debate on
the 18th Century’ in Nirmal Kumar (ed), History of India 1600-1800 (New Delhi:
Research India Press).
Moosvi, Shireen, (2005) ‘The Pre-Colonial State’, in Social Scientist, Vol. 33, No.
3-4, March-April.
Mukhia, Harbans, (2004) ‘For Conquest and Governance: Legitimacy, Religion
and Political Culture’ in The Mughals of India (New Delhi: Blackwell Publishing).
Rashid, Abdur, (1961) ‘The Treatment of History by Muslim Historians in Mughal
Official and Biographical Works, in C. H. Philips, ed. Historians of India, Pakistan
and Ceylon (London).
Richards, J. F., (1996) The Mughal Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press).
Streusand, Douglas E., (1989) The Formation of the Mughal Empire (Oxford:
8.8 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECOMMENDATIONS

Interview with Prof.Irfan Habib on the theme History and Historiography
https://www.youtube.com
watch?v=7zoJppZCEt8&list=PLwUYIeLOKZ8SgFJH6sAPhRjmokkdAFJHm
Harbans Mukhia on Mughal History and Historiography
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XnCwjbeYtrA
158
Timurid Antecedents
UNIT 9 IDEAS ON KINGSHIP*
Structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Political Institutions in the Contemporary World: Iran, Central Asia and the
Ottomans
9.3 The Turco-Mongol Legacy of the Mughals
9.3.1 The Mongol Legacy
9.3.2 The Turkish Legacy
9.4 The Mughal Theory of Kingship

9.4.1 Babur
9.4.2 Humayun
9.4.3 Akbar
9.5 Formulation of the Mughal Imperial Authority

9.6 Summary
9.7 Keywords
9.0 OBJECTIVES
In Unit 8, we have dealt with varied theories concerning the nature of the Mughal
state. Moving beyond the questions of characterization and categorization, the
present Unit shall further our understanding of the formative phase of the Mughal
empire and several instruments of its functioning and systems of governance. This
Unit will discuss the diverse influences on political thought of the Mughals and
their theory of sovereignty. The study of this unit would enable you to:
 Understand the evolution and nature of the Mughal state,
 Comprehend the formative factors and influences on the political thought
under the Mughals and upon their theory of sovereignty,
 Learn about the Central Asian legacy of the Mughals and remnants of the
political structure,
 Analyze the various forms of influences on the functioning of the Mughal
state,
__________________________
* Dr. Divya Sethi, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal University, New Delhi 159
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System  How the Mughals identified themselves as inheritors of a Turko-Mongol
Rule
heritage,
 Comprehend basis of claims made to the sovereign status by the Mughals,
and
 Examine the Mughal Theory of Kingship in India.
9.1 INTRODUCTION
Moving away from the rhetorical questions of characterization of the Mughal
state that were posed in the previous Unit, here we will be dealing with the theories
of kingship and functioning and governance of the empire. During the course of
this Unit, it would be interesting to shed light upon various methodologies via the
means of which Mughal emperors defined and justified their decisions. The theory
of kingship, in literal terms, meant the doctrines upon which royal and political
legitimacy of a regime rested. These doctrines assert the position of the sovereign
in a given historical context.
As studied in the previous course concerning the Delhi Sultanate, you must be
familiar with the fact that in the face of Mongol invasions, Balban propounded a
theory of kingship. His theory of kingship raised prestige of the person of the king
in the face of such challenges. Similarly, under the Mughal regime, theories of
kingship were put into practice to effectively govern the subjects and raise the
status of the sovereign. What differentiates these two is the vast amount of
historiography concerning the Mughal state. This historiography initially resulted
from the biased British writings and nationalist reaction to these writings. Only by
rationally understanding the institutions of the empire will we be able to arrive at
the Mughal theory of kingship.
The study of legitimacy of regimes is a recent phenomenon. The legitimacy of
Mughal State survived long after the control exerted by the Mughal emperors
declined. The memory of Mughals survives to this day with their legacies becoming
subjects of concern and debate amongst different sections of society. The way the
process of state formation in the medieval period is analyzed does not need to be
necessarily confined to genealogical assessment. Neither does the institutional
legacy or functional continuity need to imply changelessness. Every succeeding
regime, either by tradition or conquest, took time to settle down in society. It did
not immediately overtake the existing or preceding systems of administration.
Rather powerful segments were generally retained by the new order. New systems
gradually evolved over time. This fact held sway for most of the territorial polity
in history across regions.
The Mughal empire founded by Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babur in North India
in the 1520s attached much importance to the institution of sovereignty keeping
in line with the Indian political thought and the Persian and Turco-Mongol
traditions. Thus, while placing the Mughal empire in the larger context that includes
Central Asia, it becomes crucial to view the rulers in their rightful places. Within
this larger context, the neighbouring states under the Safavids ruled Iran from
1501 to almost 1720, the Ottomans ruled Turkey from 1300 to 1923, and the
Mughals themselves occupied the throne in India from 1526 to 1857.
160
Timurid
IdeasAntecedents
on Kingship
9.2 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS IN THE
CONTEMPORARY WORLD: IRAN, CENTRAL
ASIA AND THE OTTOMANS
The medieval Islamic life was witnessing the existence of multiple political centres
and courts, in place of political dominance of the single imperial court of
Samarqand. Certain socio-economical institutions developed as a result of
developments of the time. During the second half of the fifteenth century,
internecine struggles were taking place in the political climate of Central Asia.
This led to re-emergence of Turko-Mongol principle that allowed all male members
of the ruling clan the right to claim political sovereignty.
One of the most crucial events in the sixteenth century Central Asian history was
the consolidation of Turkic and Mongol political traditions such as the organization
of military, systemization of political administration, centrally organized institutions
and influential cultural traditions that left their impact upon the other systems of
governance, especially the Mughals. Without understanding the relationship of
Mughal ties to the Turco-Mongol imperial traditions, it is difficult to
comprehensively understand the theory of governance as exerted by the former in
the territorial confines of India.
Timur and his descendants balanced the Turco-Mongolian and Islamic traditions
to suit the political situation in Central Asia. Unlike Timur, his descendants could
not hold out the promise of booty to their military elites. Thus, the institution of
suyurghals i.e. the granting of revenue-producing land and other taxation free
mechanisms emerged in the region. The suyurghals holder was free from any
administrative or judicial interference from the central government. The benefits
that accrued to the holder were greater than those connected with the earlier iqta
system. There was no compulsory obligation to provide for military contingents.
suyurghals became the dominant form of landholding in Central Asia and Iran.
During the sixteenth century, suyurghals continued to be granted but on a smaller
scale and were replaced under the Safavids by the less generous tiyul. Other tax
immunities continued to be granted at the same time in order to attain support for
governance. Another institution under the Mongols and their successor states was
that of tarkhani. In addition to tax immunity, it granted many privileges to the
individuals in lieu of their exceptional military service. By the sixteenth century,
under the Safavids and Uzbeks, the tarkhani privilege became associated with
members of the clergy and ulama and at times, were even granted to the important
merchants.
Such a system of privileges meant loss of revenue to the central government and
disintegration of power, apart from increasing arbitrariness in the realm of taxation.
This also led to a broadening of the social base of patronage. Patronage activities
– monumental architecture, miniature paintings, book production and others –
were not devoid of political motivation and quest for legitimacy. These politically
motivated measures led to a surge in artistic and cultural activities in the region.
According to the Chinggisid-Timurid traditional principle of succession, princes
were granted appanages and were given territories to learn governance and
161
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System administration. Confronted with the weaknesses inherent in the Chinggisid-Timurid
Rule
traditional principle of succession, the Ottomans and Safavids gradually modified
this system. The Ottoman princes since the reign of Sultan Multan-I to the mid-
seventeenth century, upon accession, executed all possible competitors. From the
mid-sixteenth century, the Safavid princes were no longer given political appanages
and were restrained to the royal household, thereby, confining the succession
conflicts within the stronghold. The Ottomans, unlike the Mughals, showed interest
in the protagonists of conservative Islamic legalism. The Mughals did not share a
quiet relationship with the ulama.
The Safavid ruler Shah Ismail, founder of the dynasty, portrayed himself as a mix
of Ali, Alexander and Jesus. Later rulers under the dynasty struggled to divest
themselves off from this heavy-burdened role. With emperor Shah Abbas, changes
were made in this portrayal. He distanced himself from being a pir-o murshid for
the Turkmen tribal followers and shared a closer relationship with the ulama.
Whereas with the emergence of Nadir Shah at the helm, the state became overly
centralized with respect to the system of revenue collection. The relationship
between the sovereign and the nobility in the Safavid state were aligned in line
with that of the Mughals.
It is interesting to note here that the Ottoman empire witnessed regional
centralization as was witnessed in Mughal India. During the last phase of the
empire, social changes and readjustments like that of lowly groups gaining
importance via the institution of iltizam – revenue farming. This institution has
much resonance with the ijara system in place in Mughal India. The contemporary
Ottomans constructed religious rather than landscape architecture. In the realm of
cultural patronage, artistic patronage was considered by the Ottomans, Uzbegs
and Safavids as the greatest Timurid legacy.
In the court of Murat IV, it was advised that the artists be patronized on the lines
similar to that in the court of Husain Bayqara of Herat. The Mughal court, in times
of religious tolerance, emerged as a refuge for those who fled from Iran and Central
Asia because of the continuity in granting patronage. These artists from Central
Asia were sought by the royal court. Such an artistic and literary efflorescence has
been described by some as the ‘Timurid renaissance in India’.
1) Mention the names of the neighbouring states of the Mughal empire. Also
state one institution which was found across these states though with differing
elements in each.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Explain the medieval Islamic world on the eve of establishment of the Mughal
empire.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
162
3) How was the Chinggisid-Timurid traditional principle of succession altered Timurid
IdeasAntecedents
on Kingship
under the Ottomans and Safavids? Explain.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
4) Who, among the following Safavid rulers, shared a close relationship with
the ulema?
a. Shah Abbas
b. Shah Ismail
c. Nadir Shah
5) Which institution(s), among the following, had resonance with the ijara
system that existed under the Mughal empire?
a. pir-o murshid
b. suyurghals
c. iltizam
d. tarkhani
e. All of the above
6) What was the status enjoyed by cultural patronage under the Ottomans,
Safavids and Uzbegs in Central Asia and Iran?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
9.3 THE TURCO-MONGOL LEGACY OF THE

MUGHALS
In the present Section would be to acquaint you the Mongol tradition of sovereignty,
particularly Chenghizi Turah. We would also be discussing what was the Turkish
tradition of sovereignty and how was it distinct from the Mongol tradition.
9.3.1 The Mongol Legacy

In the sixteenth century, powerful Muslim empires emerged in place of the
fragmented minor sultanates in the Central Islamic lands. Sharing the Mongolian
aspirations and Central Asian Turkic political traditions were the Ottoman, Safavid,
Uzbek and Mughal empires. Dynasties in earlier times such as the Kushanas, who
straddled the worlds of Central Asia, and Delhi Sultanate, some of whose rulers
themselves belonged originally to Central Asia, could not maintain territorial
aspirations in that region. This differed under the Mughal empire.
The Mongols in the thirteenth century established a vast empire in pre-modern
history by emerging out of the steppes. The granting of suyurghals to scholars, 163
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System theologians and others by the Mughal emperors, especially under the reign of
Rule
emperor Shahjahan, was a Mongol tradition. The fiqh scholarship upon which the
Timurids heavily relied, served as the foundation for the commissioning of Fatawa-
i Alamgiri. It continued to serve as the basis of Islamic law even through the
colonial period in the subcontinent. The Mughals further remained careful in
nurturing the historical Chinggisid-Timurid alliance with the Transoxiana-based
Naqshbandiyyah Sufi order. The Naqshbandis were exempted on several occasions
from the traditional performances of obeisance at the Mughal court.
To begin with Central Asia, after Chingiz Khan came to the region, Turkish culture
began to dominate all spheres of life. And the empire of Timur was a blend of
Turco-Mongolian administrative and military system. In addition to the dominance
of Turkish culture, the Central Asian administration was influenced by a set of
political principles and the organization of government and administration that
came to be known as turah or yasa. Any deviation from this immutable law was
considered as an offence. Moreover, regular references were made to the Mongol
law - the turah/yasa of Chingiz Khan, which was largely representative of the
ancient Mongol custom.
The continuation of adoption of the Akhlaqi norms in the political philosophy of
the empire again reflects a high degree of continuity between the Timurids and the
Mughals. Religion was another element that offered a useful model for kingship
for these empires. The legitimacy drawn by Mughal emperors by portraying
themselves as a perfect sovereign or perfect man can be gauged from their memoirs.
This model also draws motivation from their ancestral legacy. A prefect man in
Transoxiana was the one who was Persianized, Islamicized Turco-Mongol aristocrat
and a civilized man’.
TURAH/YASA OF CHINGIZ KHAN

The Mongol control over vast territories is considered unique in human history.
Turah is referred to the codification of ancestral traditions and laws of the
Mongols by Chingiz Khan, founder of the Mongol empire. These laws were
binding upon his descendants. Yasa or copies of this codified law were kept
safe by the Mongol princes and were used for consultation purposes time and
again. Attempts have been made to meticulously piece together all the fragments
of this code and Muslim historians have debated the existence of such a code.
Some of these laws existed since time immemorial as Turco-Mongolian tribal

customs. Such an adherence to old customs reflected the element of
unquestioning submission in the Mongol concept of sovereignty. The concept
of Divine Kingship was further stressed by these laws.
The Mughal emperors were proud of their Turco-Mongol connection. Babur

mentions in the Baburnama that, “…as Chingiz Khan laid down his rules, so
the Mughals still observe them”. He gave a detailed account of the military
norms as laid down by Chingiz Khan that continued upto his reign. A fine
blend of these traditions were noticed in various spheres of administration
under Akbar. Turah/Yasa lingered in he Mughal Empire mainly in the ceremonial
sphere. Turah finds mention in Tuzuk-e-Jahangiri. The references begin to fade
with emperor Shahjahan.
164
9.3.2 The Turkish Legacy Timurid
IdeasAntecedents
on Kingship
The Mughals in India proudly traced their ancestry to both Chingiz and Timur. In
Babur Nama, emperor Babur talked of Chingiz, an ancestor of his mother and
Timur, his paternal ancestor. According to the emperor, he conquered India because
it belonged to his ancestor, a Turk. The famous court historian Abul Fazl traced
the supernatural ancestry of Mughals to the Central Asian figure Alanquwa, the
Chinggisid mother goddess impregnated by a beam of light. A study of the Timurid
legacy is crucial for arriving at an understanding of the formative elements in the
Mughal polity in India.
During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the Islamic religion had reasserted
itself in Central Asia and many of the learned men had decreed in favour of the
turah. By the second half of the fifteenth century, the Timurid rulers moved towards
orthodox religious thoughts. This did not eliminate the popularity of turah. Both the
elements of sharia and that of turah co-existing under the Timurid regime. Emperor
Babur opined that, “Our forefathers… respected the Chingiz-Turah… though it has
not divine authority”. A blend of Central Asian and Indian traditions can be noticed
in the polity under Akbar. The turah figures in Jahangir’s autobiography and flickers
through some of his measures. References to turah started dwindling from the reign
of Shahjahan and are not visible under the reign of Aurangzeb.
The divine concept of sovereignty was held by Chingiz wherein it was believed as
said by a Mongol Khan, “In the sky there can only be one sun or one moon; how
can there be two masters on earth”. Timur continued to believe in the same theory
of sovereignty and held that, “since God is one, therefore the vicegerent of God on
earth should also be one”. Babur also confirmed to have carried forward this theory
when he mentioned in the Baburnama that, “Ten Dervishes sleep under a blanket;
two kings find no room in a clime”. Amongst the historians, it is argued whether
the tradition of absolute monarchy existed among the Mongols or not. Iqtidar
Alam Khan1 has argued against the view held by Ram Prasad Tripathi2 and stressed
that Timur did not believe in the absolute powers of a khan. Notwithstanding the
fact that a nominal counterpart head of the regime co-existed along with Timur,
this in no way meant that he did not consider absolutism as crucial in his idea of
sovereignty.
With the exertion of nominal powers of the khans, a gradual and steady claim was
laid by Timur to the throne of Chaghatai. Further to this cause, a legend was said
to be have been circulated which lent credence to this claim. According to this
legend, Chingiz’s grandfather (Kabul Khan) made an agreement with Qachuli
Bahadur who was an ancestor of Qarachar and Timur. This agreement gave the
right to succession of the Chaghatai state to the Timurids. Abul Fazl has also
related about the agreement and said while mentioning about the Mughal royal
descent, “the noble line (Akbar’s) that came to be called Chaghatai”.
Timur brought the divine theory of sovereignty into actual practice by declaring
himself to be a Shadow of God on earth. He framed a set of laws in line with those
framed by Chingiz Khan. Moreover, he established matrimonial alliances with
the family of Chingiz in order to strengthen his hold over the region and adopted
1
Khan, Iqtidar Alam. 1972. ‘Turco-Mongol Theory of Kingship’ in Medieval India - A Miscel-
lany. Vol. II. Aligarh.
2
Tripathi, Ram Prasad. 1959. Some Aspects of Muslim Administration. 2nd edition. Allahabad. 165
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System the title of Gurgan. His decisions were final and binding. In his letters exchanged
Rule
with the Ottoman Sultan, he was referred to as Khan-i Azam and Khaqan-i
Muazzam. By the later years of his reign, the coins were stuck in his name alone
and the names of puppet khans has disappeared from the khutba as well. The
appointment of these puppet khans was nothing more than a political tool of
legitimacy over a land that was in reality taken over from the Mongols.
The nature of political structure of the Timurids has been another bone of contention
amongst the historians. The nature of their polity has been argued by some to have
been centralized. Trends were observed towards greater centralization. The nobility
served as the main source of strength to the ruler. There was reciprocal sharing of
privileges and assigning of special status upon certain nobles in the service, as can
be seen in the Mughal regime. The Chingizid custom of exiling the nobles along
with his family was practiced by emperor Babur.
In terms of the custom of succession, under the Timurids worth emerged as the
most important criteria for accession. This led to civil wars and rebellions in both
Central Asia and in Mughal India. In the memoirs of Babur, the coronation
ceremonies of the khaqan find mention. Reference to the epithet ‘zill’l lah’ (Shadow
of God) was also found to be prevalent in the region. Thus, there were different
signs of sovereignty that were considered appropriate by the Timurid rulers in the
region of Central Asia.
Two of the traditional symbols of sovereignty held important for a Muslim ruler
were: pronouncing of the name of the ruler in khutba and its inscription on the
coinage. The custom of pronouncing the ruler’s name in prayer had a long history
in pre-Islamic times. Over time, this custom gained credence especially in troubled
times for assertion of authority. However, the inscription of name on the coinage
was a relatively later custom. This custom was first briefly practiced by the
Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik and it became common from the mid-8th century
with the changing position of the name and slight variations in the legends reflecting
change in expression of sovereignty.
Similar to the Timurid manipulated genealogy and titulature, the Mughal genealogy
and affirmation of their heritage played an important role in their ideology of rule
and conquest. To us the established line of succession from Akbar to Aurangzeb
and others is visible, but these very practices show as to how much more unsettled
and fractured picture existed beneath this seemingly unified visual.
1) Discuss the main elements of Mongol legacy as found under the Mughal
empire.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Define turah in the light of the Turco-Mongol theory of sovereignty.
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........................................................................................................................
166 ........................................................................................................................
3) What was the divine concept of sovereignty as held by Chingiz Khan? What Timurid
IdeasAntecedents
on Kingship
did emperor Babur opine about this theory?
...................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
4) Which of the following titles did Timur adopt while claiming sovereignty?
a. Khan-i Azam
b. Khaqan-i Muazzam
c. Turah
5) How did the nominal overlordship of Khans exist under the regime of Timur?
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6) What were the two traditional symbols of sovereignty held important for a
Muslim ruler? What did they signify?
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9.4 MUGHAL THEORY OF SOVEREIGNTY

You would find that Mughal theory of sovereignty evolved during Babur and
Humayun’s period. However, it could take concrete shape only under Akbar.
9.4.1 Babur
Zahir al-Din Muhammad Babur (1483-1530) came to India with a legacy of Turco-
Mongol ideas and notions that were put to practice upon his arrival and by
subsequent rulers. By the time of Babur’s arrival, the Indian social and cultural
set-up had attained a composite character. Though at the political front, there was
much of anarchy and a sense of insecurity prevailed among the common populace.
The reign of Babur was marked by a period of extreme political disintegration.
Samarqand remained an ancestral land in the memory of Babur’s descendants and
Timur remained as the dynastic sovereign. We find repeated mentions being made
in the crafting of history under the emperor himself, describing love for his ancestral
land. Like the Timurids, the Mughals also retained the title of Gurgan or son-in-
law. As per the principle of heritable division of territory or appanage system,
wherein the royal sons were trained as governors of provincial territories, Babur’s
grandfather divided his territory into four appanages for his sons.
Babur was given the appanage of Farghana. Throughout his youth, he made attempts
to recover his lost appanage and conquer the ancestral capital of Samarqand. This
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governorship of Badakhshan which was handed over to his eldest son Humayun.
The territory of Qandahar was handed over to his younger son Kamran. Despite
the weaknesses inherent in this system of shared sovereignty, it continued to threaten
the unity of the empire.
Babur’s religiosity was intricately tied to his conception of kingship. His
interactions with living Sufi awliyas, by the means of visiting the tombs of deceased
saints and by dreaming about them. These interactions provided the emperor with
the needed guidance and direction. This ultimately led him to ascend the throne in
India. In the royal court of Babur, the Naqshbandis achieved the status of spiritual
nobility. This lent legitimacy to the Mughal imperial court as the historical Timurid
alliance with the Naqshbandiyyah Sufis was encouraged. They were members
who acted as kingmakers in Central Asia due to their influence.
In the realm of architecture, Babur and his descendants reproduced the much
revered chahar-bagh in Central Asia. Sophisticated gardens functioned as sites of
creative and shared expression in Transoxiana. The Timurid tradition of holding
majlis in these gardens was missed by the emperor. The peripatetic court was
adopted by the later emperors as a reminder of the regal power. These courts were
part of the Turco-Mongol strategy of political control. Such constant movements
averted the threats to the sovereignty of the empire.
9.4.2 Humayun
Emperor Babur can be understood to have laid the foundations of the Mughal
empire in the capacity of a conqueror and not as an administrator. Babur’s eldest
son, Humayun, was born in an atmosphere of plenty. His first crucial assignment
was as the governor of Badakhshan when he was aged twelve years. upon the
death of his father and with an empty treasury, Humayun had multiple challenges
to face. He was not much successful in overcoming many of these challenges, but
the restoration of the throne of Delhi just in time before his death. The achievements
of his son Akbar and the grandeur he achieved made an entity for the father.
At the realm of politics, factionalism posed a challenge to establishing a stable
empire. Emperor Humayun lost his father’s empire due to challenges thrown by
his brothers. Even Akbar had to face political contests and appease the Turanis
and Persians in the army. There was threat of defection from the different factions.
His childhood training also fell under the traditional principles so that by
administering the art of controlling a part, he could eventually manage the whole
territory. This system of Timurid appanages disappeared from the reign of Akbar
onwards and was never seen being practiced again. No reason was mentioned
behind such a change in policy of accession. Also, the princely governorships
were put into rotation.
But all these aversions did not lead to much of a change in the conflicts over
sovereignty that continued to pose a threat to the Mughal court. The volatile territory
of Badakhshan which was the traditional domain of Timurid princes became a
refuge of rebels. Humayun’s brother Kamran sought refuge in this land where the
rival Timurid rulers grabbed some land. When Humayun returned from Tran to
reclaim his patrimony, with the support of Safavids, he first led his force towards
Samarqand. It was only after he was ousted from there by the Uzbegs that he
168 headed towards North India.
Humayun, unlike his father and ancestors, tended to be a loner. His father directed Timurid
IdeasAntecedents
on Kingship
him to socialize regularly with his companions and followers so that social cohesion
was achieved. A political justification was given to the sovereign’s participation
in the regular drinking gatherings. Related to this tradition, Humayun
unapologetically admitted to being addicted to opium. This was an unfortunate
Timurid inheritance that cost the empire.
Despite the political challenges and after the initial foundation laid by Babur,
Humayun introduced a few splendid rituals at his court. All such efforts undertaken
by him came to a halt while he was forced into exile. His untimely death and small
span of his reign could not afford him much of time to work on the theory of
kingship for the Mughal empire. It was only after the coming of Akbar to power
that the empire could be consolidated and the theory of kingship could be alleviated.
9.4.3 Akbar
A new theory of kingship was in formulation under the Mughal emperor Akbar.
This theory assigned the sovereign a semi-divine supra-religious stature. This
conception of the sovereign as divine light was rooted in the doctrines of Shihab
al-Din Maqtul and was a departure from the post-Abbasid Islamic notion of the
sovereign as the Shadow of God (zill’l lah). Further, it was regarded as the duty of
this absolute sovereign to ensure that subjects belonging to all sects were viewed
with the single eye. It was unto him to maintain universal reconciliation (sulh-i
kul). This conception of sovereignty was directly linked to the religious policy
practiced by Akbar.
Akbar’s religious policy ensured that people belonging to various factions were
held together without any of them gaining extra powers. This notion was accepted
by the subjects to the extent that the ritual of Jharoka darshan – unknown to any
earlier Hindu monarch – became part of the daily routine of religious life for
majority of the subjects. This doctrine was manifested in the form of daily
expressions. The sovereign occupying a position in the seating arrangement of
bisat-i nishat similar to the one occupied by the sun in the universe was reminiscent
of such doctrines.
Also, the conception of kingship as held by Ibn Khaldun was resonated by Abu’l
Fazl. The regime of taxation was seen as wages given to the ruler to maintain the
law and order of the land. This conception was similar to the one held true by
many Sanskrit texts in Ancient India. This change in religious policy and the
emergence of a new theory of kingship led to granting of revenue-free lands to the
non-Muslims on an unmatched scale in order to construct places of worship. It
also led to the abolition of jizya. The Shiites were granted the right to perform
prayers in ordinary mosques. In his role as insan-i kamil, Akbar was to implement
the sharia in a manner that it did not lead to prejudice amongst the subjects. The
declaration of mahzar in 1579 was another milestone which raised the sovereign
as final arbiter in matters where the Muslim theologians disagreed. The notion of
king embodying the empire was manifested not just in rituals and practices but
also through the medium of architectural forms. The capital city was no longer
recognized by a single place. It kept on moving and was identified with the presence
of the king himself.
The discourse around matters of justice, politics, reason, religion and governance,
among others, in the works of Abu’l Fazl should be understood as the politico- 169
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in the given historical situation. Historians have also argued in comprehending
these policies in the light of the person of the emperor. An emperor who was born
in the household of a Hindu chief, whose father sought the support of Shah Tahmasp
– the Shia king of Iran and who learnt the art of portrait painting – otherwise
considered forbidden in Islam.
Much of these measures and the theory of kingship at the court of Akbar were a
result of various influences. Neither were his policies a static whole. This included
a wide range of early Islamic theorist and mystics (such as Ibn al-Arabi and
Turtushi) to illuminationist ideas of Shihab al-Din Maqtul and ishraqi doctrines of
Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi. The influence of Nasirean ethics from Nasir al-Din
Tusi on the theory of kingship is said to have been effectual even during the reign
of Aurangzeb. There are historical debates around the extent of such influences
and the decisive role of Akbar’s vision and its valiant articulation. No exaggeration
should be attributed to any one intellectual influence on this theory of kingship.
The established policies continued all through the 1560s and 1570s. Many of these
tolerant state policies that emerged in the reign of Akbar were revised by emperor
Jahangir. Though the larger nature of Mughal state and theory of kingship were
retained during the course of the seventeenth century. Despite the orthodox policies
practiced by emperor Aurangzeb, there are references (in the forms of letters to
regional rulers) that confirm the conception of kingship as defined by Abu’l Fazl
being held high in esteem by the Mughal ruling family. The re-imposition of jizya
by Aurangzeb was disapproved by many in the Mughal nobility who praised the
state policies that were followed by Akbar.
Beginning from the reign of Akbar to that of Aurangzeb, the Mughal imperial seal
emphasized on the Timurid genealogy. Upon accession to the throne, Jahangir
was described as second Timur. After a period of twenty-five years, emperor
Shahjahan adopted the title of sahib qiran-i sani on his coins – a title adopted by
Timur during his reign. Miniature paintings were retouched to portray the vast
scenic of the Timurid lineage.
AKBAR’S RELIGIOUS POLICY

CHANGES AND EVOLUTION
K. A. Nizami has divided Akbar’s reign in the context of his religious policy
into three phases: first, from 1556-74, second from 1574-80 and third from
1580-1605. The first is considered as being conciliatory in nature whence jizya
was abolished. Such measures have been seen by historians like S. A. A. Rizvi
in the backdrop of political challenges and rebeliions faced by the emperor,
especially from the Turani nobility. This extends to the nexus of land grants,
matrimonial alliances and military concessions. In the second phase, the
adoption of aggressive attitude was done so as to appease the Muslim orthodoxy.
And during the last phase of introspection, a change in policies was visible
with the crystallization Akbar’s religious beliefs. A state based on principles of
‘sulh-e-kul’ and ‘wadad-e-wajud’ was established. Such measures - that emerged
in the face of political and religious challenges - gave institutional basis to the
empire to such an extent that even in 1857 the Mughal emperor continued to
be ‘the highest manifestation of sovereignty’ in the mind of the people.
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9.5 FORMULATION OF MUGHAL IMPERIAL
AUTHORITY
There has been considerable debate amongst the scholarly circle regarding the
theory of kingship of Mughal rulers. Some historians such as John F. Richards
opine that the Central Asian legacy of the Mughals has little to contribute in terms
of our understanding of the Mughal nature of governance. Whereas other group of
historians like Muzaffar Alam, Maria Eva Subtelny, Richard Foltz, Sanjay
Subrahmanyam and Stephen F. Dale discourse that by understanding their
experience with the preceding regimes it is easier to decipher the character of the
Mughal empire and their theory of sovereignty. The famous and populous Mughal
empire cannot be studied in isolation. Viewing it in the larger context of Central
Asian Turco-Persian legacy, thus, forms a crucial segment.
According to J.F. Richards, the formulation of Mughal authority was achieved by
a two-pronged methodology: first, an illuminationist theory (farr-i izadi) and
second, the creation of a royal cult (tauhid-i ilahi). Both these measures emphasized
upon the person of the sovereign and highlighted the notion of singular sovereignty
rather than shared sovereignty. This has been characterized by R.P Tripathi and
Iqtidar Alam Khan as the ‘Turko-Mongol theory of kingship’. This strategy led to
a flexible interpretation of sharia by the sovereign.
In early twentieth century, the study undertaken by Francis William Buckler – in
his essay ‘The Oriental Despot’ – looked upon Mughal sovereignty as Corporate
Kingship. According to M. N. Pearson, the representations associated with the
presenting of khila’at, among other rituals, symbolized ritually incorporating the
nobles into the king’s body. Scholars have increasingly, over recent years, begun
to recognize the Islamic antecedents behind the cultural manifestations and
administrative organization in medieval India.
Upon the eve of foundation of the Mughal empire, Indian political milieu was
marked by rivalries and hostility of nobles. The elimination of a parallel political
power centre established in Kabul by Humayun’s son and Akbar’s half-brother
Mirza Hakim (1554-85) was a crucial development for the Mughals in establishing
a stable empire in India. The Mughals inherited various court rituals through the
Sultans of Delhi, to which they added the Chingizi traditions. The inclusion of
diverse segments in the functioning of the state further lent the adoption of other
customs and practices. All these rituals elevated the person of the king.
The concept of kingship in theory and as practiced by the Mughals, thus, did not
merely constitute the element of legitimacy derived from their ancestors. The court
chroniclers also justified the rule and conquests by the sovereign by appealing to
the attributes of a just ruler, one that would rescue the subjects from suffering and
oppression. At times, under the regime of a ruler, his actions were justified on the
basis of religious grounds and protection of Islam in the governed territories.
Though royal descent was one of the major elements constituting the Mughal
theory of sovereignty, essentially it consisted of the following principles:
 Dynastic Identity: by elevating and glorifying their ancestral traditions and
connections, the Mughal rulers were adding prestige to their own dynasty.
Justifying their rule over the land of India by virtue of royal blood lent credence
to their legitimacy.
171
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rule in the court chronicles and historical texts crafted under the Mughals:
The usage of the popular nomenclature ‘Mughal’ was first witnessed in a text
carrying the conversations of a Sufi saint, Abdul Quddus Gangohi, compiled
after twelve years of Mughal rule in India.3
 Relationship with the nobility: diverse groups were incorporated under the
nobility via gaining their loyalty. This led to diminution in the clannish
tendencies amongst the nobles who belonged to different racial groups.
 Subservience of ulama: relationship shared between the sovereign and the
ulama determined the extent of absolute authority that was claimed by the
divine persona of the king.
 Accessibility to the subjects: routine rituals such as the institution of Hall of
Public Audience and Jharoka Darshan brought the sovereign closer to the
subjects. This added the element of compassion and benevolence to the Mughal
practice of kingship
 Court Rituals and Ceremonies: beginning from the court dress to the robes of
honour, court rituals denoted access to high office and patronage from the
sovereign. The practice of garment gifting had its roots in the early Abbasid
period and the caliphal court. These rituals conveyed authority and rank at the
imperial court.
 Alliance Marriages: marriage alliances augmented the status of elite groups
in the Mughal empire. Status and authority was leveraged along with
maintaining a peaceful diplomatic relationship at the same time.
 Creation of new identities: not only did robes of honour or alliance marriages
linked individuals to the emperor, sharing a high-esteemed relationship with
the sovereign himself lent the individuals a sense of new identity.
The theory of kingship evolved during the many phases in the Mughal rule in
India. Upon laying down of foundation of the empire by Babur in the early sixteenth
century, the Deccan states considered themselves as sovereign establishments. At
that point in time, the latter derived legitimacy from Iran. Over a period of time,
this changed. With the changed geographical extent of empire under Aurangzeb,
the Vijayanagara’s idea of sovereign gave way to the Mughals in south. During
the course of expansion of the empire in the seventeenth century, the Mughals
came to be viewed as the only basis of sovereignty in India. This was factual even
for the Marathas who were growing in power and later, for the English East India
Company who worked behind the Mughal model of sovereignty.
MANIFESTATION OF THE SOVEREIGN

The Theory of Kingship as practiced by the Mughal empire was manifested
through symbolism. This symbolism included ceremonies that were held in
high esteem in the Mughal court. Two of these significant ceremonies are
described below:
Jharokha Darshan: It was the practice of appearing of the emperor before the
172
3
Rukn al-Din. Lataif-i Quddusi. Delhi. 1131 H./AD 1994.
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subjects at the balcony of the palace. It allowed the common subjects to have a
glimpse of the sovereign. The person of the sovereign embodied the empire
and to challenge him, thus, meant challenging the empire. The audience was
assured of his well-being and stability of the empire. This became a routine
ritual for the subjects. This practice was adopted first by Emperor Humayun
under the Mughal regime. Jharokha Darshan was continued by the Mughals
even while travelling by the means of do-ashiayana mazil. No more could the
empire be overthrown by simply attacking the capital. Do-ashiayana mazil
was a moveable wooden house which was used for holding the ritual by the
king. Jharokha Darshan was adopted by the regional kingdoms as well. Even
the colonial regime practiced this ritual from the Red Fort on occasion of the
Delhi Durbar.
Robes of Honour/Khil’at: The gifting of garment by the emperor as a symbol

of patronage was known as khil’at. Khil’at is an Arabic term which meant
‘robe of honour’. The Persian equivalent was sir-o pa. This ceremony was
practiced by many medieval Islamic states and it was well established in the
Caliphal tradition by the early Abbasid period, Baghdad. The ceremony was in
use under the Delhi Sultanate and all the Deccan kingdoms. The exchange of
presents tied the emperor to the receiving person via ties of loyalty. Babur was
aware of this Chinggisid-Timurid tradition. It became a mark of identity for
many individuals belonging to the elite groups and incorporated new groups
within the fold of the empire. This ritual came to be practiced even at the field
by special emissaries.
Despite the bureaucratic systems, the notion of the sovereign as the highest
authority was manifested through the medium of such ceremonies. This courtly
politics was given visual representation in the Mughal paintings. It signified
the status and rank of an individual in the Mughal empire.
173
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Political System Check Your Progress-3
Rule
1) Discuss the extent to which the Turco-Mongol traditions were adopted by
emperor Babur under the Mughal empire.
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2) Was Emperor Humayun successful in laying the foundations of the Mughal
theory of kingship? Give reasons for your answer.
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3) How was the theory of sovereignty linked to the religious policy as practiced
by emperor Akbar? Explain.
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4) What were the various instruments that were used by Akbar as symbolism
reflecting his theory of kingship? What were the influences upon this
conception?
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5) Did the theory of kingship, as practiced by Akbar, continue in the subsequent
regimes? Briefly describe. Also, describe the various manifestations of this
theory as continued in practice by the subsequent emperors.
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6) What were the main principles of the Mughal theory of sovereignty? Discuss.
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7) Comment on the historical debate around the theory of sovereignty as
practiced under the Mughal empire.
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174 ........................................................................................................................
8) Tick mark (/) the correct statements: Afghan
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i) J.F. Richards opined that the formulation of Mughal authority was achieved
by a two-pronged methodology: farr-i izadi and the creation of tauhid-i
ilahi. ( )
ii) Representations associated with the presenting of khila’at, among other
rituals, symbolized ritually incorporating the nobles into the king’s body.
( )
iii) The Mughals did not inherit any court rituals through the Sultans of Delhi.
( )
iv) The concept of kingship as practiced by the Mughals constituted only of
the element of legitimacy derived from dynastic identity. ( )
9.6 SUMMARY
Thus, through the course of the Unit, we tried to understand the multiple forms
that kingship took under the rule of Mughal sovereigns. At times, these roles were
coercive in nature and at other times, these roles were benevolent. Various symbolic
rituals at the Mughal court defined fidelity and loyalty towards the sovereign. The
exchange of offerings at the court displayed the element of patronage and committed
the sovereign to his subjects. The incorporation of loyals within the imperial service
carried added advantages for the political governance of the land. Political gifts
were another form of pledging of loyalty. The person of the emperor embodied the
empire and to challenge him or anything that symbolized his person was to
challenge the empire. All these rituals and ceremonies transmitted ideas and values
as held by the Mughal theory of kingship and lent them visual form and substance.
These symbolisms overlapped meanings as held by other systems. They acted as
a means of communication among diverse groups.
The personal memoirs of the Mughal rulers were carefully composed to justify
the sovereign’s legitimacy. They form part of the imperial inheritance that was
referred to by the successive generations of emperors and other targeted audiences.
One of the most outstanding memoirs was that of emperor Jahangir. Being the
fourth emperor of the Mughal dynasty and despite never having visited Central
Asia, his constant reference to the Turco-Mongol legacy of his ancestors defines
the central importance of these prestigious ancestral traditions. Such claims became
resources of legitimization in the present.
The court chroniclers also justified the rule and conquests by the sovereign by
appealing to the attributes of a just ruler, one that would rescue the subjects from
suffering and oppression. At times under the regime of a ruler, in different regions
of the world such as Central Asia, his actions were justified on the basis of religious
grounds and protection of Islam in the governed territories. The tradition of history
writing in medieval India and the question of centrality of Muslim rule in the
court chronicles and historical texts crafted under the Mughals reflects upon their
theory of kingship. The various terminologies used by these chroniclers to define
the person of the ruler were a reflection of the medieval political thought.
This reflection is not just limited to the chronicles and popular literature. They
were carried through the epithets such as insan-i kamil. They were also expressed
through the medium of rituals observed at the court – farmans, khil’at and 175
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Political System salutations. And through symbols such as a parasol, the while felt tent, jade objects,
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the golden throne and small box holding the ruler’s seal that lay in front of
sovereign’s knee in the patronized paintings. By tracing the parallel lines of thought
in Central Asia and understanding the Mughal ideas of kingship, including its
antecedents, assists in developing a better understanding of the process of
legitimization. This patronage was retained also to manifest a central position by
the Mughal emperors in the larger early modern Islamic world. The ‘patronage
(Emperor) and loyalty (subjects)’ syndrome lent credence to the longevity of the
Mughal state. Therefore, the retention of a charismatic ancestral lineage lent identity
and legitimacy to the theory of kingship as practiced by the Mughals in the
subcontinent.
9.7 KEYWORDS
Appanage System The Chinggisid-Timurid traditional principle
of division of territory amongst the princes as
governors of semi-autonomous appanages
who were trained in governing skills,
organizing the military forces, managing a
treasury. Within this system of appanages, one
brother used to dominate the empire
Ataliqs Special deputies appointed by the khan in each
khanate (principality) for the collection of
revenue and other administrative purposes
Farr-i izadi Divine light, the principle wherein royalty
holds a place of dignity in the eyes of God.
This light emanates from Him, thereby
creating paternal love in the heart of sovereign
towards his subjects and builds a trust in him
for God. As per this principle, all the actions
taken by the sovereign are divine in nature and
should be accepted without questioning
Gurgan/kurkan Royal son-in-law
Insan-i kamil Perfect man
Khan/khaqan The title for a ruler in Central Asia. The khutba
was read and coins were struck in the name of
the khaqan throughout the empire
Kurultai The Mongol consultative assembly
Paibos Kissing of the ground before the ruler
Sadr prime minister
Sahib Qiran lord of the auspicious conjunction
Sahib qiran-i sani the second lord of auspicious conjunction
Sijda prostration before God
Suyurghals revenue free land grants
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Sulh-i kul universal peace or peace with all religious Afghan
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groups
Tarkhani personal tax exemption
Turah/yasa-i Chingizi the set of laws formulated by Chingiz Khan in
his regime that were considered to be binding
in nature
Wadad-ul wajud the ideology of ‘unity of being’
Zaminbos kissing of ground as part of court etiquettes
and culture

EXERCISES
1) See Section 9.2. Discuss the institutions that were in existence in
contemporary Iran and Central Asia. Also discuss few of these institutions
that found resonance in Mughal India.
i) Timur and the Turco-Mongolian traditions preserved by him
ii) Developments under the Safavids and Uzebgs
iii) Social changes under the Ottoman empire
i) Changes in the Chinggisid-Timurid traditional principle of succession
under both the regimes
ii) Changes made to the portrayal of sovereign under the Safavid ruler
Shah Ismail
4) a. Shah Abbas
5) c. Iltizam
6) See Section 9.2. In addition to the realms of culture where patronage was
extended by these empires, elaborate upon the fact that the Mughal court
gave refuge to artists who fled from Iran and Central Asia because of the
continuity in granting patronage.
i) The granting of soyurgals
ii) The influence of Turah/Yasa
iii) The influence of Akhlaqi norms in the Mughal political philosophy
iv) The concept of a perfect man as part of Mongol legacy of the Mughals
2) See Section 9.3.1 and Section 9.3.2. Define turah/yasa as understood in the
177
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carried under the Mughal regime.
3) See Section 9.3.2. State what emperor Babur mentions with respect to the
divine concept of sovereignty as held by Chingiz Khan in the Baburnama.
4) a. Khan-i Azam
b. Khaqan-i Muazzam
5) See Section 9.3.2. Your answer should include the significance attached to
the institution of khans in the Central Asian history and how were they related
to the traditional symbols of sovereignty held important for a Muslim ruler,
i.e. pronouncing of name in khutba and inscription on the coinage.
6) See Section 9.3.2. While defining the two traditional symbols of sovereignty
held important for a Muslim ruler, analyse the change in the nature of these
institutions under different regimes.
1) Refer to Section 9.4.1. Your answer should include the following points:
i) The legacy of Timur as mentioned by Babur himself
ii) The institution of appanges under Timur
iii) Babur and Sufi awliyas
iv) Influences of Turco-Mongol legacy in the realm of architecture
2) See Section 9.4.2. Mention the multiple challenges faced by emperor
Humayun and in the light of these challenges, to what extent was he
successful in introducing elements in the Mughal theory of kingship.
3) See Section 9.4.3. Explain the theory of kingship as laid down and
consolidated by emperor Akbar. Also explain the religious policy followed
by him – a policy which was not static. Analyze the relationship between
these two developments.
i) The doctrine of Shadow of God and its manifestation
ii) The writings of Abu’l Fazl
iii) The ceremonies of Jharokha Darshan and Robes of Honour/Khil’at
iv) The declaration of mahzar
5) See Section 9.4.3 and 9.5. Discuss the practices that continued in subsequent
reigns as part of the Mughal theory of kingship.
6) See Section 9.5. Apart from the royal descent, deliberate upon the other
major and essential features of the Mughal theory of sovereignty.
7) See Section 9.5. Discuss the historical debate regarding the theory of kingship
of Mughal rulers. Examine the views held by historians such as J.F. Richards,
Francis William Buckler and Maria Eva Subtelny, among others. Also,
explain how the theory of kingship evolved during the many phases in the
Mughal rule in India.
8) i) 
ii) 
178
iii)  Afghan
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iv) 

Alam, Muzaffar and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, (ed.) (1998) The Mughal State, 1526-
1750 (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Ali, M. Athar, (1989) ‘The Islamic Background to Indian History: An Interpretation
of the Islamic Past’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient,
Vol. 32, No. 3, October, pp. 335-345.
Balabanlilar, Lisa, (2007) ‘Lords of the Auspicious Conjunction: Turco-Mongol
Imperial Identity on the Subcontinent’, Journal of World History, Vol. 18, No. 1,
pp. 1-39.
Khan, Iqtidar Alam, (1972) ‘Turco-Mongol Theory of Kingship’, Medieval India
– A Miscellany, Vol.-II, Aligarh.
Khan, Iqtidar Alam, (2009) ‘Tracing Sources of Principles of Mughal Governance:
A Critique of Recent Historiography’, Social Scientist, Vol. 37, No. 5/6, May-
June, pp. 45-54.
Moosvi, Shireen, (2017) ‘Akbar’s enterprise of religious conciliation in the early
phase, 1561-1578: Spontaneous or motivated’, Studies in People’s History, Vol.
4, No. 1, pp. 46-52.
Mukhia, Harbans, (2004) The Mughals of India (New Delhi: Blackwell Publishing.
Wiley India).
Richards, J.F., (1984) ‘Norms of Comportment among Imperial Officials’, in Moral
Conduct and Authority: The Place of Adab in South Asian Islam, ed. Barbara D.
Metcalfe (Berkeley: University of California Press).
Richards, J.F., (1998) ‘The Formulation of Imperial Authority under Akbar and
Jahangir’. Kingship and Authority in South Asia. Ed. J.F. Richards (New Delhi:
Oxford University Press), Reprint.
Tripathi, Ram Prasad, (1959) Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, 2nd edition
(Allahabad: Central Book Depot).

RECOMMENDATIONS
Symbolic Representations of Sovereignty in Mughal India
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Bbr-hSiQbxU
(Footnotes)
Khan, Iqtidar Alam. 1972. ‘Turco-Mongol Theory of Kingship’ in Medieval India
– A Miscellany. Vol. II. Aligarh.
Tripathi, Ram Prasad. 1959. Some Aspects of Muslim Administration. 2nd edition.
Allahabad.
Rukn al-Din. Lataif-i Quddusi. Delhi. 1131 H./AD 1994.
179
Unit 10 ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE*
Structure
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
102 Central Administration: Its Evolution
10.2.1 The Emperor
10.2.2 Wakil and Wazir
10.2.3 Diwan-i Kul
10.2.4 Mir Bakhshi
10.2.5 Mir Saman
10.2.6 Sadr-us Sudur
10.3 Provincial Administration
10.3.1 Provincial Governor
10.3.2 Diwan
10.3.3 Bakhshi
10.3.4 Darogha-i Dak and the Secret Services
10.4 Local Administration
10.4.1 Sarkars
10.4.2 Pargana Administration
10.4.3 Thana and Thanadar
10.5 Town, Qila and Port Administration

10.5.1 Kotwal
10.5.2 Qil’adar
10.5.3 Port Administration
10.6 Nature of Mughal Administration

10.7 Summary
10.8 Keywords
__________________________
* Dr. Rajeev Sharma, Centre of Advanced Study in History, Aligarh Muslim University,
Aligarh. The present Unit is taken from IGNOU Course EHI-04: India from 16th to mid-
180 18th Century, Block 4, Unit 14.
Afghan
Administrative Polity
Structure
10.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit would acquaint you with the overall working of the Mughal polity. After
going through the Unit, you will learn about:
• the evolution of the Mughal administrative structure;
• the major administrative departments at the central level;
• the principal provincial officers, their duties and responsibilities;
• the administrative setup at the local level and its linkage with the central authority;
and
• some basic features of town and port administration.
10.1 INTRODUCTION
The basic objective of the Mughal administrative set-up was to exercise control over
the different parts of the Empire so that recalcitrant elements challenging the Mughal
sovereignty could be checked. You will appreciate the difficulties if you could visualize
that each part of the Mughal Empire was inhabited by diverse set of people over
whom their respective rulers or dominant chieftains exerted considerable influence.
The ingenuity of the Mughal polity lies in the fact that it not only incorporated
these refractory rulers and chieftains into its administrative set-up but also enrolled
them into military service (for details, refer to Unit 11 of this Course). The logical
corollary of sustaining the huge administration was to appropriate maximum rural
surplus in the form of land revenue for which the Mughal polity was geared to.
10.2 CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION: ITS EVOLUTION

The Mughal Empire had a Pan-Indian character. Babur and Humayun for reasons of
their brief reign and that of being busy in military matters could not concentrate on
establishing a definite system or pattern in administration.
By the end of Akbar’s reign, we find establishment of elaborate offices with assigned
functions to the heads of offices. The rules and regulations guiding both their public
and private conduct had all been fixed so that the officers were converted into what
can be termed the Apparatus of the Empire.
10.2.1 The Emperor

The ancient Indian traditions had always supported a strong ruler. The Muslim jurists
and writers also held the same view. Thus, the concept of divine origin of monarchy
could easily find credence among the Indian people. It is not surprising that the Mughals
publicized their jharokha darshan with great deal of pomp and show in which the
Emperor appeared at an appointed hour before the general public, the myth being that
a mere look of his majesty would redress their grievances.
With such popular perception of the ruler, it is obvious that all officers in Mughal
administration owed their position and power to the Emperor. Their appointment,
promotion, demotion, and termination were subject to the ruler’s personal preference
and whims.
181
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System 10.2.2 Wakil and Wazir
Rule
The institution of wizarat (or wikalat since both were used interchangeably), according
to some accounts, can be traced back to the Abbasid Caliphs. Under the Delhi
Sultans, the wazir enjoyed both civil and military powers. But under Balban his
powers were reduced when the Sultan bifurcated the military powers under diwan
‘arz. As for Sher Shah, this office remained almost in abeyance under the Afghans.
The position of the wazir revived under the early Mughals. Babur’s wazir
Nizamuddin Muhammad Khalifa enjoyed both the civil and military powers.
Humayun’s wazir Hindu Beg also virtually enjoyed great powers.
The period of Bairam Khan’s regency (1556-60) saw the rise of the wakil-wazir
with unlimited powers under Bairam Khan. In the 8th regnal year (1564-65), Akbar
took away the financial powers of the wakil and entrusted it into the hands of the
diwan-i kul (Finance Minister). Separation of finance gave a jolt to the wakil’s power.
However, the wakil continued to enjoy the highest place in the Mughal bureaucratic
hierarchy despite reduction in his powers.
10.2.3 Diwan-i Kul

We have already seen how Akbar strengthened the office of the diwan by entrusting
the revenue powers to him. The chief diwan (diwan-i kul) was made responsible
for revenue and finances. His primary duty was to supervise the imperial treasury and
check all accounts.
He personally inspected all transactions and payments in all departments. He maintained
direct contact with the provincial diwans and their functioning was put under his vigil.
His seal and signatures were necessary for the validation of all official papers involving
revenue. The entire revenue collection and expenditure machinery of the Empire was
under his charge. No fresh order of appointment or promotion could be affected without
his seal. To check the diwan’s power, the Mughal Emperor asked the diwan to
submit the report on state finances daily.
The central revenue ministry was divided into many departments to look after the
specific needs of the Empire. For example: diwan-i khalisa, diwan-i tan (for cash
salary), diwan-i jagir, diwan-i buyutat (royal household), etc.
Each branch was further subdivided into several sections manned by a secretary,
superintendents and clerks. The mustaufi was the auditor, and the mushrif was the
chief accountant. The khazanadar looked after the Imperial treasury.
10.2.4 Mir Bakhshi

The mir ‘arz of Delhi Sultanate changed its nomenclature to mir bakhshi under
the Mughals. All orders of appointments of mansabdars and their salary papers were
endorsed and passed by him. He personally supervised the branding of the horses
(dagh) and checked the muster-roll (chehra) of the soldiers. On the basis of his
verification, the amount of the salary was certified. Only then the diwan made
entry in his records and placed it before the king. Mir bakhshi placed all matters
pertaining to the military department before the Emperor. The new entrants, seeking
service, were presented before the Emperor by the mir bakhshi. He dealt directly with
provincial bakhshis and waqai navis. He accompanied the Emperor on tours, pleasure
trips, hunting expeditions, battlefield, etc. His duty was to check whether proper places
182
were allotted to the mansabdars according to their rank at the court. His darbar duties Afghan
Structure
considerably added to his prestige and influence.
The mir bakhshi was assisted by other bakhshis at the central level. The first three
were known as 1st, 2nd and 3rd bakhshi. Besides, there were separate bakhshis
for the ahadis (special imperial troopers) and domestic servants of the royal household
(bakhshi-i shagird pesha).
10.2.5 Mir Saman

The mir saman was the officer in-charge of the royal karkhanas. He was also known
as khan saman. He was the chief executive officer responsible for the purchase of all
kinds of articles and their storage for the royal household. Another important duty was
to supervise the manufacture of different articles, be it weapons of war or articles of
luxury. He was directly under the Emperor but for sanction of money and auditing of
accounts he was to contact the diwan.
Under the mir saman there were several officers, including the diwan-i buyutat and
tahvildar (maintained supply of raw materials to the artisans).
10.2.6 Sadr-us Sudur

The sadr-us sudur was the head of the ecclesiastical department. His chief duty was to
protect the laws of the Shariat. He was also connected with the distribution of charities
– both cash (wazifa) and land grants (suyurghal, inam, madad-i ma’ash).
Initially as the head of the judicial department, he supervised the appointment of qazis
and muftis. Before Shah Jahan’s reign, the posts of the chief qazi and sadr-us sudur
were combined and the same person held the charge of both the departments. However,
under Aurangzeb, the post of the chief qazi (qazi-ul quzzat) and the sadr-us sudur got
separated. It led to sharp curtailment of sadr’s power. Now in the capacity of sadr, he
supervised the assignment of allowances and looked after the charitable grants. He
also looked into whether the grants were given to the right persons and utilized properly.
He scrutinized applications for all such grants, both fresh and renewals, and presented
before the Emperor for sanction. Alms were also distributed through him.
Qazi-ul Quzzat
The chief qazi was known as qazi-ul quzzat. He was the head of the judiciary (We
have already mentioned that prior to Aurangzeb’s reign his powers were combined in
sadr-us sudur.) His principal duty was to administer the Shariat law both in civil and
criminal cases.
In the capacity of the chief qazi, he looked into the appointment of the qazis in the
suba, sarkar, pargana and town levels. There was a separate qazi for army also.
Besides the qazi-ul quzzat, another important judicial officer was mir ‘adl. Abul Fazl
emphasized the need to have a mir ‘adl in addition to qazi, for the qazi was to hear and
decide the cases while mir ‘adl was to execute the orders of the court.
The muhtasibs (censor of public morals) was to ensure the general observance of the
rules of morality. His job was to keep in check the forbidden practices – wine drinking,
use of bhang and other intoxicants, gambling, etc. In addition, he also performed some
secular duties – examining weights and measures, enforcing fair prices, etc.
183
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System Check Your Progress-1
Rule
1) Discuss the position of wakil under the Mughals.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) What were the functions of mir bakhshi?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Match the following:
i) Tahvildar A) Treasurer
ii) Muhtasib B) Incharge of the revenue department
iii) Mir Adl C) Maintained supply of raw materials to the artisans
iv) Fotadar D) Public Censor
v) Diwan-i Kul E) Executer of the court orders
10.3 PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION

In 1580, Akbar divided the Empire into twelve subas: Allahabad, Agra, Awadh, Ajmer,
Admadabad (Gujarat), Bihar, Bengal (including Odisha), Delhi, Kabul, Lahore,
Multan and Malwa. After the Deccan conquest three new subas were added i.e.
Berar, Khandesh and Ahmadnagar. Each suba was divided into a number of sarkars
and these were further divided into parganas and mahals. During Shah Jahan’s reign,
another administrative unit chakla came into existence. It was a cluster of a number
of parganas.
Map 10.1: Administrative Divisions (Subas) of the Mughal Empire, 1601

Courtesy: Based on Habib, Irfan, An Atlas of the Mughl Empire, 1982, New Delhi: Oxford
University Press
184 Source: EHI-4: History of India from 16th to mid-18th Century, Block 2, Unit 6, p. 27
10.3.1 Provincial Governor Afghan
Structure
The governor of a suba (subadar) was directly appointed by the Emperor. Usually
the tenure of a subadar was around three years. Among the duties of the subadar,
the most important one was to look after the welfare of the people and the army.
He was responsible for the general law and order problem in the suba. A successful
subadar was one who would encourage agriculture, trade and commerce. He was
supposed to take up welfare activities like construction of sarais, gardens, wells, water
reservoirs, etc. He was to take steps to enhance the revenue of the state.
10.3.2 Diwan
The provincial diwan was appointed by the Emperor. He was an independent officer
answerable to the Centre. He was the head of the revenue department in the suba.
The provincial diwan supervised the revenue collection in the suba and maintained
accounts of all expenditure incurred in the form of salaries of the officials and
subordinates in the suba.
The diwan was also to take steps to increase the area under cultivation. In many cases
advance loans (taqavi) were given to the peasants through his office.
A roznamcha (daily register) was maintained by the diwan which carried entries
of amount that was deposited in the royal treasury by the revenue officials and
zamindars. A large number of clerks worked under him.Thus, by making the diwan
independent of the subadar and by putting financial matters under the former, the
Mughals were successful in checking the subadar from becoming independent.
10.3.3 Bakhshi
The bakhshi was appointed by the imperial court at the recommendation of the
mir bakhshi. He performed exactly the same military functions as were performed
by his counterpart at the Centre. He was responsible for checking and inspecting the
horses and soldiers maintained by the mansabdars in the suba. He issued the paybills
of both the mansabdars and the soldiers. It was his duty to prepare a list of deceased
mansabdars, but often news reporters (waqai navis) of the parganas directly sent
information to the provincial diwan. Often his office was combined with
waqa’inigar. In this capacity his duty was to inform the Centre the happenings in his
province. To facilitate his work, he posted his agents in the parganas and various
important offices.
10.3.4 Darogha-i Dak and the Secret Services

Developing a communication network was very essential to govern a vast Empire. A
separate department was assigned this important task. The imperial postal system was
established for sending instructions to the far-flung areas of the Empire. The same
channel was used for receiving information. At every suba headquarters, darogha-i
dak was appointed for this purpose. His duty was to pass on letters through the postal
runners (mewras) to the court. For this purpose, a number of dak chowkis were
maintained throughout the Empire where runners were stationed who carried the post
to the next chowki. Horses and boats were also used to help in speedy delivery.
At the provincial level, waq‘ai navis and waqai nigars were appointed to supply
the reports directly to the Emperor. Besides, there were also sawanih nigar to
provide confidential reports to the Emperor. Many reports of these secret service agents 185
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System are available to us. They are very important sources of the history of the period.
Rule
Thus, the Mughals kept a watch over their officials in the provinces through offices
and institutions independent of each other. Besides, the Mughal Emperors’ frequent
visits to every suba and the system of frequent transfers of the officials after a period
of three years on average, helped the Mughals in checking the officials. But the
possibility of rebellion always existed and, therefore, constant vigil through an organized
system of intelligence network was established.
10.4 LOCAL ADMINISTRATION

In this Section, we will discuss the working of administration at the sarkar, pargana
and mauza (village) levels.
10.4.1 Sarkars
At the sarkar level, there were two important functionaries, the faujdar and the
amalguzar.
Faujdar
He was the executive head of the sarkar. But his area of influence seems more
complex. He was not only appointed at the sarkar level, but sometimes within a
sarkar a number of faujdars existed. At times their jurisdiction spread over two
full sarkars. We hear different faujdars appointed to chaklas as well. It seems his
duty was mainly to take care of rebellions, and law and order problems. His jurisdiction
was decided according to the needs of the region.
His primary duty was to safeguard the life and property of the residents of the area
under his jurisdiction. He was to ensure safe passage to traders within his jurisdiction.
As the chief executive of the region, the faujdar was to keep vigil over the
recalcitrant zamindars. In special circumstances, he was to help the amalguzar in
matters of revenue collection.
Amalguzar
The most important revenue collector was the amil or amalguzar. His primary duty
was to assess and supervise the revenue collection through other subordinate officials.
A good amil was supposed to increase the land under cultivation and induce the peasants
to pay revenue willingly without coercion. All accounts were to be maintained by
him. Daily receipts and expenditure reports were sent by him to the provincial diwan.
10.4.2 Pargana Administration

The parganas were the administrative units below the sarkar. The shiqqdar was
the executive officer of the pargana and assisted the amils in revenue collection.
The amil looked after the revenue collection at the pargana level also. His duties
were similar to those of the amalguzar at the sarkar level. The qanungos kept all
the records pertaining to the land in his area. He was to take note of different crops in
the pargana.
The village was the lowest administrative unit. The muqaddam was the village-headman
while the patwari took care of the village revenue records. Under the Mughals, the
pattern of village administration remained almost on the same lines as it was under
Sher Shah.
186
10.4.3 Thana and Thanadar Afghan
Structure
The thana was a place where army was stationed for the preservation of law and order.
They were to arrange provisions for the army as well. These thanas were established
specifically in disturbed areas and around the cities. Its head was designated as thanadar.
He was appointed at the recommendation of the subadar and diwan. He was generally
placed under the faujdar of the area.
1) Discuss the physical sub-divisions of the Mughal administrative set-up.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) What were the role and functions of a Mughal faujdar?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Define each of the following in two lines each:
Amil.................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
Bakhshi...........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
Waqai...navis..................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
10.5 TOWN, QILA AND PORT ADMINISTRATION

To administer the cities and ports, the Mughals maintained separate administrative
machinery.
10.5.1 Kotwal
For urban centres, the imperial court appointed kotwals whose primary duty was to
safeguard the life and property of townsmen. He may be compared to the present day
police officer in the towns and cities. The kotwal was also to maintain a register
for keeping records of people coming and going out of the town. Every outsider
had to take a permit from him before entering or leaving the town. The kotwal was
to ensure that no illicit liquor was manufactured in his area. He also acted as
superintendent of weights and measures used by the merchants and shopkeepers.
10.5.2 Qiladar
The Mughal Empire had a large number of qilas (forts) situated in various parts of the
country. Many of these were located at strategically important places. Each fortress
was like a mini township with a large garrison. Each fort was placed under an officer
called qil’adar. A cursory survey of the persons appointed as qiladars reveals that
mansabdars with high ranks, generally were appointed. He was in-charge of the general
187
Consolidation
Indian of Mughal
Political System administration of fort and the areas assigned in jagir to the qiladar. Sometimes, the
Rule
qiladars were asked to perform the duties of the faujdar in that region.
10.5.3 Port Administration

The Mughals were aware of the economic importance of the sea-ports as these were
the centres of brisk commercial activities. The port administration was independent of
the provincial authority. The governor of the ports was called mutasaddi, who was
directly appointed by the Emperor. Sometimes the office of the mutasaddi was auctioned
and given to the highest bidder. The mutasaddi collected taxes on merchandise
and maintained a custom-house. He also supervised the mint house at the port. The
shahbandar was his subordinate who was mainly concerned with the custom-house.
10.6 NATURE OF MUGHAL ADMINISTRATION

Some historians (Irfan Habib, Athar Ali etc.) hold that Mughal administrative structure
was highly centralized. This centralization is manifested in the efficient working of
land revenue system, mansab and jagir, uniform coinage, etc. But Stephen P. Blake
and J.F. Richards, while they accept the centralizing tendencies, point out that the
Mughal Empire was patrimonial bureaucratic. For them, everything centred around
the imperial household and the vast bureaucracy. For Streusand, despite being
centralized, the Mughal structure was less centralized at its periphery. Chetan Singh
supports this view. He is of the opinion that even in the 17th century the Mughal Empire
was not very centralized. For him, the centralized structure controlled through the
efficient working of jagirdari seems to hold little ground. According to him, jagir
transfers were not as frequent as they appear, and the local elements at the periphery
were quite successful in influencing the policies at the centre.
The extent to which the Mughal Empire was centralized in practice can be a matter of
debate (for details, refer to Unit 8 of this Course). However, theoretically the Mughal
administrative structure seems to be highly centralized and bureaucratic in nature. The
Emperor was the fountainhead of all powers, and bureaucracy was mere banda-i
dargah (slaves of the court).
In spite of the vast range of powers enjoyed by the central ministers, they were not
allowed to usurp and interfere in each others’ jurisdiction nor to assume autocratic
powers. The Mughals through a system of checks and balances prevented any minister
or officer from gaining unlimited powers.
1) Identify the true/false statements:
i) The kotwal was the chief police officer at the pargana level.
ii) The office of the mutasaddi was sometimes auctioned to the highest
bidder.
iii) Ports were separate independent units of administration under the
Mughals.
iv) Mints were placed under the charge of shahbandar.
2) Define each of the following in two lines each:
Kotwal.............................................................................................................
188 ........................................................................................................................
Mutasaddii...................................................................................................... Afghan
Structure
........................................................................................................................
Qiladar...........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
10.7 SUMMARY
The Mughals tried to establish a ‘highly centralized bureaucratic’ machinery which
was based on ‘direct’ command. The Emperor was the head of all powers. A number
of central ministers were directly appointed by the Emperor to assist him in the
administration. Similarly, to keep them in check, he adopted the principle of checks
and balances.
To have an effective administration, the Empire was divided into subas (provinces),
sarkars, parganas and villages. The provincial administration was on the lines of the
Centre, headed by separate officers. Here also none of the officer enjoyed supreme
powers. Both the subadars and diwans worked independently and were responsible to
the Centre only. Cities and port-towns had separate administrative machinery. The
kotwal in the cities and mutasaddis in the port towns normally took care of the law
and order situation. The Mughals had certain military outposts as well where separate
qila’dars were appointed. At local level, the pargana was the most important
administrative unit while the villages formed the smallest unit of administration.
10.8 KEYWORDS
Amin Revenue assessor
Jagir Territories assigned to mansabdars/nobles in
lieu of their salary
Khalisa ‘Crown’ land whose revenue was reserved for
the Sultan’s treasury
Muqaddam Village headman
Patwari Village accountant
Shariat Islamic law

EXERCISES
3. i) C ii) D iii) E iv) A v) B
1. See Sections 10.3
189
Consolidation
Political of Mughal
Formations 3. See Sub-sections 10.3.3, 10.3.4, 10.4.2
Rule
1. i)  ii)  iii)  iv) 
2. See Section 10.5

Hasan, Ibn, (1967) The Central Structure of the Mughal Empire and Its Practical
Working upto the Year 1657 (Lahore: Oxford University Press).
Ray, Anuruddha, (1984) Some Aspects of Mughal Administration (Ludhiana:
Kalyani Publishers).
Saran, P., (1988) The Provincial Government of the Mughals, 1526-1658 (Jaipur:
Sunita Publications).
Tripathi, R.P., (1959) Some Aspects of Muslim Administration (Allahabad: Central
Book Depot).

RECCOMENDATIONS
The Mughal Administration
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dUom7d1E9Kk
Mughal Administration in India
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jQaZHCawQUk
190
Vijayanagara: Expansion
UNIT 11 ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS: and Consolidation
MANSAB AND JAGIR*
Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Mansab System
11.2.1 The Dual Ranks: Zat and Sawar
11.2.2 The Three Classes of Mansabdars
11.2.3 The Appointment and Promotion of Mansabdars
11.2.4 The Maintenance of Troops and Payment
11.2.5 The System of Escheat
11.2.6 Classes of Mansabdars
11.3 Composition of Mansabdars

11.4 Jagir System
11.4.1 Early Phase
11.4.2 Organisation of Jagir System
11.4.3 Various Types of Jagirs
11.4.4 Management of Jagirs
11.5 Summary
11.6 Keywords
11.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, we will discuss the the mansab and jagir systems, the two main organs
of Mughal administration. After reading this Unit you will be able to know the:
 Basic features of mansab system under Akbar,
 Changes introduced in the mansab system during the 17th century,
 The main feature and working of jagirdari, and
 The various types of jagirs.
________________________________________
* Prof. Aniruddha Ray, Department of Islamic History and Culture, Calcutta University,
Calcutta. The Unit is taken from our Course EHI-04, India from 16th to Mid-18th Century,
Block 4, Unit 15. 191
Consolidation
Political of Mughal
Formations
Rule 11.1 INTRODUCTION
Mansab system under the Mughals in India did not develop suddenly; it evolved steadily
through the time. These institutions were borrowed in some form from Western Asia
and modified to suit the needs of the time in India.
The mansabdars were an integral part of the Mughal bureaucracy and formed, as
Percival Spear says, ‘an elite within elite’. They were appointed in all government
departments except the judiciary. They held the important offices of wazir, bakhshi,
faujdar and the subadar, etc. We will also discuss the jagir system.
11.2 MANSAB SYSTEM

The word mansab means a place or position and therefore it means a rank in the
mansab system under the Mughals.
During Babur’s time, the term mansabdar was not used; instead, another term wajhdar
was employed. The latter differed in some ways from the mansab system that
evolved under the Mughals after Babur.
Akbar gave mansabs to both military and civil officers on the basis of their merit
or service to the state. To fix the grades of officers and classify his soldiers, he was
broadly inspired by the principles adopted by Chinghiz Khan. As we have seen
Chinghiz’s army had been organised on decimal system. The lowest unit was of ten
horsemen, then came one hundred, one thousand and so on. Abul Fazl states that
Akbar had established 66 grades of mansabdars ranging from commanders of 10
horsemen to 10,000 horsemen, although only 33 grades have been mentioned by
him.
Mansab denoted three things:
i) It determined the status of its holder (the mansabdar) in the official hierarchy.
ii) It fixed the pay of the holder.
iii) It also laid upon the holder the obligation of maintaining a specified number of
contingent with horses and equipment.
11.2.1 The Dual Ranks: Zat and Sawar

Initially a single number represented the rank, personal pay and the size of contingent
of a mansabdar. In such a situation if a person held a mansab of 500, he was to
maintain a contingent of 500 and receive allowances to maintain it. In addition, he was
to receive a personal pay according to a schedule and undertake other obligations
specified for that rank. After some time, the rank of mansabdar instead of one number,
came to be denoted by two numbers 6 zat and sawar. This innovation most probably
occurred in 1595-1596.
The first number (zat) determined the mansabdar’s personal pay (talab-khassa) and
his rank in the organisation. The second number (sawar) fixed the number of horses
and horsemen to be maintained by the mansabdar and, accordingly, the amount he
would receive for his contingent (tabinan).
There has been controversy about the dual rank. William Irvine thought that the double
rank meant that the mansabdars had to maintain from his personal pay two contingents
192 of troops. Abdul Aziz, close to modern point of view, held that the zat pay was purely
Vijayanagara:Institutions:
personal with no involvement of troops. He rejected the theory of Irvine by stating that Administrative Expansion
it meant the maintenance of one contingent and not two. Athar Ali clarified the position. and Consolidation
Mansab and Jagir
He says that the first number (zat) placed the mansabdar in the appropriate position
among the officials of the state and, accordingly, the salary of the mansabdar was
determined. The second rank (sawar) determined the number of horses and horsemen
the mansabdar had to furnish.
11.2.2 The Three Classes of Mansabdars

In 1595-1596, the mansabdars were classified into three groups:
a) those with horsemen (sawar) equal to the number of the zat;
b) those with horsemen half or more than half of the number of the zat, and
c) those whose sawar rank was less than half of their zat rank.
The sawar rank was either equal or less than the zat Even if the former was higher, the
mansabdar’s position in the official hierarchy would not be affected. For example, a
mansabdar with 4000 zat and 2000 sawar (4000/2000 in short) was higher in rank
than a mansabdar of 3000/3000, although the latter had a higher number of horsemen
under him.
But there are exceptions to this rule particularly when the mansabdar was serving in a
difficult terrain amidst the rebels. In such cases, the state often increased the sawar
rank without altering the zat rank. Obviously the system was not a static one: it changed
to meet the circumstances. Thus reforms were undertaken without modifying the basic
structure. One such reform was the use of conditional rank (mashrut), which meant an
increase of sawar rank for a temporary period. This was an emergency measure adopted
in the time of crisis, that is, the permission to recruit more horsemen at the expense of
the state.
Another development that took place was the introduction of do aspa sih aspa under
Jahangir. Mahabat Khan was the first to get it in the 10th year of Jahangir’s reign.
According to this, a part or full sawar rank of mansabdar was made do aspa sih aspa.
For example, if a mansabdar held a mansab of 4000 zat/4000 sawar, he may be granted
huma do aspa sih aspa (all two-three horses), In this case the original sawar rank
would be ignored, and the mansabdar will maintain double the number of do aspa sih
aspa (here 4000 + 4000 = 8000). Again, if the rank was 4000 zat/4000 sawar of which
2000 was do aspa sih aspa, then it would mean that out of the original sawar rank of
4000, the ordinary or barawurdi troopers will be only 2000 and the additional rank of
2000 do aspa sih aspa will double itself to 4000 ordinary troopers. Thus, the total
number of horsemen would be 6000.
What could have been the reasons for adopting do aspa sih aspa system? Our
sources do not help us in this respect. But we can visualize the following: Jahangir,
after becoming emperor, wanted to promote nobles of his confidence and strengthen
them militarily, but there were some practical problems. As we noticed in sub-section
8.5.2, generally the sawar rank could not be higher than zat rank. In such a situation,
any increase in sawar rank would have meant an increase in zat rank also. The increase
in the latter would have led to additional payment as personal pay thereby increasing
the burden on treasury. Moreover, there would have been an upward mobility of the
noble in the official hierarchy which was likely to give rise to jealousy among the
nobles. 193
Consolidation
Political of Mughal
Formations In fact do aspa sih aspa was a way out to grant additional sawar rank without
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disturbing the zat rank or mansab hierarchy. It also meant a saving for the state by not
increasing the zat rank.
11.2.3 Appointment and Promotion of Mansabdars

The mir bakhshi generally presented the candidates to the Emperor who recruited
them directly. But the recommendation of the leading nobles and governors of the
provinces were also usually accepted. An elaborate procedure involving the diwan,
bakhshi and others followed after which it went to the Emperor for confirmation.
The farman was then issued under the seal of the wazir. In case of promotion the
same procedures were followed.
Granting of mansab was a prerogative of the Emperor. He could appoint anybody as
mansabdar. There was no examination or written test as it existed in China. Generally,
certain norms seem to have been followed. A survey of the mansabdars appointed
during the reigns of the Mughal Emperors show that some groups were more favoured
than the others.
The most favoured category were the sons and close kinsmen of persons who were
already in service. This group was called khanazad.
Another group which was given preference was of those who held high positions
in other kingdoms. The main areas from which such people came were the Uzbek
and Safavi Empires and the Deccan kingdoms. These included Irani, Turani, Iraqi and
Khurasani. The attraction for Mughal mansab was such that Adil Shah of Bijapur in
1636 requested the Mughal Emperor not to appoint mansabdars from among his nobles.
The rulers of autonomous principalities formed yet another group which received
preferential treatment in recruitment and promotions. The main beneficiaries from
this category were the Rajput kings.
Promotions were generally given on the basis of performance and lineage. Manucci,
writing during the last years of Aurangzeb’s reign, says: “To get the hazari or the
pay of one thousand, it is necessary to wait a long time and work hard. For the
kings only grant it sparingly, and only to those who by their services or their skill
in affairs have arrived at the stage of deserving it. In having this rate of pay accorded
to you, they give you also the title of Omera (Umara) 6 that is noble.” However,
in actual practice racial considerations played important role in promotions.
Unflinching loyalty was yet another consideration.
1) Define zat and sawar rank.
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2) What were the three classes of mansabdars?
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194 ........................................................................................................................
11.2.4 Maintenance of Troops and Payment Vijayanagara:Institutions:
Administrative Expansion
and Consolidation
Mansab and Jagir
Mansabdars were asked to present their contingents for regular inspection and physical
verification. The job of inspection was performed by the mir bakhshi’s department. It
was done by a special procedure. It was called dagh-o-chehra. All the horses presented
for inspection by a particular noble were branded with a specific pattern to distinguish
these from those of other nobles through a seal (dagh). The physical description of
troops (chehra) was also recorded. This way the possibility of presenting the same
horse or troop for inspection was greatly reduced. This was rigorously followed. We
come across a number of cases where a reduction in rank was made for non-fulfilment
of obligation of maintaining specified contingents. Abdul Hamid Lahori in his book
Badshahnama mentions that under Shah Jahan it was laid down that if a mansabdar
was posted in the same province where he held jagir, he had to muster one-third of the
contingents of his sawar rank. In case he was posted outside, he had to muster one-
fourth. If posted in Balkh and Samarqand, he had to maintain one-fifth.
The scale of salary was fixed for the zat rank, but one rank had no arithmetical or
proportionate relationship with the other. In other words, the salary did not go up or go
down proportionately.
The table given below shows the salary for the zat rank per month during Akbar’s period.
(Please note that under Akbar, zat rank above 5000 was given only to the princes. In the
last years of Akbar, the only noble who got the rank of 7000 zat was Raja Man Singh.)
Pay for Zat rank
Zat Rank Class I (Rs.) Class II (Rs.) Class III (Rs.)
7000 45000 6 6
5000 30000 29000 28000
4000 22000 21800 21600
3000 17000 16800 16700
2000 12000 11900 11800
1000 8200 8100 8000

The salary for the sawar rank was the sum total of the remuneration given to each
trooper which was fixed and uniformalry applicable, whatever the number of the sawar
rank might be. In the time of Akbar, the rate of payment was determined by a number
of factors such as the number of horses per trooper (presented for dagh), the breeds of
the horses etc. The rates fluctuated between Rs. 25 to 15 per month.
Month Scale
The mansabdars were generally paid through revenue assignments (jagirs). The biggest
problem here was that the calculation was made on the basis of the expected income
(jama) from the jagir during one year. It was noticed that the actual revenue callection
(hasil) always fell short of the estimated income. In such a situation, the
mansabdar’s salaries were fixed by a method called month-scales. For example,
if a jagir yielded only half of the jama, it was called shashmaha (six-monthly). If
it yielded only one-fourth, it was considered sihmaha (3 monthly). The month-scale
was applied to cash salaries also.
195
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Political of Mughal
Formations There were deductions from the sanctioned pay. The largest deductions were from the
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Deccanis, who had to pay a fourth part (chauthai). There were other deductions known
as khurak dawwab (fodder for beasts) belonging to the Emperor. Those who
received cash (naqd), two dams in a rupee were deducted (do-dami). Often there
were fines (jarimana) imposed for various reasons. With the reduction of salaries,
there was thus a definite decline in the income of the nobles.
The distribution of the revenue resources of the Empire among the ruling class shows
that 80% of the total revenue resources of the Empire was appropriated by 1,571
mansabdars. This shows how powerful the mansabdars were.
11.2.5 The System of Escheat

Many contemporary accounts, especially those of the European travellers, refer to the
practice whereby the Emperor took possession of the wealth of the nobles after their
death. The practice is known as escheat (zabt). The reason was that the nobles
often took loan from the state which remained unpaid till their death. It was duty of the
khan saman (see Unit 7) to take over the nobles’ property and adjust the state
demand (mutalaba), after which the rest of the property was given to the heirs or
sometimes distributed by the Emperor among the heirs himself without any regard for
the Islamic inheritance laws. It seems that in most cases it depended on the will of
the Emperor. Sometimes the state insisted on escheating the entire wealth. In 1666,
Aurangzeb issued a farman that after the death of a noble without heir, his property
would be deposited in the state treasury. This was confirmed by another farman in
1691 which also instructed the state officers not to attach the property of the nobles
whose heirs were in government service because the latter could be asked to pay
the mutalaba.
11.3 COMPOSITION OF MANSABDARS

In Unit 12, we would be discussing the racial composition of the ruling class.
Here, we very briefly recapitulate the same.
Despite the theoretical position that mansabdari was open to all, the Mughals, in
practice, considered heredity as an important factor. It appears that the khanzads (house-
born; descendants of mansabdar) had the first claim. Out of a total number of 575
mansabdars holding the rank of 1000 and above during the reign of Aurangzeb,
the khanzads numbered about 272 (roughly 47%). Apart from the khanzads, a number
of mansabdars were recruited from the zamindars (chieftains). Out of 575
mansabdars in 1707, there were 81 zamindars. The Mughals also welcomed
Persian, Chagatai, Uzbeks as well as the Deccanis in the mansabdari. Certain
racial groups were well entrenched. They were the Turanis (Central Asians), Iranis,
Afghans, Indian Muslims (Shaikhzadas), Rajputs, Marathas and the Deccanis, the last
two were recruited by Aurangzeb on larger scale due to military reasons.
1) What was month scale?
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196
2) Why was the system of do aspa sih aspa adopted? Vijayanagara:Institutions:
and Consolidation
Mansab and Jagir
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3) What do you understand by system of escheat?
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11.4 JAGIR SYSTEM

The revenue assignments made by the Delhi Sultans were termed iqta and its holder
iqtadar (for details see our Course BHIC107, Unit 4). The system was developed to
appropriate the surplus from the peasantry and distribute it among the nobles. This
also included the administration of the area by the assignee.
The Mughal Emperors, too, did the same. These assignments were given in lieu of
cash salaries. The areas assigned were generally called jagir, and its holders jagirdar.
Sometimes terms like ‘iqta’/‘iqta’adar’ and tuyul/tuyuldar were also used, but
very sparingly. It must be made clear that it was not the land that was assigned, but the
income/revenue from the land/area was given to the jagirdars. This system developed
over a period of time and underwent many changes before stabilising. However, the
basic framework was developed during Akbar’s reign. Let us first study the early form
of jagir system.
11.4.1 The Early Phase

Babur, after his conquest, restored to the former Afghan chieftains or conferred upon
them assignment of approximately more than one-third of the conquered territories.
The holders of such assignments (wajh) were known as wajhdars (wajh means
remuneration). A fixed sum was assigned as wajh out of the total revenue of the area.
The rest of the revenue of the territories was deemed to be a part of the khalisa. The
zamindars continued in their respective areas, but in other conquered areas Babur
ruled through hakims (governors). The same pattern perhaps continued under Humayun.
11.4.2 Organisation of Jagir System

During Akbar’s period all the territory was broadly divided into two: khalisa and jagir.
The revenue from the first went to the Imperial treasury, and that from the jagir was
assigned to jagirdars in lieu of their salary in cash (naqd) according to their rank.
Some mansabdars got cash salary, and, hence, they were called naqdi. A few were
given both jagir and cash. The bulk of the territory was assigned to mansabdars
according to their rank. The estimated revenue was called jama or jamadami as it was
calculated in dam (a small copper coin, l/40th of the silver rupaya on the average).
The jama included land revenue, inland transit duties, port customs and other taxes
which were known as sair jihat. Another term used by the revenue officials was
hasil, that is, the amount of revenue actually collected. You must understand these
two terms 6 jama and basil 6 which you will come across frequently. The
197
Consolidation
Political of Mughal
Formations revenue officials used yet another term, that is, paibaqi. This was applied to those
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areas whose revenue were yet to be assigned to mansabdars.
In the 31st year of Akbar’s reign, the jama of the khalisa in the province of Delhi,
Awadh and Allahabad amounted to less than 5% of the total revenue. Under Jahangir,
almost 9/10 of the territory was assigned in jagir and only 1/10 was available for
the khalisa. The ratio of jagir and khalisa kept fluctuating. Under Shah Jahan, it
rose to one-eleventh and, by the 20th year, it was nearly one-seventh. The trend
continued in the next reign; in the 10th year of Aurangzeb, the jama of the khalisa
amounted to almost one-fifth of the total. However, in the later part of Aurangzeb’s
reign, there was a great pressure on the khalisa as the number of claimants for jagir
increased with the increase of the number of mansabdars.
Another important feature of the jagir system was shifting of jagir-holders from
one jagir to another for administrative reasons. This system of transfers checked the
jagirdars from developing local roots. At the same time, its disadvantage was that
it discouraged the jagirdars from taking long term measures for the development of
their areas. They were merely interested in extracting as much revenue as possible in
a short time.
11.4.3 Various Types of Jagirs

There were generally four types of revenue assignments:
a) jagirs, which were given in lieu of pay, were known as jagir tankhwah;
b) jagirs given to a person on certain conditions were called mashrut jagirs;
c) jagirs which involved no obligation of service and were independent of
rank were called in’am jagirs; and
d) jagirs which were assigned to zamindars (chieftains) in their homelands,
were called watan jagirs. Under Jahangir some Muslim nobles were given
jagirs resembling to watan jagir called al-tamgha.
Tankhwah jagirs were transferable every three or four years, watan jagirs remained
hereditary and non-transferable. Sometimes watan jagir was converted into khalisa
for a certain period as Aurangzeb did in case of Jodhpur in 1679. When a zamindar
or a tributary chief was made a mansabdar, he was given jagir tankhwa, apart
from his watan jagir, at another place if the salary of his rank was more than the
income from his watan jagir. Maharaja Jaswant Singh, holding watan jagir in Marwar,
held jagir tankhwah in Hissar.
11.4.4 Management of Jagirs

The jagirdar was allowed to collect only authorised revenue (mal wajib) in
accordance with the Imperial regulations. He employed his own officials (karkun)
like amil (amalguzar), fotadar (treasurer), etc. who acted on his behalf.
The Imperial officials kept watch on the jagirdars. The diwan of the suba was
supposed to prevent the oppression on the peasants by the jagirdars. From the
20th year of Akbar, amin was posted in each province to see that the jagirdars
were following Imperial regulations regarding collection of revenue. The faujdar often
helped the jagirdar to collect revenue whenever difficulties arose. It appears that
from the period of Aurangzeb, bigger jagirdars were having faujdari powers, too.
198
Check Your Progress-3 Vijayanagara:Institutions:
and Consolidation
Mansab and Jagir
1) Write two lines each on various types of jagirs.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Why were jagirdars transferred?
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11.5 SUMMARY
Mansabdari and jagirdari were the two main institutions of the Mughal Empire, which
embraced both civil and military sectors of administration. The system was developed
to create a centralised administrative system as well as creating a large force.
Mansabdars and their large forces were used to expand the empire and administer it
effectively. The main features of mansab system were as follows:
 Mansabdars held dual ranks 6 zat and sawar, the former indicated the status of
the officer in the administrative hierarchy, and which also determined the personal
pay. The latter denoted the contingent they were expected to maintain.
 Mansabdars were divided into 3 classes on the basis of the ratio between their
zat and sawar ranks.
 The salaries and obligation of maintaining troops were governed by a definite
set of rules which underwent changes from time to time.
For revenue purposes all the land was divided into two 6 the jagir and khalisa. The
land revenue collected from the khalisa went to the royal treasury while that from the
jagir to mansabdars.
Mansabdars were paid through the assignment of jagirs. The jagir system as an
institution was used to appropriate the surplus from the peasantry. At the same time it
was used for distributing the revenue resources among the ruling classes. Of the four
types of jagirs given to assignees, the watan jagir was a very effective way of absorbing
Indian chieftains in the Mughal ruling class.
11.6 KEYWORDS
Barawurdi under Akbar the advance paid to mansabdars
for maintenance of troops was called barawardi.
From the reign of Jahangir onwards it was used
for regular payment given to mansabdars for the
maintenance of troops.
Hasil Actual revenue
Jama Estimated revenue
199
Consolidation
Political of Mughal
Formations Khanazad the sons and close kinsmen of persons who were
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already holding positions in the nobility.
Khalisa ‘Crown’ (‘reserve’) land whose revenue was
reserved for the Sultan’s treasury
Khurak-dawab fodder allowance for animals.
Mashrut the conditional rank given to nobles.
Talab-Khassa the personal pay of the nobles.
Tabinan the contingent maintained by nobles.
Umara plural of amir i.e. noble.
Wajhdar Iqta-holder

EXERCISES
1) Zat indicated the personal pay of the mansabdar while sawar indicated the number
of troops to be maintained. See Sub-section 11.2.1
2) The mansabdars were categorised into three classes on the basis of their zat and
sawar ranks. See Sub-section 11.2.2
1) Month scale was devised to bridge the gap between the estimated income and
actual income (net realisation of revenue) of the mansabdar. See Sub-section
11.2.4
2) This system was adopted to raise the sawar rank of mansabdars without disturbing
the zat rank. See Sub-section 11.2.4
3) Through the system of escheat the Mughal state used to take control of the assets
of the deceased noble. For details see Sub-section 11.2.5
1) See Sub-section 11.4.3 where four types of jagirs are discussed.
2) Jagirdars were transferred to adjust the changes in their ranks and salaries.
Besides, it was a method to discourage jagirdars from developing local roots in
the areas under their jurisdictions. See Sub-section 11.4.2

Ali, Athar, (1968) Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb (Bombay: Asia Publishing
House).
Day, U.N., (1970) Mughal Government, 1556-1707 (New Delhi: Kumar Brothers).
Ray, Anuruddha, (1984) Some Aspects of Mughal Administration (Calcutta: Kalyani
Publishers).
Raychaudhuri, Tapan and Irfan Habib, (1982) The New Cambridge Economic History
200
of India, Vol. I, (Cambridge: New Delhi). Evolution of Institutions:
Administrative Institutions:
Kingship
Mansab and andJagir
the
Sarkar, Jagdish Narain (1984) Mughal Polity (Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli). Nayaka System
Shivram, Balkrishan, (2008) Jagirdars in the Mughal Empire during the Reign of
Akbar (New Delhi: Manohar).

RECOMMENDATIONS
Mansabdari System - I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kpQX7Ke8nAQ
Mansabdari System - II
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TqbJCUJi_Ak
Jagirdari System Part I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gggszz3I4bY
Jagirdari System Part II
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AhqLVUGSsUY
201
Political Formations
UNIT 12 COMPOSITION OF NOBILITY*
Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 The Nobility Under Babur and Humayun
12.3 Development Under Akbar
12.4 Composition of the Mughal Nobility
12.4.1 Racial and Religious Groups
12.4.2 The Foreign Elements: Turanis and Iranis
12.4.3 The Afghans
12.4.4 Indian Muslims (Shaikhzadas)
12.4.5 Rajputs and Other Hindus
12.4.6 Marathas and Other Deccanis
12.5 Organisation of the Nobility

12.6 Distribution of Revenue Resources Among the Nobility
12.7 Socio-economic Role of the Nobility
12.8 Living Standard of the Mughal Nobility
12.9 Summary
12.0 OBJECTIVES
In Unit 11, we have discussed the working of the two important administrative institutions
of the Mughal empire – mansab and jagir. In this unit we shall discuss the chief
characteristics of the Mughal ruling class during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
After reading this Unit you will:
 know about the origins and development of the Mughal nobility;
 understand the racial composition of the nobility
 learn about its organization;
 have some idea about the share of the nobility in the revenue resources of the
empire;
 get information about the socio-economic role of the nobility; and
 become familiar with the living standard of the nobility.
* Prof. Mohammed Afzal Khan, Centre of Advanced Study in History, Aligarh Muslim
202 University, Aligarh
Evolution of Institutions:
Composition of Nobility
12.1 INTRODUCTION Kingship and the
Nayaka System
The Mughal ruling class or the nobility as it is commonly designated was a
heterogeneous mass comprising both civil bureaucrats as well as military officers,
The Mughal ruling class was multi-racial, multi-religious and multi-regional in
character. The nobility was next to the kingship and all the important central as
well as state ministers and officers and also the provincial governors (subedars)
were part of it. They all held ranks (mansab) and received their salary either in
cash (naqd) or through assignment of the revenues of various territories (jagir).
Therefore, the numerical strength of the mansabdars (nobles) materially influenced
not only politics and administration, but also the economy of the Empire.
In the present Unit we would be discussing the broad features of the nature and
pattern of nobility under the Mughals. Our focus would be Akbar but we would
also be elaborating on the changing pattern in the composition of the nobility
under Jahangir, Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb.
12.2 THE NOBILITY UNDER BABUR AND HUMAYUN

The nobility which accompanied Babur to Hindustan largely comprised Turanis
(Central Asian ‘Begs’) and a few Iranis. After the battle of Panipat (1526), some
Afghan and Indian nobles of Sikandar Lodi’s camp were admitted in his higher
bureaucracy. They were soon taken into confidence and given important
assignments. Many local chieftains also accepted Babur’s suzerainty and became
his allies in subsequent battles. Thus, after the battle of Panipat, the ruling class
under Babur no longer remained purely Turani. It appears from the Baburnama
that out of a total of 116 nobles, 31 were Indians including Afghans and
Shaikhzadas.
During the early years of Humayun’s reign, there was a decline in the number of
Indian nobles as many of the Afghan nobles deserted the Mughal service and
joined Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. However, a great change occurred in Humayun’s
nobility between 1540 and 1555, when most of his Turani nobles deserted him
and joined Mirza Kamran. Only twenty-six persons in all accompanied him to
Iran, seven of whom were Iranis. But during his stay in Iran, many more Iranis
joined him. They accompanied Humayun from Iran to take Qandahar and Kabul.
The position of Iranis further improved as a number of Iranis came to Kabul and
joined Humayun’s service during his stay at Kabul between 1545-55.
At the same time when Iranis increased in the nobility, Humayun raised a new
Turani nobility by promoting low ranking Turani nobles to counter the power of
the old nobility, thereby strengthening his position. There were 57 nobles who
accompanied Humayun back to India, of whom 27 were Turanis and 21 Iranis.
This new nobility served him loyally throughout his contest with Mirza Kamran
between 1545 and 1555, and followed him in the conquest of Hindustan. In
recognition of their services, important assignments were generally given to this
section of nobility.
Although by raising Iranis and low ranking Turanis to higher ranks, Humayun
could create a loyal ruling class which helped him in reconquering India, the
dominant sections in his nobility were still confined to a limited number of class-
cum-family groups with their roots in Central Asian traditions.
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Political of Mughal
Formations Thus, the Mughal nobility at its formative stage under Babur and Humayun was not a
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disciplined and effective organization to cope with the problems facing the newly
established Empire in India. Babur and Humayun did not fully succeed in making it loyal
and subservient to them even by bringing about a few changes in its composition.
12.3 DEVELOPMENT UNDER AKBAR

The position remained unchanged during the early years of Akbar’s reign. The two
foreign elements Turanis and Iranis enjoyed a predominant position. After the dismissal
of Bairam Khan, a crisis developed at the court which ultimately led to the rebellion of
the Turani nobles. To balance their pressure, Akbar introduced two new elements –
Indian Muslims and Rajputs in his nobility. He also promoted Iranis to higher ranks as a
reward for their loyalty during the crisis. Besides those Iranis who were already in the
service of Humayun or under Bairam Khan, a large number came to India in search of
employment during this period. Many factors were responsible for their migration from
Iran. The important one was the unfavourable religious atmosphere for the Sunnis in the
Safavi Iran during the sixteenth century. A good number of them proceeded to India in
search of security as they were apprehensive of punishment by the Safavi rulers. Many
of them were highly trained in administrative affairs and belonged to the noted families of
Iran. In India, they were welcomed and admitted by Akbar in his service and given
suitable posts. Some of them were introduced to the Mughal Court by their relatives
who were already in the Mughal service. Besides them, many others came as
adventurers in search of better opportunities knowing that the Mughal court was
open to talent. Thus, the position of Iranis in the Mughal ruling class not only
became stable and strong but also self-perpetuating.
From 1561, that is, after the exit of Bairam Khan, Akbar started recruiting Rajputs
and Shaikhzadas (Indian Muslims) in his service. In order to win recruits from
these sections, he adopted certain measures of placating and befriending them.
For instance, he established matrimonial relations with the Rajput Chieftains,
abolished pilgrimage tax (1562) and the jiziya (1564) which was imposed earlier
on the Hindus. Akbar’s attitude towards Rajputs changed radically after the
suppression of the Uzbek rebellion as he adopted a vigorous policy of reducing
them to submission by force.
During the period 1575-80, Akbar, with a view of creating wider support for the
Empire amongst the Muslim Communities in India, also adopted an attitude of
promoting and befriending the Indian Muslims through several conciliatory
measures. By adopting these measures Akbar was successful in building a loyal
and efficient bureaucracy and in running his government effectively without having
any serious crisis in his nobility for a very long time. But, at the same time, he
failed to provide any solution to the problem of succession; as a result of which
the nobility tended to divide into factions supporting rival princes aspirant for the
throne.
i) Examine the nature of the nobility at its formative stage under Babur and
Humayun.
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........................................................................................................................ Evolution of Institutions:
Kingship and the
ii) Discuss changes in Akbar’s attitude towards various elements of his nobility. Nayaka System
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12.4 COMPOSITION OF THE MUGHAL NOBILITY

After its first phase of development during the reign of Babur and Humayun and the
early years of Akbar, the Mughal nobility came to consist of certain well-recognised
racial groups. The important ones were Turanis, Iranis, Afghans, Shaikhzadas, Rajputs
and also the Deccanis (Bijapuris, Haiderabadis and Marathas). Thus, it was an
‘International’ruling class; for recruitment ‘nationality’was no bar. Chandra Bhan Brahman
has given an account of this international and heterogeneous character of the Mughal
nobility towards the close of Shahjahan’s reign. Among European observers Bernier
also speaks of the presence of Uzbeks, Persians, Arabs and Turks or their descendants
in the Mughal Court. However, mere fulfillment of certain criteria of merit and competence
was not the sole requirement to gain entry into it; clan or family links were the most
important considerations for recruitment and ordinary people, with whatever merit to
their credit, were normally not admitted to this aristocratic class of the society.
The khanazads (the house-born ones), who were the sons and descendants of those
officers (mansabdars) who were already in the Mughal service, were the best and
foremost claimants. They constituted almost half of the ruling class throughout
the Mughal period and the remaining half of the ruling class comprised of variety
of persons not belonging to the families already in service.
The zamindars or the chieftains were one of them. Though they had been in the
state service ever since the time of Delhi Sultans, they attained great importance
under Akbar who granted them high mansabs and jagirs in various parts of the
Empire. These jagirs were in addition to their ancestral domains which were now
treated as their watan jagir (See Unit 11).
Nobles and high officers of other states were also taken into the Mughal nobility
on account of their experience, status and influence. Leading commanders of the
enemy state, in particular, were offered tempting ranks to make them desert their
masters. A very small portion of the Mughal nobility consisted of persons belonging
to the accountant castes, that is, Khatris, Kayasthas, etc. They were usually
appointed in the financial departments on low ranks, but they could rise to higher
ones. Todar Mal under Akbar and Raja Raghunath under Aurangzeb belonged to
this category. They served as diwan and received high ranks (mansabs).
Scholars, saints/sufis and theologians, etc. also received ranks and offices in the
Mughal service. Abul Fazl under Akbar, Sadullah Khan and Danishmand Khan
during Shah Jahan’s reign, and Hakim Alaul Mulk Tuni Fazil Khan and Inayatullah
Khan Kashmiri in Aurangzeb’s period are some of the noteworthy examples of
this class.
12.4.1 Racial and Religious Groups

As mentioned earlier, there were certain well-recognised racial groups – Turanis, Iranis,
205
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Political of Mughal
Formations Afghans, Shaikhzadas, Rajputs and Marathas – who provided new recruits for the Mughal
Rule
ruling class. These elements were taken into the Mughal service largely as a result of
historical circumstances, but partly (as for example the Rajputs) as a result of planned
imperial policy of integrating all these elements into a single imperial service. For that
purpose, very often, officers of various groups were assigned to serve under one superior
officer. Akbar’s policy of sulh kul was also partly motivated by a desire to employ
persons of diverse religious beliefs – Sunnis (Turanis and Shaikhzadas), Shias (including
many Iranis) and Hindus (Rajputs) – and to prevent sectarian differences among them
from interfering with the loyalty to the throne.
12.4.2 The Foreign Elements – Turanis and Iranis

The foreign elements in the Mughal nobility comprised largely the Turanis and Iranis. By
Turanis we mean persons coming from Central Asia, where the Turkish languages were
spoken; while Iranis (also called Khurasanis and Iraqis) were largely the Persian speaking
people from Herat upto Baghdad. According to the Ai’n-i Akbari, about 70 per cent of
Akbar’s nobles were foreigners by origin. This high proportion of foreigners continued
under Akbar’s successors and among them Iranis enjoyed the most dominant position.
In the early years of Jahangir’s reign, Mirza Aziz Koka had alleged that the Emperor
was giving undue favours to Iranis and Shaikhzadas while the Turanis and Rajputs were
neglected. Though Shah Jahan tried hard to emphasize the Central Asian affiliations of
the Mughal dynasty, it had no adverse effect on the position of Iranis under him. The
greater part of Aurangzeb’s nobility, according to Bernier, consisted of Persians who,
according to Tavernier, occupied the highest posts in the Mughal Empire.
The Iranis appear to have been constantly migrating to India from different regions of
Safavid Iran during the 16-17 centuries owing to various social and political reasons (as
pointed out above in Unit 12.3).
Athar Ali finds a declining trend in the number of nobles directly coming from foreign
countries ever since the time of Akbar. This decline of foreigners, according to him,
further sharpened during the long reign of Aurangzeb. The fall of the Uzbek and Safavi
kingdoms and the concentration of Aurangzeb’s attention in the Deccan affairs for a long
period, and, his not following a forward or militaristic policy in the North-West, have
been suggested as some important reasons for the decline of direct foreign recruitments.
The Iranis, however, could maintain their dominant position in the nobility because of the
continuous influx of Iranis from the Deccan Sultanates. Muqarrab Khan, Qizilbash Khan
and Mir Jumla (under Shah Jahan); Ali Mardan Khan Haiderabadi, Abdur Razzaq Lari
and Mahabat Khan Haiderabadi (under Aurangzeb) are some of the important examples
of Irani nobles from the Deccan. The Sunni orthodoxy of the Emperor also did not affect
the position of Iranis.
12.4.3 The Afghans

The Afghans had been distrusted by the Mughals, especially suspected after the Mughal
restoration under Humayun. Most of them were kept at a distance by Akbar. They,
however, improved their position under Jahangir who assigned a high position to Khan
Jahan Lodi. During Shah Jahan’s reign, the Afghans again lost the imperial trust and
suffered a setback after Khan Jahan Lodi’s rebellion. During the later years of Aurangzeb’s
reign, however, the number of the Afghan nobles considerably increased. This was mainly
because of the influx from the Bijapur kingdom.
206
12.4.4 Indian Muslims (Shaikhzadas) Evolution of Institutions:
Kingship and the
The Indian Muslims, better known as Shaikhzadas, comprised mainly the Saiyids of Nayaka System
Barha and the Kambus and certain other important clans.
The Saiyids of Barha and the Kambus who had enjoyed a leading position since Akbar’s
time, were no longer equally prominent during Aurangzeb’s reign. More particularly, the
Saiyids of Barha, who, on account of their martial qualities, once enjoyed the honour of
constituting the vanguard of the Mughals armies, were distrusted by Aurangzeb. It was
perhaps because they had been loyal supporters of Dara Shukoh in the war of succession.
Some of the Kashmiris also got prominence during the later years of Aurangzeb’s reign;
Inayatullah Kashmiri was one of the favourite nobles of the Emperor.
12.4.5 Rajputs and Other Hindus

As has been discussed above, Rajput Chiefs and other Hindu nobles were inducted in
the Mughal nobility during the reign of Akbar who adopted a friendly and liberal attitude
towards them. It is clear from the contemporary sources that the Hindu nobles in general
and Rajput Chiefs in particular achieved a position of respect and honour in the reign of
Akbar which they continued to enjoy down to Aurangzeb’s reign. Shah Jahan was a
devout Muslim, who adopted several measures to display his orthodoxy. Yet there was
a great increase in the number of Rajput masabdars during his reign. Aurangzeb was
also a devout Muslim and he is generally blamed for adopting anti-Hindu policies. But
the fact remains that during the early years of his reign, the position of the Rajput nobles
actually improved over what it had been in Shah Jahan’s time. There had been no Rajput
officer throughout the reign of Shah Jahan holding the rank of 7000 zat. Now Mirza
Raja Jai Singh and Jaswant Singh were promoted to the rank of 7000 zat/7000 sawar.
Similarly, ever since Raja Man Singh’s recall from Bengal in 1606, no Rajput noble had
been entrusted with an important province. In 1665, Jai Singh was appointed the viceroy
of the Deccan, the highest and most important charge which normally only princes were
entrusted with. Jaswant Singh was also twice appointed governor of Gujarat in 1659-
61 and 1670-72. It may be pointed out that with a slight fall (21.6 per cent) in the first
phase of Aurangzeb’s reign (1658-78), the number of Hindu mansabdars remained
almost the same what it had been during Akbar (22.5 per cent) and Shah Jahan’s (22.4
per cent). This may be better appreciated from the following Table:
Akbar Shah Jahan Aurangzeb
(1595) (1628-58) (1658-78) (1679-1707)
A Total mansabdars 98 437 486 575
B. Hindus 22 98 105 182
B. as % of A 22.5 22.4 21.6 31.6
During the last phase of Aurangzeb’s reign (1679-1707), however, the proportion
of the Hindu nobles appreciated to 31.6 per cent. In other words, during this time
there were more Hindus in service than at any preceding period. The increase in
the number of Hindus during this period was because of the influx of the Marathas
who began to outnumber the Rajputs in the nobility.
12.4.6 Marathas and Other Deccanis

The recruitment of Marathas began during the reign of Shah Jahan at the time of
207
Consolidation
Political of Mughal
Formations his Ahmednagar campaign. Since Marathas played an important role in the Deccan
Rule
affairs, they were steadily recruited to the Mughal nobility. Aurangzeb, too, admitted
the Marathas on a large scale by granting high ranks to some of them. The Mughal
attempt to win over the Maratha chieftains by granting them high mansabs, however,
proved a failure. The allegiance of the Maratha nobles under Aurangzeb was always
unstable and, therefore, they never attained any real position of influence within
the Mughal ruling class.
As regards the other Deccanis, they were the nobles who belonged to the Deccan
kingdoms of Bijapur or Golkunda before joining Mughal service. They could be
of Indian origin such as Afghans, Shaikhzadas or Indian Muslims; or of foreign
origin like Iranis and Turanis. It appears that the Deccanis did not form a very
large section of Aurangzeb’s nobility in the first period (being 58 or 11.8 per cent
of the 486 total mansabdars). They were regarded as a subordinate class of nobles;
one-fourth of their total pay-claim was deducted according to the regulations for
pay in the Deccan.
In the second period, however, the Deccani nobles (Bijapuris, Haiderabadis and
Marathas) were recruited on a large scale (they were 160 or 27.8 per cent of the
total 575 mansabdars). The influx of the Deccanis in the later years of Aurangzeb’s
reign was so great that it caused much resentment among the older section of the
nobility – the khanazadas.
1 What was the position of Rajputs in the Mughal nobility?
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2 Mention various ethnic groups that constituted the Mughal nobility.
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12.5 ORGANISATION OF THE NOBILITY

The Mughal nobility was organized within the framework of the mansab system,
one of the two important institutions (the other being the Jagir system) which
sustained the Mughal Empire for about 200 years. The mansab system was based
on the principle of direct command i.e., all mansabdars, whatever be their rank,
were directly subordinate to the Mughal Emperor.
Mansab System: Technically, mansab means office, position or rank. Under the
Mughals the functions of mansab were threefold:
i. it determined the status of its holder (the mansabdar) in the official hierarchy;
ii. it fixed the pay of the mansabdar accordingly, and
iii. it also laid upon him the obligation of maintaining a definite number of
208
contingent with horses and equipment. Each officer was assigned a dual rank
Composition
(a pair of numbers) designated zat and sawar. Zat was a personal rank which Evolution of Nobility
of Institutions:
determined the status of the mansabdar in the official hierarchy and also Kingship and the
Nayaka System
indicated his personal pay. The sawar rank was a military rank which
determined the number of contingents the mansabdar was required to maintain
and also fixed the payment for the maintenance of the required contingent.
(For details see Unit 11).
The Mughal mansabdar received his pay as determined by his zat and sawar
ranks either in cash (naqd) or in the form of territorial assignments (Jagirs).
For recruitment as mansabdar nationality was no bar. The Khanazads (or sons
and descendants of mansabdars already in service) had the first claim to the
appointment. The second source of recruitment were the immigrants from Iran
and Central Asia. The third channel of recruitment was recommendation (tajwiz).
Another category from which recruitment was made were the leading commanders
of the enemy camp who were often tempted to desert their masters.
The Central ministers, princes of royal blood, provincial governors and important
military commanders used to recommend persons for appointment and promotions.
(For details, see Unit 11).
12.6 DISTRIBUTION OF REVENUE RESOURCES

AMONG THE NOBILITY
A. Jan Qaisar and Shireen Moosvi has shown that 82% of the total revenue resources
of the Empire was appropriated by 1,671 mansabdars. While the top 12 mansabdars
controlled as much as 18.52% of the total income of the Empire, the remaining
1,149 mansabdars controlled only 30% of the revenue. Thus, there was an immense
concentration of revenue resources in the hands of a few persons during the time
of Akbar. This concentration continued under his successors. A. Jan Qaisar has
calculated that 445 mansabdars under Shah Jahan claimed 61.5% of the revenue.
And the top 25 mansabdars controlled 24.5% of the revenue. The salary of the
mansabdars was very high. Khan-i Jahan Lodi’s annual income from his Jagirs
was 30 lacs of rupees out of which he spent 24 lacs on his establishment expenditure
and the remaining 6 lacs were kept in saving. Mahabat Khan had an annual income
of one crore rupees and he used to spend all that too. The pay claim of Asaf Khan
during the reign of Shahjahan amounted to 50 lacs of rupees a year.
The nobles, by and large, drew their income from the land revenue. There was
immense concentration of wealth in the hands of a very small number of persons
comprising the core of the Mughal nobility. They did not spend the whole amount
on their troopers which they claimed against their sawar ranks. This led to further
concentration of wealth in the hands of the nobles.
12.7 SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLE OF THE NOBILITY

The members of the Mughal nobility having accumulated enormous treasurers in
specie, cash and jewels often invested it in trade, either by engaging in trade directly
or by making capital advances to merchants. They also invested large amount of
capital in sea-borne trade. Tavernier says, ‘on arrival for embarkation at Surat,
you find plenty of money. For it is the principal trade of the nobles of India to
209
Consolidation
Political of Mughal
Formations place their money on speculation for Hormuz, Bassora and Mocha and even for Bantam,
Rule
Achin and Philippenes’. Apart from the capital advances the Mughal nobles were also
engaged in business investments. Sometimes they had their own ships which sailed to
different ports laden with their own goods or, in some cases, with cargo of other
merchants. Mir JUmla had frequent business deals with the English and sometimes also
advanced money to the English factors. He was in a real sense a ‘merchant prince’. His
ships carried on trade between Arakan, Southern India, Bengal, Persia and Arabia.
It is also evident that nobles’ commercial activities were not confined to foreign trade, it
also extended to internal trade. If Mir Jumla offers the best example of a Mughal noble
taking part in sea-borne trade, Shaista Khan is the best example of an aristocrat engaged
in internal trade. He sought to obtain gains from trade during his viceroyalty of Gujarat
and Bengal where he had tried to monopolize and control trade in many important
articles of daily use like salt, supari (betel-nuts) and even the fodder of animals.
The nobles were also very much enthusiastic about luxury good and jewels from Europe.
Shaista Khan was fond of purchasing of rarities of Europe especially the pearls and
jewels. He purchased from Tavernier such articles during his governorship of Gujarat,
Bengal and the Deccan. Manucci calls him a great amateur of precious stones.
12.8 LIVING STANDARD OF THE NOBILITY

With huge amount of money at their disposal the ruling class led a life of great pomp and
show. They maintained large establishment of wives, servants, camels and horses. The
household of which the harem was the main part must have absorbed a reasonably
large sum. And, yet, they were left with substantial wealth that could be spent on the
construction of stately houses and works of public utility.
From Shaikh Farid Bhakkari’s biographical work Zakhirat-ul-Khawanin (1642), it
appears that Mughal officers and nobles were fond of constructing attractive and imposing
houses for their residence. Pelsaert mentions these houses as ‘noble and pleasant with
many apartments’. Inside many of these houses there were gardens and tanks and in hot
weather the tanks were filled daily with fresh water, drawn by Oxen from the wells. In
these gardens nobles used to hold grand feasts in honour of the Emperor. Manrique
gives a detailed description of a dinner party in the house of Asaf Khan which indicates
the lavishness and the sophistication with which the dinner was organized.
Similarly, a large number of works of public utility such as sarais, hammams (public
baths), wells, step-wells (baolis), water tanks, markets, roads and gardens were also
built by the nobles throughout the Empire. During the reign of Akbar, Murtaza Khan
Bukhari built mosques, sarais, khanqahs and tanks at Lahore, Agra and Ahmadabad.
Murtaza Khan Shaikh Farid Bukhari was a great builder of Akbar’s time. In Ahmadabad he
built a sarai, a mosque and other buildings. During Jahangir’s reign, Abdur Kahim Khan
Khanan, Azam Khan, Khwaja Jahan Kabuli, etc. were great builders.
The wives and staff of nobles also took equal interest in constructing works of public utility.
We get several references about religious and educational buildings such as mosques,
madrasas, khanqahs, tombs and temples (devrah) built by Mughal nobles. Some of the
Hindu nobles and officers also built mosques. Construction of tombs during one’s own life
time and for the deceased persons of one’s family was a popular trend in the Mughal period.
Beautiful gardens were laid out around these imposing structures. In constructing these tombs,
the nobles sometimes vied with each other. Tombs were also built for sufis by their disciples.
210
Mughal nobles and officers constructed public welfare buildings outside India. Composition
Emergence of Nobility
of New
Kingdoms in the 15th
A number of Irani nobles at the Mughal court are reported to have funded the construction of Century
mosques, sarais, etc. in Iran. Many nobles and officers also founded cities, towns and villages
in their native places or in the territories under their jurisdiction. Sometimes the old existing
towns were renovated and beautified with gardens, trees, roads and structures of public
utility. Whenever a new city or town was built is was provided with all the necessities of civil
life and amenities of an urban settlement with the purpose of encouraging the ^ people to
settle down there. Laying out of gardens was. a part of the nobles’ cultural activities. Hakim
Alimuddin Wazir Khan, the Wakil of Shahjahan built a new city at his native town Khabrot
and handed it over to its residents. He also built there a market, a sarai, a step-well,
mosque, madrasa and a dispensary and made an endowment for their maintenance.
A. Jan Qaisar has shown a linkage between social values and building activity of the Mughal
elite. He says that these values were a continuation of the long established Indian traditions.
Why the building activity was undertaken on such a scale? It seems that prestige factor was
important. It nourished competitive spirit for cultural exercises with a view of scoring over
their compatriots. The desire was to perpetuate one’s name for indefinite period. The aspiration
unfolded itself in both the forms of their activities, private and public. Religious sanction, too,
spurred the elite to construct charitable works, particularly mosques. Role model/expectation
also motivated the elite to perform charitable acts. Masses looked to affluent sections to
provide public utilities which were culturally identifiable, for example, hospitals, mosques,
sarais, etc. Masses expected that materially prosperous persons should alienate a part of
their wealth in their favour. This” role was played pretty well by the Mughal nobles. It also
resulted in the distribution of material resources 6 of whatever magnitude 6 of the society
among masses.
The nobles maintained their own karkhanas to manufacture luxury items of their own
tastes and specifications for their personal and household consumption. Carpets, gold
embroidered silks and high quality jwellery were the main items produced. Ali Mardan
Khan maintained some karkhanas in Lahore and Kashmir where carpets and shawls
were manufactured. Itiqad Khan also had great interest in shawl and wool industry of
Kashmir and is said to have introduced new patterns in shawl, pattu, tabrezi and karbalai
in wool. Besides, they also imported large number of luxury articles from different
countries. The British and Dutch records give innumerable references to the demands
made by the nobles for which they used to pay handsomely.
The nobles are also found spending large amount of money in charity. Some of them
were very particular in giving gifts to the residents of their own native places. Mir Masum
Bhakkari had fixed yearly, monthly, weekly and daily stipends for a large number of
inhabitants of his native town Bhakkar. He also used to send gifts to his townsmen from
the place of his postings.
Nobles had different hobbies to pass their leisure time such as hunting, horticulture,
animal husbandry, alchemy etc. Many of them were also patrons of musicians and
men of letters. Besides these and other sports activities, marriages in the family
and festivals were other occasions where wealth was squandered freely by them.
Since there was no restriction and audit of their income and expenditure the nobles
had their own ‘sarkar’ or semi-autonomous administration which comprised his
military contingent, harem, household staff, officials and servants.
Check your Progress 2
211
Consolidation
Political of Mughal
Formations 1) Discuss the organization of the Mughal ruling class.
Rule
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2) How did the Mughal mansabdars utilize the immense revenue resources at their
command?
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3) Describe the socio-economic role of the Mughal nobility.
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12.9 SUMMARY
In this Unit, we have seen the evolution and development of the Mughal nobility through
various stages. In the beginning it emerged as a Turani-dominated class but later as a
result of political exigencies, others such as Iranis, Indian Muslims, Rajputs, Marathas,
and Afghans were recruited. Thus, it became a heterogeneous ruling class. The Mughal
ruling class was organized through mansabdari and jagirdari, the two important
institutions whose efficient working sustained the Mughal Empire for about 200 years.
The mansabdars constituted the ruling class which was not only a prosperous class but
also the elite of the society. They enjoyed the security of wealth amassed during their
tenure of service and left large legacies to their families. The nobles invested their
accumulated treasures in trade either directly or by making capital advances to merchants.
They also patronized luxury-goods and skilled artisans.

EXERCISES
1) See Section 12.2
2) See Section 12.3
2) See Section 12.4
1) See Section 12.5
212
2) See Section 12.6 Composition
Emergence of Nobility
of New
3) See Section 12.7 Century

Ali, Athar, (1997; New Edition) The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb (New Delhi:
Anwar, Firdaus, (2001) Nobility under the Mughals (1628-1658) (New Delhi:
Manohar).
Khan, Mohammad Afzal, (2016) The Ruling Elite: Iranian Nobility under
Shahjahan and Aurangzeb (New Delhi: Viva Books).
Khan Iqtidar Alam, (2016) The Mughal Nobility: Two Biographies (New Delhi:
Permanent Black).
12.12 INSTRUCTIONALVIDEO
RECOMMENDATIONS
Patronage of Nobility under Akbar
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vo48-qnUi3s
213
UNIT 13 FISCAL SYSTEM *
Structure
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Mughal Land Revenue System
13.2.1 Methods of Revenue Assessment
13.2.2 Magnitude of Land Revenue Demand

13.2.3 Mode of Payment
13.2.4 Collection of Revenue
13.3 Relief Measures

13.4 Land Revenue Administration of the Mughals
13.5 Taxes Other than Land Revenue
13.6 Mechanism of Collection of Taxes Other than Land Revenue
13.7 Summary
13.8 Keywords
13.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit we will discuss some important aspects of the fiscal system of Mughal India.
After going through this Unit you would know the following:
• the methods of assessment under the Mughals,
• the magnitude of land revenue demand under the Mughals,
• mode of collection of land revenue under the Mughals,
• the different methods used to collect the land revenue under the Mughals,
• what sort of relief was available to peasants in case of adverse circumstances under
the Mughals,
• the duties and obligations of different officials engaged in land revenue extraction under
the Mughals,
• the main taxes other than land revenue imposed by the Mughals, and
• the mechanism of collecting taxes.
* Prof. Sunita Zaidi, Department of History and Culture, Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi;
and Prof. A. R. Khan, School of Social Sciences, IGNOU, New Delhi. The present Unit is
214 taken from our Course EHI-04: India: From 16th to mid-18th Century, Block 5, 16 and 20.
Fiscal System
Emergence of New
13.1 INTRODUCTION Kingdoms in the 15th
Century
The central feature of the agrarian system under the Mughals was the alienation from the
peasant of his surplus produce (produce over and above the subsistence level) in the form of
land revenue which was the main source of state’s income. Early British administrators regarded
the land revenue as rent of the soil because they had a notion that the king was the owner of
the land. Subsequent studies of Mughal India have shown that it was a tax on the crop and
was thus different from the land revenue as concieved by the British. Abul Fazl in his Ain-i
Akbari justifies the imposition of taxes by the state saying that these are the ‘remuneration of
sovereignty, paid in return for protection and justice’.
In this Unit we will study the economic institutions and changes that the Mughals introduced.
Land revenue was the most important source of income in Mughal India. Besides this,
there were other sources of income for the state. In the this unit we will discuss the major
sources of income of the state from sources other than land revenue. The contemporary
sources provide detailed information about land revenue but on other taxes it is sketchy
and brief.
The territory whose revenues were directly collected for the Sultan’s own treasury was
designated khalisa. Under the Mughals khalisa or khalisa-i sharifa was not fixed instead
kept on fluctuating. Under Akbar it was approximately 25 per cent of the total jama;
under Jahangir it shrank to less than 1/20th of the total jama; under Shahjahan it amounted
to 1/7th of the jama; while under Aurangzeb it became 1/5th of the total jama. However,
still almost 4/5th revenue of the empire was alienated in the form of jagirs.
13.2 MUGHAL LAND REVENUE SYSTEM

The Persian term for land revenue during the Mughal rule was mal and mal wajib. Kharaj
was not in regular use.
The process of land revenue collection has two stages: (a) assessment (tashkhis/jama), and
(b) actual collection (hasil).
Assessment was made to fix the state demand. On the basis of this demand, actual collection
was done separately for kharif and rabi crops.
13.2.1 Methods of Land Revenue Assessment
Under the Mughals assessment was separately made for kharif and rabi crops. After the
assessment was over a written document called patta, qaul or qaul-qarar was issued
in which the amount or the rate of the revenue demand was mentioned. The assessee
was in return supposed to give qabuliyat i.e. ‘the “acceptance” of the obligation imposed
upon him, stating when and how he would make the payments’.
We will discuss here a few commonly used methods:
1) Ghalla Bakhshi (Crop-sharing): In some areas it was called bhaoii and batai. The
Ain-i Akbari notes three types of crop-sharing:
a) Division of crop at the threshing floor after the grain was obtained. This was
done in the presence of both the parties in accordance with agreement.
b) Khet batai: The share was decided when the crop was still standing in the
fields, and a division of the field was marked.
c) Lang batai: The crop was cut and stacked in heaps without separating grain 215
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Formations and a division of crop in this form was made.
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In Malikzada’s Nigarnama-i Munshi (late 17th century) crop sharing has been mentioned
as the best method of revenue assessment and collection. Under this method, the peasants
and the state shared the risks of the seasons equally. But as Abul Fazl says it was
expensive from the viewpoint of the state since the latter had to employ a large number
of watchmen, else there were chances of misappropriation before harvesting. When
Aurangzeb introduced it in the Deccan, the cost of revenue collection doubled simply
from the necessity of organising a watch on the crops.
2) Kankut/Danabandi: The word kankut is derived from the words kan and kut. Kan
denotes grain while kut means to estimate or appraisal. Similarly, dana means
grain while bandi is fixing or determining anything. It was a system where the grain
yield (or productivity) was estimated. In kankut, at first, the field was measured
either by means of a rope or by pacing.
After this, the per bight productivity from good, middling and bad lands was
estimated and the revenue demand was fixed accordingly.
3) Zabti: In Mughal India, it was the most important method of assessment.
The origin of this practice is traced to Sher Shah. During Akbar’s reign, the
system was revised a number of times before it took the final shape.
Sher Shah had established a rai or per bigha yield for lands which were
under continuous cultivation (polaj), or those land which very rarely allowed
to lie fallow (parauti). The rai was based on three rates, representing good,
middling and low yields and one third of the sum of these was appropriated
as land revenue. Akbar adopted Sher Shah’s rai. Akbar introduced his so-
called karori experiment and appointed karoris all over North India in 1574-
75. The entire jagir was converted into khalisa. On the basis of the information
provided by the karoris regarding the actual produce, local prices,
productivity, etc. in 1580, Akbar instituted a new system ain dahsala, where
the average produce, of different crops as well as the average prices prevailing
over the last ten years (15-24 R.Y. of Akbar) were calculated. One-third of
the average produce was the state’s minimum share. Under karori experiment,
measurement of all provinces took place. Bamboo rods with iron rings called
tanab were used instead of hempen ropes. On the basis of productivity and
prices prevailing in different regions they were divided for revenue purposes
into dastur circles. The rates of assessment in cash for each crop in every
dastur was decided, and the demand was fixed accordingly. The main features
of the zabti system as it finally came into operation under Akbar were:
i) measurement of land was essential;
ii) fixed cash revenue rates known as dastur-ul amal or dastur for each
crop.
iii) all the collection was made in cash.
From an administrative point of view, zabti system had some merits:
i) measurement could always be rechecked; ii) due to fixed dasturs, local
officials could not use their discretion; and
iii) with fixing the permanent dasturs, the uncertainties and fluctuation in levying
216
the land revenue demand were greatly reduced. Fiscal System
Emergence of New
There were some limitations of this system also: Century
i) It could not be applied if the quality of the soil was not uniform;
ii) If the yield was uncertain, this method was disadvantageous to peasants because
risks were borne by them alone. Abul Fazl says, “if the peasant does not have the
strength to bear zabt, the practice of taking a third of the crop as revenue is
followed.
iii) This was an expensive method as a cess of one dam per bigha known as zabitana
was given to meet the costs towards the maintenance of the measuring party; and
iv) Much fraud could be practised in recording the measurement.
Zabti system was adopted only in the core regions of the Empire. The main provinces covered
under zabti were Delhi, Allahabad, Awadh, Agra, Lahore and Multan. Even in these zabti
provinces, other methods of assessment were also practiced, depending on the circumstances
of the area.
Nasaq was not an independent method of assessment; it was subordinate to other methods.
It was a method or procedure which could be adopted whatever be the basic method of
revenue assessment and collection that was in force. In North India it was nasaqi zabti,
while in Kashmir it was nasaqi ghalla bakhshi. When it was applied under zabti the annual
measurement was dispensed with and previous figures were taken into account with certain
variations. Since zabti system involved annual measurement, the administration and revenue
payers both wanted to replace it. Zabti-i harsala or annual measurement was, therefore, set
aside with some modifications.
Revenue Farming (Ijara)
Ijara system or revenue farming was another feature of the revenue system of this time.
Though, as a rule Mughals disapproved of this practice, in actual fact certain villages were
sometimes farmed out. Generally, these villages, where peasant did not have resources available
for undertaking cultivation or where owing to some calamity cultivation could not be done,
were farmed out on ijara. The revenue officials or their relatives were not supposed to take
land on ijara. It was expected that revenue farmers would not extract more than the stipulated
land revenue from the peasants. But this was hardly the case in actual practice.
The practice of ijara, it seems, could not have been very common in the zabti provinces,
Gujarat and the Mughal Dakhin. In the khalisa lands also this practice was very rare.
However, in the jagir lands it became a common feature. Revenue assignees (jagirdars)
farmed out their assignments in lieu of a lump sum payment, generally to the highest
bidders.
Sometimes, jagirdars sub-assigned part of their jagirs to his subordinates/troopers.
During the 18th century ijara system became a common form of revenue assessment
and collection.
13.2.2 Magnitude of Land Revenue Demand

Let us first examine what share of the produce was taken by the state as land revenue. Abul
Fazl says that no moral limits could be set for the demand of the ruler from his subjects; ‘the
subject ought to be thankful even if he were made to part with all his possessions by the
protector of his life and honour’. He adds further that “just sovereigns” do not exact more
217
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Formations than what is required for their purposes which, of course, they would themselves determine.
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Aurangzeb explicitly said that the land revenue should be appropriated according to
shariat, i.e., not more than one half of the total produce.
European traveller Pelsaert, who visited India in the early 17th century, declared that ‘so
much is wrung from the peasants that even dry bread is scarcely left to fill their stomachs’.
Irfan Habib comments: ‘Revenue demand accompanied by other taxes and regular and
irregular exactions of officials was a heavy burden on peasantry’.
Sher Shah formed three crop rates on the basis of the productivity of the soil, and
demand was fixed at 1/3 of the average of these three rates for each crop. Abul
Fazl comments that under Akbar, Sher Shah’s 1/3 of revenue demand formed the
lowest rate of assessement. Recent studies show that revenue demand under the
Mughals ranged between 1/3 to 1/2 of the produce, and sometimes even 3/4 in
some areas. On close scrutiny we find that the revenue demand varied from suba
(province) to suba. In Kashmir, the demand in theory was one-third while in practice
it was two-thirds of the total produce. Akbar ordered that only one-half should be
demanded.
In the province of Thatta (Sind), the land revenue was taken at the rate of one-
third. Yusuf Mirak, the author of Mazhar-i Shahjahani (a memoir on the administration
of Sind written in 1634), explains that the Tarkhans who held Thatta in jagir when
the Ain-i Akbari was written, did not take more than half of the produce from the
peasantry and also in some cases they took one-third or a fourth part of the total
produce.
For Ajmer suba, we find different rates of revenue demand. In fertile regions of
eastern Rajasthan ranged from one-third to one-half of the produce. Irfan Habib
on the basis of the Ain-i Akbari says that in the desert regions, proportion amounted
to one-seventh or even one-eighth of the crop. But Sunita Budhwar Zaidi points
out that there is no evidence in other sources of such low rates from any locality of
Rajasthan. Even in Jaisalmer, one-fifth of the produce was collected from the rabi
and one-fourth from the kharif crop.
In Central India, rates varied from one-half, one-third to two-fifths. In Deccan, one-
half was appropriated from the ordinary lands while one-third was taken from those
irrigated by wells and one-fourth was taken from high grade crops.
Aurangzeb’s farman to Rasik Das Karori stipulates that when the authorities took
recourse to crop-sharing, usually in the case of distressed peasantry, the proportions
levied should be one-half, or one-third or two-fifths. Rates under Aurangzeb were
higher than that of Akbar. Perhaps it was due to the fact that there was a general
rise in agricultural prices and, thus, there was no real change in the pitch of demand.
In the case of Rajasthan it is reported that revenue rates varied according to the
class or caste of the revenue payers. Satish Chandra and Dilbagh Singh have shown that
Brahmins and Banias paid revenue on concessional rates in a certain pargana of Eastern
Rajasthan.
It may be safely assumed that in general the rate of revenue demand was from 1/2 to 1/
3 of the produce. Since, the revenue was imposed per unit of area ‘uniformly’ irrespective
of the nature of the holding, it was regressive in nature 6 those who possessed large
holdings felt the burden less than those who possessed small holdings.
218
Check Your Progress-1 Fiscal System
Emergence of New
1) Define the following: Century
Ghalla Bakhshi...............................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
Kankut............................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
Nasaq..............................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
Polaj...............................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
Rai..................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Enumerate merits and demerits of the zabti system.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Discuss the pattern of revenue demand in Mughal India.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
13.2.3 Mode of Payment

The practice of collecting land revenue in cash was in use in some regions even as
early as the 13th century. In the Mughal period, the peasant under zabti system had to
pay revenue in cash. No provision is on record for allowing a commutation of cash
into kind in any circumstances. However, under crop-sharing and kankut, commutation
into cash was permitted at market prices. Cash nexus was firmly established in almost
every part of the Empire.
13.2.4 Collection of Land Revenue

Under ghalla bakhshi, the state’s share was seized directly from the field. In other
systems, the state collected its share at the time of harvest.
Abul Fazl maintains that, ‘Collection should begin for rabi from Holi and for kharif
from Dashehra. The officials should not delay it for another crop’.
In the kharif season, the harvesting of different crops was done at different times and the
revenue was accordingly to be collected in three stages depending on the type of crops.
Thus, under kharif the revenue could only be collected in instalments.
The rabi harvest was all gathered within a very short period. The authorities tried to collect
revenue before the harvest was cut and removed from the fields. By the end of the 17th
century, the authorities in desperation started preventing the peasants from reaping their fields
until they had paid their revenue. Irfan Habib comments: ‘It shows how oppressive it was to
demand the revenue from the peasant before the harvest, when he would have absolutely 219
Consolidation
Political of Mughal
Formations nothing left. The practice was at the same time the work of a well-developed money economy,
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for it would have been impossible to attempt it unless the officials expected that the peasants
would pay up by pledging their crops beforehand to grain merchants or moneylenders’.
Usually, the revenue was deposited in the treasury through the ‘amil or revenue collector.
Akbar encouraged the peasants to pay directly, Todar Mal recommended that the
peasants of trusted villages, within the time limit, could deposit their revenue in the
treasury themselves and could obtain receipt. The village accountant, patwari, made
endorsement in his register to establish the amount paid. Irfan Habib considers these
regulations as precautionary measures on the part of administration to avoid fraud and
embezzlement.
13.3 RELIEF MEASURES

Abbas Khan in the Tarikh-i Sher Shahi writes, ‘Sher Shah declared that concessions
could be permitted at assessment time, but never at that of collection’. Aurangzeb in
his farman to Muhammad Hashim karori, instructed that no remissions were to be
allowed once the crop had been cut.
Whatever be the method of revenue assessment, there was some provision for relief in
the case of bad harvests. We have already seen that in ghalla bakhshi and kankut,
state’s share would rise and fall depending upon the current harvest. In zabti, relief
was given by excluding the area designated nabud from assessment.
In practice, it was not possible to collect the entire amount, and there was always a
balance which was to be collected next year. It also seems to have been a common
practice to demand the arrears, owed by peasants who had fled or died, from their
neighbours. Aurangzeb issued a hasb-ul hukm in CE 1674-75 to check this practice in
khalisa and jagir lands, arguing that no peasant could be held responsible for arrears
contracted by others.
Taqavi (strength giving) loans were granted to enable the peasants to buy seeds and
cattle. Abul Fazl writes, ‘the amalguzar should assist the empty handed peasants by
advancing them loans’. Todar Mal had suggested that taqavi should be given to
cultivators who were in distressed circumstances and did not have seeds or cattle.
These loans were interest-free, normally to be repaid at the time of harvest. These
were advanced through the chaudhris and muqaddams. Abul Fazl says that the loans
should be recovered slowly.
New wells were dug up and old ones were repaired for extension and improvement of
cultivation.
Check Your Progress -2
1) What was the medium of payment of land revenue?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) What were the forms of relief given to the peasants at the time of natural calamity?
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........................................................................................................................ Fiscal System
Emergence of New
........................................................................................................................ Century
........................................................................................................................
13.4 LAND REVENUE ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE

MUGHALS
We get ample information about the revenue machinery for khalisa lands. But our information
for jagir administration is quite scanty. Since jagirdars were transferred after every two or
three years, they had no knowledge of revenue paying capacity of the people and local
customs. So we find three types of officials:
a) officials and agents of jagirdars,
b) permanent local officials many of whom were hereditary. They were generally not
affected by the frequent transfers of the jagirdars, and
c) imperial officials to help and control the jagirdars
At the rural level, there were many revenue officials:
i) Karori: In 1574-75, the office of karori was created. Describing his duties, Abul
Fazl says that he was incharge of both assessment and collection of the revenue.
An important change took place during Shah Jahan’s reign. Now amins were
appointed in every mahal and they were given the work of assessment. After this
change, karori (or amil) remained concerned chiefly with collection of revenue
which amin had assessed.
The karori was appointed by the diwan of the province. He was expected to
look after the interests of the peasantry. The accounts of the actual collection
of the karoris and their agents were audited with the help of the village
patwari’s papers.
ii) Amin: The next important revenue official was amin. As we have already
mentioned, that the office of amin was created during Shah Jahan’s reign.
His main function was to assess the revenue. He, too, was appointed by the
diwan. He was responsible jointly with the karori and faujdar for the safe
transit of the collected revenue. The faujdar of the province kept a vigilant
eye on the activities of amin and karori. He also used to recommend their
promotion.
iii) Qanungo: He was the local revenue official of the pargana, and generally
belonged to one of the accountant castes. It was a hereditary post, but an
imperial order was essential for the nomination of each new person.
Nigarnama-i Munshi holds qanungos responsible for malpractices because ‘they
have no fear of being transferred or deposed’. But a qanungo could be removed
by an imperial order if he indulged in malpractices, or on account of
negligence of duty. He was supposed to maintain records concerning revenue
receipts, area statistics, local revenue rates and practices and customs of the
pargana. It was generally believed that if a qanungo was asked to produce
the revenue records for the previous hundred years, he should be able to do
so.
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Political of Mughal
Formations The jagirdar’s agents were generally unfamiliar with the locality; they usually depended
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heavily on the information supplied to them by the qanungos.
The qanungo was paid 1% of the total revenue as remuneration, but Akbar started
paying them salary.
iv) Chaudhari: He was also an important revenue official like the qanungo. In most
cases he was the leading zamindar of the locality. He was mainly concerned with
the collection. He also stood surety for the lesser zamindars.
The chaudhari distributed and stood surety for the repayment of the taqavi loans. He
was a countercheck on qanungo.
From Dastur-ul Amal-i Alamgiri it appears that the allowance to the chaudhari was
not very substantial. But it is possible that he held extensive revenue free (inam)
lands.
v) Shiqqdar: Under Sher Shah, he was the incharge of revenue collection and
maintained law and order. In Akbar’s later period, he seems to be a subordinate
official under the karori. Abul Fazl mentions that in case of an emergency,
the shiqqdar could give the necessary sanction for disbursement which was
to be duly reported to the court. He was also responsible for thefts that occurred
in his jurisdiction.
vi) Muqaddam and Patwari: The muqaddam and patwarl were village level
officials. The former was the village headman. In lieu of his services, he was
allowed 2.5 per cent of the total revenue collected by him.
The patwari was to maintain records of the village land, the holdings of the individual
cultivators, variety of crops grown and details about fallow land. The names of the
cultivators were entered in his bahi (ledger). On the basis of information contained in
these bahis, the bitikchi used to prepare necessary papers and records according to
which assessment and collection was carried out.
In each pargana, there were two other officials 6 the fotadar or khazandar (the
treasurer), and karkun or bitikchi (the accountant). Under Sher Shah, there were two
karkuns, one for keeping the records in Hindi and the other in Persian. But in CE
1583-84 Persian was made the sole language for accounts.
The faujdar represented the military or police power of the imperial government. One
of his main duties was to help the jagirdar or amil in collecting revenue from the
zortalab (refractory) zamindars and peasants.
There were waqai navis, sawanih nigar (news writers), etc., whose duty was to report
the cases of irregularities and oppression to the centre.
1) Describe the duties and functions of a karori.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Define the following:
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i) Zortalab Zamindars................................................................................. Fiscal System
Emergence of New
................................................................................................................. Kingdoms in the 15th
Century
ii) Fotadar....................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
iii) Waqai Navis..............................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
13.2 TAXES OTHER THAN LAND REVENUE

It is very difficult to ascertain the exact share of taxes other than land revenue in
the total income of the Empire. Shireen Moosvi (1990) has calculated them to be
around 18% and 15% for the subas (provinces) of Gujarat and Agra, while in rest
of the subas it was less than 5%.
Here, we will not go into the details of various taxes. We will confine ourselves to
what these taxes were and what was the mechanism to collect them.
The main sources were tolls and levies on craft production, market levies, customs
and rahdari (road tax) both on inland and overseas trade, and also mint charges.
Apart from these, the state treasury received huge amounts by way of war booty,
tributes and gifts from various quarters.
Almost everything sold on the market was taxable. The main articles taxed were
clothes, leather, foodgrains, cattle, etc. Every time the merchandise was sold, a
certain tax was to be paid. We do not have enough data to calculate the exact rate
of taxation. The general accounts suggest that these taxes were quite harsh. Peter
Mundy (1632) complains that the governor at Patna was harsh in realizing taxes,
and even women bringing milk for sale were not exempted. Another contemporary
writer says that every trader-from the rose-vender down to clay-vender, from the
weaver of fine linen to that of coarse cloth had to pay tax.
Apart from marchants, all the artisans also paid taxes on their products. Katraparcha
was a tax levied on all sorts of cotton, silk and wool cloth. Indigo, saltpetre and
salt were other important commodities subjected to taxation. In some cases as in
Panjab, the tax on salt during Akbar’s time was more than double the prime cost.
Customs and Transit Dues
When the goods were taken from one place to another, a tax was levied. We have
some information on the rate of custom levies. All merchandise brought through
the ports was taxable. Abul Fazl says that during Akbar’s time the duties did not
exceed 2% per cent. One early seventeenth century account suggests that at Surat
the charges were 2% per cent on goods, 3 per cent on provisions and 2 per cent on
money (gold & silver). Towards the close of the 17th century, the customs ranged from
4 to 5 per cent. Aurangzeb levied separate transit taxes for separate groups. The rate
fixed was 2%% from Muslinis 5% from Hindus and 3%% from foreigners. These rates
were applicable throughout the Empire. The articles valued at less than 52 rupees were
exempted. For some time, Aurangzeb exempted the Muslims from all custom dues but
after a short period the levy of 2%% was reimposed. In spite of the Emperor’s
instructions, the merchants were often charged more than the prescribed customs. We
find the foreign merchants complaining about the custom dues. The English in 1615
complained that three separate duties were collected on goods brought from Ahmedabad
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Consolidation
Political of Mughal
Formations into Surat. Time and again the English and the Dutch obtained farmans for the exemption
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of customs, but they were made to pay duties at the custom-houses. Apart from the
Mughal territory, the autonomous chieftains also levied customs and duties on goods
passing through their territories. Moreland says that it is not possible to define the burden
on commerce in quantitative terms, since any one might claim a tax of any amount, even
if goods had paid taxes in an adjoining jurisdiction.
Apart from customs, another tax called rahdari or transit tax was collected. This was a
road-toll collected on goods passing through various territories. Though the amount at
each place was small, the cumulative charge became heavy. Even the zamindars used to
collect tools on goods passing through their territories.
According to one contemporary account of the 17th centui (Khafi Khan), rshdari was
considered illegal but large amounts were collected from merchants and traders. This
tax was collected on river routes also.
Income from Mints
The tax generated at mints was another source of income for the Empire. The state mint-
fee was called mahsul-i dar-u1 zarb. The charges were around 5% of the value of the
money minted. Besides, two other charges were also collected. These were rusum-i
ahlkaran (perquisites of officials) and ujrat-i karigaran (wages of artisans).
13.3 MECHANISM OF COLLECTION OF TAXES

OTHER THAN LAND REVENUE
Like land revenue there was a well organised machinery for collection of these
taxes. The effort of the state was to keep separate accounts for the income from
land revenue and other taxes. For this purpose, the taxes were classified into two
mal-o-jihat and sair jihat. The former related to land revenue and the latter to
taxes charged on merchandise and trading. For the convenience of assessment
and collection, separate fiscal divisions called mahalat-i sair or sair mahals were
created in big cities and towns. The mahal was a purely fiscal division and was
different from the pargana which was both a revenue and territorial division.
The Ain-i Akbari gives separate revenue figures for towns and sair mahals for
places like Ahmadabad, Lahore, Multan and Broach, etc. In case of Bengal, these
market dues are separately mentioned in the A’in. In most of the 17th century
revenue tables, the sair mahal figures for each town are given separately. (For
example: the list given for Surat contains revenue mahals such as mahal farza,
mahal khushki, mahal namakzar, mahal chabutra-i kotwali, mahal dallali, jauhari
wa manhari, mahal darul zarb, mahal ghalla mandi and mahal jahazat.
These revenue districts were either given in jagir or their collections were sent to
the state treasury. Except custom houses and mints, most of the officers responsible
for the collection of taxes carried the same designations as land revenue officials
(amin, karori, qanungo, chaudhari).
Ports had a separate set of officers, The mutasaddi was the chief official or
superintendent of port. He was directly appointed by the Emperor and was
responsible for the collection of taxes. The rates of commodities in the market
were fixed according to the prices settled by merchants at the custom-house.
224
The Mutasaddi had a number of officials working under him who assisted him in
valuation and realization of custom dues and maintaining accounts. Some of them were Fiscal System
Emergence of New
the mushrif, tahwildar, and darogha-i khazana. These were also directly appointed Kingdoms in the 15th
Century
by the court. A large number of peons and porters were also attached to custom-houses.
In the absence of relevant data it is difficult to calculate the net amount-collected. It has
been estimated by Shireen Moosvi that the share of these taxes was around 10% of the
total income of the state.
Check your Progress-4
1) List the main taxes other than land revenue.
...................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) How were the rahdari and custom tax collected?
...................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
13.7 SUMMARY
The land revenue was the main source of the state’s income. The British administrators
regarded it as rent of the soil, and thought that the owner of the land was the king,
but subsequent studies have shown that it was a tax on the crop rather than on land.
The salient features of the Mughal land revenue system may be summarised as follows:
a) The magnitute of land-revenue demand varied from region to region,
b) A number of methods were used to assess the land revenue demand. Though
zabti was the most important method of revenue assessment, other methods, like
ghalla bakhshi, and kankut were also prevalent,
c) The special feature was that in most cases (at least in the zabti provinces), revenue
was realized in cash, thereby giving impetus to monetization and market economy,
d) Relief was provided at the time of natural calamity. The state used to give
concessions in the form of nabud, and advanced loans called taqavi, and
e) A large number of officials were associated with the administration of land
revenue. Some of the important functionaries were karori, amin, qanungo, chaudhuri,
shiqqdar, fotadar, bitikchi, diwan, faujdar, waqai navis, etc.
In this Unit, we studied that, apart from land revenue, there were other sources for
state’s income. This income came from market taxes, customs, rahdari, mint
charges etc.
13.8 KEY WORDS

Bahi Record book, accounts book
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Formations Hasil Actual Collection
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Jama Estimated revenue
Maurusi Hereditary
Nabud Not-Existing (land on which cultivation was not
done in a particular year)
Patta A written document issued by the revenue
department to the peasants in which revenue
demand, etc. were entered
Qabuliat Acceptance
Raiyat Peasants
Taqavi Agricultural loan
Ummal Plural of amil (revenue collector)
Zortalab Refractory

EXERCISES
1) See Sub-Section 13.2.1
2) At first-define zabti system. Trace its origin and then discuss its merits and
demerits. See Sub-Section 13.2.1
3) Analyse that in Mughal India revenue demand was not uniformly imposed.
Discuss how it varies from region to region. See Sub-Section 13.2.2
2) Write the nature of the relief measures. What types of loans were given? What
was taqavi loan; why it was given and on what condition? Who were the officials
involved in the distribution of these loans, etc. See Section 13.3
1) Analyse why Akbar created the office of karori? What powers were entrusted
upon him at that time. What changes we’re made during the succeeding reigns
in his powers and functions. See Section 13.4
2) See Section 13.4
1) You can write taxes collected from tolls, mints, and the sale of merchandise, etc.
See Section 13.5
2) See Section 13.6

226
Fukazawa, H., (1991) The Medieval Deccan: Peasants, Social Systems and States, 16 Fiscal System
Emergence of New
to 18 Century (Delhi: Oxford University Press). Kingdoms in the 15th
Century
Habib, Irfan, (1990; Revised) Agrarian System of Mughal India 1556-1707 (Delhi:
Moosvi, Shireen, (1990) The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1600 (New Delhi:
Raychaudhuri, Tapan and Irfan Habib, (1982) The Cambridge Economic History of
India, Vol. I (Delhi: Cambridge University Press).

RECCOMENDATIONS
Discourse on Mughal Economy
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FOZaH2L6b0I
Economic History of Mughal India
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XM3Afvx-nag
227
Theme IV
Economic Processes
Time Line
Agricultural Production
Extent of Cultivation
Means of Cultivation
Irrigation
Food and Cash Crops
Productivity and Yields
Agrarian Relations
Mughal India
Deccan
South India
Exchange Economy
Mughal Coinage
Mughal Mints
Prices and Wages
Urban Landscape
Urban Demography
Urban Life
Akbar Inspecting the Construction of Fathpur Sikri, Akbarnama, 1603-1605
Painter: Balchand
Photograph Source: Chester Beatty Library
Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File: Balchand._ Akbar_ inspecting_ construction_ for_his _new
_capital_Fatehpur_Sikri,_Akbarnama,_1603-5,_Chester_Beatty_Library.jpg
UNIT 14 AGRARIAN ECONOMY AND
AGRARIAN RELATIONS *
Structure
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Extent of Cultivation
14.3 Means of Cultivation and Irrigation
14.3.1 Means and Methods of Cultivation
14.3.2 Means of Irrigation
14.4 Agricultural Produce
14.4.1 Food Crops
14.4.2 Cash Crops
14.4.3 Fruits, Vegetables and Spices
14.4.4 Productivity and Yields
14.5 Cattle and Livestock
14.6 Agrarian Relations: Mughal India
14.6.1 Revenue Assignees and Revenue Grantees
14.6.2 The Zamindars
14.6.3 Other Intermediaries
14.6.4 Peasantry
14.6.5 Village Community
14.6.6 Relations Between Agrarian Classes
14.7 Agrarian Relations: Deccan
14.7.1 Medieval Deccan Village Structure
14.7.2 Land Ownership
14.7.3 Categories of Land Rights
14.7.5 Watan System
14.8 Agrarian Structure: South India
14.8.1 Village Structure and Agrarian Relations
14.8.2 Nature of Land Rights
14.9 Summary
14.10 Keywords
14.11 Answers to Cheek Your Progress Exercises
* Prof. Sunita Zaidi, Department of History and Culture, Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi;
Prof. A.R. Khan and Dr. Sangeeta Pandey School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National
Open University, New Delhi. This Unit is taken from our Course EHI-04, India from 16th to
mid-18th Century, Block 5, Units 17 and 19 and Block 6, Unit 21._
Economic Processes
14.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, we will discuss the agrarian economy under the Mughals. After going
through this Unit, you should be able to learn about:
 the extent of cultivation during the under the Mughals,
 the means and methods of cultivation and irrigation under the Mughals,
 the main crops grown under the Mughals,
 the status of livestock and cattle breeding under the Mughals,
 various agrarian classes who appropriated a share in the produce of the land,
 the zamindars and their rights,
 various categories of peasants and the village community,
 other intermediaries who enjoyed a share in the surplus produce,
 the relations between various agrarian classes,
 the characteristic features of the medieval Deccan village,
 the debate regarding ownership of land in the Deccan,
 the categories of land rights which existed there,
 the nature of village community,
 the relationship between the different sections constituting agrarian society
 the agrarian structure of South India, and
 the nature of land rights in South India.
14.1 INTRODUCTION
India has a very large land area with diverse climatic zones. Throughout its history,
agriculture has been its predominant productive activity. During the Mughal period,
large tracts of land were under the plough. Contemporary Indian and foreign writers
praise the fertility of Indian soil.
In this Unit, we will discuss many aspects including the extent of cultivation, that is
the land under plough. A wide range of food crops, fruits, vegetables and cash crops
were grown in India. However, we would take a stock only of the main crops grown
during this period. We will also discuss the methods of cultivation as also the implements
used for cultivation and irrigation technology. While focusing on the area under Mughal
control, we will also include the areas lying outside it.
A large part of the agricultural surplus was alienated in the form of land revenue.
Theoretically, the Emperor was the sole claimant as discussed in Unit 16. However, in
actual practice, apart from the state and its agents, a number of intermediaries also
took away huge amounts through various channels. In this Unit we will also discuss
the rights of various classes to land and its produce. We will also discuss the
interrelationship between these classes.
In this Unit, we will discuss the nature of agrarian structure in medieval Deccan
and South India and the various Land rights which existed there. First, we will
discuss the features of the agrarian structure in medieval Deccan.
232
A study of the agrarian structure and land rights means an examination of the right Emergence
Agrarian of New
Economy and
to use and dispose of one’s landed property which bestowed on the landholder Kingdoms
AgrarianinRelations
the 15th
Century
economic benefits and administrative and judicial powers. Land rights controlled
the life of the small agricultural societies or the village communities. They regulated
the relations of landholders with other members of the village community, persons
claiming superior rights over land, the king and his tax collecting officials, etc.
The various categories of land rights, whether transferable or hereditary, arose
due to economic benefits from land which was the prime source of income for the
majority of the people in those days.
14.2 EXTENT OF CULTIVATION

In the absence of relevant data, it is difficult to find out the exact area under the plough.
Nevertheless, the available data helps us to have an idea about the cultivable land
during Mughal period.
Abul Fazl in his Ain-i Akbari provides area figures for all the Mughal provinces in
North India except Bengal, Thatta and Kashmir. In the case of most of the provinces,
like Delhi, Agra, Awadh, Lahore, Multan, Allahabad and Ajmer, separate figures are
provided for each pargana (with a few exceptions).
The figures of the Ain-i Akbari belong to the year c. 1595. The area figures for the 17th
century for various regions are available in an accountancy manual of CE 1686. The
same figures have been reproduced in a historical work Chahar Gulshan (1739-40).
This manual provides measured area figures for each province; total number of villages
in each province and a break-up of measured and unmeasured villages.
As stated earlier, the Ain provides area figures in most cases for each pargana but it is
difficult to say to what extent the pargana was actually measured. The set of figures
available from Aurangzeb’s reign provide a better picture. These show that almost
fifty per cent of the villages were not measured till CE 1686.
The figures for Aurangzeb’s reign show that the measured area increased compared
to the Ain (1595). But it is difficult to say that the total increase in the measured area
was due to extension of cultivation. This may as well have been due to the inclusion of
some of the earlier unmeasured area under measurement.
There is a debate among historians as to what these measurement figures actually
represent. The questions raised are: whether these figures are for the area actually
under crop, or cultivable land or the total measured area? W.H. Moreland was of
the view that these figures represent the total cropped area.
Irfan Habib holds that it would have included cultivable area which was not sown
and also area under habitation, lakes, tanks, parts of forests, etc. Shireen Moosvi
agrees with Irfan Habib and has calculated this cultivable waste as ten per cent of the
measured area. But she feels that even after deducting this ten per cent, the remaining
area cannot be taken as net cropped area because large tracts of cultivated areas were
not measured. She also thinks that many a times the land under kharif and rabi
crops was measured separately and, after adding the two, it was recorded as
measured area. In such a situation, measurement figures of Mughal period alone
are not of much help to ascertain the extent of cultivation. Irfan Habib and Shireen
Moosvi have taken the help of other available data such as detailed figures of
some areas available in some revenue papers, jama figures and dastur rates. These
233
Economic Processes
Political Formations have been compared with the figures of actually cultivated area in the beginning
of 20th century.
According to their estimates the cultivated area between the end of the 16th century
and the beginning of the 20th century almost doubled. The increase in Bihar, Awadh,
and parts of Bengal is ascribed to the clearance of forest. In Punjab and Sind the
spread of canal network also contributed to the extension in cultivation.
14.3 MEANS OF CULTIVATION AND IRRIGATION

The Indian peasant used a variety of implements and techniques for cultivation,
depending on the nature of soil and need of the crops. Similarly, irrigation was done
through various means in different regions.
14.3.1 Means and Methods of Cultivation

Tillage was performed by harnessing a pair of oxen to the plough. The latter was
made of wood with an iron ploughshare. Unlike in Europe neither horse nor bullock-
drawn wheeled plough nor mould board were ever used in India. Regional variations,
in a sprawling country like India, in the size and weight of ploughs must be expected
6 from a light plough that could be carried by the tiller upon his shoulders, to the
heavy one meant for harder soil. Again, for soft soil, the iron ploughshare or
coulter could have been dispensed with, more so as the price of iron was high. Many
contemporary European travellers noted with surprise that Indian plough just turned
the soil and that deep digging was not done, it seems that this suited to Indian
conditions because deep digging would result in the loss of moisture in the soil.
Moreover, it was only the upper layer which was more fertile.
A separate devise was used for breaking the clods or lumps of earth. This was done
with the help of wooden boards called patella in parts of north India. Like plough this
flat board was also harnessed to a pair of oxen. Generally a man would stand on the
board to provide weight. The patella was dragged on the field by oxen.
The sowing of seeds was generally done through scattering by hand. In 16th century
Barbosa also refers to the use of a sort of seed drill in the coastal region for sowing
rice.
Efforts were made to increase the fertility of the soil through artificial means. In South
India flocks of goat and sheep were widely used. Generally flocks of these cattle
were made to spend a few nights in the agricultural field for their droppings were
considered good manure. It was assumed that if a flock of 1000 spend five or six
nights in one kani of land (1.32 acres) it was enough to keep land fertile for 6 to 7 years
(Raychaudhuri and Habib 1982, I: 231). The same practice was commonly used in
Northern India also. Fish manure also seems to have been used in coastal areas.
Rotation of crops was used for the optimum utilisation of land throughout the year. It
was also considered good to maintain the productivity of the soil. Peasants through the
experience of generations had acquired some knowledge of using rotation of crops for
the good of the soil. They would decide which crop to be replaced by another in a
particular field for a better yield.
A semi-circular sickle was used for cutting the crop.
The harvested crop was spread on the ground for threshing. Our sources refer to two
234 methods: in the first method the crop was beaten with sticks; in the second method
animals were made to move on the spread out crop. The weight and movement of Emergence
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the animals treaded the grain. Kingdoms
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the 15th
Century
The threshed out matter was put in open baskets and the contents were thrown
outside the basket at a controlled speed. The chaff got scattered by the wind and the
grain fell on the ground.
14.3.2 Means of Irrigation

Indian agriculture was heavily dependent on rains for irrigation needs. The major
criterion for selecting the crops for sowing was availability of rain water in a particular
region. Apart from rain water, a number of devices were used for artificial irrigation.
Well-irrigation was the most common method employed throughout the length and
breadth of the country. A number of methods were used to lift water from wells
depending on the water table and technology available.
Various methods used for lifting water have been discussed in BHIC-107, Unit 11.
Here we will give only a brief description of water lifting devices.
In the Northern plains both masonry and non-masonry wells were dug. The non-
masonry wells were not durable and some digging was required every year.
The masonry wells were durable and were suitable for fixing better water lifting
devices. The masonry wells had raised walls and enclosures or platforms. Both bricks
and stones were used to construct wells. These wells were usually set inside with
terracotta rings. These are also known as ring wells.
A number of devices were used for lifting water from the wells.
i) The most simple method was to draw water with rope and bucket by hand
without any mechanical aid. Due to its limited capacity this device could not
have been used for irrigating large fields.
ii) The second method was the employment of pulleys over the wells. The same
rope and bucket was used over the pulley to lift the water. With the help of
pulley larger amounts of water could be drawn with less effort than our first
method. Both the above devices were used for the supply of water in domestic
use or for irrigating small plots.
iii) In the third method the rope-pulley was used with the addition of the
employment of a pair of oxen. The use of animal power in this method helped
in irrigating larger areas.
iv) The fourth device worked on a lever principle. In this method a long rope is
lashed to the fork of an upright beam or trunk of a tree to put it in a swinging
position. The bucket was fastened to rope tied on one end of the pole. The pole’s
other end carried a weight heavier than the filled bucket. One person is required
to operate it.
v) The fifth method required the use of a wheel. In its earlier form the pots were
attached to the rims of the wheels which were to rotate with the help of animal
power. It was used to lift water from shallow surface and was of no use for wells.
The use of wheel for lifting water from well was also done. In this form a garland
of pots was used with 3 wheels, a gear mechanism and animal power. (For details see
Block 6 of EHI-03.) With the help of this device regular supply of large amounts 235
Economic Processes
Political Formations of water could be ensured for irrigating large fields. This was also helpful for
lifting water from deep wells. The complex machine and animal power would have
made the device expensive. It therefore would have been accessible only to the
peasants with substantial means.
Lakes, tanks and reservoirs of water were also used uniformly in all parts of the
country. In South India, this was the most prevalent method used for irrigation. Here
the dams were made over the rivers. Construction of such reservoirs was beyond
individual means. It was therefore the responsibility of the state, local chiefs and
temple management to create such facilities. The massive Madag Lake built by
Vijaynagar rulers is a marvel of civil engineering of the time. It was built on the
Tungabhadra with three earth embankments to bridge the gaps in the hills. When
full, this lake was 10-15 miles long. Each of the three embankments had sluices
built of huge slabs of hewn stones.
Rajasthan is another region where large reservoirs for storing water abound. The
Dhebar Lake in Mewar, according to the Ain-i Akbari, had a circumference of 36
miles. The Udaisagar is said to have a circumference of 12 miles; Rajsamand and
Jaisamand were other important lakes built in Mewar in the 17th century. Similar
reservoirs created with the help of dams in Marwar and Amber regions were Balsan
and Mansagar respectively.
Almost every cluster of villages had smaller reservoirs and lakes where rain water
was stored. Our sources inform us that in the 1650s, Mughal administration proposed
to advance Rs. 40,000 to 50,000 to the cultivators in Khandesh and Berar for
erecting dams for irrigation. It is interesting to note that a wide network of such
small dams in Khandesh is still in use, and they cover the basins of the five major
rivers in this region, viz., Mosam, Girna, Ken, Panjbra, and Shivan.
In Northern plains, canals figure prominently as a means of irrigation. We have
read about canals constructed by Sultan Feroz Tughlaq during the 14th century in
the Sub-Section 11.2.2. The trend seems to have continued under the Mughals.
The Nahr-i Faiz built during Shah Jahan’s reign was around 150 miles in length. It
carried the water from the Yamuna to a large area. Another canal, around 100
miles long, was cut from the river Ravi near Lahore. Remains of a number of
canals are available in the whole Indus delta. Irfan Habib is of the opinion that the
main deficiency of Mughal canals was that they did not often run above the
surrounding plain, and so the water that could be obtained from them for irrigation
was limited to what could be lifted from them. The network of canals in the region
kept on increasing. Canals are not reported from South India.
1) What was the extent of cultivation during Mughal India?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) List three methods used for increasing fertility of soil.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
236
........................................................................................................................ Emergence
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3) List three methods used for lifting water from the wells for irrigating fields. Century
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
4) Name four major lakes or dams used for irrigation.
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........................................................................................................................
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14.4 AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE

India with extensive land area, different types of soils and varying climatic conditions,
could boast of a large variety of agricultural products. For the convenience of study,
we will discuss agricultural produce under three heads 6 food crops, cash crops and
fruits, vegetables and spices.
14.4.1 Food Crops

The majority of seasonal crops in North India were grown in two major crop seasons
kharif (autumn) and rabi (spring). In some areas the peasants tended to grow even
three crops by producing some short-term crops in between. Rice was the main kharif
crop and wheat was rabi. In South India, these distinct crop-seasons with different
crops were absent. Here, on wet lands one paddy (rice) crop was in the fields from
June/July to December/January and another from January/February to April/May. In
North Arcot, dry crops (kumbu, red gram, horse gram, castor) were sown from May to
September/October and harvested from August to December/January on the wet
lands, in August/September the ragi and cholam and in February/March the paddy
crop, were harvested (Raychaudhuri and Habib 1982, I: 229).
Rice and wheat were the two major food crops throughout the country. The regions
with high rainfall (40” to 50”) accounted for the bulk of rice production. The whole of
Northeast, Eastern India (Bihar, Bengal, Orissa with parts of Eastern U.P.), southern
coast of Gujarat and South India, were rice producing areas. As indicated above,
in South India there were two main seasons of rice cultivation kuddapah-kar and
samba-peshanam. They were named after the variety of rice cultivated during the
summer and winter seasons.
Rice cultivation is also reported from irrigated areas of Punjab and Deccan. Every
region had its own variety of coarse to ordinary to fine quality of rice. Regions of
Bengal and Bihar produced the finest quality of rice.
Like rice, wheat also had specific regions. Punjab, Sind, Western Uttar Pradesh and
other regions with little rainfall produced wheat. References to its production in
Bihar, Gujarat, Deccan and even some parts of Bengal are also available.
Apart from these two major crops, barley was grown extensively in the Central plains.
The Ain-i Akbari refers to barley production in Allahabad, Awadh, Agra, Ajmer,
Delhi, Lahore and Multan, etc.
237
Economic Processes
Society and Economy Millet is reported with some exceptions mainly from wheat producing zones. Jowar
and bajra were the two main millets.
Pulses are reported from different regions. Important ones are gram, arhar, moong,
moth, urd and khisari (the latter was grown extensively in Bihar and the regions of
present Madhya Pradesh). However, Abul Fazl says that its consumption was-
injurious to health. The same is confirmed by modern researches.
It was believed for long that maize (makai or makka) was not known in India during
THE 17th century. Some recent works establish beyond doubt that it was grown
definitely in Rajasthan and Maharashtra and possibly other regions also during the
second half of the 17th century.
14.4.2 Cash Crops

Crops grown mainly for the market are commonly termed as cash crops. These
are referred to in Persian records as jins-i kamil or jins-i ala (superior grade crops).
Unlike seasonal food crops, these occupied the fields almost the whole year. The
major cash crops in the 16th-17th centuries were sugarcane, cotton, indigo and opium.
All these crops were known in India from historical times. However, in the 17th
century their demand increased due to enhanced manufacturing and commercial
activities. During this period, a large foreign market also opened for these
commodities. The Indian peasant, quick to follow the market demand, increased the
cultivation of these crops.
Sugarcane was the most widely grown cash crop of the period. The Ain-i Akbari records
it in most of the dastur circles of Agra, Awadh, Lahore, Multan and Allahabad.
Sugar from Bengal was considered to be the best in quality. Multan, Malwa, Sind,
Khandesh, Berar and regions of South India all testify to the presence of sugarcane in
the 17th century.
Another cash crop grown throughout the country was cotton. The region with
large scale cultivation were parts of the present day Maharashtra, Gujarat and
Bengal. Contemporary sources refer to its cultivation in Ajmer, Allahabad, Awadh,
Bihar, Multan, Thatta (Sind), Lahore and Delhi.
Indigo was another cash crop widely cultivated under the Mughals. The plant yielded
a blue dye (neel) which was much in demand in India and European markets. Its
presence is recorded in the dastur circles of Awadh, Allahabad, Ajmer, Delhi, Agra,
Lahore, Multan and Sind. Its cultivation is referred in Gujarat, Bihar, Bengal, Malwa
and Coromandal in South India and Deccan.
The varieties high in demand were those of Bayana and Sarkhej. Bayana, a place
near Agra, was considered as producing the best quality of indigo and fetched
high price. Sarkhej, near Ahmedabad, was considered second in quality and also
fetched a high price. Other notable places for quality indigo were regions around
Khurja and Aligarh (in U.P.), Sehwan (in Sind) and Telingana (in Deccan).
Cultivation of opium is reported from a number of places in India. The Mughal
provinces of Bihar and Malwa seem to have produced good opium. It was also
cultivated in Awadh, Bihar, Delhi, Agra, Multan, Lahore, Bengal, Gujarat, Marwar,
and Mewar in Rajasthan.
Cultivation of tobacco seems to have spread in India in a short time. The Ain-i Akbari
238
does not mention it as a crop in any of the dastur circles or other regions. It seems Land Administration
Agrarian Economy and
to have been introduced in India during the 16th century by the Portuguese. Its Agrarian Relations
cultivation was noticed in almost all parts of the country (specially in Surat and Bihar).
Cultivation of coffee seems to have started during the second half of the 17th century
while tea does not figure during the period of our study as a common beverage.
San or sunn-hemp, a fibre yielding plant, was cultivated in all the core provinces of the
Mughal empire (Awadh, Allahabad, Agra, Lahore, Ajmer, etc.).
Sericulture (rearing of silkworms on a mulberry plant) was carried on in Bengal,
Assam, Kashmir and western coast. However, Bengal was the main region of
production.
The plants whose seeds were used for extracting oil come under the category of food
as well as cash crops. The main oil yielding crops listed are rapeseed, castor, linseed.
Rapeseed is reported in all provinces from Allahabad to Multan as also in Bengal.
Cultivation of other oilseed plants was relatively less widespread.
14.4.3 Fruits, Vegetables and Spices

Horticulture seems to have reached new heights during the Mughal period. The
Mughal Emperors and the nobles planted lavish orchards. Almost every noble of
consequence had his gardens on the outskirts of the towns where they resided.
Orchards and groves were laid down with careful planning. A number of fruits
available today were introduced in India during 16th and 17th centuries. Pineapple
(anannas) is one such fruit which was brought from Latin America and introduced in
India by the Portuguese. In a short period of time it became popular and was
extensively cultivated all over the country.
Papaya and cashew-nuts were also introduced through the same agency, but their
spread was a bit slow. Leechi and guava seem to have been introduced later. Cherries
were brought from Kabul and grown in Kashmir through grafting. The practice of
grafting was in order to improve the quality of a number of fruits. Quality of oranges
and other types of citrus fruits, apricots, mangoes and a host of other fruits was
greatly improved through grafting. Coconut was grown not only along the coastal
region but also inland.
Seeds of different variety of melons and grapes were brought from Kabul and
successfully grown in the gardens of Emperors and nobles. Ordinary melons were
grown everywhere on riverbeds by the peasants.
A large variety of vegetables were grown all over the country. The Ain-i Akbari provides
a long list of vegetables in use at that time. Potato and Tomato seem to have been
introduced in the 17th century and after.
For centuries India was known for its spices. The Southern coast of India witnessed
large scale spice export to various regions in Asia and Europe. Pepper, clove,
cardamom were plentiful. Ginger and Turmeric were grown extensively. The Dutch
and English purchased large quantities for export. Saffron grown in Kashmir was
celebrated for its colour and flavour. Pan (betel leaf) was produced in many areas.
The Maghi Pan of Bihar and various other varieties from Bengal were famous.
Betel-nut was also produced in coastal regions.
Large forest tracts supplied a number of commercially important products. Lignum
239
Economic Processes
Society and Economy used for medicinal purpose and lakh were exported in large quantities.
14.4.4 Productivity and Yields

Shireen Moosvi (1990, Chapter 3) has worked out the productivity of crops and
per bigha yields for Mughal India. In this Section, we will be providing information
based mainly on her researches. The Ain-i Akbari provides schedules of crop yield
and revenue rates for zabti provinces (Lahore, Multan, Agra, Allahabad, Awadh
and Delhi). For each crop yields are provided separately for high, middling and low
categories. An average yield can be worked out on the basis of these. However, Abul
Fazl does not inform us what was the basis of the three categories? It seems that the
low yields are those of non-irrigated land while the rest two are for irrigated fields.
Shireen Moosvi has worked out the agricultural productivity on the basis of various
data available from the 16th century records. According to her estimates the yields
(average of high, middling and low yields) for some major crops were as follows:
Average Crop Yields 66 1595-96

(man-i Akbari per bigha-i Ilahi)
Crops Yields Crops Yields Crops Yields
Wheat 13.49 Barley 12.93 Gram 9.71
Bajra 5.02 Jowar 7.57 Cotton 5.75
Sugarcanee 11.75 Mustard 5.13 Sesame 4.00
Source: Moosvi, Shireen, (1990) Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595. A statistical study
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press), p. 82
Shireen Moosvi has also compared the yields of the Ain-i Akbari with yields around
the close of the 19th century. She finds that on the whole there is no major change
in the productivity of food crops between the two periods. However, in case of cash
crops a definite increase in the productivity in the 19th century can be noticed.
14.5 CATTLE AND LIVESTOCK

The cattle played a very important role in agricultural production of our period. They
were employed in important agricultural activities like ploughing and irrigation, and
their dung was used for manuring. Besides, dairy products contributed substantially to
the agriculture-related production. The peasants in general along with some
specialised castes were involved in the rearing of cattle.
Large scale involvement of cattle in agricultural operations suggests the presence
of large cattle population. With high land-man ratio, grazing fields would have
been available in abundance. Contemporary European travellers refer to large numbers
of cattle in Indian fields. Irfan Habib suggests that the per capita cattle population
in Mughal India compares favourably with modern statistics. Abundance of butter
or ghee is said to be the diet of the common people; this also suggests a large
cattle population. Oxen were used for transporting goods as pack-animals or for
bullock carts. The banjaras (migrant trading community) are said to have
maintained flocks of a few hundred to thousand animals. Flocks of thousands of
sheep and goats were also reared.
240
Check Your Progress-2 Land Administration
Agrarian Relations
1) List six main food crops.
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2) What are food crops, cash crops and oil yielding crops?
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3) List four major cash crops.
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4) List four fruits brought to India from outside
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14.6 AGRARIAN RELATIONS: MUGHAL INDIA

In this Section we will focus our attention on agrarian relations of Mughal India.
14.6.1 Revenue Assignees and Grantees

The state adopted two ways to realise the land revenue from the peasants. First, the
Jagirdars were assigned certain areas with rights to collect revenue and utilise the
same for their salary and to meet their military obligations. Secondly, it collected
revenue through imperial revenue officers from the khalisa. The jagirdar had no
permanent rights over the areas so assigned due to frequent transfers. His claims were
confined to the authorised land revenue and other taxes.
Grantees
While the jagirdars were given revenue assignments in lieu of cash salary (for details
see Unit 11), there was another category of people which was given revenue grants for
their subsistence. This was the class of religious men who were patronised by the
state.
These grants were known as suyurghal or madad-i maash (aid for subsistence). A
separate department under the charge of the sadr-us sudur looked after these grants. If
the aid was given in cash, it was known as wazifa. There were certain categories of
people who were qualified to receive madad-i maash. These grants did not invest the
grantee with any right over land but were entitled to the prescribed revenue from its
produce. Akbar put the ceiling of such grants of land to 100 bighas per person. The
policy of Akbar was to grant half cultivable and half waste land to improve agriculture. 241
Economic Processes
Society and Economy The grant was for the lifetime of the grantee and the heirs could apply for a renewal.
Generally only a part of the grant was allowed to heirs. Jahangir confirmed all the
grants made by Akbar while Shah Jahan began to examine all grants given during the
previous reigns. He allowed 30 bighas to be inherited, Aurangzeb reduced it to 20
bighas. In the 30th year of his reign, he allowed the grant to be entirely hereditary, by
calling such grants as loan (‘ariyat’) and not property. In the latter part of his reign
as well as after his death, the grantees started enjoying the right to sell or transfer the
land, which, then, acquired the characteristics of a zamindari.
In Akbar’s period, it was found that the revenue of such grants would not be over
5.84% of the total jama. The mapping of these grants shows that most of these were
concentrated in the upper Gangetic provinces (highest in Delhi and Allahabad). It
appears that no change had taken place in the proportion of the revenue alienated
through the grants till the early years of Muhammad Shah. The mapping also show
that these grants were mainly in the urban areas. We find that over 70% of the
suyurghal lay in the parganas which were under the control of the non-Muslim
zamindars.
Another type of grant (waqf) was given to institutions, etc. Revenues of certain lands
were permanently assigned for the maintenance of religious tombs, shrines, madrasas,
etc. Such grants could be given by the jagirdars also, and lasted till the term of the
jagirdar in that area.
The madad-i maash grants were intended to create pockets of influence and to develop
waste lands. Generally, these were given to Shaikhs and Sayyids and other men of
learning. In emergency they joined the government forces to curb local disturbances.
The total revenue alienated in such grants was not large. There was a tendency on the
part of the grantees to acquire zamindari rights in their area and elsewhere. Thus,
some of them transformed themselves into small zamindars. By the first half of the
18th century, these grants were treated as zamindari land in all transactions.
1) What do you understand by revenue free assignments?
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2) What were land grants? Who received these grants?
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14.6.2 The Zamindars

The zamindars were present in practically every part of the Mughal Empire and held
the most significant position in the agrarian structure of Mughal India. The word
zamindar is derived from two Persian words 6 zamin (land) and dar (holder). During
the pre-Mughal period, the word zamindar has been used in the sense of the chief of a
territory. The fact that a chief had acknowledged the supremacy of a superior sovereign
242 power made no difference to his position within his own domain, so long as he was
allowed to retain it. From Akbar’s time onwards, this term was officially used for any Land Administration
person with any hereditary claim to a direct share in the peasant’s produce. The early Agrarian Relations
local terms such as khot and muqaddam in the Doab, satarahi and biswi in Awadh,
bhomi in Rajasthan and banth or vanth in Gujarat were replaced by the term zamindar.
However, many of these terms continued to be used interchangeably with zamindars
in contemporary accounts. The areas without zamindars were termed raiyati (peasant
held).
Nurul Haran divides the zamindars into three categories.
a) Primary zamindars who had some proprietary rights over the land;
b) Secondary zamindars who held the intermediary rights and helped the state in
collecting land revenue; and
c) Autonomous chiefs 6 had autonomous rights in their territories and paid a fixed
amount to the Mughal State.
Zamindari Rights
Zamindars did not signify a proprietary right in land. It was a claim on the produce of
the soil, co-existing in a subordinate capacity, with the land revenue demand of the
state. Yet, like any article of private property, it could, and was, freely bought and sold.
It was also inheritable and divisible, that is, the heirs of a zamindar could divide the
fiscal claims and perquisites of their inherited zamindari, in accordance with the law
of the land.
The zamindar acquired his rights by virtue of the historical tradition of control he and
his kinsmen exercised over the inhabitants of particular villages. At times, the zamindars
had settled villages and distributed its land among the peasantry. In eastern Rajasthan,
wasidar (a category of peasants) were settled by the bhomia (zamindar as known
there) in the village to undertake sometimes the cultivation of his personal lands. The
zamindari rights, therefore, were not created by the ruling classes, but preceded them.
The king, however, could create zamindari in villages where none existed. He could
also dislodge a zamindar, but this was a right he exercised only in case of sedition or
non-payment of revenue.
The medieval rulers recognised the rights of the zamindars, but were equally insistent
on treating them as agents of the government for revenue collection. When the zamindari
took this form, that is, it came to assist the government in the collection of revenue, for
the service (khidmat) so rendered, the zamindar was entitled to a percentage of the
total revenue collected. This percentage in official documents is stated to be 10% and
is described as nankar (“allowance”). When the administration decided to collect the
revenue through its own agents, by-passing the zamindar, the latter was entitled to a
share in the collection of revenues called malikana (proprietary right), and like nankar,
was fixed at 10% of the total revenue collected.
In Gujarat, this claim of the zamindar was described as banth or vanth, but unlike
malikana in Northern India, it was considerably higher. Like malikana, it was paid in
the form of cash. In the Deccan, it was called chauth (lit. “one fourth”), and as the
name suggests, stood at one-fourth of the revenues collected. Sardeshmukhi, another
fiscal claim of the zamindar in the Deccan, was equivalent to 10% of the revenues.
Under the Marathas, the cesses of chauth and sardeshmukhi came to be realised not
through a legal claim based on actual zamindari right, but by the sheer use of force.
Under Shivaji, while the claim of the king comprised one-fourth of the chauth and the 243
Economic Processes
Society and Economy whole of surdeshmukhi, the other three-fourths of the chauth was to be retained by the
Maratha feudatory barons.
Besides their principal fiscal claim, the zamindars also exacted a number of petty
perquisites from the peasantry. Some of the well-known cesses so realised were
dastar shumari (turban tax), house tax (khana shumari), cesses on marriage and
birth, etc. The zamindars used to collect taxes from weekly markets also in their
areas. At times, they are found collecting toll tax on merchandise passing through
their territories. The amount that the zamindars realised through these petty
perquisites is quite difficult to estimate; in all probability, in relation to their
principal fiscal claim, it was not quite considerable.
We have so far been discussing about the primary and intermediary zamindars,
that is, those who resided in the directly administered territories, and of whom the
administration was anxious that they be reduced to the status of mere ‘rent-
gatherers’. Apart from them, there were chiefs or chieftains 6 the rajas, raos,
ranas and rawatas 6 who were more or less autonomous in their estates, governning
them without any interference from the imperial administration (see Sub-section
11.3.2). Their obligation to the king did not go beyond paying him a fixed amount
as tribute (peshkash). Their share in the surplus produce of the peasant, therefore,
amounted to the difference between what they collected from the peasants and
what they paid to the king as peshkash. The Imperial administration recognised
their semi-autonomous status, and exercised no control over their internal
administration once they had paid the usual peshkash. According to Irfan Habib,
the difference between the zamindars and autonomous chiefs “lay most clearly in
the relationship with the imperial power which allowed autonomy to the chiefs,
but made ordinary zamindar mere propertied subjects of the Emperor”.
Military Strength of Zamindars
The zamindars employed their footmen and cavalry. These troops helped them in
the realisation of land revenue and subjugation of peasantry. Almost all zamindars
had their own small or big qilachas/garhi or forts. According to the Ain-i Akbari,
the troops of the zamindars in the whole Mughal Empire exceeded forty four
lakhs. In Bengal they possessed thousands of boats.
Chaudhuris
As mentioned earlier, the zamindar played a prominent role in the collection of
land revenue. Some of these zamindars were designated as chaudhuri for the
purpose of collection of revenue. One of the prominent zamindars of a pargana
was appointed chaudhuri, generally one in each pargana.
The chaudhuri was supposed to collect the revenue from other zamindars of the
pargana. Apart from their customary nankar, these chaudhuris were entitled to
another share in the land revenue collected by them. This was termed chaudhurai
which amounted to two and a half per cent of the revenue collected. Unlike the
zamindar, the chaudhuri was appointed by the state and could be removed for
improper functioning.
14.6.3 Other Intermediaries

Each village had a number of hereditary officials. The most important of them
was the village headman (muqaddam in Northern India and patel in the Deccan).
244
He was the person responsible for the collection of land revenue and maintenance Land Administration
of law and order in the villages. For the services so rendered, he was granted a part Agrarian Relations
of the village land revenue-free, though, in some cases, he was also remunerated
in cash at a percentage of total land revenue realised. In addition, he was also
entitled to receive some amount of produce from peasants. In the task of the
collection of land revenue the muqaddam was assisted by the village accountant
(patwari in Northern India and kulkarni in the Deccan). The patwari’s task was to
maintain a record (bahi) of the revenue collected from the individual peasants and
its payment to the state authorities. His records, therefore, were of immense help
to the administration in assessing the revenue-paying capacity of the peasants and
in fixing the total land revenue claim on the village. Like the muqaddam he was
also remunerated by the grant of revenue-free land or by a fixed commission in
the total revenue collected. However, being an employee of the village organisation,
his allowance was much smaller than that of the village headman. The office and
the accompanying privileges of both the muqaddam and patwari were hereditary.
1) Describe briefly the nature of zamindari rights?
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2) Write two lines on each of the following:
i) Chaudhuris
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ii) Muqaddams
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14.6.4 Peasantry
In the earlier Sections, we studied about the classes who enjoyed superior rights over
the produce of the land. In this Section we will discuss the main producing classes.
The main agrarian class, directly involved with the agricultural production, was the
peasantry. Though the class had a number of strata within it, for the convenience of
study we are including all of them under one nomenclature.
The peasants constituted the primary class in rural society and the revenue collected
from them sustained the whole state apparatus. We have noticed in Unit 10 that the
peasant had to pay a large part of their produce as land revenue. It appears that the bulk
of the peasantry lived on the subsistence level of existence.
Land Rights of Peasantry
There has been a long debate among historians regarding the rights of the peasantry
over land. Peasant’s claim to land was not disregarded by the state, yet he was never
allowed the right to free alienation. It appears that peasants had all the rights over 245
Economic Processes
Society and Economy land as long as he cultivated it. The zamindars or state had no right to evict the peasant
as long as he cultivated the land and paid the revenue. It seems that proprietary
rights in land were not quite developed during the Mughal period. However, the most
important aspect of the period is the varying claims over the produce of the land.
In contemporary accounts we come across a number of references to the flight of the
peasantry from villages because of oppression or other problems. A number of instances
are available about peasants settling individually or in groups in various regions. The
mobility of the peasant was an established practice in Mughal India. This mobility
was more pronounced in cases of their oppression in one region or natural calamities
like floods and famines.
Stratification of Peasantry
The peasantry was not a homogenous class. The stratification was due to inequalities
in wealth and social status. Peasants with large resources cultivated bigger plots of
land, and even employed labourers on his fields. They could acquire head-ship of a
village (muqaddam or patel) and enjoy a superior share in the produce of other peasants.
The divisions were so well-established that they are differently designated even in
official accounts and records. Richer peasants are referred to as khudkasht (self-
cultivated) in Northern India, gharuhalas in Rajasthan and mirasdars in Maharashtra.
The poor peasants are referred to as reza ria’ya (small peasant) in Northern India,
paltis in Rajasthan and kunbis in Maharashtra.
One major reason for this can be found in the wide prevalence of cash-nexus.
Since land revenue in the larger part of India had to be paid in cash, peasants and
cultivators were forced to carry their produce to the markets or sell it to merchants
or moneylenders on the eve of harvest. In such a situation, those peasant who
could cultivate cash crops would be placed in a better position, because of the
higher prices they fetched in the market than those who, owing to their scarce
resources, could only cultivate food crops for which the prices were comparatively
low. Not all peasants could shift to cash crop cultivation since it involved much
expenses (good seeds, better fertilisers, irrigation facilities, and also more
productive soil). The requirement of the payment of land revenue in cash would
thus cause a widening gulf between the relatively better-off peasants whose
resources allowed them to shift to cash crop cultivation and the poor peasants who
found even the cultivation of food crops an arduous and expensive business. The
regressive nature of land revenue demand was another major factor that caused
and intensified divisions within the peasantry. The incidence of land revenue
demand being uniform for both the rich and the poor peasants, in actual fact it fell
more heavily on the latter than on the former. The village organisation, or what
has often loosely been described as the “village community”, further perpetuated
these divisions by levying lower revenue rates on the khudkasht peasants, and
calling upon the reza ri’aya to meet the deficit thus arising in the total revenue
claim.
Economic inequalities were not the only basis of divisions within the peasantry.
They were also divided between the permanent residents of the village (khudkasht
in Northern India, mirasdar in Maharashtra and thalvaik or thalkar in the Deccan)
and the temporary residents (pai/pahi kasht in Northern India; upari in Maharashtra).
Caste associations and kinship ties (bhaichara), even as they served as linkages
that afforded supra-local affinities were also at the same time sources of
246 divisiveness.
Below the class of peasants existed in rural India a large population of menial Land Administration
Agrarian Relations
workers. Their number or their proportion to caste peasantry is almost impossible
to estimate, yet, in all probability, they did constitute a significant portion of the
rural population of India. They are described in the contemporary literature as
‘chamars’, balahars, thoris and dhanuks, etc. They were a cheap source of labour
for the peasants and zamindars to work on their fields during the sowing and
harvest seasons. It was, therefore, in the interest of both of them (i.e., the peasants
and zamindars) to suppress and exploit them. The creation of a huge reserve of
labour force for agricultural production reduced the cost of production, which
enhanced the “surplus” produce of the peasant, and thus allowed a greater
exploitation of land revenue by the ruling power. In the suppression of the menial
workers, the state, the zamindars and the peasants were equal collaborators.

Generally the peasants of a village had a majority of the same caste. Such villages
were established historically by one clan or family. Apart from the peasants of the
dominant caste of a village, there were menial workers who came from lower
castes. From the contemporary accounts it appears that in many activities these
villages functioned as a community. It should not be taken to mean that there were
any communal land holdings. The fields were definitely held by individual peasants.
The revenue officials found it convenient to treat village as a unit for revenue
assessment and collection. The description of the patwari as a village official
supports this. It is reported that the patwari was supposed to keep the account of
individual peasants production and revenue liability. The payment to state was
made by the village as a unit. The revenue from the individual peasants was put in
a pool whose incharge was the patwari. From this pool, land revenue, fees and
perquisites of certain officials and sundry common expenses of the village were
paid. Even the loan taken from the moneylenders was paid back out of the village
pool.
The dominant group of people in a village constituted the village panchayat. The
latter used to decide village affairs regarding dispute over land rights, disposal of
waste land, etc. It was also responsible to the state for arresting criminals,
compensating for the value of goods stolen or tracing them. These panchayats
were not above the state. The latter allowed it to discharge its traditional role in
the village society only if its activities were not hampering the basic interests of
the state. Some social groups in the village were not directly involved in the agrarian
production, but they played some role in the agrarian activities. The mahajans acted as
middlemen between the state and peasants and had considerable control over the
rural society and economy. They would advance loans to individual peasants and
village collectively for buying seeds and equipments or pay revenue or for social
needs.
The village had artisans attached to it to provide their services and were paid at
the harvest. The system was very well organised in Deccan and Maharashtra.
These were called balutedars. We have discussed about them in some detail in
Unit 4. The system of village community, panchayats or balutedars was not
uniformly applicable to all the villages of the Mughal Empire. There were different
types of structures in different regions. Most villages had some sort of community
structure, though varying in degrees of control on their members.
247
Economic Processes
Society and Economy 14.6.6 Relations Between Agrarian Classes
In the earlier Sections of this Unit, we studied about various agrarian classes. We
noticed that a number of groups appropriated a share in the surplus of the produce,
i.e., jagirdars, religious grantees, zamindars and various intermediaries at the village
level. We have also studied about the producing class or peasantry. Here, in this
Section, we will study the relations between these classes.
Both the zamindars and the jagirdars fed upon the surplus produce of the peasant,
and therefore, insofar as the exploitation of the peasantry was concerned, both
acted as each other’s collaborators. Yet, the zamindar, being permanently based
would not allow exploitation that went beyond the alienation of surplus produce,
for that would lead to exodus of the peasantry and desertion of agricultural
operations which would in turn affect his own fiscal claims during the following
year. The jagirdars, attitude is best reflected in Bernier’s account who visited
India in the mid-17th century. He writes that, because of the frequent transfers of
jagirs the jagirdars, governors and revenue contractors were not bothered about
the deplorable state of peasantry. They therefore were interested in exploiting the
peasantry to the maximum even at the cost of their desertion and fields lying
unattended.
Jawahar Mal Bekas, an 18th century writer observes that the hakim (jagirdar) of a
day can in a moment remove a zamindar of five hundred years, and put in his
stead a man who has been without a place for a life-time. Irfan Habib further
elaborates his powers and writes that ‘as for peasants, the jagirdars claimed powers
to detain them on the land, like serfs, and bring them back, if they ran away’. In
the second half of the 17th century due to the uncertainty of holding a jagir for a
stipulated period, the jagirdars oppressed peasants.-They had no regard for their
welfare. According to Irfan Habib, ‘While undoubtedly the Mughal administration
sought to take measures to regulate and moderate the jagirdars’ exactions, it is not
certain that these could reduce the pressure for short-term maximization of revenue
by individual jagirdars. Such pressure not only inhibited extension of cultivation,
but also involved the Mughal ruling class in a deepening conflict with the two
major agrarian classes, the zamindars and the peasantry’.
The divisions within the peasantry, as also the deep contractions that existed
between the peasants and agricultural workers, acted as severe constraints and
weakened the capabilities of this class. Disjointed and truncated, this class was
quite incapable of confronting the medieval despotic states. It did, however, revolt
for two reasons: one, when the revenue demand appropriated more than the surplus
produce of the peasants, thereby threatening their very subsistence. Peasant revolts
in these circumstances never went beyond asking for a reduction in revenue
demand. Peasants also revolted as followers of a zamindar who was leading a
revolt against the state or jagirdar (mostly on the question of his claim to the
produce of the soil), either in the hope that the end of revolt would lead to better
conditions of living for them or simply as rendering a serivce to their overlord.
Peasant revolts, particularly those of the Satnamis and the Jats, in the reign of
Aurangzeb were of this nature were actually zamindari revolts: the zamindars led
them and the peasants served the purposes of the zamindars alone.
248 1) Give a brief account of various categories of peasants.

........................................................................................................................ Land Administration
Agrarian Relations
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2) How did the village community function?
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3) Discuss the clash of interests between the jagirdar and zamindar?
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14.7 AGRARIAN RELATIONS: DECCAN

Before analysing the various land rights, we will give a brief description of the
medieval Deccan village where these agricultural lands were situated. In later
sections, we will also deal with a more complex problem regarding the ownership
of land in medieval Deccan and the village community.
14.7.1 Medieval Deccan Village Structure

The village is referred to as gaon or uru in the local language of the Deccan. It is
also called mauje (a corrupt form of Arabic mauza), and deh (Persian). A bigger
village that included a market place (bazar) was called kasbe (Arabic qasbah).
The word gaon is derived from Sanskrit grama. The vast expanse of village fields
was called gaon shiwan. It consisted of cultivated (kali) and non-cultivated or
waste lands. Cultivable land was divided into plots. Fields belonging to one family
were called thal (Sanskrit sthala). It consisted of 20-40 blocks. Each block consisted
of area called shet or kshetra (Sanskrit) or jamin (Persian zamin). Each area together
with the surname of the original family proprietor was registered in the village
records lists called thalazadas. The records containing the extent of land actually
cultivated, and the amount of revenue assessed, were incorporated in a ledger
called kul ghadni.
The boundaries of the village were well demarcated and any encroachment upon
it was unwelcome. The cultivable area of a village was called kali (indigenous
term originally meaning black soil fit for cultivation) and the residential site of a
village was known as gaon sthan or pandhari (indigenous term, originally meaning
white soil unfit for cultivation). The pandhari was surrounded and protected by a
wall called gaon kunsu. It was divided into house sites called ghar, thikane or
gharthana. Each family built a house (ghar or vada) on its alloted site. The house
site and the house left by a family (gatkul) which had either left the village or had
become extinct were called gatkul, gharthana and gatkul vada respectively. These
lands were either taken over by the village community or acquired by a new family,
but the name of the original proprietor was not changed in the thalazadas. The
original family in possession of thai or estate was called jatha. The jatha family
was synonymous with thalkari or thalwahi, and the list of divisions in consonance 249
Economic Processes
Society and Economy with family names was known as zaminzada jathawar. One such division was
munda. The villages varied in size according to the fertility of the soil, produce
and population.
14.7.2 Land Ownership

The question of ownership of land has been and continues to be a subject of
scholarly debate. The Manu Smriti held that land belonged to the person (or family)
who reclaimed it from the forest or brought it under cultivation. A contemporary
judicial work Parashurampratap compiled by Sabaji Pratap Raja, a protege of
Burhan Nizam Shah I, throws light on the issue of the ownership of land. It
reinforces the claim of the king to the wealth of the soil only, thereby conceding
the proprietory rights of the cultivators. In the Nizam Shahi kingdom, Malik Ambar
revived the ancient co-parcenary village institutions by recognizing the hereditary
proprietory rights of the thalkari called mirasi.
The Marathas looked to the ancient traditions laid down in the Smritis as regards
the problem of land ownership. The village co-parcenary and got institutions existed
in the Maratha realm in the 17th-18th century. There is evidence of a sale-deed
which refers to the sale of land, transferring the mirasi rights to the Peshwa. In
another instance, land was granted by the village community to the Peshwa for a
sum of money assuring him against the claims of the former proprietors. The
author of the treatise Vyavaharmayukha (a 17th work) points out that state is not
the owner of all lands but can only realize taxes from landholders.
The various rights of the king in the soil have been mentioned in the grants of the
Marathas. The Vyavaharmayukha regards vrittis or watans (consisting of land and
houses) as private property. It also refers to the right of partition, sale, mortgage
and inheritance which further corroborates the function and existence of got majlis
(village assembly).
In the Muslim ruled states, the question of land rights and ownership of land
acquired a new dimension due to various reasons. The Muslim legal theories
regarding the rights of the conquered races or tributaries provide the basis for
resolving the problem of land ownership. In accordance with these theories, an
important duty of a Muslim ruler was to wage wars against the land occupied by
the non-Muslims (Dar-ul harb). The people of the areas conquered in this process
were extended protection on payment of tribute. These people were called zimmis.
The author of the traditional Islamic fiqh Hidaya states regarding the conquered
territories that either they should be divided among the soldiers in conformity
with the way suggested by the Prophet, or they should be restored to the original
inhabitants on payment of jiziya and kharaj (land tax). In the latter case, property
rights were vested with the original inhabitants. The amount the zimmis had to pay
as land tax was one half of the produce, whereas the Muslims were required to pay
a tenth of the produce called ushr. The Muslim theorists regard cultivators as
tenants referred to in documents as r’ayats. Their right to property in the soil and
in that sense ownership of land was not recognized formally by the Muslim rulers
except Malik Ambar who accepted mirasi rights.
Modern theories regarding the ownership of land in medieval Deccan also deserve
attention. The first theory advocated by B.H. Baden-Powell in his work, The Indian
Village Community (1896), regards almost all agricultural end (except inam and
250 watan in which case individual or institutional ownership was prevalent) to have
been owned by the state. According to him: ‘Ownership was only acknowledged Land Administration
in land granted revenue free by the state and apparently in lands held on the Agrarian Relations
privileged tenure of watan’ (land held in virtue of office in a village or district).
A.S. Altekar counters the above by propounding a theory of peasant ownership of
all agricultural land. In his work, A History of Village Communities in Western
India (1927), he neither accepts communal ownership of land (as advocated by
Marx and H.J.S. Maine) nor state ownership but enunciates peasant proprietor
ownership. He goes to the extent of denying the inamdars any proprietory rights
in the soil and recognizes inamdars as having only one right, i.e., to collect the
revenue. S.N. Sen in his Administrative System of the Marathas (1923) categorizes
three kinds of land viz., inam, miras and state’s land and two classes of peasants—
mirasdars and uparis. The mirasdars possessed permanent proprietory rights in
their land and could not be evicted as long as they paid rent. The land held by the
mirasdars was hereditary and saleable, and, even when they were evicted for non-
payment of tax, they had the right to recover their ancestral lands. The uparis
were tenants-at-will holding government land under the supervision of mamlatdars.
These theories are based on the reports of the early British administrators and
concede two important points: (1) there were two classes of peasants, and (2) the
miras land belonged to the individual mirasdars on which tax was levied.
The reports however disagree on the question of rights in the land of extinct families
and wastelands. They do not specify watan and inam tenures and maintain
ambiguity as regards government lands.
14.7.3 Categories of Land Rights

The rights and privileges enjoyed by the cultivating families comprising the village
community were determined in accordance with the degree of superiority of
proprietory rights in land held by them. The cultivated area of a villlage was divided
into: (1) Miras lands (2) Inam lands (3) State lands and (4) lands of extinct families.
The various rights in these lands would throw light on the agrarian system of the
period under review.
Mirasi Rights
The word miras is of Arabic origin. As mentioned in the Marathi documents, it
referes to hereditary or transferable right or patrimony (bap roti) obtained by
descent, purchase or gift, etc. The mirasdars were the holders of land under the
mirasi tenure. They owned the village land and could exact rent in money or
service from persons who lived on their land. There were two categories of the
mirasdars (l) the hereditary owners of the miras land, and those who had reclaimed
the gatkul land of the village. The hereditary mirasdars were placed in the old land
lists of the villages called thalazadas, but they did not possess any titledeeds over land.
The other category possessed miras patra (miras: deeds) attested by the authorities of
the village community where the deed was sanctioned by the village communities of the
neighbouring areas and by the deshmukhs and deshpandes of the district.
The practice of issuing miras patra was analogous to the system mentioned in the
Smritis. The families of the mirasdars possessed the right to vote in the village assembly
or got sabha. More specifically the elder member of the family exercised the right in
accordance with the Hindu co-parcenary family system. In the Maratha state under
Shivaji, the mirasdars’ rights and privileges were substantially curtailed. The mirasi
right embodied the concept of hereditary proprietorship of land. In the case of inability 251
Economic Processes
Society and Economy to pay the government dues, if someone was forced to leave his land his name continued
to occur in the thalazada and his descendants could recover the land even after hundred
years on payment of arrears to the government.
The village land was held by the mirasdars: 1) on the basis of joint co-parcenary terms
according to which the village land was divided into several shares, and 2) on the
basis of a single proprietor ownership of the village.
Mirasi rights held on the basis of village coparcenary or ancient thal system.Such
lands were held in common or jointly by the members of different families of a village.
The share and the rights and immunities which went with these were clearly demarcated.
The original thal was held by the jatha in the form of several shares. The jatha
collectively comprised the lineal descendants of the first occupants of the thal. As a
corporate body, the jatha was responsible for cultivation and payment of government
and other dues. In case a member of the jatha did not leave behind an heir, his land was
divided among his surviving relatives in accordance with the Hindu law of inheritance.
Each individual member of the jatha was accountable for his share of payment of dues
to the government although the payment was made collectively by the members of the
jatha. Sale of one’s patrimony was not easy and was carried out only if absolutely
necessary. The sale could not be done without the approval of the village community.
The members of the jatha were related to each other and were called ghar bhau (‘Home
Brothers’). The purchasers of land or new members of the jatha were referred to as
biradar bhau (brothers by village) coparcenary and they were bound to meet all the
obligations of the original holders. The mirasdars had to pay a permanent land tax to
the government called, swaithidhara, although the governmet also levied certain other
cesses such as miraspati from time to time. In case a family ceased to exist, its share
went to the village coparcenary. The gatkul or abandoned lands of the village were
placed at the disposal of the village co-parcenary or patel (village headman).
The chief characteristics of miras tenure: The mirasdars could sell their land as and
when required. The purchaser could be an outsider who might not settle in the village
where he had bought land. He could arrange for some members of his family to stay in
the village where he had purchased land. Buying and selling of miras lands required
the sanction or recognition of village officers and neighbours. The sale could be carried
out without the prior approval of the state which lends support to the view that the
state did not possess proprietory rights over the miras land. The purchaser on payment
of revenue to the state was at liberty to use the land. The state sanctioned the sale by
issuing a document for which it charged a fee equal to one fourth of the sale price.
The mirasdar possessed complete private proprietory rights in the miras land. The
state could not encroach upon the mirasi rights. Also the headman and other people of
the village could not infringe upon the mirasi rights. However, if the state wanted it
could convert the mirasi lands into house sites after giving due compensation to the
mirasdars in the form of gatkul lands. The corporate functioning of the village and
desh was ensured due to the existence of the mirasi tenure.
Inam Lands
Inam is an Arabic word originally meaning gift or reward. In its broadest sense, it
suggests either simply inam, inam villages or inam lands. Here inam implied grant of
a specific amount of revenue of a village to a person. The inam village was assigned
on a hereditary basis to persons or officials.
252
Here we will focus only on the nature of inam as a category of land tenure. The Land Administration
inam lands were either totally exempt from tax, or subject to a low tax called inam Agrarian Relations
patti. It was a privileged category of land right. Inam was assigned to different
categories: hereditary village officials, state officials, temples and balutedars
(priests). The holders were designated inamdars. There were both resident and absentee
inamdars. There is sufficient evidence to prove that these land assignments were
hereditary. Rights in the inam land held by a watandar (hereditary village office
holder) were saleable and transferable together with the office or watan. However
it cannot be said with certainty whether the inam lands and the watan could be
sold or transferred separately. It has not been established whether the inam lands
held by institutions such as temples, monasteries, etc. could be sold without any
constraints.
State Land (Crown Land)
Land held by the government as a corporate body or by the Peshwa/ruler could be
treated as state land, although there might have been some kind of difference
between the two. State lands existed in many villages of the Deccan managed by
the local bureaucrats. They could be sold by them after taking approval from the
central government. These lands were granted in inam or could be developed into
house sites.
Waste Lands or Lands of Extinct Families
The mirasi rights and inam rights were unambiguous; however, the rights in the
land of extinct families or wastelands contained a large degree of vagueness. These
lands could be sold by either the village headman or village assembly or state. The
lands of the families which had become extinct were called gatkul zamin. Lands
which were left uncultivated for long periods were called pad zamin. Even the
miras lands contained pad zamin. We will discuss those lands which had become,
barren due to the extinction of the proprietors. Both gatkul zamin and pad zamin
meant wastelands. The term khalisa pad zamin referred to state wastelands.
The wastelands could be appropriated and disposed of by the village headman,
local village assembly and government. The lands expropriated by the village
headman were regarded as miras lands on which land revenue was levied. The
houses and house sites of extinct families could be acquired by the village headman
after taking the approval of the local village assembly. However, generally this
was not a lucrative proposition. The lands thus appropriated were cultivated by
the uparis on a share-cropping basis and were subject to a high and fixed land
revenue demand which could be relaxed only in the event of crop failure. Though
such an undertaking added to the headman’s social prestige, on the whole it was
not worthwhile. Above all, the headman did not have the authority to dispose of
the land according to his wishes.
Wastelands were disposed of by the local assembly either as miras or as inam
lands. The purchaser (inamdar) of wastelands in the form of inam was not required
to pay land tax on the lands. However, the village as a group had to pay land tax to
the government on large inam lands thus sold. Wastelands sold as miras lands
were subject to a heavy land tax which had to be paid by the new incumbent.
The government at the request of the headman gave away wastelands to mirasdars
as compensation for taking over their miras lands located near the inhabited area
253
Economic Processes
Society and Economy of a village for converting them into house sites. The grant of wastelands to local
bureaucrats and hereditary officers was a means of encouraging cultivation.
Wastelands were also granted as inam to individuals and institutions. The king or
Peshwa also received wastelands in the form of grants. Wastelands which were
neither appropriated by the village headman nor by the local assembly were resumed
by the government. The government granted these lands as inam to priests, state
officials, temples, mosques, hereditary officers, etc. In this manner, the government
aimed at curtailing state expenditure and also securing the allegiance of the grantees
to the state.
1) What were the main features of Medieval Deccan Village?
........................................................................................................................
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2) Discuss briefly the modern theories regarding ownership of land in the Deccan
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3) Enumerate the four categories of land rights in the Deccan.
........................................................................................................................
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........................................................................................................................

The village community was based on the principle of hereditary rights in land. This
principle was derived from ancient Hindu system of joint property. The village headman,
accountant, artisans, landholders, etc. constituted the village community. A few
autonomous village units combined to form larger territorial units called naikwadi or
sthal (Pre-Muslim Hindu period) under an officer called naik whose tasks included
assisting the village headman for collecting revenue and heading the local militia.
About 84 or more villages combined, to form an administrative division called paragana
or desh headed by a deshmukh. These larger territorial units acted as links between the
villages and the ruler. The Sardesais and Sardesbpandes (above the deshmukhs and
desais) were other components in the chain between villages and the ruler. A village
consisting of a trading centre was called qasba. The corporate body of the village and
desh was called got derived from Sanskrit gotra which means family. Thus the villages
and parganas as territorial units which were constituted according to the ancient customs
of villages communites remained unaffected by political changes.
Theories
The socio-economic writings of the 19th century project two broad theories on the
nature of the Indian village community. The first theory as advocated by Karl Marx
(based on two books written by British administrators, e.g., Sir C.T. Metcalfe, the
254
acting Governor-General of India who considers the Indian village community as Agrarian
Agrarian Classes
Economy and
stagnant) regards the village community as ‘self-sufficing’ and unchangable based on Agrarian Relations
‘division of labour’. The individuals such as priest, barber, headman, etc. are referred
to as rural servants by Baden Powell and others. According to Karl Marx, these servants
were maintained at the expense of the whole community. Relying on Baden-Powell’s
work Indian Village Community (1896), Max Weber pointed out that the village servants
were provided a share in land or harvest or money in return for the service they
performed for the village community. This Max Weber terms as ‘demiurgical labour’.
Marx and Weber attribute the ‘unchangeableness’ of Indian society to ‘economic self-
sufficiency’ and ‘Caste system combined with magical traditionalism’.
The view of the historians like S.N. Sen and A.S. Altekar are in conformity withthetheory
propounded by Marx and Weber. Both agree that the village servantswereemployed
by the village as a whole. S.N. Sen clearly points to the hereditary nature of occupation
of the village servants.
Refuting the demiurgic theory, sociologists and anthropologists writing on rural India
and the little communities enunciate the jajmani theory. It was first propounded by
W.H. Wiser, an American Christian missionary. According to him, rural servants were
engaged on a hereditary basis by certain families (patrons) belonging to the dominant
castes on a trans-village level. T.O. Beidelman defines the jajmani system as a feudal
system consisting of hereditary obligations of payment and service between two or
more families of different castes in the same area. M.N. Srinivas, an eminent sociologist,
does not accept the jajmani concept. He cites instances to disprove the element of
hereditary sen ice and also the opinion regarding the relation between specific families.
Peasants
The reports of the British administrators as well as the indigenous Marathi records
throw valuable light on the categories of peasants and the land tenures which existed
in the Deccan. Various terms are used for the peasants in the records such as raiyat,
loka, praja, kula or kunbi. The village land was held by the peasants or cultivators.
They can be divided into two broad categories: a) mirasdars and 2) uparis. The mirasdar
(mirasi or thalkari) was generally a landed proprietor cultivator (free holder). The
upari was a tenant-at-will. He was a stranger in the village where he cultivated the
land either of the mirasdar or government (after the second half of the 18th century).
These lands were held by the upari on the ukti tenure. This was a land-lease comprising
a verbal agreement for a year in which the rent rates were not fixed. The tenant cultivators
also held land on qaul (agreement)-istava (land) tenure. It was a contractual agreement
(lease for 5, 7 or 9 years) intended to encourage cultivators to bring wasteland under
cultivation. The deshmukh who issued the qaul-istawa was allowed commission on
the wasteland thus reclaimed. Large inam lands were cultivated by the uparis on a
share cropping (batai) basis. Occasionally, the mirasdars could also be tenants holding
inam lands. The absentee inamdar got his share of rent in cash either through his agent
in the village or village headman whom he deputed for the task. The resident inamdar
was paid rent in kind. The amount was usually half of the gross produce.
Individual peasants and hereditary village officers were holders of miras lands on
which land tax was levied. The obligation to pay the final land tax to the government
even in the case of poor harvest or crop failure induced the mirasdars and village
headman to leave the village. The uparis were the tenants of the mirasdars who
cultivated the miras land on sharecropping terms. They paid the rent to the government
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Economic Processes
Society and Economy if their landlord was absconding. It was generlly 2/3rd of the total produce. An important
change which occurred in the second half of the 18th century was that the mirasdars
became cultivators of lands and the uparis were encouraged by the government to
cultivate state and wastelands. It is clear that tenancy was not prevalent on a large
scale in the Deccan, sale of land was infrequent and that the uparis soon acquired
occupancy rights in land.
Got Sabha or Majlis
Got sabha was an independent body which held jurisdiction over the administrative,
fiscal and judicial affafrs of the village or pargana. The administrative body of the
village consisting of the local officials of the pargana was called diwan. The two 6
got and diwan 6 performed the role of arbiter in disputes brought to them by the
village community. The watandars and balutedars-watandars participated in the
meeting of the got sabha. The Muslim rule in the Deccan promoted the development
of the majlis system, the qazi serving as the link between got and diwan. The traditional
system of naming the judgement according to the nature of transaction was discontinued.
The verdict was attested by the members of the majlis before it became a legal document
(mahzar).
14.7.5 WATAN SYSTEM

Watan is an Arabic term and watan system owes its origin in the Deccan to the
establishment of the Muslim rule. Broadly speaking, it refers to a hereditary grant
made by the government to an office-holder in a village, in lieu of services rendered
by him to the village community. The hereditary village officers were permanent
residents of the village (desaks) and were granted land by the state together with
rights and immunities in lieu of administrative tasks performed by them in the
village. The desaks were called watandars (deshmukh, desai, deshpande, kulkarni,
etc). They were exempted from payment of land revenue to the government. The
Smritis refer to vrittis which was the indigenous variant of watan, and the
emolument received by the holders of vrittis were termed as nibandhas. The rent-
free land held by the watandar was called inam.
The chief hereditary officer of the village was the patel, also called gava patel or
mokaddam patel in the contemporary Marathi records. The main responsibility of
the patel was to collect land revenue and remit the government share to the state
treasury. As the village headman, he performed several administrative duties in
the village. In return, he received certain privileges (haq) and perquisites (lazims)
which were mentioned in his watan-deed. Haq was granted to him as a matter of
right (legal grants). It consisted of a share of the total revenue collection in cash or
kind which was fixed by the state. Lazim was voluntary payment such as phaski (a
handful of any corn) pasodi (a garment), etc; free services from mahars and artisans;
seniority rights (man pan) which enabled him to preside over the village festivities.
Besides the patel, other officers such as kulkarni, and chaugula (patel’s assistant)
also enjoyed perquisites and rights in return for their services.
The hereditary officers of a paragana were deshmukh and deshpande. The
deshmukh was the head patel. For his services he was paid in kind from land and
also received services and goods from the village servants, merchants, etc. Besides,
he also held land in the village. The deshkulkarni supervised the work of the
kulkarnis in his paragana. He was however subordinate to the deshpande. The
256
deshkulkarni received remuneration in the form of rent-free land as well as payment Agrarian
Agrarian Classes
Economy and
in cash and kind which was usually half the amount the deshmukh received. Agrarian Relations
Seth and Mahajan were hereditary officials of the qasba or peth (market village).
They received emoluments in cash or kind and land. A taraf or karyat consisted of
a few villages. This territorial unit was smaller than a paragana. The hereditary
officer of this unit was the naik. His task was to collect taxes from the cultivators.
Later in the Muslim-ruled states, this officer was replaced by the havaldar.
The deshmukhs and deshpandes were the zamindars (haqqadars) who did not
possess proprietory rights over all the lands under their jurisdiction. They sold
their lands only under desperation, but the rights and privileged attached to their
office could not be sold separately. Their position remained unaffacted even in
times of political upheavals.
There was a sharp distinction between the mirasi and watani rights. Mirasi was a
hereditary proprietorship right in the land, whereas the watani right flowed from
the office held and services offered by the watandar which was transferable. A
mirasdar could also be a watandar, but a watandar need not necessarily be a
mirasdar. A watandar, however, held inam lands on a hereditary basis.
Balutedars
The rural servants in Mahrashrian villages are referred to as twelve balutes (barah
balute) or alutas. The scholars differ regarding the compostion of the balutedars.
However, the following were invariably included in the list: carpenter, blacksmith,
potter, leather-worker, ropemaker, barber, washerman, astrologer, Hindu priest
and mahar. The term (referred to by Grant Duff, etc) twelve alutas was probably
an extension of the word balutas and had the same connotation. The alutas are not
mentioned in the 18th century Marathi documents and, thus, it appears that they
were found only occasionally in villages. There were two categories*of the
balutedars: 1) watan holding balutas and stranger (upari) balutas. The first category
possessed hereditary monopoly over their services. They were employed by the
village as a whole and served the individual villagers. The balutedars were paid
by the peasants in three ways:
1) in kind or cash called baluta;
2) in the form of perquisites, rights and privileges in cash or kind, and
3) in the form of revenue-free inam lands.
It is not clear whether the perquisites were enjoyed by the upari-balutas also.
Regarding the inam lands, it can be safely said that only watan-balutas were entitled
to hold these lands. The baluta-watan could be transferred divided or sold without
the consent of the village as a whole, but such a transaction required the sanction
of the village assembly.
The division of the baluta-watan did not imply division of service duties, but of
emoluments. The amount of emoluments did not increase; therefore, such a practice
was not discouraged. The balutas remained the servants of the whole village and
not of any family.
The balutas generally belonged to different occupational castes. The priest and
the accountant were Brahmins. The priests did not hold any watan. Their function
was confined to certain castes or families because of the peculiar nature of Hindu 257
Economic Processes
Society and Economy rites and ceremonies. These families (jajman) were either temporary or permanent
clients of the priests. Thus, the jajmani principle is applicable to priests, but not to
the twelve balutas. In the final analysis, it can be stated that the watandars and
balutedars were maintained and controlled by the village as a body.
Feudalism
The pargana and the village community represented a vertically stratified structure,
whereas jati was structurally horizontal and had a trans-village character. The latter
constituted an important component of a village and pargana. It also had a tribal
structure which imparted to it a mobile and militant character. Thus the community
structure of the local society in medieval Deccan was pluralistic, but stratified
either horizontally or vertically. From this we can infer that the Indian village
community was not self-sustained and isolated but had linkages with neighbouring
villages. The factor which regulated the functioning of the community structure
was the watan system which represented division of labour between peasants and
artisans in the village community. The increase in productivity in the local society
led to the accumulation of surplus which got converted into perquisites of the
community leaders. In a society where land was available in plenty a system based
on landed property could not have evolved. Instead, the peasant proprietors turned
community leaders were metamorphosed into the rural ruling class which acquired
the attributes of exploiter by the end of the 16th century. Around this time, the
watan tended to become the private property of the grantees. It was sold separately
and freely in this period. The perquisites of the rural ruling class absorbed into the
political structure of the state were transformed into rights of exaction. This
tendency is seen by historians like Fukazawa as feudalisation from below. However,
we find that class relations between peasants and rural ruling classes were not
lord-serf relations as in medieval Europe, but they can be termed as communal-
based agrarian relations. In the context of medieval Deccan, the peasants were the
direct producers who possessed the means of production carried on by a nuclear
peasant family. The community leaders who became the exploiting class of the
local society did not become landlords or feudal lords because landowership in a
society where land was abundant was not an important criteria for appropriating
the surplus produced by the peasants and artisans. In such a society it was the
community which was supreme, and the rural ruling groups could not monopolise
the judicial rights over the peasants.
The grant of jagirs and saranjam (mokasa) to state officials for realizing revenue
from the parganas and villages has been termed as feudalization from above. But
these terms should be used with caution considering the peculiarities of the situation
in medieval Deccan.
1) Discuss in brief the two theories which throw light on the nature of Indian
village.
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........................................................................................................................
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2) List the two categories of peasants which existed in medieval Deccan.
258
........................................................................................................................ Agrarian
Agrarian Classes
Economy and
Agrarian Relations
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) What do you understand by the term ‘Watan System’? What were its chief
characteristics?
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14.8 AGRARIAN STRUCTURE: SOUTH INDIA

In the present Section we would be discussing the village structure and the nature
of land rights in South India.
14.8.1 Village Structure and Agrarian Relations

In the 17th and 18th centuries, reports were prepared by the British administrators on
the land-tenure in South India Stone inscriptions and local village documents (kaifiyat),
resolutions adopted at the village level written on palm leaves and contained in
Mackenzie collections, Christian missionary documents, foreign travellers accounts
are the various sources which throw light on the land system of South India.
The reports of the British officers refer to communal holding of land in South Indian
villages. In the pre-modern period, land holding and cultivation were the basis of
production. There were two types of villages in South India: brahmadeya and non-
brahmadeya. The Brahmins were granted villages by the rulers called Brahmadeya.
In these villages the Brahmins established a communal self-governing body called
sabha. These villages were mostly established during the Pallava and Chola times.
Non-brahmadeya villages were more ancient and numerically more than the
brahmadeya ones. From a study of inscriptions of the same locality and of the same
period the following points emerges: 1) individual (big landlords held many villages)
landholding prevalent in brahmadeya and communal landholding among urar
(peasants) in non-brahmadeya villages. 2)Ur was the assembly in non-brahmadeya
villages. 3)In the Vijaynagara period, the village was the major unit in which land
rights were vested. 4)There was a shift in focus from nadu (locality) called nattar and
okkul (in Karnataka) during the Chola period to village as the prime unit in the
Vijaynagar kingdom. 5)The autonomous bodies like sabha, ur, and nattar declined
and later disappeared in the Vijaynagara period giving place to nayak or independent
chieftain.
The village servants (ayagars) were given manya or tax-free land, or subject to quit
rent. Land tenures for Brahmins and temples were called Ekobhogam and devadana
respectively. Private right (income shares) accruing from increased productivity due
to investment in agriculture was called dasavanda or katku-kodage in Karnataka. An
important change in the landholding system and agrarian structure occurred in the
16th century. The warrior chieftains (nayaks) of Vijaynagara penetrated into the local
kin-based peasant societies in the Tamil country. Temples in the Tamil region had
functioned as autonomous landholders and corporate institutions for a long period.
The Vijaynagara chieftains took over the management of temples. The agrarian economy
259
Economic Processes
Society and Economy underwent a drastic change since the temple lands were transformed into contractual
tenures. By acquiring control over these tenures, the chieftains got metamorphosed
into agrarian magnates.
14.8.2 Nature of Land Rights

The various categories of agrarian rights (kaniyatchi) that existed in the rural society
will throw valuable light on the interaction between the nayaks and the peasants. The
agrarian surplus produced by the peasantjy and successfully extracted by the Telegu
nayaks was the basis of the power of the Vijaynagar state. The dry plains of the Tamil
countiy were settled by migrant Telegu warrior clans like Thottian, Panta
Reddi, Naidu and Kambalattar. The traditional Tamil peasant elites and their groups
like nattavar (villages) and uravai (peasant settlements) were displaced by Telegu-
speaking groups who transformed this area into a peripheral zone.
The warrior-chieftains promoted agricultural development by bringing hitherto
populated (kongu) region under intensive cultivation. Tank irrigation was introduced
in the black soil belt of kongu, and cultivation of cash crops like sugarcane was
encouraged.
The later 15th century witnessed the conversion of temple lands (devadana) into semi-
private landed estates (kaniparru) of the warrior chieftains. There is an inscription of
CE 1511 which refers to conversion of a peasant settlement with a temple tenure
(tirunamathukkani) into a kaniparru of a warrior chieftain. The right to cultivate as
well as levy taxes was transferred to the grantee. Various land and fiscal rights were
contained in these land transactions of the 16th century. The traditional peasant elites,
viz., uravar and nattar and the peasant assemblies such as ur were replaced by the
dynamic and expanding nayak created agrarian political structure.
Many towns or fortified settlements were established in this period by the nayaks.
They served as both political and economic centres. They were conspicuous by their
absence in the Kaveri delta. Palaiyan was reclaimed land held by the warrior chieftains
where peasants, artisans, and merchants were integrated into the political and economic
network established by the nayak chief. They extracted kudanai (local dues) and
sittayam from the peasants and artisans respectively.
The land tenure of the nayaks is referred to as kaniparru. It probably refers to rights in
lands, i.e., to buy and sell without the absolute right of ownership. It also refers to a
variety of taxes. An inscription dated CE 1522 testifies to the transfer of temple land
and the rights associated with land to the nayak. The rights were as follows:
1) to collect dues from the peasants;
2) to cultivate the land and settle people; and
3) to receive prasadam (sacred food) from the temple.
However, the transfer of land to the nayak did not imply transfer of the right of
ownership. The nayak could use the land and collect taxes, but the temples reserved
the right of ownership to themselves.
Kaniparru was a conditional and contractual tenure or a lease between the warrior
chieftains and temples. The temples retained the right of ownership and imposed
obligations on the nayaks to pay the temples a certain amount in cash or kind.
260
The process of transfer of land did not lead to eviction of peasants. They retained their Technology and Society
share (karai) of land. In case of transfer of temple lands to the peasants, the peasant Agrarian Relations
leaders (mudalis) took over the cultivation of the land. They paid vadavathi (tribute)
to the temple. This kind of peasant land-tenure was called kudiningadevadanam. The
peasants in such villages had a permanent share in land and could not be displaced.
The rate of taxation was high. Besides, peasants were pressed to maintain irrigation
facilities. Agrarian stress was building up but was held back due to the availability of
land in the kongu area. Later, in the 17th century, when this area (‘the frontier’)
was closed, peasant discontent increased. This was an outcome of the agrarian policies
of the Vijaynagara nayaks.
Land was leased out to individuals other than the nayaks and to institutions. The lease
included houses, wet and dry land. In certain instances, the descendants of the
leaseholder also enjoyed the right of sale, mortgage, etc.
Taxes imposed by the central and local governments on the land leased out by the
temples were paid to the temple authorities by the leaseholders. Land leased out by
temples were not totally exempt from taxes. The taxes received from the leaseholders
were remitted by the temple authorities to the state while retaining certain other taxes
like kadamai for themselves. The leaseholders were given the right of cultivation and
reclamation and colonisation of land. Generally, leaseholders did not cultivate
themselves; they got it done by others. They paid taxes to the temple treasury in cash
or kind. Cultivators also got a share of the produce. The leaseholders were almost the
owners of the leased land.
The mirasi right was an important component of the land system in South India. The
mirasdars held tax-free land called maniyam. They were entitled to a share of the
produce (kuppattam) from these lands.
In certain cases, several mirasdars held village land jointly. The cultivators were called
payakari who were divided into two groups 6 ulkudis and parakudis. The former
stayed in the village. Their rights were not transferable and could not be infringed
upon. The parakudis were tenants-at-will whose right of cultivation was contractual.
Taxes paid by the mirasdar or the government were referred to as pannu, irai, vari,
etc. There were two categories of the mirasdars 6 resident and non-resident. Slave
labour was also employed by the mirasdars to cultivate land. The mirasdars acted as
intermediaries between the government and villagers.
Thus, mirasi right though hereditary was not uniform. Its nature varied from place to
place. It could be transferred through sale, mortgage or gift.
1) Discuss the nature of kaniparru rights.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) What were the chief characteristics of mirasi rights in South India?
........................................................................................................................
261
Economic Processes
Society and Economy ........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
14.9 SUMMARY
Contemporary foreign observers remark about the primitiveness and simplicity of
agricultural implements, but they were well suited to the needs of Indian agriculture.
Agriculture was dependent mainly on rain water, but means and methods of artificial
irrigation were also employed. Wells fitted with various devices like, dhenkli,
charas and saqiya (Persian Wheel) to lift water, and tanks, reservoirs and to, a
limited extent, canals were the main source for irrigation.
The Indian peasants raised a number of food and cash crops. Some land was used
for two or more crops. Rotation of crops and cultivation of cash crops according
to market needs was a special feature of the period. Production of fruits both in
quality and quantity reached new heights.
The productivity and yield of crops compares well with the late 19th century modern
yields and productions. Cattle and livestock seem to have higher per capita
population in the Mughal period.
In this Unit, we have also studied that
 on behalf of the state, the jagirdar appropriated a major share in the
agricultural surplus;
 the revenue grantees enjoyed revenue-free lands granted to them by the state;
 the zamindar was not the owner of the land but had hereditary rights in the
produce of soil. These rights were salable;
 when the zamindar collected revenue for the state, he was entitled to nankar.
When the state directly collected the revenue, the zamindar was paid a share
called malikana. The zamindars were entitled to a number of other petty
perquisites;
 the zamindars maintained troops;
 caste and kinship ties divided the zamindars and prevented its growth as the
governing class of India;
 village headman and other officials also appropriated a part of agrarian
surplus;
 the peasants had to pay larger part of his produce to the state, zamindar and
other intermediaries,
 the peasantry was not a homogenous group but was divided on the basis of
their income and holdings. Kinship and caste ties also divided them;
 landless peasants or village menial workers were the most oppressed class in
the agrarian society; and
 there was a serious clash of interests between the jagirdar and the zamindar. In
case of conflicts between the two, the peasants were generally on the side of
the zamindars and suffered most in these clashes.
262
In this Unit we have also outlined the chief features of medieval Deccan village. The Technology and Society
debate regarding ownership of land in medieval Deccan has been discussed. The nature Agrarian Relations
of the village community as well as the various components constituting village
community have been dealt with. The watan system which was peculiar to the Deccan
has been analysed in detail. The unit also deals with the land system of South India.
The various land rights as well as the agrarian relations arising out of these rights
in land have been highlighted.
14.10 KEYWORDS
Bigha-i Ilahi The area of 60 square gaz-i Ilahi (yards of
Akbar), the length of gaz-i Ilahi was around
32 inches. One bigha-i Ilahi was around .60
of an acre
Cash-crops Crops produced for markets
Dastur Circles The territory within which some cash revenue
rates were applied for different crops, the
whole province was divided into number of
dastur circles with separate revenue rates
Dartur Rates Cash revenue rates for different crops per unit
of area
Distillation Lit. substance was turned to vapour by heating,
then the condensed vapour was collected
Gaon Shiwan Village fields
Gatkul Land of a family in a village who had left the
village for some reason or had become extinct
Jama The estimated income
Kroh/Kuroh Used for measuring distance. 1 Kuroh = 2.5 miles
Kharif Autumn crop
Kharaks Cattle-pens
Kul Ghadani Village ledger
Man-i Akbari The measure of weight which was around 55
pounds
Nibandhas Emoluments received by holder of vrittis
(indigenous term; a variant of watan)
Pandhari Soil unfit for cultivation
Ploughshare/coulter The pointed tip of the plough which was used
for digging the ground. It was made up of iron
or hardwood.
Rabi Winter crop
Raiyat Ordinary Peasants
Thal Fields belonging to a single family 263
Economic Processes
Society and Economy Thalzadas Village record list
Vyavaharmayukh A digest of Hindu law written in the
seventeenth century by Nilakantha Bhatta

EXERCISES
1) See Section 14.2
2) You can write use of various types of manure and rotation of crops etc. See
Sub-section 14.3.1
3) You can leave out methods which were employed to draw smaller quantities.
See Sub-section 14.3.2
2) Cash crops were those crops which were grown mainly to be sold in market.
While food crops were for personal consumption and market, the oil yielding
crops were grown to extract edible oils. See Sub-sections 14.4.1,14.4.2
1) Discuss zamindar’s rights were over the produce of the land. See Sub-sections
14.6.2
2) See Sub-section 14.6.2, 14.6.3
1) Peasants can be divided into a number of categories on the basis of their land
holdings, resources and nature of rights. See Sub-section 14.6.4
2) The common body of residents in a village worked as village community. See
Sub-sections 14.6.5
3) The zamindars had permanent interests in their areas while Jagirdars were
transferable. The latter were interested in the maximum exploitation of peasantry
while zamindars were scared of the desertion of land by peasantry and loosing
their share of the revenue. See Sub-section 14.6.6
264
2) See Sub-section 14.7.2 Technology and Society
Agrarian Relations

Fukazawa, H., (1991) The Medieval Deccan: Peasants, Social Systems and States, 16
to 18 Century (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Habib, Irfan, (2016) Economic History of India AD 1206-1526 (Delhi: Tulika Books).
Moosvi, Shireen, (1990) Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595. A statistical study
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press).

RECOMMENDATIONS
Agricultural Production in Mughal India - I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TzJbp2uRhoc
Agricultural Production in Mughal India – II
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TO_2hyR7nmo
Mughal Empire - System of Agricultural Production
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ogXCHKbpHW4
Agrarian Structure in Mughal India - I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OEf15hoqwqw
Agrarian Structure in Mughal India - I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e1oL3k9-hn8
Agrarian Structure in Mughal India - II
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_RODmiEY39k
Zamindari System
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hp7NPo0T90Q
The Village Community: Zamindars and Peasants
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZH2b8hmcTxI
265
Society and Economy
UNIT 15 EXCHANGE ECONOMY: MONEY AND
CURRENCY *
Structure
15.0 Objectives
15.1 Introduction
15.2 The Mughal Coinage
15.3 The Mughal Minting System
15.4 Prices and Wages
15.5 Summary
15.6 Keywords
15.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, we will discuss some important aspects of Mughal money and currency
system. After going through this Unit you will be able to learn about the:
 increasing use of money in economy,
 currency systems of the Mughals,
 working of the Mughal mints, and
 prices trends during the Mughal period.
15.1 INTRODUCTION
In this Unit, we will discuss the monetary system of the Mughals. The Mughals
had a developed system of metallic currency. The Empire was dotted with mints
issuing coins of gold, silver and copper. Here we will discuss the relative value of
various currencies, system of minting and the location of mints. In the third section,
we will take note of prices. Among other things, we will also discuss the impact of
price fluctuation on the production and commercial activities of the period.
15.2 THE MUGHAL COINAGE

Under the Mughals, the currency system was very well organised. A high level of
purity of metals was also achieved.
The Mughal currency system may be termed as trimetallic. Coins were of three
metals, viz, copper, silver and gold. However, the silver coin was the base of the
currency.
* Prof. A.R. Khan, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University, New
Delhi. The present Unit is taken from our earlier Courses EHI-04: India From 16th to Mid-18th
266 Century, Block 5, Unit 20.
The silver coin has a long pre-Mughal history. It was used during Delhi Sultanate Exchange
Technology and Society
Economy: Money
for long as tanka. Sher Shah for the first time standardized the silver coin. It was and Currency
called rupaya and had a weight of 178 grains (troy). For minting purposes, an alloy
was added which was kept below 4 per cent of the weight of the coin. Akbar
continued the rupaya as the basic currency with more or less the same weight.
Under Aurangzeb the weight of the rupaya was increased to 180 grains (troy).
The silver rupaya was the main coin used for business and revenue transactions.
The Mughals issued a gold coin called ashrafi or muhr. It weighed 169 grains
(troy). This coin was not commonly used in commercial transactions. It was mainly
used for hoarding purposes and also for giving in gift.
The most common coin used for small transactions was the copper dam which
weighed around 323 grains. The weight of the copper dam was reduced by one third
during Aurangzeb’s reign presumably because of the shortage of copper.
Further, for very petty transactions kauris (sea-shells) were used in coastal areas. These
were brought mainly from the Maldive islands. Around 2500 kauris equalled a rupaya.
Apart from the silver rupaya other types of coins were also used. The most important
of these were mahmudis, a long standing silver coin of Gujarat. Even after the
establishment of the Mughal rule in Gujarat it continued to be minted and used in
Gujarat for commercial transaction.
In the Vijaynagar Empire, a gold coin called hun or pagoda was used. After the
disintegration of Vijaynagar, its circulation continued in the kingdoms of Bijapur
and Golconda. In many Deccan kingdoms, an alloy of copper and silver called
tanka was in use. After the expansion of the Mughals in the Deccan a number of
mints were established in that region to produce Mughal silver coins.
Exchange Value of Coins
The exchange value of gold, silver and copper coins kept fluctuating depending
on the supply of these metals in the market. The silver value of gold kept fluctuating
throughout the Mughal period, ranging from 10 to 14 rupaya for one gold coin.
As for copper coin, taking 1595 as the base year, Irfan Habib shows that by the
early 1660s it rose to 2.5 times, but by 1700 it came down to the double and again
by 1750 it reached the level of the 1660s.
For transaction purposes during Akbar’s period, 40 copper dams were considered
equal to one rupaya. After his death, as the rate of copper appreciated sharply, this
ratio could not be maintained. Since all the land revenue assessment and calculations
were done in dams, it became necessary to use it as notional fractional units of
rupaya. Silver coins of small fractions called ana were also used. It was one-sixteenth
of a rupee.
In the above account, we have not gone into the details of the complexities and the
debates among historians about the Mughal currency system. We have only tried to
present before you in a simplified manner the basic features of Mughal coinage.
15.3 THE MINTING SYSTEM

The Mughals had a free coinage system. One could take bullion to the mint and
get it coined. The state had the sole authority to issue coins and no other person
267
Economic Processes
Society and Economy could issue them. A very strict standardization was followed to maintain the purity
of coins.
A large number of mints were established throughout the Empire. Attempts were
made to have these mints in big towns and ports so that the imported bullion could
be taken to mints easily. Every coin carried the name of the issuing mint, and the
year of minting and ruler’s name.
The newly minted coin in the current or previous year was called taza sikka (newly
minted). The coins issued and in circulation in the reign of an emperor were called
chalani (current). While the coins minted in the earlier reigns were called khazana.
Except for the taza all other coins were subjected to reduction in value.
A certain amount was deducted on the value of the coin for successive years from the
year of issue. If a coin was for more than one year in circulation around 3 per cent was
deducted; if it was for more than 2 years then 5 per cent was to be reduced.
Apart from the factor of age, a deduction in the value was made on account of the loss
of weight of coin. Abul Fazl says that if the loss of the weight was less than one rati it
was to be overlooked and the coin was treated as standard. If the loss of weight was
between 1 and 2 ratis, a deduction of two and a half per cent was made; and if it
exceeded 2 ratis the coin was treated as bullion.
The above stated deductions were decided by the state, but in actual practice arbitrary
deductions were decided by sarrafs (money changers) depending on the market.
Working of Mints
Any person desirous of getting money minted was to carry bullion or old currency for
reminting to a mint. The quality and purity of the metal was scrutinized. The currency
was minted and delivered to the concerned person. A specific sum was charged as
minting charges. This amounted to around 5.6% of the bullion minted.
In the process of minting a large number of personnel and craftsmen were involved.
A mint was headed by an officer called darogha-i darul zarb. The duties of this officer
were to supervise the overall working of the mint. He was assisted by a number of
officials, skilled artisans and workmen. The sarraf was employed by the mint as assessor.
He was to judge the purity, weight and age of the coin and fix deductions on their
value. The mushrif was to maintain accounts. The tahvildar kept accounts of daily
profit and kept coins and bullion in safe custody. The muhr kan (engraver) was a
person who engraved and made dies. The wazan kash (weightman) weighed the coins.
There were many artisans like the zarrab (coin maker), sikkachi (stamper), etc.
It is difficult to estimate the output of mints because it depended on the size of the mint
and the commercial activities of the area where the mint operated. By the close of the
17th century, the output of Surat mint was estimated around 30,000 rupaya per day.
Aziza Hasan studied the pattern of the issue of coins in 16th and 17th century. According
to her estimates in 1639 the total rupees in circulation were three times than that of
1591. After 1639 there is a decline and by 1684 the total was double of 1591. After
1684 there is an ascent again and by 1700 the total coins in circulation were three
times than those of 1591.
Location of Mints
Abul Fazl gives a list of mints in the Ain-i Akbari. According to him, copper coins
268
were issued by forty-two mints, silver coins by fourteen and gold coins by four mints. Exchange
Economy: Money
The number of mints issuing silver coins increased by the end of the 17th century to and Currency
forty.
M.P. Singh has compiled a detailed list of mints on the basis of a large number of
numismatic sources. According to him, a large number of mints which figure on coins
do not find a mention in either the A’in or other literary sources. We reproduce below
the list prepared by him.
Reign No.of No.of No. of No. of No. of No. of No. of Total

mints mints mints mints mints mints mints
coining coining coining coining coining coining coining
gold, gold gold gold silver silver copper
silver and only and and only and only
copper silver copper copper
Akbar 13 4 3 1 14 14 35 84
Jahangir 6 2 7 - 11 3 3 32
Shahjahan 10 1 12 - 13 - 5 41
Aurangzeb 18 1 24 - 36 3 3 85
Source: Singh, M.P., (1985) Town, Market, Mint and Port in the Mughal Empire, 1556-1707: An
Administrative-cum-Economic Study (Delhi: Adam Publishers), p. 173
At times, mints accompanied the Imperial camps also that issued coins en route.
1) Write a note on the nature of Mughal currency system.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Elaborate on the system of minting under the Mughals.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
15. 4 PRICES AND WAGES

Prices
The prices for a large number of commodities are listed in the Ain-i Akbari. These
prices generally relate to the Agra region around the end of the 16th century. For
the subsequent period, there are no systematic records of prices for comparison
purposes.
For the seventeenth century, the prices available pertain to different areas of the
Empire in different years. In such a situation, it becomes difficult to trace a definite
trend in the movement of prices of different commodities throughout the Mughal
period. lrafan Habib (Raychaudhuri and Habib 1982) has studied the movement 269
Economic Processes
Society and Economy of prices in 16th and 17th centuries. We give below a brief I account of price
movements as provided by Irfan Habib.
Gold, Silver and Copper
We have already referred to the relative prices of these metals in Section 15.2.
Around 1580s, the value of gold to silver was 1:9, by 1670s, after various
fluctuations, it reached 1:16, but it came down again to 1:14 by 1750.
The silver price of copper coins also increased from the end of the 16th century to
1660s by 2.5 times; by 1700 it came down to double of the 16th century. Again by
1750 it rose to the level of 1660s.
Agricultural Produce
The main problem in analysing the prices of food grains is that they had a lot of
fluctuations and variations. The prices depended on the cultivation of the specific
food grains in a particular region. Again, the prices varied due to the level of
production in a particular year. There could be large variations in the prices of the
same commodity at two places at the same time, depending on how far it was
carried from the place where it was grown.
The prices of some food grains recorded in the A’in are given below:
Wheat per man (maund) 12 dams Sada Paddy per man 100 dams
Black gram per man 8 dams Dewzira Rice per man 90 dams
Lentils gram per man 12 dams Sathi rice per man 20 dams
Barley gram per man 8 dams Mash Dal per man 16 dams
Moth gram per man 12 dams mung per man 18 dams
The prices of food grains doubled between 1595 and 1637. Between 1637 and
1670, the increase was about 15 to 20 per cent. By 1670 the prices were 230 per
cent of 1595. A systematic data is available for Eastern Rajasthan. Here the
agricultural prices show a small increase between 1660s and 1690s, but a sharp
increase by the second decade of the 18th century. After this, they maintained a
level more than twice of that in the 1690s.
Sugar and Indigo
Two widely grown cashcrops in Mughal India were sugar and indigo. In northern
India, the rise in the sugar prices is negligible till 1615; it rose to 140 per cent by
l630 and remained high till 1650s; while in Gujarat, the price of sugar doubled by
1620.
The price movement of indigo shows separate trends for two major varieties, i.e..
Bayana indigo and Sarkhej indigo. The price for Bayana indigo given in the A’in
(1595) is Rs. 16 per man-i Akbari. Till around the first quarter of the 17th century,
the prices remained more or less at this level. In the 1630s we notice a sudden rise
which declined after a short period but remained much above than those of the
1620s. Again, there came a sharp rise in the 1660s which came down a bit but
remained around 3 times than those of 1595.
The prices of the Sarkhej indigo increased by 1.5 times by 1620. By the 1630s.
there was a sharp rise followed by a decline by the 1640s, but it remained at the
270
double level compared to that of 1595. Fluctuations in indigo prices were affected Exchange
Economy: Money
by overseas demand also. and Currency
Wages
The A’in-i Akbari provides figures for the wages of a large category of workers. In
the absence of any such data for the 17th century, it is difficult to discover any
definite wage trend over a period of time. The scattered figures for the 17th century
do show that by 1637 an increase of 67 to 100 per cent takes place; but these are
not enough to draw broad conclusions.
1) What are the major problems encountered to assess the agricultural prices
prevalent in the Mughal period?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Comment briefly on the relative movement of prices in the seventeenth
century.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Brifly provide the artisanal wages prevalent in the Mughal empire.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
15.5 SUMMARY
In this Unit, we have studied the nature of currency system under the Mughals. The
Mughal currency was trimetallic i.e., gold, silver and copper. The Mughal coinage
was free and it was open to everybody to take the bullion to the mint. A large network
of mints was established throughout the Empire. A high degree of purity and
standardization was followed.
The movement of prices was four-fold in a period of 150 years. The annual rate of
price rise was around 1.9 per cent. The quantitative data for wages is very limited.
We get some detailed information on wages mainly from the A’in-i Akbari (1600).
15.6 KEYWORDS
Ana Small fractions of a silver coin of the Mughals;
One silver rupiya of the Mughals was
subdivided into 16 anas; while each ana
consisted of 4 paisa
Chalani Coin current in the reign of an emperor
271
Economic Processes
Society and Economy Dam Copper coin of the Mughals; 40 dams=1 silver
rupiya of the Mughals
Hun/Pagoda Gold coin of the Vijayanagara empire
Khazana Coins minted in the previous reigns
Mahmudis Prevalent silver coin of Gujarat
Troy Troy weight is a British system of weights used
for gold, silver and jewels in which 1 pound =
12 ounces = 5760 grains
Tanka Silver coin prevalent in the Deccan
Taza Sikka Coin minted in the current or previous year

EXERCISES
1) The Mughals had an open system of minting of coins. It was a trimetallic currency.
See Section 15.2
2) You should write about the officers of mints and their working. See Section 15.3
1) See Section 15.4
2) See Section 15.4
3) See Section 15.4
15.8 REFERENCES
Deyell, John, (1990) Living without Silver: The Monetary History of Early Medieval
North India (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Richards, John F., (1987) The Imperial Monetary System of Mughal India (Delhi:
Singh, M.P., (1985) Town, Market, Mint and Port in the Mughal Empire: An Administrative-
cum-Economic Study (Delhi: Adam Publishers).

RECOMMENDATIONS
Mughal Monetary System
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zWUFgxLEGTg
272
Mughal Empire - Trade and Monetary System Technology
Exchange and Society
Economy: Money
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AIL-adfuybI and Currency
Mughal Monetary System

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9rmyjK-cHi4
What Mughal Coins Tell Us About the Great Empire
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lrfgWYb-cRw
273
Society and Economy
UNIT 16 TOWNS, CITIES AND GROWTH OF
URBAN CENTRES*
Structure
16.0 Objectives
16.1 Introduction
16.2 Approaches to Study the Medieval Towns
16.3 Urban Landscape under the Mughals
16.4 Composition of Population (Urban Classes)
16.5 Urban Demography
16.6 Urban Life
16.6.1 Standard of Living
16.6.2 Social Life
16.6.3 Entertainment and Festivities
16.7 Summary
16.8 Keywords
16.0 OBJECTIVES
The study of urban history of medieval India is an important and equally fascinating
subject. In this Unit, you will study the development of urban economy and urban
centres during the medieval period. After reading this Unit, you should be able:
 to have an idea of urbanisation in medieval India along with some of the most
talked about theories on urbanisation;
 be able to list the general physical characteristics of medieval towns,
 discuss the various features of medieval urban life in India.
16.1 INTRODUCTION
The urban history of Mughal India, despite being a subject of great importance, has
not received adequate attention by the scholars. That the subject has multifarious
facets is evident from the range of topics that possibly form its domain. The expansion
of urban centres, their actual size, urban economy and the society that an urban
centre seems to have, are some of the notable examples.
* Prof. A.R. Khan, Prof. Ravindra Kumar, Prof. Abha Singh, School of Social Sciences, Indira
Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi. The present Unit is taken from our earlier
274 Course EHI-04: India From 16th Century to Mid-Eighteenth Century, Block 7, Unit 28.
In this Unit we propose to introduce you to the urban history of Medieval India. Technology
Towns, Citiesand Society
and Growth
Besides the theoretical generality such as approaches to the problem of urbanisation, of Urban Centres
we have mainly focussed on the description pertaining to the urban landscape and
life. It should be understood here that in this kind of problem-oriented study our
approach would mainly be decided by the type of questions we attempt to answer.
You would thus find that the details of town life and society as well as their layout
given by us have emanated mainly from the way we have tackled the question of
urbanisation in Medieval India.
16.2 APPROACHES TO STUDY THE MEDIEVAL

TOWNS
Urbanisation has been seen by scholars both in terms of the physical growth of a town
as well as a particular way of life. Of late, much work along both these lines of enquiry
has been done in the West. Unlike this, however, the study of urban history in India is
still in the developing stage. In the following Sections, we offer a brief account of the
main theoretical development and the major lines of enquiry followed to date.
The town, in contrast to a village, is now, by consensus, seem to possess two basic
features: dense concentration of population within a defined and also limited space,
and a predominantly non-cultivating character of this population. A town thus has a
definite man-space ratio and an essentially heterogeneous occupational pattern.
For the emergence of towns, in medieval India, several explanations have been
put forward. The causative factors inherent in these explanations postulate the
emergence of mainly four types of urban centres:
i) administrative
ii) religious
iii) military/strategic
iv) market
The administrative towns obviously functioned primarily as seats of governance. For
the Mughal Empire, towns like Delhi and Lahore, come under this category. The
religious centres were pre-eminent pilgrim attractions, e/g., Varanasi and Mathura.
The military or strategic towns developed essentially as military cantonment, and, in
due course of time attracted civilian population also. The towns like Attock and
Asirgarh fit this description. Finally, there were urban centres as the focus of large-
scale commercial activities or were predominantly production centres. Sometimes
both these activities together characterised an urban centre. We have, for the Mughal
Empire, towns like Patna and Ahmedabad falling under this category.
Here two things should be noted. An average town in the Mughal Empire was in fact
an extension of the village in the sense of social unities and attitudes. This rural-urban
continuum is thus a notable feature of urbanisation during the Mughal period.
Moreover, given the diversity of urban economies in the Mughal Empire, the stereo
type of an Indian town would be a misnomer. Thus, the other important thing to note
is that the character of two apparently similar cities (at least functionally) would
often be different. The emergence of an urban centre, therefore, was dependent on
a variety of factors relating to its geographical location and historical situation.
275
Economic Processes
Society and Economy
16.3 URBAN LANDSCAPE UNDER THE MUGHALS
Even while accepting the caveat about Mughal towns as stated in the preceding
Section, it is possible to identify some common features. We discuss them below:
Physical Configuration
Most of the towns had some sort of a fortification wall with one or more gates. The
main population of the city lived within these walls. With the expansion of towns
at times the cities outgrew their walls. The example of a typical Mughal town can
be found in the description of Agra by John Jourdain at the beginning of the 17th
century: “The citie is 12 courses long by the river side, which is above 16 miles; and at
the narrowest place it is three miles broad. It is walled, but the suburbs are joined to the
walls, that were it not for the gates you could not know when you were within the
walls or without”. Generally, the nobles or princes would build their mansions or
gardens outside the gates of the town. Thus, in many cities like Delhi, Agra, Patna,
Ahmedabad and Allahabad these settlements developed as suburbs.
In planned towns markets were properly laid. In others shops could be found on both
sides of the main roads; with shopkeepers living behind these shops or on the first
floor of the shops. Most of the towns could boast of a number of markets. Many of
these markets specialised in a particular commodity. Names of various areas suggest
their speciality for example in Agra 6 Loha Gali (iron objects), cheenitole (sugar mart),
ghallamandi (grain market), dal mandi (market for pulses), sabunkatra (soap market)
nil para (indigo market). In Delhi. Jauhri bazar (jewellery market), sabzimandi (vegetable
mart), churiwala (bangles market), etc. Paharganj was a wholesale market for grain.
The residential areas of towns called mohalla were often identified by the professional
groups that resided there. A few names like mahalla kunjrah, mochiwara (shoemakers),
mahalla zargaran (goldsmiths) kucha rangrezan (dyers) are notable instances. Such
caste or professional names for different wards of the Mughal towns can be found in
almost all the towns. In some cases these mohallas or wards were known by the
names of influential men who resided there.
Another important feature of the town was the presence of sarais which were halting
places for merchants or travellers. Even the smallest towns had one. The larger towns
like, Delhi, Agra, Patna, Lahore or Ahmedabad had sarais by the dozens. Generally,
nobles, royal ladies, big merchants or the state itself took up the job of constructing
these sarais. The travellers were provided with amenities including storage space
to stock merchandise. These were managed by the families of bhatiyaras who
specialised as keepers of sarais. The foreigners visiting the towns were supposed
to inform the city administration about their arrival and departure.
On the whole, most of the towns lacked any detailed town planning. Except the major
street, other lanes and bylanes were congested and muddy. The city had its own
administrative machinery and regulations to run the day-to-day administration.
16.4 COMPOSITION OF POPULATION: URBAN

CLASSES
The urban population was not a homogenous one. In our sources we come across
various categories of people residing in towns. These can be classified into four broad
276 groups:
i) Nobles and their retainers, officials of the state and troops; Technology
and Growth
of Urban Centres
ii) Persons engaged in merchantile activities (merchants, sarrafs, brokers, etc.);
iii) People involved with religious establishments, musicians, painters, poets,
physicians, etc.; and
iv) Artisans, menials and workmen of sundry sorts.
The composition of different categories of people in different towns depended on the
nature of towns, i.e., administrative centres, or commercial centres. In case of
imperial headquarters, perhaps the biggest group was that of the retainers and troops
of the king and nobles. Bernier (1658) estimated the total strength of Shah Jahan’s
great camp around 3-4 lakhs.
The situation in other administrative headquarters was also the same. The provincial
governors, high nobles and other administrative officers all had their contingents,
official hangers-on, servants, slaves and their families.
As most of the big towns were commercial centres of importance, the mercantile
community of the towns was quite important. At Ahmedabad it was estimated that
there were around 84 castes and sub-castes of Hindu merchants alone. In 1640
there were 600 brokers in Patna. Our sources mention that in big towns all the roads
were lined with shops for miles. The number of grocers in Patna, a moderate town,
was around 200. In a comparatively smaller town Jodhpur more than 600 shops
were owned by Mahajans.
Another important group in town comprised of people associated with the professions
of medicine, learning, literature, art and music. Generally, the religious and
charitable grants were given in the vicinity of towns. Besides, a large number of poets,
musicians, physicians also made their abode in towns because here money could
be earned or patronage of the king and nobles was available. Artisans,
workmen and labourers formed one of the biggest groups in towns having large
commercial activities. We have already discussed the large number of crafts
practised in India during this period in Unit 14. The people working as artisans in
various crafts may be divided in many groups:
i) The individual artisans working at their own places and selling their wares.
ii) Artisans working in the karkhanas of the kings and nobles, and in large-
scale building construction undertaken by the kings and nobles. There was a
large workforce of semi-skilled and unskilled workmen who would assist artisans
or work in such large-scale enterprises as shipbuilding, diamond-mining, saltpeter
and salt-making. A number of workmen were employed as domestic help and
daily wage labourers.
16.5 URBAN DEMOGRAPHY

The Tabqat-i Akbari (c. 1593) says that during Akbar’s period there were around
120 big cities and 3200 qasbas (small towns). In the 17th century, with the increasing
trade and commerce this number would have grown further. In the absence of
records, it is not possible to find out the population of different urban centres.
Irfan Habib estimates that around 15 per cent of the total population in Mughal
India lived in towns.
277
Economic Processes
Society and Economy As for the size of the individual towns is concerned, scattered references are provided
by some European travellers. Sometimes an estimate is provided while at other places
the size of Indian towns is compared with European towns. But these figures are
available for only a few towns.
For a few important towns we provide the figures below:
Towns Year of Estimate Population
Agra 1609 5,00,000

1629-43 6,66,000
1666 8,00,000
Delhi 1659-66 5,00,000
Lahore 1581 4,00,000

1615 7,00,000
Thatta 1631-5 2,25,000
Ahmadabad 1613 1,00,000-

2,00,000
Surat 1663 1,00,000

1700 2,00,000
Patna 1631 2,00,000
Dacca c.1630 2,00,000
Masulipatam 1672 2,00,000

Source: Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, (1982) Cambridge Economic
History of India, (New Delhi: Oxford University Press), Vol.1, p. 171
The above estimates show that the big towns in India would have compared
favourably with the towns of contemporary Europe.
1) What are the major approaches to study the medieval towns?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Discuss physical configuration of medieval towns.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Write a note on sarais in fifty words.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
278 ........................................................................................................................
4) Tick mark against the true () and false statements (): Technology
and Growth
of Urban Centres
i) Bhatiyaras were among the chief custodians of the sarais. ( )
ii) The Tabaqat-i Akbari mentions that during Akbar’s reign there were 120
big cities and 3200 qasbas, ( )
iii) Irfan Habib estimates that 12 per cent of the population resided in the towns
in Medieval period. ( )
16.6 URBAN LIFE

It is an interesting fact that our sources for the study of the Mughal Empire abound
with descriptions of urban life. The following Sub-sections are thus based on such
details.
16.6.1 Standard of Living

Standard of living in a Medieval city shows striking contrast. While the upper
strata led a life-style akin to the royalty, the urban poor found it difficult to achieve
the bare subsistence level. Commenting on the life-style of the common populace
at Goa, Linschoten says that they ‘are so miserable that for a penny they would
endure to be whipped and they eat so little that it seemeth they live by the air; they
are likewise most of them small and weak of limbs.’ Similar observation was
made by De Laet as well. He comments that ‘the condition of the common people
in those regions is exceedingly miserable; wages are low; workmen get one regular
meal a day; the houses are wretched and practically unfurnished, and people have not
sufficient covering to keep warm in winter.’
The Ain-i Akbari and other contemporary European travellers’ (Pelsaert, Pietro della
Valle, etc.) accounts show that an average monthly wage of the urban workers ranged
between Rs. 3 to 4.
Shireen Moosvi has shown that the purchasing power of an unskilled worker was
significantly higher in 1595 than in 1867-1871-2. An unskilled worker during Akbar’s
reign was able to purchase much more wheat, inferior foodgrains, ghi, sugar, etc.
than his successors did in 1867. Thus, he could have afforded better food-stuff
than his counterparts did in the latter half of the 19th century. However, his
purchasing power was poor in terms of clothing. The fall in the purchasing power
of skilled workers in terms of foodgrains seems even more marked than it was in
the case of unskilled wages in the latter half of the 19th century. Thus, the urban
wages were much higher in c. 1600 than in 1867.
Middle classes, specially the petty revenue officials, lower rank mansabdars and the
physicians appear to be fairly prosperous. However, intellectuals were, in general,
poor and depended for their livelihood solely upon their patrons.
The nobles and other upper classes in Mughal India led a luxurious life-style. We are
told that an amir’s son spent 1 lakh rupees in a day in Chandni Chowk to buy the
necessities. Moreland comments that “spending not hoarding was the dominant
feature of the time”. Shireen Moosvi has analysed the pattern of consumption of the
‘Royalty’ and the nobles which clearly reflects the nature of the life-style the ‘Royalty’
and the Mughal nobles.
279
Economic Processes
Society and Economy
Head of Imperial Household Noble
Expenditure (in per cent) (in per cent)
Harem 18.68 14.25

Kitchen 7.28 7.04
Wardrobe 8.93 7.32
Building 8.01 6.57
Encampment Material 5.53 4.54
Utensils 7.97 6.54
Trappings of Animals 1.41 1.16
Books and Paintings 3.60 2.96
Ornaments and Gems 23.65 19.40
Hunting Animals and Pets 6.94 5.69
Miscellaneous 1.33 1.09
Cash Grants 6.67 -
Foot Retainers - 8.43
Arsenal and Armour - 9.67
Beasts of Burden - 2.65
Display Animals - 2.69
This clearly shows that a Mughal noble spent almost 75 per cent on luxury and
comforts. The luxurious life-style of the Mughal nobles resulted in their
impoverishment. Bernier states that ‘... Omrahs: on the contrary most of them are
deeply in debt; they are ruined by the costly presents made to the king and by their
large establishment.’ ‘This, in turn, pressed them to extract more from the peasants
than the required dues.’
However, nobles appear to help the development of craft production. Shireen
Moosvi has calculated that 63.26 per cent of the nobles’ salaries were spent to support
the craft sector. The average estimated expenses on craft production amounted to 37.38
per cent of the jama. Thus, the investments on craft production were rather large.
But, this was more for personal consumption than for the market. Therefore, in spite
of large investments it failed to generate a ‘home-market’.
Clothing
The style of clothing of the middle and upper strata was by and large similar. Both
could be distinguished on the basis of the quality of cloth they worn. Men wore
drawers (shdwnr) and breeches (churidar payjama), and a shirt. In the winter they
also wore arcabick (vest stuffed with cotton) and a long loose fitting coat (qaba).
Besides, they put a shawl on shoulders and a patka round the waist and a turban.
Humayun is reported to have introduced a new design of overcoat which was cut
at the waist and was open in front. He used to wear it over the qaba. This coat was
280
also presented as khi’lat (robe of honaur) to the nobles. Women wore a long chadar
and a bodice (choli). In the doab area, lahanga (a long loose skirt) and choli and a Urban
Towns, Economy
Cities and
and Growth
long scarf was quite popular. The Muslim ladies usually wore loose drawers, a Monetization
of Urban Centres
shirt and long scarf together with their usual veil.
The cloth used was mostly cotton, plain and printed, and silk, plain and striped.
Akbar paid special attention to his clothing. Abul Fazl mentions that every year
1000 suits were made for him. Akbar is reported to distribute his entire wardrobe
among his servants.
Bernier, however, comments that rich merchants had a tendency to look indignant
for ‘lest that they should be used as filled sponges’. But Barbosa applauds the rich
dress style of Muslim merchants of Calicut. Similarly, Delia Valle commented on the
splendour of Surat merchants. The Hindu nobles followed the Muslim counterparts
in their dresses. The Brahmans put tilak on their forehead and Rajput wore earrings.
Lower strata for most part were scantily clothed. Salbanke comments about the
common populace between Agra and Lahore that “the Plebeian sort is so poor that
the greatest part of them go naked”. Similar observations are given by the European
travellers for the South. Barbosa remarks about the common masses of the
Vijaynagar Empire that they ‘go quite naked with the exception of a piece of cloth
about their middle’. Linschoten (1580-1590) mentions that common people of Goa,
‘live very poorly; go naked’ Babur remarks that ‘peasants and people of low
standing go about naked. They tie lunguta, a decency cloth, which hangs two
spans below the navel...another cloth is passed between the thighs and made fast
behind.’‘Women also tie on a cloth (lung), one half of which goes around the
waist, the other is thrown over the head. In winter men wear quilted gowns of
cotton ... and quilted caps.’ In the South most of the people went barefoot.
1) Compare the standard of living of urban workers with their 19th century
counterparts.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the clothing pattern of the urban poor during the Mughal period.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
16.6.2 Social Life

Joint family system was common. Woman was subordinate to man. The higher
class women observed purdah. Barbosa comments that in Khambayat, though,
women observed purdah, they frequently visited their friends. There was ample
freedom of social intercourse within the limits of the purdah.
The custom of jauhar was almost entirely confined totally among the Rajputs.
Their women, in time of despair (during war, etc.), seeing the imminent defeat, to
save their pride, used to set themselves afire. Babur gives a vivid description of
the jauhar performed by Medini Rai’s ladies at Chanderi. 281
Economic Processes
Society and Economy Among the upper caste Hindus, the practice of sati or self-immolation was quite
common. Akbar took a serious view when the daughter of Mota Raja of Marwar
was compelled to bum herself against her wishes. Akbar appointed observers in
every town and district to ensure that while those who on their own impulse wished
to commit sati might be allowed to do so, they should prohibit and prevent an:
forcible sati. Akbar also took steps of permitting widows to remarry (1587).
Both Hindus and Muslims favoured an early marriage age for boys and girls.
Akbar criticised child marriage. He raised the minimum age limit for boys to 16
and for girls to 14 years.
Birth ceremony was of great importance. Among the Muslims, the rite of aqiqa
(shaving the hair of the head) was performed. The Hindu child was placed in the
charge of a guru at the age of five while, as per Muslim traditions, a child was put
in a school (maktab) after the completion of four years, four months and four
days. The ceremony was known as bismillah khwani. Usually in the 7th year, the
Muslim child was circumcised and the occasion was celebrated with great rejoicing.
Akbar prohibited circumcising before the age of 12 and even then left it to the
option of the grown up boy. The Hindus performed upanayana samsakara, i.e.,
tying of the tripple sacred thread at the completion of the 9th year.
Marriage ceremony hardly differed from the present day celebrations. A Hindu
marriage began with tilak or mangni, and then a marriage date (lagan) was fixed.
Songs were sung. Marriage was performed with elaborate rites.
Elaborate ceremonies were performed at the time of death also. Priests chanted
mantras, distributed alms, etc., put sacred Ganga water followed by shraddha
ceremony after a year. The practice of burning dead was quite common among the
Hindus. Muslims performed siyum ceremony on the 3rd day of death.
Nobles and rich merchant spent huge amount of money on marriages. Khemchand,
a rich merchant, intended to spend 15 lakhs rupees on the marriage of his daughter,
but he was robbed on the way. Thirty two lakhs rupees were reported to have been
spent on the marriage of Prince Dara Shukoh. A 17th century traveller to Sindh,
Boccaro, reports that even an ordinary Hindu spent 4000-5000 rupees on a marriage.
On a marriage in his family, Raja Bhagwan Das provided a number of houses, one
hundred elephants and boys and girls of Abyssinia, India and Caucassia, and all
sorts of jewel studded golden vessels and utensils, etc.
Education
In general, education was beyond the reach of a common woman. But women of
elite class got opportunity to study. Princesses were taught to read and write. Akbar
was greatly interested in female education. Badauni comments that he
recommended a new syllabus. He established a school for girls at Fatehpur Sikri.
Some royal ladies were also interested in promoting education. Bega Begum,
Humayun’s consort, founded a “college” near the mausoleum of Humayun. Maham
Anaga, the foster mother of Akbar, established a school at Delhi. Gulbadan Begum
was well versed in Persian and Turki and wrote the Humayunama. She had a
library of her own. Similarly, Nur Jahan, Jahan Ara and Zaibunnisa (daughter of
Aurangzeb) were literary figures of their age. Auraweb educated all his daughters
well. But dance and music were frowned upon. Nur Jahan and Jahan Ara (daughter
of Shah Jal?an) played an active role in Mughal politics. The mansabdars were
282 generally weli vers~d in Persian. Some also studied mathematics, knew little bit
of medicine and practised calligraphy. In Mughai India, the nobles maintained Urban
Towns, Economy
Cities and
and Growth
their personal libraries. Abdul Rahim Khan Khana had a huge library manned by Monetization
of Urban Centres
95 calligraphers, guilders, bookbinders, painters, cutters, illuminators, etc.
Babur himself was a great scholar of Turkish. His autobiography, the Baburnama,
is still considered one of the masterpieces of Turkish prose. He also knew Persian
and was also a skilled calligrapher. Humayun and all other later Mughal Emperors
knew good Persian. Though circumstances did not allow Akbar to have formal
education, he patronised poets, philosophers, painters, physicians, etc.
1) Discuss Akbar’s attitude towards social evils prevailing in the contemporary
society.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Write a note on the position of education of the Mughal Princesses.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
16.6.3 Entertainment and Festivities

Gambling, elephant fights, chaupar, chandal-mandal, chess, cards, polo, etc., were
the sports greatly indulged in by the higher strata. Chaupar playing was very popular
among the Hindus, specially the Rajputs. Akbar later substituted human figures for
the pieces of chaupar and turned it into the amusing game of chandal-mandal.
Cards (ganjifa) appears to have been first introduced in India by Babur. It became
quite popular during Akbar’s reign. Gambling was common. Pigeon-flying and
cock-fighting were common. Akbar used to feed his own birds and call the game
(pigeon flying) by the romantic term ishqbaazi (love affair).
Hunting was the most popular pastime of the royalty. The Mughals organised
qamargah hunts. This was large scale manoeuvre organised in one of the imperial
hunting preserves. Sometimes around 50,000 cavalrymen and others encircled the
hunting preserve and they gradually came closer to a point when the animals were
confined into a sort of ring. The Emperor and other big nobles then entered the
ring and hunted the animals. Deer, goats, elephants, etc., were also domesticated
for the sake of hunting. Cheetahs were trained for hunting deer, etc. In many parts
of Northern and Central India, imperial hunting preserves had been established.
Hunting tigers, lions and elephants was royal prerogative.
Generally, ladies of harem did not participate in outdoor games. But some played
chaugan (polo). Nur Jahan is the lone example who shot tigers and lions. But
pigeon-flying, and blind man’s buff (ankhmicholi) were common pastimes.
Festivals and Fairs
Religious festivals and pilgrimages to holy shrines were popular means of
amusement. I Huge urs celebration were organised at the tomb of the sufis. At 283
Economic Processes
Society and Economy Delhi such celebrations were held at the tombs of Bakhtiyar Kaki and Nizamuddin
Auliya. At the tomb of Hazrat Nasiruddin Chiragh Delhi, (Nizamuddin Auliya’s
successor) on I every Sunday, both Hindus and Muslims gathered, specially during
the month of Dipawali.
‘Id-ul fitr, ‘id-ul zuha, nauroz, shabbarat, holi, dashehra, dipawali, rakshabandhan,
basant panchami, etc. were also celebrated with great pomp and show.
Fairs were also organised. The famous Garh Mukteswar fair, still celebrated in the
traditional style, can be traced back to the medieval times. Dashehra was popular
I among the kshatriyas and all agricultural classes. The Kumbha fairs on the river
Ganga was most famous of all the fairs. On the occasion of Muharram, taziya
(imitation rnausolenms of the martyrs of karbala) processions were taken out
through the streets of the town.
Music
Big amirs arranged “mushairas” (literary evenings) in their mansions where poets
recited their compositions. Singers and musicians performed their recital in the
harem every day. Shah Jahan’s favourites were Kavindra, Chitra Khan, La1 Khan
and Sriman. Shah Jahan’s amir Shah Nawaz Khan had a large number of musicians
and singers. Muhammad Shah was also fond of music. Boli Khan, Jallah, Chamani
and Kamal Bai were the most celebrated ones during his reign. Nia’mat Khan was
the bin (flute) player and an expert in the khayal form of singing. Panna Bai, his
disciple, possessed good voice. Taj Khan Qawali and Muinuddin, experts in Qawali,
were other famous singers of Muhammad Shah’s reign.
Eunuchs performed dances in public. Miyan Haiga used to dance in the square of
the Urdu Bazar, in front of the Shahjahanabad fort. A hule crowd assembled to
watch him. Asa Pura, a Hindu dancing girl was also a great name.
Alhakhand and the stories of Nala-Damayanti were recited by the balladeers.
Sravana songs (Hindola and Sravani) were quite popular. Garabha, the Gujarati
dance, was popular on the west coast. Puppet shows, antics of the monkeys, snake-
charmer shows, tight-rope walker, etc. were eye-catchers.
Indoor entertainment parties (jashn) were organised which were accompanied with
dance and banquet. Humayun introduced the system of river picnics on the Jamuna.
He also started the practice of MLna Bazar for royal ladies which flourished and
developed greatly under his successors.
Drinking was common. Akbar believed that moderate drinking was good for health.
Opium eating was also quite common. Bhang was another favourite drug.
Prostitution was prevalent. During the 16th century, tobacco smoking was unknown.
When in the early 17th century tobacco was introduced, its use became widespread.
1) Define the following:
Ishq Bazi ...........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................................
Chandal-Mandal................................................................................................
284 .........................................................................................................................
Qamargah Hunts ............................................................................................. Urban
Towns, Economy
Cities and
and Growth
Monetization
of Urban Centres
.........................................................................................................................
2) Write a note on urs celebrations.
…...............................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
16.7 SUMMARY
During the medieval period urban centres and urban life were fairly well developed.
In India, urban centres represented the fine blend of urban-rural mix for the obvious
reason that most of the towns were extension of village. Urban population was quite
heterogenous. On the one hand we find royalty and upper strata leading luxurious
life; on the other, the urban poor barely attained the subsistence level. But,
interestingly, if one compares the purchasing power of the urban unskilled and skilled
workers they look certainly better off in terms of their capacity to buy food, stuff
compared to their counterparts during the 19th century, During the Mughal period
one finds the continuation of evil customs of sati, purdah, jauhar, child sacrifice,
early marriage, etc. However, Akbar introduced certain reforms. He attempted to
ban sati. Education was not within the reach of most of the women folk. But royal
ladies were given some formal education. The Mughal Emperors’ were also
innovative. They introduced new games (cards, etc.) and modified many (chaupar,
etc). Religious festivals and fairs were organised with gaiety and pomp as is done
today. Origins of many modern fairs can be traced back to the Mughal period.
16.8 KEYWORDS
Jauhar Honorific self-immolation; in the medieval period practice of collective
self-immolation to save themselves from the disgrace at the hands of conquering
enemies in the wake of imminent defeat and expected death of their husbands/
rulers in the battlefield Karkhanas Lit. factory; In the medieval period karkhanas
were not necessarily production centres. There were two types of karkhanas: a)
Production centres where like the modern factories actual production was taken
place; b) Served as warehouses/stores where articles for royal consumption were
stored. They mainly cater to the ruler’s demand for his household and army in the
form of articles of luxury goods and war auxiliaries Sarraf Money changer.

EXERCISES
1) Analyse the reasons for the emergence of various towns. See Section 16.2
2) See Section 16.3
3) See Section 16.3
4) (a)  (b)  (c) 
285
Economic Processes
Society and Economy Check Your Progress-2
1) Find out whether the Medieval worker was better off. See Sub-Section 16.6.1
1) Discuss Akbar’s sensitivity towards the prevailing ills in the Medieval society.
He -tried to reform evil customs that prevailed amongst the Hindu and the
Muslim, social structure. See Sub-section 16.6.2
1) Read Section Entertainment and Festivities See Sub-Section 16.6.3
2) Read Section Festivals and Fairs See Sub-Section 16.6.3

Banga, Indu, (2005) The City in Indian History (New Delhi: Manohar).
Moosvi, Shireen, (1987) Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1600 (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press).
Sharma, Yogesh and Pius Malekandathil, (2014) (ed.) Cities in Medieval India (New
Delhi: Primus Books).

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Society and Economy
Jesuits (Rodolfo Acquaviva and Francisco Henriques) in the Ibadatkhana Assembly of Akbar, Fathpur
Sikri; Miniature from Akbarnama, circa 1605
Painter: Nar Singh
Photograph Source: Chester Beatty Museum; http://chesterbeatty.i.e.
288 Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jesuits_at_Akbar%27s_court.jpg

Urban Economy and
UNIT 17 STATE AND RELIGION* Monetization
Structure
17.0 Objective
17.1 Introduction
17.2 Historical Perspective
17.2.1 Contemporary Scenario
17.2.2 Contemporary Historiography
17.2.3 Modern Historiography
17.3 Akbar’s Attitude towards Religion

17.3.1 Early Phase: 1560-1565
17.3.2 Second Phase: 1566-1578
17.3.3 Third Phase: 1578-1580
17.3.4 Fourth Phase: 1581-1605
17.4 Sulh-i Kul

17.5 An Assessment
17.6 Summary
17.7 Keywords
17.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you will know about the:
 nature of the contemporary writings on religion;

 observations of some historians on the religious policy of the Mughal
Emperors;
 attitude of the Mughal Emperors towards religion, and
 influence of the Akbar’s religious faith on his state policy,
 Akbar’s conflict with the orthodox ulama,
 Establishment of Ibadat Khana by Akbar,
 proclamation of Mahzar, and
* Dr. Firdaus Anwar, Kirori Mal College, University of Delhi, Delhi; and Prof. Abha Singh,
School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi. The present
Unit is partially taken from IGNOU Course EHI-04: India from 16th to mid-18th Century,
Block 7, Unit 30. 289
Society and
Imagining theEconomy
Sacred  Akbar’s policy of sulh-i kul.
17.1 INTRODUCTION
The change in the composition of the upper ruling classes in North India after the
Muslim conquests should be regarded as a watershed in Indian history. The most
important political reason for demarcation from the preceding period is the bare
fact that now the Muslims emerge as the dominant factor in the Indian polity – a
process that continued for many centuries including the Mughal rule. This has
naturally affected the periodization of Indian history. Some modern scholars are
prone to call medieval period as ‘Musllm’ period. They think that since Muslims
were the rulers, Islam must have been the state religion. But this perception is
erroneous, because it places exclusive importance on religion of the upper ruling-
classes, completely disregarding other significant components of medieval society
like economic, political and social interests. Secondly, it is not rational to equate
the religion of the ruler with that of the state. Such perceptions complicate the
issue of state and religion.
In this Unit, at first, we will discuss the background in which the Mughal state
was working. We shall also take note of the observations of contemporary sources.
The attitude of the Mughal Emperors towards religious matters will also be
examined. This includes the personal beliefs of the ruler, state policies and
relationship with the non-Muslims. We have avoided the question of Mughal-
Rajput relations as they will be discussed in detail in our Course BHIC 112.
We would like to stress here that one should be on his guard while using modern
terminology to evaluate medieval Indian history, especially the issue of religion
during this period. The terms like ‘fundamentalism’, ‘fanaticism’, ‘communalism’
‘secularism’, etc. are thrown in wide circulation and are being freely used. Many
times this leads to distortion of facts. For a better understanding of such issues,
therefore, we should follow a disciplined historical perspective and carefully
observe some characteristic features of medieval period.
17.2 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

In this Section we will discuss the attitude of the State and people towards religion.
How the contemporary and modern historiographers view this delicate question
of State and religion is also dealt with.
17.2.1 Contemporary Scenario

One feature of the period under study was the firm belief of the majority of the
people in religion. Every educated person was expected to be well-versed in
religious studies. Consequently, chronicles, etc. written during the period either
by Hindus or Muslims were couched in religious idiom. A careless handling of
this material, therefore, could blur our judgement of facts, leading to unwarranted
interpretation.
Secondly, recognising the importance of religion in public life, the temporal heads
freely used it in their personal and political interest. The rulers like Mahmud of
Ghazni often gave the slogan of ‘jihad’ (religious war) against their enemies, even
though none of them really fought for the faith. ‘We can hardly find an example of
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a war’, remarks P. Saran, ‘which was fought by Muslim rulers purely on a religious Urban
StateEconomy and
and Religion
basis and for a religious cause’. Monetization
Thirdly, the ‘ulama’ (Muslim theologians) were held in high esteem. They wanted
the rulers to follow Islamic code in their administration and treat the non-Muslims
accordingly. But as P. Saran writes, ‘The philosophy of the treatment of non-
Muslims, chiefly idolators, by Muslims as developed by Muslim theologians, was
nothing different in its nature from the philosophy of the Brahmanic theologians
which allowed them, in the sacred name of religion, to treat with all manner of
contempt, humiliation and disgrace, a very large section of their countrymen whom
they condemned as untouchables.. .’
On the other hand, some Muslim rulers in India often disagreed with the orthodox
ulama on certain occasions relating to administrative matters. In most cases, they
did not accept the verdict of the religious groups if it did not suit their policies. For
example, 14th century chronicler Ziauddin Barani describes at length the attitude
of Alauddin Khalji thus: ‘He came to the conclusion that polity and government
are one thing and the rules and decrees of Law (Shariat) are another. Royal
commands belong to the king, legal decrees rest upon the judgement of qazis and
muftis. In accordance with this opinion whatever affair of state came before him,
he only looked to the public good, without considering whether his mode of dealing
with it was lawful or unlawful.’ The qazi of the Sultan, Mughisuddin of Bayana,
suggested a very harsh and humiliating attitude towards the non-Muslim subjects;
but Alauddin rejected the advice and told the qazi that the interest of his government
and his people were of prime importance. He, therefore, issued orders and
formulated policies almost disregarding the orthodox opinion. Alauddin’s attitude
towards religious orthodoxy and political affairs, in fact, became a precedent:
administrative requirements and political needs were generally given priority over
religious laws by the medieval rulers. A policy of appeasement of the ulama,
however, continued simultaneously. The rulers at times gave various monetary
benefits and other concessions to pacify this group and also to achieve certain
political ends.
A further point worth stating here is that since religion was the basic component
of the contemporary idiom, the rulers usually explained their policies and actions
in religious terms.
17.2.2 Contemporary Historiography

According to the system of education, a medieval Muslim historian, too, had his
training in the religious atmosphere of the madrasas (medieval centres of learnings).
This profoundly affected his style of writing. For the army of his patron he would
use the term Lashkar-i Islam (the army of Islam) and for that of the eneiny Lashkar-
i Kufr (army of the infidels). Similarly, he justified the casualties in the ranks of
his patron as shahadat (martyrdom), and lost no time in sending the dead ones of
the opposite side to hell. The application of such a style in Indian environment
where the majority they ruled belonged to a religion different from that of the
ruler, was bound to create confusion. A careless interpreter of these expressions
may readily conclude that the nature of struggle in Medieval India was basically
religious, and that it was a tussle primarily between Islam and kufrs. But this
would not be a mature way of analyzing the facts, because these should in no way
be confused with the contemporary state policies. The fact that it was basically a
291
Society and
Sacred matter of style, can be borne out by any number of examples from the same stock
of material. Mohammad Salih (the author of the Amal-i Salih), a historian of Shah
Jahan’s reign, while describing the uprising of the Afghans, condemns the rebels
under their leader Kamaluddin Rohilla as dushman-i din (enemy of the Faith). In
1630, when Khwaja Abul Hasan (a noble of Shah Jahan) resumed his Nasik
expedition, Abdul Hameed Lahori, (the court historian of Shah Jahan), used the
term mujahidan-i din (warriors in the defense of the Faith) for the Mughal forces
in spite of the fact that the opponents comprised more Muslims than non-Muslims,
and many non-Muslims were in the Mughal forces. It is also interesting that the
same historian terms the Mughal soldiers mujahidan-i Islam (warriors in the defense
of Islam) when they faced the Nizam Shahi army which overwhelmingly consisted
of Muslims. Similar terms were used by historians when expeditions were sent
against a non-Muslim chieftain or noble or official. The army sent to crush the
uprising of Jujhar Singh Bundela was also termed as lashkar-i Islam, although
there were a sizeable number of non-Muslims on the Mughal side. The use of
religious terms like mujahid, shahadat, etc. during the Balkh and Badakhshan
expeditions under Shah Jahan, where the Mughals were fighting exclusively against
their co-religionists, shows literary trend and academic style rather than purely
religious nature of these terms. One should, therefore, be very wary while handling
such material.
17.2.3 Modern Historiography

The trend of exploring this theme was started long back by Elliot and Dowson,
who launched a big project of translating Persian sources of medieval period into
English. They picked up such portions from the text which either referred to the
‘religious bigotry’ of the ruling classes (which was predominantly Muslim by
faith), or the suppression of the local Indian masses (who were predominantly
Hindu by faith) by a handful of the Muslim rulers.
Unfortunately, the communal spirit breathed by the British for obvious political
reasons, was inhaled by a number of Indian scholars like Jadunath Sarkar, Ashirwadi
Lal Srivastava and Sri Ram Sharma, etc.
The point is that the term ‘Religious Policy’ is applied to the actions and reactions
of the rulers and the ruled only when the two had different religions. If the rulers
tackled their own religious community favourably or unfavourably, it ceases to be
a matter of ‘Religious Policy’. That is why the published curses poured upon
Aurangzeb’s head for his ‘anti-Hindu’ measures are available in abundance, but
there is a virtual dearth of criticism for his suppressive attitude towards the leading
Muslim scholars, philosophers and saints. Sarmad, Shah Mohammad Badakhshi,
Mohammad Tahir and Syed Qutbuddin Ahmadabadi were executed on Aurangzeb’s
orders.
To set the matter straight, religion was often used by the rulers as a weapon to
serve a variety of interests. Sometimes the rulers extended religious concessions
to the local chieftains, on other occasions they preferred to suppress them by force.
It would be injustice to history if the actions and reactions of the upper and lower
ruling groups are viewed in religious terms only, disregarding the political and
economic factors if they are clearly and really perceived to be operative.
Finally, there is yet another approach to this theme (‘State and Religion’) which is
292 tremendously important but, unfortunately, rarely adoped by historians. We are
referring to the role of each ruler’s exclusively individual beliefs, whims and their Urban
StateEconomy and
and Religion
perceptions of the problems of their respective period and also ways to tackle Monetization
them. This approach would lead us to the psycho-analytical exercise relating to
the individual rulers and the high ranking personalities of the period. You will see
how this approach helps us in understanding the actions and ordinances of the
Mughal emperors to a great extent.
1) How far can contemporary writings be held responsible for confusing the
state policies with that of religion? Comment.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Critically analyse Elliot and Dowson’s approach towards the ‘religious policy’
of the Mughal rulers.
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........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
17.3 ATTITUTDE OF AKBAR TOWARDS RELIGION

In his personal faith Akbar appears continued to be a devout Muslim, performed
five times prayers. Shaikh Farid Bhakhari informs that he even cleaned up mosque
with his own hands and enforced strictly the laws of Shariat. He had deep respect
for the Prophet. When Abu Turab on his return from Hajj pilgrimage brought the
relic with Prophet’s foot impression, Akbar went on foot several miles to receive
that. Akbar even encouraged and funded Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca and appointed
for the purpose a separate Mir-i Hajj. Even he financed construction of a khanqah
for the stay of Hajj pilgrimage in Hijaz. In 1575 Gulbadan Begum accompanied
by several other royal ladies of the Harem were permitted to proceed on Hajj.
Akbar’s attitude towards religion and religious communities is generally looked
by scholars into a number of phases on the basis of the decrees he passed and
steps taken by him from time to time. K A. Nizami sees the transition in Akbar’s
religious ideas from ‘hereditary faith’ to ‘orthodox rigidity’ followed by ‘enquiry
and scepticism’, leading to ‘synthesis and universalism’, ‘secularism’ and finally
converging into ‘religious leadership’.
17.3.1 Early Phase: 1560-1565

Akbar’s attitude towards religion and religious communities is generally evaluated
on the basis of the measures which he took between 1560-65 and which primarily
affected the non-Muslim population of the Empire. In its early phase Akbar began
with extremely liberal attitude towards the non-Muslims. It is suggested that his
upbringing and various intellectual influences moulded his personal beliefs. Akbar’s
tutors Bairam Khan and Mir Abdul Latif (Irani Shia), as well as Munim Khan
(Sunni Turani) were above sectarian prejuidices. Iqtidar Alam Khan (1992: 18)
also attributes the influence of Mongol yasa-i Chinghizi which in spirit instructed
the rulers ‘to consider all sects as one and not to distinguish them from one another’. 293
Society and
Sacred He even sees the persecution of Mahdavis and Shias as the declining Mongol
influence in the 1560s.
During this period the Emperor established matrimonial relations with the Rajputs
(In 1562 Akbar married Bihari Mal/Bhar Mal’s daughter.); prohibited the
enslavement of prisoners of war (1562); abolished the pilgrimage tax (1563) and
jiziya (1564). These measures seem to have given Akbar the image of a ‘secular’
emperor. In his personal beliefs, however, Akbar was a devout Muslim.
Akbar’s ‘liberalism’ has been explained in several ways. The current opinion,
however, favours the view that these measures were political concessions. In the
absence of any reliable Muslim support Akbar had little alternative but to seek
alliance with the Rajputs and Indian Muslims. These measures were in fact
concessions given to the non-Muslims to win their support.
From the very beginning Akbar had inclination towards Sufis. As early as 1562
Akbar established contacts with Ajmer. He paid several visits to Shaikh Muinuddin
Chishti’s dargah at Ajmer; one immediately after his victory at Chittor (1568) and
another after the birth of Salim (1570). He set the affairs of the dargah and state
funds were provided for its upkeep. During his Gujarat campaign he even made
the shouts Ya Muin (seeking Khwaja Muinuddin’s blessings). Even some of his
soldiers during the campaign shouted Ajmeri, Ajmeri in the battlefield. In 1569
even he selected the site of Shaikh Salim Chishti’s abode to be the site of his new
capital town Fathpur Sikri as token of gratitude to the saint with whose blessings
Akbar was blessed with son. He also paid visits at the dargahs of Baba Farid
Ganj-I Shakar at Ajodhan (1571) and that of Fariduddin Yahya Maneri (1574). He
also visited Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya’s dargah in 1564 and even paid respects
at Saiyyid Salar Masud Ghazi’s dargah at Bahraich and those of Shaikh
NIzamuddin of Narnaul and Saiyyid Muhammad Ghaus of Gwalior.
17.3.2 Second Phase: 1566-1578

A change however appears in his attitude after 1565. This phase is marked by
Akbar’s attempt to win over the ulama. The works like Gulzar-i Abrar and Nafais-
ul Ma’asir, suggest that the emperor showed deep respect to the ulama and
bestowed upon this group abundant favours. There is ‘a marked retrogression in
his attitude in matters pertaining to religion’. Akbar appointed grandson of Shaikh
Abdul Quddus Gangohi, as Sadr-us Sudur and Akbar himself used to visit Abdun
Nabi’s house to listen to lectures in Hadis (tradition of the Prophet).
A document signed by his wakil Munim Khan (August-September 1566) refers to
the order regarding the collection of jiziya in the vicinity of Agra. In 1568, Akbar
issued the famous Fathnama of Chittor (preserved in the Munshat-i Namkin) which
is full of terms and idioms that can be compared with any other prejudiced and
bigoted declaration. It was couched in religious terminology and it declares his
war against the Rajputs as jihad, takes pride in destroying temples and in killing
the kafirs. Then we have Sharaif-i Usmani which tells that the Emperor ordered
Qazi Abdus Samad of Bilgram to check the Hindus from practicing idol-worship
there. To crown all this, in 1575, according to Badauni, Akbar reimposed jiziya
though it did not work.
Encouraged by emperor’s bounty some of the ulama persecuted even the non-
Sunni sects of the Muslims. The suppressive measures taken against the Mahdavis
294
and the Shias (who were unpopular among the orthodox ulama) pass almost Urban
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and Religion
unnoticed in the chronicles of this period. In 1567 Akbar also ordered at the instance Monetization
of Shaikh Abdun Nabi exhumation of the remains of renowned Shia scholar Mir
Murtaza Sharifi Shirazi from the vicinity of Amir Khusru’s tomb on the pretext
that a ‘heretic’ may not be buried so close to the renowned Sunni saint. In 1569
Mirza Muqim of Isfahan and Mir Yaqub of Kashmir were ordered to put to death
at the recommendation of Abdun Nabi and other ulama on account of Shia-Sunni
hostilities. Akbar dealt with Mahdavis more seriously and suppressed them during
his Gujarat campaigns (1572-1573). The Mahdavi saint Miyan Mustafa Bandgi
was not only arrested but in humiliating circumstances brought to the court in
chains.
Establishment of Ibadat Khana (House of Worship)
In 1575 Akbar established Ibadat Khana with the aim to have free discussion on
various aspects of Islamic theology. Every Friday discussions were held after the
Friday prayers and continued till late in the night. Qazi Jalaluddin and other
ulama were asked to read and elaborate on Quranic exegesis. Abul Fazl mentions
that it was established to ‘ascertain the truth and to discover the Reality’.
An interesting aspect of this phase was that despite ‘an atmosphere of religious
intolerance’ most of the Rajput chieftains joined his service during the years 1566-
73. The total share of the Rajputs and non-Muslims among Akbar’s mansabdars
became the highest (see Table 1).
Table 1
Period Total Number Turanis Persians Indian Rajputs Unspecified

of Nobles Muslims and Other
Hindus
1555 51 27 16 - - 8
(52.9%) (31.37%) (15.68%)
1565-75 96 38 37 9 8 4
(500 and (39.58%) (38.54%) (9.37%) (8.33%) (14.16%)
above)
1580 272 66 47 44 43 72
(24.26%) (17.27%) (16.17%) (15.83%) (26.47%)
1575-1595 184 64 47 34 30 9
(500 and (34.78%) (25.54%) (18.48%) (16.30%) (4.89%)
above)
Source: Khan, Iqtidar Alam, (1968) ‘The Nobility under Akbar and the Development of His
Religious Policy’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, April, Nos
1/2, p. 35
Even during this time he married niece of Raja of Bikaner and daughter of Raval
Har Rai of Jaisalmer (1570) and also daughter of Raval Askaran of Dungarpur
and daughter of Rai Maldeo of Jodhpur (1576). Even, Akbar conferred madad-i
ma’ash grant of 200 bighas of land to Gopal Das, priest of Madan Mohan temple,
Vrindavan. Later in 1568 also at the reco0mmendation of Raja Todar Mal Akbar
entrusted the management of Madan Mohan and Govind Dev temples to Jiv
Goswami. Religion, thus, was not the main concern of the Mughal Emperor. The 295
Society and
Sacred significant issue before Akbar was to subdue the local chieftains. Religion was
used only as a tool to attain political goals. When this strategy did not yield
substantial gains, Akbar dropped it.
17.3.3 Third Phase: 1578-1580

But soon the Emperor got disillusioned and gradually got estranged the way Muslim
jurists used to quarrel over questions of jurisprudence. Akbar commented on ulama
behaviour in utter dismay during the Ibadat Khana proceeds: ‘I wish I had not
heard such differences of opinion from teachers of traditional subjects, nor were
confounded by different interpretations of the Quranic verses and the traditions of
the Prophet.’ Gradually, even Abun Nabi’s behaviour becoming intolerable and
overbearing to Akbar not only in matters of unrestrained powers enjoyed by in
governing the office of the sadr and in matters of distribution of land grants. Once
Shaikh not only objected to Akbar wearing bright colours like saffron but also
attempted physical assault by throwing a rod towards him in anger. The spark
provided over Abdun Nabi’s order of execution of a Brahman at Mathura on the
charges of blasphemy.
These ulama even amassed huge wealth. Abdullah Sultanpuri, who was Shaikh-ul
Islam, had collected huge wealth, which Akbar, later confiscated to the state treasury
after his death.
Gradually Akbar started developing a rebellious attitude towards these conservative
ulama who were ‘rigid in outlook, self-centred and arrogant’ and often indulged
in ‘petty wranglings’. On the issue ulama on the one side and the ladies of the
harem and Hindu nobles got divided. Akbar too felt the severity of the punishment
and realized that the country cannot be ruled on such rigid lines. Not only he got
digusted with the attitude of these ulama but also developed distrust over their
traditional wisdom.
In the beginning only the Sunnis were permitted to take part in the Ibadat Khana
discussions. But, from September 1578, the Emperor opened the gates of Ibadat
Khana to all religious communities, the sufis, shi’as, Brahmins, Jains, Christians,
Jews, Parsis, etc. Inspired Akbar decreed for complete freedom of religious worship
and to build a church or an idol temple or a fire temple. Thus, ‘compulsion in
religious matters was forbidden’. The discussions at Ibadat Khana proved to be a
turning point as they convinced Akbar that the essence of faith lay in ‘internal
conviction’ based on ‘reason’. The chief motivator of Akbar’s ideas on rationalism
and reason was Fathullah Shirazi. It was he who introduced Akbar to Iranian
rationalist thinkers Muhaqqiq Dawwani, Mir Sadruddin, Mir Ghiyasuddin Mansur
and Mirza Jan.
This was the period when Akbar came under the philosophical influences of Shaikh
Mubarak and his sons Abul Fazl and Faizi and other rationalist thinkers, Ghazi
Khan Badekhshi, Hakim Abul Fath, etc. and got introduced by the philosophy of
wahdat-ul wujud of Ibn al-Arabi.
Proclamation of Mahzar
In 1579 proclamation of mahzar was the culmination of the break-away from the
ulama. Mahzar was carefully drafted by Shaikh Mubarak and Abdun Nabi, Maulana
Abdullah Sultanpuri were forced to sign the decree along with four other leading
296
ulama of the time. Later, Abdun Nabi and Maulana Abdullah Sultanpuri were Urban
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and Religion
asked to proceed on Hajj. The chief clauses of mahzar proclaimed: Monetization
a) that Akbar was the Khalifa of the age;

b) that the rank of Khalifa is higher than that of a mujtahids, Akbar can select
any one opinion;
c) Akbar himself may issue decrees which do not go against the nass. (Hasan
1943: 125)
Akbar made an attempt by proclaiming himself mujtahid (interpreter of law) and
declaring himself as Imam-Adil, to claim the right to interpret all legal questions
on which there existed a difference of opinion among the ulama. Sultan-i Adil was
placed above mujtahids. Through mahzar Akbar attempted to ‘usurp’ the spiritual
leadership. Akbar assumed the title of Amir-ul Muminin and in the khutba read in
Akbar’s name addressed Akbar as Khalifa, thus suggestive of Akbar’s desire to
dislocate caliphal powers from the Ottomans to the Mughals. F.W. Buckler Akbar
attempted to fix his position in the Muslim world eliminating the importance of
the king of Persia without acknowledging his allegiance to the Ottoman Caliph.
M. Roy Choudhury also echoes the same voice when he acknowledges that Imam-
i Adil (Akbar) place himself above the mujtahid of Persia. R.P. Tripathi also puts
forth the similar opinion that mahzar was a challenge to ‘pretensions of the Sultan
of Rum’ [Ottoman]. Van Noer calls the declaration of mahzar as the ‘funeral oration’
of the ulama. Shaikh Taj-ul Arifin declared him Insan-i Kamil, while Faizi called
him Khuda-i Majazi. Nurul Hasan (1943: 133) argues that, ‘This document placed
the sovereign above the machinations of the ulama class [he accuses ulama being
highly vulnerable and easily influenced by the rich and powerful nobles].
This led to violent protests from a section of the Mughal society. The most powerful
reaction to Akbar’s religious attitude came from Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, a
Naqshabandi saint from Sirhind. Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi blamed the Muslims of
his time by saying that they estranged themselves from the traditional religious
values instead ‘sunk’ in ‘bidat’ (innovations; deviation from the tradition of the
Prophet). He questioned ijtihad (fresh interpretation) and called it heresy in the
garb of ijtihad. He criticized Akbar’s religious experiments were ‘misguided’ and
based on ‘erroneous concepts’.
The sharpest reactions came from the ulama. For the first time scholars found the
religious atmosphere incongenial and decided to turn towards Hijaz. Maulana
Jalaluddin refused to sign mahzar left for Hijaz. Khwaja Ubaidullah Ahrar left for
Hijaz with Akbar’s proclamation of Tauhid-i Ilahi. As protest Haji Ibrahim
Muhaddis of Akbarabad refused to prostrate. However, one major reason for the
protest of Akbar’s policy was Akbar’s strict steps to clean the working of the
religious department and put a check against the embezzlement of madad-i ma’ash
grants and later heavy curtailment of it. The country came under the grip of such
protests from Kabul to Bengal during 1580-1581. Hamida Khatoon Naqvi has
calculated the number of such protests to 144 during Akbar’s reign. In 1580 Mulla
Muhammad Yezdi, qazi of Jaunpur issued a fatwa against Akbar leading to
rebellions of Muhammad Masum Kabuli, Muhammad Masum Khan Farankhudi,
Mir Muiz-ul Mulk, Nayabat Khan, Arab Bahadur rose in rebellion. Masum, though
belonged to Kabul, had his madad-i ma’ash grant in Patna. He even conspired to
297
Society and
Sacred put half-brother of Akbar Mirza Hakim to place him to the throne. Thus such
serious proportions the ulama rebellions assumed that it even posed threat to the
very crown of Akbar. Akbar succeeded ultimately in curbing the predominance of
the orthodox elements by 1584. However, R.P. Tripathi (1973: 132) believes that
‘The scope of the Mahzar was limited. It only emphasized the right of the emperor
to select from among the divergent views of the legists what seemed to him to
serve the best interests of the State and the people; and issue ordinances not
incompatible with the nas and the good of the people.’
Akbar even dissociated himself abruptly from his frequented visits to Ajmer to
Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti’s shrine. In 1580 he sent Murad instead.
In 1579 Akbar finally repealed jiziya. Repealing of jiziya marked the intend of
Akbar to eliminate all distinctions between his Hindu and Muslim subjects. Shariah
principles no longer be enforced upon his Hindu subjects.
This was the period when Akbar interacted and came under the influence of various
cultural and religious traditions, particularly Hindu scholars, Jains and the Jesuits.
Orthodox scholars even blamed him being estranged from the principles of Shariat
and favouring Shias and Hindus.
Akbar and the Hindus and the Jains
Akbar interacted with a number of scholars expert in Indian philosophic tradition:
Madhu Saraswati, Madhusudan, Damodar Bhatt. Debi and Purushottam instructed
him in the traditional Hindu legendry texts, informs Badauni. In 1576-1577 Akbar
invited Vitthaleshwar from Mathura and granted Gokul to him; even in 1593 Akbar
issued a farman forbading killing of hunting of peacocks in the parganas of
Mathura, Mangotah and Od. Akbar’s frequently interacted and had discussions
with the jogis and even established a separate locality jogipura just outside Fathpur
Sikri. Even he personally visited the shrine of Balnath in Rohtas. Hindu festivals
were regularly celebrated in the court. Even, after the death of his mother Hamida
Bano Begum (1604) Akbar shaved his moustaches and head, a Hindu way of
mourning. As a mark of respect Akbar banned the killing of cows in his empire.
Akbar even appointed Sur Das Brahman to teach Indian philosophy to Prince
Khurram.
The opening of the doors of Ibadat Khana for scholars of different sects and
religions provided favourable background for further interactions for the Jains. In
his quest for search Akbar invited Jain scholar Hiravijaya Suri, leader of the Jain
Tapa gaccha branch, who reached Akbar’s court at Agra in 1583 along with sixty-
seven Jain monks and stayed there till 1585. Akbar conferred on him the title
jagat guru. Under Jain influence Akbar banned the animal slaughter for twelve
days during Jain Paryushana festival. Abul Fazl in his Ain-i Akbari (Ain 30)
mentions Hiravijaya Suri and his disciples Bhanuchandra and Vijaysen Suri as
scholars par excellence. Jain scholar Bhanuchandra wrote commentary explaining
one thousand names of the sun (for details see Unit 2). Jain scholar Shantichandra
was the joint author of the said commentary and also wrote Sanskrit poem
Kriparasakosha. Bhanuchandra succeeded in getting concessions from Akbar to
secure control over Mount Shatrunjaya (the revered Jain pilgrim centre). At
Bhanuchandra’s request Akbar even agreed to release the rebel prisoners of
Saurashtra. Akbar even granted a piece of land in the proximity of Lahore fort for
298
building a Jain temple there. In 1590 and 1592 Akbar issued two farmans favouring
Jains (1590 farman against harassment of Jains in Cambay and 1592 farman Urban
StateEconomy and
and Religion
favouring Shvetambar Tapa gaccha branch confirming control over pilgrimages Monetization
of Shvetambar Jains in the hands of Tapa gaccha. Akbar also invited the rival
Khartar gaccha leader Jinachandra Suri who reached the Mughal court in Lahore
in 1592 along with his thirty-one disciples including Jayasom and Kanaksom.
Akbar even conferred the title Yug Pradhan on Jinachandra in 1593). As favour to
Jinvijay, Akbar issued a firman granting the protection to Jain pilgrim centres in
Gujarat. Akbar even granted a firman favouring Jinavijay ban of animal slaughter
in the entire kingdom for a week in the month of Ashadh (from 9th to 15th [navmi to
purnima]. Hiravijaya Suri’s disciple Vijaysen Suri visited Akbar’s court at Lahore
in 1593 and Akbar entrusted him the title kalisaraswati. Vijaysen successfully
countered Brahman allegations on Jain ‘disbelief’ in God. Vijaysen’s disciple
Nandivijaya was also adorned with the title khushfaham. Vijayasuri even influenced
Akbar to ban fishing in the Indus water for months in a year. Clearly, Akbar’s
encounter with the Jain leadership speaks high of Akbar’s pluralistic approach
towards religion and religious communities.
Akbar and the Jesuits
Akbar invited Jesuits to participate in the Ibadat Khana proceeds and received
them with warmth. Three Jesuit missions visited Akbar’s court: First under Rudolf
Aquaviva along with Father Monserrate and Francis Henriquez (1580-1583);
Second mission under Edward Leioton and Christopher di Vega (1591-1592); and
the third mission headed by Father Jerome Xavier, Father Emmanuel Pinheiro
and Brother Benedict de Goes (1595-1617). Akbar was impressed by seeing the
simple living and unity of thought of the Jesuit Fathers in contrast the greed of the
ulama. He also showed great interests in the Christian precepts. Father Monserrate
was made teacher of Murad. Father Monserrate even accompanied the king to
Kashmir. A biography of Jesus, Mirat-ul Quddus in Persian was compiled during
Akbar’s period. Christians were granted permission to establish their churches
and schools in Agra, Fathpur Sikri and Lahore. The Christian school at Lahore
was attended to by the sons of nobles and other elites, including the sons of the
chief of Badakhshan. Akbar himself inaugurated the opening of the church at
Agra and reported to have performed prayers as per Christian tradition (for details
see Unit 2). Akbar even had in possession paintings of Christ and Virgin Marry
presented to him by Jesuit Fathers. Jesuits vehemently desired Akbar to be
converted to Christianity. However, Akbar’s interest in Christianity, though, was
deep but largely remained confined to his curiosity to know the precepts of the
Faith and discover the ‘truth’.
Akbar even interacted with the jogis, sanyasis, and qalandars. Even significant
number of them joined his new faith.
1) Analyse Akbar’s attitude towards religion and religious communities up to
1565.
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299
Society and
Sacred 2) Write 50 words on the Ibadat Khana.
...................................................................................................................................
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3) Discuss the process of estrangement of Akbar with ulama.
........................................................................................................................
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........................................................................................................................
4) Explain mahzar and its significance.
........................................................................................................................
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17.3.4 Fourth Phase: 1581-1605

The final phase is marked by a number of decrees. Ibadat Khana debates were
finally stopped by Akbar in 1582 accompaned with the declaration of his Tauhid-
i Ilahi. In 1584 Akbar abandons the Hijri era introduces Ilahi era (which later
withdrew by Shahjahan), and in 1592 issues the millennial coins thus, what K. A.
Nizami (2009: 132) call it, thus, ‘Both ideologically and structurally the process
of drifting away from the central traditions of Islam was completed’. Akbar’s
attempt to celebrate the millennium is equally important where he attempted to
attempt to establish the unity of ideas by bridging the gap between the ‘ideal’ and
the ‘practice’. In this context claiming himself the title mujaddid-i alf-i sani
(reformer at the beginning of the second millennium) is of crucial importance and
attempted to project himself a ‘promised messiah’.
Badauni and Jesuits even asserted that from 1581 onwards Akbar ceased to be a
Muslim. Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi even asserted that Akbar’s tolerant attitude towards
non-Muslims was mainly due to his antagonism towards Islam.
Tauhid-i Ilahi
Akbar’s Tauhid-i Ilahi (mistakenly called Din-i Ilahi) is another significant measure
of this reign.
Sunday was fixed for initiation of disciples to the fold of the new religion…The
novice approached the Emperor with his turban in his hands and put his head at the
feet of the Emperor who raised him up and replaced the turban on his head. As a
symbol of initiation a Shast was given to the new entrant.
Its followers had to exchange greetings with the words Allah-o-Akbar and Jalla
Jallalhu.
[The new entrant] was to surrender property, life, religion and honour for the founder
of the faith.
The entrants of the faith comprised: …Sanyasis, jogis, servas, Qalandars, Hakims
and Sufis and thousands of such as follow worldly pursuits as soldiers, tradespeople,
mechanics, and husbandsmen…
[Entrants] were not murids, but chelas, and Akbar was not a pir but a prophet.
300 Nizami 2009:133, 135, 146-147

Only a few of the courtiers joined the faith. The prominent among them were Urban
StateEconomy and
and Religion
Shaikh Mubarak and his two sons Abul Fazl and Faizi and Birbal. His prominent Monetization
nobles Raja Bhagwan Das, Raja Man Singh and Todar Mal refused to join the new
faith.
R.P. Tripathi (1956: 285-89) had examined this theme in detail. It is appropriate to
cite him at length: ‘Shrewd as Akbar was, he must have felt that it was neither
possible to melt all religions down into one, nor to launch a new religion which
would have added one more to others. But he felt himself caned upon to propagate
his ideas among those who cared to listen to them ... The sect had no sacred book
or scripture, no priestly hierarchy, no sacred place of worship and no rituals or
ceremonies except that of initiation.. . a member had to give a .written promise of
having. .. accepted the four grades of entire devotion, viz., sacrifice of property,
life, honour and religion. .. [(it)] was not a religion and Akbar never intended to
establish a church ... neither force nor money was employed to enlist disciples.. .
It was entirely a personal matter, not between the Emperor and the subjects, but
between Akbar and those who chose to regard him as their pir or guru.’ What
seems to us is that Akbar wanted to build up a devoted band of people around him,
acting as their ‘spiritual guide’. Thus Tauhid-i Ilahi had nothing to do with Akbar’s
religious or political policy. Tripathi (1956: 288) rightly argues that, ‘The Din
Ilahi was not a religion and Akbar never intended to establish a Church.’ He did
not go beyond ‘his spiritual guidance and infuse in them [people] his own catholic
spirit’ (Tripathi 1956: 289).
Van Noer believes it nothing but Akbar’s attempt to consolidate his political
fraternity. He comments, ‘The Din-i Ilahi had an importance of pre-eminent
practical value; it was a political fraternity the members of which had bound
themselves by oath to stand by the emperor in good and ill-fortunes, in joy and in
trouble.’
17.4 SULH-I KUL (PEACE WITH ALL; ABSOLUTE

PEACE)
The elements of Akbar’s sulh-i kul can be seen in his early anxiety to study other
religious traditions. K.A. Nizami argues that through his sulh-i kul Akbar attempted
to emphasise upon the ‘social dimension of his religious thought’. For Akbar most
important was religious good-will and toleration. Abul Fazl argues, ‘Among
monarchs, divine worship is expressed by their justice and good administration’
(Streusand 1999: 137). ‘For him religion was an instrument to unite and not a
pretext for conflict’ (Nizami 2009: 224). For Akbar ‘religious strife was a basic
cause of human misfortune and upholds sulh-i kul as a fundamental good’
(Streusand 1999: 137).
K.A. Nizami sees period between 1569-1585, when he was stationed at Fathpur
Sikri, busy constructing his new capital, as a period of Akbar’s quest for searching
unity in diversity, with stone (construction of the capital city), brush (paintings)
and pen (extensive Sanskrit translation works commissioned in the maktab khana).
The ‘state under him came to represent a conglomeration of all traditions of Indian
culture’ (Nizami 2009: 182). Jahangir mentions, ‘in his father’s empire the Sunnis
and Shias prayed in one mosque’.
301
Society and
Sacred Abul Fazl even argued that Akbar was moving further from sulh-i kul to muhabbat-
i kul (love with all). The hallmark of Akbar’s attitude towards religious classes
was his ‘deep humanitarianism and catholicity of approach. Akbar’s sulh-i kul is
beautifully summed up by Sujan Rai Bhandari:
Muslims, Hindus, Zoroastrians, Christians and believers of other religions should
pray to God according to his own religion and Law.
17.5 AN ASSESSMENT
Jahangir beautifully sums up Akbar’s attitude towards religion and religious groups:
‘My father always associated with the learned of every creed and religion’…He
associated with the good of every race and creed and persuasion, and was gracious
to all in accordance with their condition and understanding.’ Akbar’s policy towards
religion is also beautifully expressed by a contemporary poet: ‘Religion has gained
such grandeur through your [Akbar’s] justice that a Hindu [reference is to Man
Singh] wields the sword of Islam.’ In conclusion we may say that Akbar, in the
interest of political consolidation, did not generally resort to religious
discrimination. Yet he never hesitated in taking strong measures against those
who threatened his position or exceeded the limits of social or ideological values
regardless of their faith or creed. It should also be noted that stern actions were
taken against individuals, and not against the religious groups as such.
Likewise, there is another view which finds Akbar having forsaken Islam,
repressive towards orthodox Islam and being hypocritical in his tolerant attitude.
Nimatullah Harawi is critical of the religious atmosphere prevailed during Akbar’s
period. Shaikh Farid Bukhari who wrote the chronogram of Shaikh Mubarak’s
death as Shaikh mulhid (heretic Shaikh) echoes the resentment of the ulama against
Akbar’s policies. Badauni accuses Akbar ‘adopting the Cross’ and renounced Islam.
However, Christian missionaries were even denied audience to Akbar when he
lay on his death-bed.
Sujan Rai Bhandari, in contrast, sums up, ‘Some Muslims who were not free from
bigotry accused Khaqan-i Azam of deviation from religion and indulged in
defamation’. We do hear in 1592, Raja Man Singh building a huge mosque at Raj
Mahal. However, it appears that there were definite reductions in the financial
assistance given to orthodox Islamic institutions and personnels and in some of
his orders he did banned performance of namaz and closure of the mosques. Akbar’s
principle of sulh-i kul estranged him from public participation of the rituals of
Islam. Akbar’s actions did indicate his estrangement from such public participation
during 1595-1601. Akbar’s this avoidance of public participation in Islamic rituals
looked by the orthodox element as if Akbar had forsaken Islam. But that was, as
Iqtidar Alam Khan argues, a brief phase (1595-1601), and the accusation that
Akbar had forsaken Islam appears to be far from the truth. During the last four
years of his reign there appears no widespread discontent among the Sunni
orthodoxy and ‘despite all his innovation’, he remained a Muslim till the end’
(Khan 1992: 28). R.P. Tripathi (1956: 284) also argues that, ‘Akbar lived and died
a Mussalman…he never identified himself with any particular school of law and
thought, and this was the chief reason why people doubted his religion.’
302
Check Your Progress-3 Urban
StateEconomy and
and Religion
Monetization
1) Analyse major features of Akbar’s Tauhid-i Ilahi.
........................................................................................................................
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........................................................................................................................
2) Explain sulh-i kul.
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........................................................................................................................
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17.6 SUMMARY
In this Unit, we have discussed the policies of the Mughal rulers towards the
major religious communities. Since Mughal sovereigns were not restrained by
any constitutional provisions, they were autocrats not responsible to anyone.
Therefore, in one sense, their measures and policies could be said to have been
those of the state itself. There was no constant religious policy 6 per se 6 of the
Mughal state. It varied according to the whims and personal perceptions of the
Mughal Emperors. Babur and Humayun did not have time to formulate any clear
and definite policy. Akbar, however, tried to project himself as the universal
monarch and put forth the idea of…He was liberal and tolerant to a large extent
and rejected the orthodoxy of the ulama. The ‘core’ of his religious world-view
was sulh-i kul.
17.7 KEYWORDS
Ibadat Khana In 1575 Akbar established Ibadat Khana,
originally established for the purpose of
religious discussion with Muslim theologians.
However, later its doors were opened for the
scholars of all religions
Inam-i Adil Just ruler
Jiziya Poll tax
Mahadawi Islamic movement founded by Syed
Muhammad Jaunpuri in the late fifteenth
century. In 1496 he declared himself a Mahdi
Muezzins One who calls for prayers in a mosque
Mujtahid ‘Infalliable’ authority
Nass Statements of the Quran and the Hadis
Shariat Islamic Law
Ulama Plural of ‘alim who calls for prayers in a
mosque ; Muslim theologians
Wakil Prime Minister
303
Society and
Sacred
EXERCISE
1) See Sub-sections 17.2.1, 17.2.2 Discuss that it was the contemporary style
of writing that confused the modern scholars who did try to analyse their
meanings in the proper perspective. It was common practice to call a war as
jihad and the enemy as kafir, etc. Elaborate it.
2) See Sub-section 17.2.3 Analyse how Elliot and Dowson’s translation of
Mughal Chronicler’s accounts, in which they have chosen, mostly, the events
where either the Mughal ruling class is reflected as ‘bigot’ or oppression of
the ‘Hindu’ (Indian) masses is reflected by a ‘Muslim’ (Mughal rulers).
1) See Sub-section 17.3.1 Discuss that religious concessions to various groups
during 1556-1568 were motivated by the political exigencies. Akbar had to
rely on Indian Muslims and Rajputs in the Wake of Turani nobles’ rebellion.
But when he realized that rigorous measures are required he took no time to
revert back and give it a religious tone as the political need was (he did it in
1568). Elaborate.
2) See Sub-section 17.3.2 Analyse how the religious discussions in Ibadat Khana
put him in total disarray and led him to conclude that the ‘essence of faith lay
in internal conviction based on reason’.
3) Sub-section 17.3.2
2) Section 17.4

Alam, Muzaffar, (2009) ‘The Mughals, the Sufi Shaikhs and the Formation of
Akbari Dispensation’, Modern Asian Studies, 43:1, pp. 135-174.
Ali, Athar, ‘Akbar and Islam (1581-1605)’, Social Scientist, Issues 232-233, pp.
123-134.
Ali, Athar, (1980) ‘Sulh Kul and the Religious Ideas of Akbar’, Proceedings of
the Indian History Congress, 41, pp. 326-339.
Hasan, S. Nurul, (1943) ‘The Mahzar of Akbar’s Reign’, Journal of the U.P. History
Society, Vol. xvi, July, pp. 125-137.
Khan, Iqtidar Alam, (1968) ‘The Nobility under Akbar and the Development of
His Religious Policy’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
Ireland, April, Nos 1/2, pp. 29-36.
Khan, Iqtidar Alam, (1992) ‘Akbar’s Personality Traits and World Outlook: A
304
Critical Reappraisal’, Social Scientist, vol. 20, No. 9/10, September-October, pp. Urban
StateEconomy and
and Religion
16-30. Monetization
Khan, Iqtidar Alam, (2019) ‘Akbar’s Religious Policy in the Early Phase of His
Reign: A Complex Story’, Studies in People’s History, vol. 6, 1: 70-77.
Krishnamurthy, R., (1961) Akbar: The Religious Aspect (Baroda: Maharaja
Siyajirao University of Baroda Press).
Moosvi, Shireen, (2017) ‘Akbar’s Enterprise of Religious Conciliation in the

Early Phase, 1561-1578: Spontaneous or Motivated’, Studies in People’s
History, vol. 4,1: 46-52.
Nizami, K.A., (2009) Akbar and His Religion (Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli).
Rezavi, Syed Ali Nadeem, ‘Religious Disputations and Imperial Ideology: The
Purpose and Location of Akbar’s Ibadatkhana’, Studies in History, 24, 2, n.s. (2008):
pp.195-209.
Rizvi, S.A.A., (1987) The Wonder That was India (London: Sidgwick & Jackson
Ltd.).
Sharma, S. R., (1940) Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors (Bombay: Asia
Publishing House).
Streusand, Douglas E., (1999) The Formation of the Mughal Empire (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Tripathi, R.P., (1956) The Rise and Fall of the Mughal Empire (Allahabad:
Central Book Depot).
Tripathi, R.P., (1973) Some Aspects of Muslim Administration (Allahabad:

Central Book Depot).

RECOMMENDATIONS
Akbar’s Religions Views
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dal3YsMaOQU
Akbar’s Religious Ideas
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0CvMQILCIBo
Religion and the Medieval Indian Rulers - V: Akbar Sulh-i Kul
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7ueh04cSeK4
Sulh e Kul : from 16th century till date
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ul_k3AJW8Uc
305
Theme VI
Literature and Translations
Time Line
Indic Literary Culture
Sanskrit
Awadhi
Brajbhasha
Other Indic Literary Traditions
Imperial and Sub-Imperial Patronage
Society and Economy
Radha and Krishna in Rasikapriya, Malwa, India, Circa 1634

Author: Anonymous
Photograph Source: Victoria and Albert Museum;
308 Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Radha_and_Krishna_in_Rasikapriya,_ca1634.jpg
Urban Economy and
UNIT 18 PATRONAGE OF LITERARY Monetization
CULTURE*
Structure
18.0 Objectives
18.1 Introduction
18.2 Approaches to Study the Indic Literary Traditions
18.2.1 Sheldon Pollock on Vernacularisation of Indic Literary Tradition
18.2.2 Allison Busch on Indic Literary Tradition
18.2.2 Audrey Trushkey on Cultural Encounters
18.3 Characteristics of Indic Literary Tradition

18.3.1 Political Will and the Vernacularisation
18.3.2 Circulation and Porous Boundaries
18.3.3 Hybridity
18.3.4 Vernacularisation of the Sanskrit Texts
18.3.5 Bhakti Tradition and Vernacular Literature
18.4 Sanskrit and the Mughal Patronage

18.5 Patronage to Indic Literary Tradition
18.5.1 Patronage at the Mughal Court
18.5.2 Patronage Provided at the Sub-Imperial Level
18.6 Vernacular Literary Tradition

18.6.1 Vernacular Literary Tradition: Awadhi
18.6.2 Vernacular Literary Tradition: Brajbhasha
18.6.3 Other Indic Literary Traditions
18.7 Summary
18.8 Keywords
18.0 OBJECTIVES
 Comprehend various approaches to study the Indic literary traditions,
* Prof. Abha Singh, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open Uniersity,
New Delhi 309
Society and
Literature Economy
and  Identify the characteristics of Indic literary traditions,
Translations
 Understand the nature and pattern of Mughal patronage to Sanskrit literature.
 Contemplate the patronage given to the Indic literary traditions at the Mughal
court,
 Assess the growth of vernacular literary tradition during the sixteenth century,
 Examine the role of bhakti in the growth of Indic literary tradition, and
 Appraise the process of assimilation of classical Sanskrit tradition into
vernacular traditions and the emergence of new styles of genres.
18.1 INTRODUCTION
The present Unit attempts to dig into re-evaluating the literary achievements during
the Mughal period. Two things are important here: a) To what extent there was a
decline of the Sanskritic tradition; b) To what extent Imperial patronage was
received by Sanskritist scholars; and c) The nature of patronage at Sub-Imperial
level to Sanskrit and vernacular traditions. However, the mega-translation works
from Sanskrit to Persian undertaken at the Imperial Court are kept out of the
discussion here, for we have already touched upon this in Unit 1 in the context of
the activities at the maktabkhana at the Imperial establishment of Akbar.
To recapitulate, in our Course BHIC 107 we have discussed the general decline
of Sanskrit much before the emergence of the Turks on the scene primarily, on
account of the rise of the vernaculars. The present Unit aims to elaborate the details
further into the sixteenth century, particularly under the Mughals.
The present Unit also delves into the major debate prevailing among the historians
over the break in the ‘millennial’ Sanskrit literary and cultural traditions. As a
result of Turkish and Mughal ascendancy Persian dominated, and Sanskrit literary
tradition gradually faded away. However, you would find that still Kashmir, Gujarat,
and Banaras were major centres of Sanskrit learning, though no longer it enjoyed
the language of the court. Even Indo-Muslim patronage played a crucial role in
the development of vernacular tradition, particularly Brajbhasha.
Even though Persian remained chiefly the language of the elites from the advent
of the Turks, Hindawi did enjoy an important place and remained the chief language
of all administrative and revenue transactions/records at the local level till 1582
when finally Akbar declared Persian as official language and records were to be
maintained thence onwards till pargana level in Persian, though still at village
level revenue records continued to be maintained/written in Hindawi.
However, the development of vernacular literature was not linear; it passed through
multiple experiences. The dominant influence and themes in general picked up by
these vernacular poets/writers were either Puranic or were eulogistic poems.
In the medieval period, it is difficult to bind languages within the bounds of
geographical spaces; instead, multiplicity was the commonplace. Boundaries were
flexible, cutting across regions, and fluidity, mobility and borrowings across
linguistic bounds was the norm.
We would be using terms ‘cosmopolitan’ and ‘vernacular’ quite often in the present
310
Unit. Here let us explain the terms ‘cosmopolitan’ and ‘vernacular’ in the context of Urban Economy
Patronage and
of Literary
Indic literary tradition. The term ‘cosmopolitan’ indicates something that had wide-ranging Monetization
Culture
expanse in terms of space and time and which cut across in terms of religious and
regional boundaries; while ‘vernacular’ speaks something confined to limited space and
time, often circumscribed to a limited locality/region.
18.2 APPROACHES TO STUDY THE INDIC LITERARY

TRADITIONS
The categories ‘cosmopolitan’ and ‘vernacular’ are not exclusive. Some prominent
‘vernaculars’ did assume ‘cosmopolitan’ character. Braj and Awadhi within no
time emerged ‘cosmopolitan’ ‘within their regional worlds’. Equally, not all
‘cosmopolitan’ languages necessarily passed through the process of vernacular. It
is very much true for the cosmopolitan Sanskrit that does not seem to have passed
through the phase of vernacular. Pollock (February 1998: 25) argues, ‘As the
cosmopolitan is constituted through cultural flows from the vernacular, so the
vernacular constructs itself by appropriation from the cosmopolitan…’ A
‘cosmopolis’ did enjoy ‘imperial-cultural association and aesthetic style’, ‘shaped
political vocabulary and culture’ (Pollock February 1998: 15).
In the light of the ‘Cosmopolitan’ vs. Vernacular’, the present Section focuses on
three major approaches current among the scholar pertaining to the emergence of
Indic literary traditions during the medieval period.
Here, our emphasis is on the growth of Indic literary traditions in northern India
for we have already discussed the growth of regional languages in south India and
the Deccan in our Course BHIC 107.
18.2.1 Sheldon Pollock on Vernacularisation of Indic Literary

Tradition
The emergence of local/regional dialects during the early medieval period is looked
at by Sheldon Pollock as ‘vernacularisation’ ‘a process of change by which the
universalistic orders, formations, and practices of the preceding millennium were
supplemented and gradually replaced by localized forms’ (Pollock Summer 1998:
41). According to him, through the process of literalization (local language exposed
to literacy), produced literature, leading to homogenization and thus unified and
eventually succeed in ‘territorialization’ and in some cases ‘ethnicization’. Through
this process, argues Pollock (Summer 1998: 42), ‘vernacular literary cultures
gradually encompassed and superseded the translocal codes, aesthetic forms, and
geocultural spaces that had earlier been prevalent’. This vernacularization created
‘new regional worlds’, argues Pollock. These vernaculars, unlike cosmopolitan
Sanskrit (which had reached from Central Asia to Srilanka to Afghanistan to
Annam), had limited reach, were not global, transregional, or cosmopolitan.
Initially, these languages were used for local documentation and local inscriptions
were inscribed in that, much before the appearance of any literary text. In the case
of Kannada, the first document appears in the fifth century and the ninth century,
almost four hundred years later first literary text appears in the court of the
Rashtrakutas, around 850, Kavirjamrgam (The Way of the King of Poets), a text-
based on Sanskrit Kavyadarsa (Mirror of Poetry). Thus first was the attempt to
establish the ‘language of science’, a step in the direction of establishing itself as
311
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Literature Economy
and a literary language. The next important feature was their attempt to situate themselves in
Translations the local geocultural spheres. In North India, by fifteenth century ‘non-Muslim courts’
were vernacularised. Braj assumed prominence in the Tomar court of Gwalior in the
fifteenth century. Again here the Sanskrit idioms and texts were ‘redeployed’ to the
contemporary concerns and situations. Vishnudas’ Mahabharata (1435) and his
Ramayanakatha was an attempt in this direction. ‘Vernacular language choice, within
the context of Sanskrit cultural norms and activities, entails a commitment to a range of
disciplinary language practices (grammaticization, for example) and technologies for
reproduction (especially writing) that ensure the unification, standardization, and above
all differentiation of the vernacular code’ (Pollock Summer 1998: 58).
This trend, argues Pollock, varied in periods: In Gujarati, such literary productions started
in the 12th century; in Assamese in the 14th century; in Oriya and Malayalam in the
fifteenth century, in Avadhi in the 14th century, while in the Braj in the 15th-16th century,
nonetheless, visible uniformly across the subcontinent. Pollock (Summer 1998: 54) argues,
‘By appropriating Sanskrit models for inscriptional and literary expressivity, remapping
epic space, invoking new sociotextual communities that would inhabit the new vernacular
places and (re)produce themselves by reading/hearing those new vernacular texts, courtly
intellectuals in southern Asia at the start of the second millennium created a wholly new
kind of cultural formation. Although the cosmopolitan code of Sanskrit is not
eliminated,…its significance in the literary sphere and in the articulation of the political
dramatically decreased.’ Pollock (Summer 1998: 57) argues that of this vernacularization
three features were common across the subcontinent: ‘the new definition of culture-
space, the importance of superposed models for local language literary creation, and the
interest of the court in the production of vernacularity’. Further, Sanskrit holy scriptures
were hardly translated, instead vernacular writings produced their scriptures, Saiva
vachanas (in Kannada), Tamil Veda (Tirumulai). In the context of Kannada Pollock
argues (February 1998: 25), ‘Kannada could not achieve its new rank [cosmopolitan
idiom] unless it possessed both the epistemological status of Sanskrit and the dignity of
it philological apparatus (i.e. lakshanagranthas or rule-setting texts.’
18.2.2 Allison Busch on Indic Literary Tradition

While analysing courtly patronage and courtly riti poetry of Brajbhasha in the court of
the Bundela rulers of Orchha Busch argues that during the colonial period in the garb of
‘modernity’ and ‘nationalism’ Indian literati failed to appreciate the vibrant character of
classical Hindi poetry i.e. riti poetry. Here our focus is not to enter into that part of the
debate to what extent British colonialism played a decisive role in undermining the
importance of ‘pre-modern’ (Mughal period) vernacular literary culture, instead, our
focus is to look into the vibrancy of vernacular literary tradition vis-à-vis the patronage
received.
Though scholars have largely discarded and looked down upon the riti poetry (vernacular
Brajbhasha) lacking in intellect (acharyatva) and originality (maulikta), Allison Busch
argues that Braj writers like Keshavdas did not dissociate themselves with classical
Sanskrit style. However, they brought changes to the need of the time, suggestive of the
fact that they were ready to question the supremacy of Sanskrit and the existing literary
norms. ‘In short, the rýti aesthetic was a unique blend of the old and the new, the
familiar and the unfamiliar, the cosmopolitan and the regional’(Busch 2011: 66). According
to Busch riti poetry was much radical in this manner. They considered themselves not
just the transmitter of Sanskrit texts instead viewed themselves as the theorists of a new
312 style of bhasha kavita (vernacular literature). Braj poets proclaimed that they ventured
out to pen down ‘new literary theory’ in Brajbhasha. Keshavadas’ Rasikapriya is an Urban Economy
Patronage and
of Literary
adaptation of the Sanskrit Sringaratilaka of Rudrabhatt nonetheless he had his detour Monetization
Culture
in that. Further, Keshavdas also attempts to bring in Braj milieu in that. He did borrow
motifs from Sanskrit, but modified them as per his perspective and attempted to break
the ‘age-old linguistic hierarchies’.
Allison Busch (2011) in the context of riti poetry attempts to establish the link between
the Imperial (Mughal) and sub-Imperial (regional; Orchha) literary cultures. While
articulating Keshavdas’ literary genius she argues how the poet gradually adapted his
poetry to the political needs of his patron, the Orchha rulers. She comments that
Keshavdas attempted to embody Orchha king, his patron, with ‘divine’ king ‘Rama’
thus in turn attempted to raise the position of the Orchha king in the Mughal (‘Imperial’)
‘court’. Even Keshavdas wrote a panegyric in praise of Emperor Jahangir. Sub-Imperial-
Imperial connections of Brajbhasha riti poetry were the key to power, argues Busch.
She projects Raja Birbal as a possible mediator to the Mughal court. She remarks that
Brajbhasha poets worked under the ‘penumbra’ of Mughal court. Keshavdas’ writings
had a great impact on his disciples, particularly on woman courtesan disciple, Pravi.
Riti poets made conscious choice to create Indic linguistic register distinct from the
Persian register, though deriving heavily long ‘topai’ and phrases. Keshav’s conscious
choice to use vernacular equivalents, e.g. for earth instead of bhumi he uses the vernacular
equivalent ‘puhumi’.
Busch argues that vernacular was more popular in the sub-Imperial courts (in their watan-
jagirs) for it was ‘more culturally relevant’. It was there that ‘they cultivated the richest
range of genres’. She argues that the Rajput and other nobles though possessed working
knowledge of Persian to interact at the Mughal court, in their watan-jagirs they encouraged
the local dialect and patronised the local talents.
Nonetheless, Indic literature possessed distinct charm among the Persianate literati as
well. This could be gleaned from the fact that Tulsi’s Ramcharitmanas, Sursagar, and
Prabodhachandrodaya were sparingly copied in Persian script. Keshavdas’ Rasikpriya,
Sundarshringar, and Bihari Satsai were also penned down in nastaliq; all this is
suggestive of addressing at Persianised readership (elites) of the time.
18.2.3 Audrey Truschke on Cultural Encounters

Truschke takes the debate to the issue of patronage to Indic literary traditions, particularly
to Sanskrit provided by the Mughal emperors. She has elaborated upon the patronage
networks and their impacts on production of Indic literature. Truschke argues that Mughals
cultivated ‘multicultural and multilingual imperial image’. However, the Mughal patronage
was not meant to win over the Indian communities instead for ‘themselves’. Truschke
(2016: 23) underlines the importance of Sanskrit as ‘a significant frontier within India
that stands on its own as a consistent component of imperial court life and a political
potent tradition for the Mughal rulers’. Truschke argues that unlike the generally accepted
view Mughal cultural world was vibrant and not just confined to Islamicate and Persian
Cultural tradition. Thus, according to Truschke (2016: 62), ‘Mughal power and sovereign
imagination often operated entirely outside Islamicate culture and Persian literary
production’.
These encounters not went uncontested in Akbar’s court. Badauni refused to write
the preface of Ramayana. Badauni was critical of Abul Fazl’s preface of Razmnama
which he believed was ‘diversification of Indo-Islamic knowledge’; he found
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and himself in an awkward position writing something without the praise of ‘Prophet
Translations Muhmmad’ (Truschkey 2016).
Power and Patronage
While exploring the relationship between power and patronage Truschke argues
that the Mughal patronage to Sanskrit works not meant to ‘justify imperial rule to
Brahmans, Hindu, or Jain populations’, rather ‘were far more complex’. ‘The
Mughals were formulating the contours and boundaries of their imperial culture,
and Sanskrit was a significant part of that process…Sanskrit thinkers, texts and
knowledge systems participated in the ongoing project of defining and redefining
Mughal power, particularly its cultural politics’ (Truschke 2016: 99-100). The
equally important goal of the translation project as rightly commented upon by
Abul Fazl was ‘to prompt conservative Muslims to reconsider their beliefs’
(Truschke 2016: 207). That fitted well into Akbar’s scheme of claiming mujtahid
(interpreter of law) in a bid to drive away power from the hands of the powerful
ulama (Islamic jurists). Truschke argues that in the networks of the literary
engagements among the Mughal elites, Jain, Brahman and other literati Mughal
royal court occupied the key position. ‘Many thinkers, both Persianate and Sanskrit,
viewed the imperial court as a principal hub for negotiating the boundaries of
their respective traditions. The Mughals bolstered this image by bestowing lavish
patronage on people working in Persian, Sanskrit, Hindi, and other languages’
(Truschke 2016: 229). Further, ‘Mughals saw unique possibilities in the Sanskrit
tradition to know India in historical, mythic, and empirical senses’ (Truschke 2016:
230). Truschke identified ‘multiculturalism’ as the key factor of Mughal imperial
practices and thus they ‘so crafted their royal court as a space defined by multiple
cultural frontiers’ (Truschke 2016: 231). It was Hindi that served the mediating
tongue between Persian and Sanskrit intellectuals.
1) Mention Sheldon Pollock’s views on the vernacularization of Indic literary
tradition.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Do you agree with Allison Busch’s argument that Indian literati failed to
appreciate the vibrant character of classical Hindi riti poetry?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) What relationship Audre Truschke sees between power and patronage?
Analyse in the context of sub-Imperial patronage to Sanskrit literature.
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18.3 CHARACTERISTICS OF INDIC LITERARY Culture
TRADITIONS
The chief characteristic of vernacular literature was, largely it was the poetry and
not the prose that remained the concern of the composers.
18.3.1 Political Will and the Vernacularisation

In elevating the vernacular status, political linkages and the patronage played a
key role. Instead of cosmopolitan Sanskrit by the turn of the millennium
inscriptional records were penned down in vernacular, thus vernacular assumed
the ‘expression of political will’. It was the patronage that Braj received from the
Orchha household as well as from the Mughals and the elites that elevated the
status of Braj on the path of ‘cosmopolitan’ status. Pollock, while undermining
the role of religion in the process of vernacularization emphasises the importance
of court in elevating the status of vernacular to a literary language. Pollock
(February 1998: 31) argues, ‘It is cosmopolitan elites…writing courtly poetry for
their peers, who first turned Kannada (and Telugu, Malayalam, Braj, Assamese)
into an instrument for literary and political expressivity…The grammatical and
literary-normative will-to-unification of the language…is intimately connected
with the political will-to-unification, since the power over language is power over
the users of the language.’ Inscriptions and royal orders were then inscribed in the
vernacular, thus assuming the character of ‘cosmopolitan vernacular’, thus
recreating the ‘conditions of imperial culture at the level of the region’.
18.3.2 Circulation and Porous Boundaries

An important feature of medieval vernacular literature was its circulation,
circulation of ideas, intellectuals as well as the dissemination of literature and
texts across boundaries which led to the idea of poetic community, the kavikul,
sharing the common shared heritage and genre. Cultural boundaries were fluid
and porous; the flow of ideas and borrowings was a natural and common trend of
the period. The agents of these literary circulations were courts, merchants/merchant
centres, and the religious divines, particularly the bhakti saints. Merchants served
links between the ‘regional and supra-local’ levels. This fluidity and circulation
did not remain confined within the ‘single’ linguistic tradition but travelled widely
across literary traditions. Vernaculars were particularly porous and borrowed
liberally from both the Sanskrit and the Persian literary traditions. However, these
borrowings were not just remained confined within a single religious community,
instead, it travelled across ‘socio-linguistic communities’, it was peripatetic in
nature. Keshavdas himself kept on moving from Orchha to Mughal patronage to
the patronage of Rahim and later his son Iraj and then again joining the Orchha
kingdom. ‘No tradition was sui generis or isolated within its own boundaries’
(Bruijn and Busch 2014: 4). Thus Braj kavikul was not just in dialogue with each
other but also with their Sanskrit predecessors. ‘The kavikul,… was a complex
structure of cultural power… It was a mechanism by which writers transmitted
cherished cultural traditions’ (Busch 2014: 201).
Thus, textual fixity or textual purity was not a feature of the medieval vernacular tradition.
Fluidity and mobility were such a strong component that scholars followed no standardized
format and twisted and borrowed liberally from one and all traditions. There also no
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and linguistic barriers on the basis of caste and religion. Another important feature of this
Translations fluidity and popularity of the Hindawi texts was their rendition in Persian script.
Premakhyan, written in Awadhi, but in the Persian script, borrowed liberally from both
the Brahmanical and Islamic cultural traditions.
Mobility and Early Modernity
As discussed above mobility of ideas as a result of vibrant travels, particularly of the
Vaishnavite saints and as well as those of the literati desiring to seek patronage, became
the hallmark of the period between 1500-1800, thus viewed by the scholars as features
of early modernity.
18.3.3 Hybridity
Hybridity and not the ‘exclusivity’ was the norm. Indic poets borrowed from both the
Sanskritic tradition as well as Persianate cultural tradition. Nonetheless, they established
their signature, distinct both from the Sanskrit and Persian traditions. The Krishna bhakta
Braj poets Hit Harivansha (1502-1552?), the so-called founder of the Radhavallabha
Sampradaya, Swami Haridas, Hariram Vyas, and Surdas derived inspiration from
Bhagavat Purana and Sanskrit alankarashastra (aestheticised love).
Similarly, Tulasidas’ Ramcharitmanas was largely an Awadhi version of the Sanskrit
Ramayana. Equally representative are the works of Shaiva and Vaishnava Bhakti poetry
across India which, deriving inspiration from Bhagavata Purana, represented
Bhagavata versions/commentaries in their literary genre. ‘A defining feature of the early
modern landscape in India is the cross-pollination between Persianate and vernacular
realms that occurred during the heyday of Mughal rule (1526–1857)’ (Bruijn and Busch
2014: 7). Rahim’s (Khan-i Khanan) dohas on ethics and morality appear to have derived
heavily from Sanskrit niti tradition. His Nagarshobha (doha) and Barvai Nayikabheda
(barvai) suggest the impact of court-poetry and linked to sringara rasa and suggest
the influence of Awadhi and both loaded heavily with the Sanskrit and Persian vocabulary.
It not only suggests Rahim’s command over Persian and Sanskrit traditions at the same
time help establish the linkages between the Persian and Hindawi tradition and thus
bridges the ‘gap between the Braj bhasha and Persian Poetry genre’ (Lefebvre 2014:
97). At the same time, his viraha poetry (on separation of gopis from Krishna) appears
to have been inspired by bhakti poetry. His Madanashatak is more tilted towards
Khari Boli idioms; while his Kheta Kautukam (astronomical verses) is a mixture
of Sanskrit and Persian.
Braj poets were also influenced greatly by Rajasthani (Prakrit) raso style,
particularly their historical works represent great borrowings in terms of style
from raso tradition. Keshavdas’ jahangirjaschandrika was written in raso style in
chhappay (sextets), the favourite metre of the raso.
The sheer presence of the community of poets can be gleaned from the presence
of the idea of kavikul. It was very much present in Keshavadas’s Rasikpriya. It
indicates that the idea of ‘solidarity’ ‘common concerns’ ‘common genre/idiom’
was very much present at that time. It thus suggests, whether a poet was in the
Mughal court or serving at Orchha or other Rajput courts this awareness of ‘community’
feeling of ‘fellow’ poets of the same genre was very much present among them. Thus,
‘even when the poets never met one another they were bound together by a literary
consensus about classical aesthetics which encouraged a certain uniformity even
conformity of genres’, argues Busch (2009:16).
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Riti poets favoured muktakas (free-standing verse) suggests that they did succeed in Inland and Oceanic
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developing their signature mark and established trans-regional literary tradition. Culture
18.3.4 Vernacularisation of the Sanskrit Texts

Indic writers even attempted to produce avernacular versions of the Sanskritic texts.
Hariram Vyas who enjoyed the patronage of Madhukar Shah of Orchha penned down
the Braj version of the five chapters of Bhagavat Purana in his Rasapanchadhyayi.
Vyas even skipped certain chapters of the Sanskrit text. Nand Das’s (1570) Braj
compositions also had heavy imprints of Sanskritic works and Sanskrit styles: he brought
out the braj verses of Rasamanjari of Bhanudatta, Rasapanchadhyayi (five chapters
of Bhagavata Purana), and Prabodhacandrodaya of Krishna Mishra; similarly, his
Manmanjari and Anekarthamanjari (Braj dictionaries) followed the pattern of
Amarkosha; while his Panchadhyayi was an imitation of Jayadev’s Gita Govind.
These were not mere translations of Sanskrit texts but they employed their styles, imprints
into it. As A.K. Ramanujan puts it these translations were ‘indexical translations’ and not
the word-by-word translations of modern writers. They reworked on shastras; modified
themes and localized them in the specific Braj milieu, comments Busch (2014: 128).
Further, the main objective of bringing in vernacular translations was to make available
the Sanskrit texts to the vernacular readers. ‘Brajbhasha appropriated Sanskrit space,
rendering the classical language increasingly irrelevant’ (Busch 2014: 129).
18.3.5 Bhakti Tradition and Vernacular Literature

In the rise of vernacular tradition bhakti, particularly Vaishnava saguna bhakti tradition
played a key role. Braj and Gujarati traditions were largely centred around Krishna
bhakti, while Awadhi centred around Rama tradition. Though Keshavdas compares
Jahangir in his Jahangirjaschandrika to the Suryavanshi Raghu clan of Lord Rama.
However, they did not ‘embrace the idea of bhakti rasa’ instead opted for shringara
rasa (aestheticized love). However, Pollock questions the ‘role’ of bhakti in the process
of ‘vernacularization’. He argues in the case of Kannada that the ‘vernacularization
[was] not driven by religious imperatives, it was not in any meaningful sense
popular…What is abundantly clear however in virtually every case we can historically
capture…is the role of court in the vernacular turn’ (Pollock February 1998: 30-31).
1) Discuss chief characteristics of vernacular literary traditions.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) What do you understand by circulation and porous boundaries? Explain in the
context of vernacular literary tradition.
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........................................................................................................................
3) Define hybridity in the context of vernacular literature.
........................................................................................................................
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and ........................................................................................................................
Translations
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4) Do you agree that there was a subtle relationship between the rise of bhakti and the
emergence of vernacular literary tradition.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
18.4 SANSKRIT AND THE MUGHAL PATRONAGE

Sanskrit intellectuals’ visits to Akbar’s court began in the 1560s which further got
accelerated in the 1570s particularly with the establishment of Ibadatkhana; such
religious discussions continued throughout Akbar’s period down to Jahangir’s
reign. Akbar sponsored Persian renditions of a number of Sanskrit texts in
translations – Ramayana (1588) Mahabharata (Razmnama), Harivamsha,
Panchatantra, Katha Sarit Sagar, etc. All this we have already taken up and
discussed in Unit 1, therefore a discussion on the plethora of patronage given by
the Mughal rulers to the Sanskrit translation project is intentionally kept out of the
discussion of the present Unit. Here our focus would be more on the nature of
patronage provided by the Mughals.
Truschke argues that Mughal cross-cultural interests wereprimarily confined to
literature and grammar. To articulate official histories, royal proclamations, and
documentation, etc. Mughals largely opted for Persian. One should remember
neither did the Mughal elite nor his translators study Sanskrit. Sanskrit readers
often briefed the translators in Hindawi the Sanskrit texts than the Persian translators
used to translate that content into Persian. Thus the verbal reiteration of the Sanskrit
texts was the common feature of the Mughal cultural world and vernaculars,
particularly Brajbhasha served as the link.
Mughals themselves were not acquainted with Sanskrit. Nonetheless, Sanskrit
texts were often presented to the Mughal emperors. However, the production seems
largely for gifting purposes than for actual readings at the Mughal court.
Sanskrit scholars, both Jains and Brahmans, were active participants of Mughal
court culture. Under Akbar, Jains were prominent participants (1560-1610), though
their fortunes declined after Akbar; while Brahmans’ presence (1560-1660)
continued till Shah Jahan’s period. Jain presence was exclusively the result of the
Mughal occupation of Gujarat (1572-73) and predominantly scholars who received
Mughal patronage were from the region of Gujarat. However, Brahmans’ presence
in the Mughal court was from across much wider geographical zones 6 from
Bengal to down south.
The first recorded Sanskrit intellectual receiving the Mughal patronage was
Mahapatra Krishnadasa of Odisha (1565) who composed Gitaprakasha followed
by Narasimha, both originally hailed from the Gajapati court. Pundarikavitthala
joined Akbar’s court through the patronage of Kachhawaha rulers Man Singh and
Madho Singh; similarly, Govinda Bhatta, who was known as ‘Akbar’s Kalidas’,
entered Akbar’s court from the court of Ramchandra of Rewa. Interestingly, Sanskrit
318
texts produced under Mughal patronage were not meant for the readership of the Mughal Inland and Oceanic
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emperors as such. In 1569 under Akbar’s patronage Padmasundara, a Jain scholar, Culture
composed Akbarasahishringaradarpana (Mirror of Erotic Passion for Shah Akbar).
Another Jain intellectual associated with Akbar’s court was Hiravijaya, who joined Akbar
at Sikri in 1583. At Akbar’s instructions Vihari Krishnadas composed the first Sanskrit-
Persian dictionary, Parasiprakasha in the late sixteenth century thus attempted to
establish a relationship between Sanskrit, Persian, and the Mughal empire. Krishnadasa
projects Akbar as a ‘very ethical’ monarch.
Brahmans who entered Akbar’s court were largely employed as translators of Sanskrit
texts so also as astrologers. Akbar instituted a post of jyotisharaja (royal astrologer).
Nilakantha held the position of jyotisharaja under Akbar.
Sanskrit received liberal patronage from the Rajput elites as well. Kachhawahas of
Amber were great patrons. Raja Man Singh commissioned Sanskrit biographical work
Manprakasha composed by Murari Das; while Harinath penned down commentaries
of Dandin and Bhoja, Kavyadarsha-marjana and Sarasvatikanthabharana-marjana.
18.5 PATRONAGE TO INDIC LITERARY TRADITION

During the sixteenth century, vernacular literary tradition received liberal patronage at
the court. However, these poets were performing multifaceted roles; they were not just
the panegyrists, writing in praise of their patrons but they serve chiefly as counsels, were
sent on diplomatic missions, performed liaison roles between various conflicting and
local groups vis-à-vis the state. These poets and scholars not necessarily been the officials;
many times they just served as counsel/courtier (nadim). Afif, was never been a noble in
Firuz Shah Tughlaq’s court, he was a nadim, a scholar counsellor. Keshavdas was not
just the poet laureate of Orchha but also a friend, advisor, and guru to Orchha kings.
Lahori and Kamboh refer to Sundar Kaviraj not as Braj poet but as a courtier and
diplomat who was sent by Shahjahan to negotiate with recalcitrant Bundella chiefs Jujhar
Singh and Bir Singh Deo. Khafi Khan records that during the war of succession Aurangzeb
sent ‘Kab’ to negotiate with Maharaja Jaswant Singh of Marwar.
Here we would be confining our discussion to the sixteenth century. Though a number of
nobles-cum-scholar-poets adorned the courts of Jahangir, Shahjahan, and regional courts.
Sundar Kaviraj was a poet laureate in the court of Shahjahan. However, all this would
form part of a discussion in our next course BHIC-112.
In the process of expansion and consolidation, Mughal court facilitated the exchange of
ideas and cultures across regions. ‘Poets and poems regularly moved between regional
courts and the imperial capitals, fostering a shared Mughal and Rajput [regional] courtly
ethos’ (Busch 2014: 193). Further, one of the important reasons for the growth of Indic
literature was ‘acculturation’ of Mughal rulers to Indian milieu. Mughal court gradually
became more and more Indianised, particularly from Akbar’s period onwards who was
more interested in the local environment, unlike his father and grandfather who situated
themselves more in the Central Asian environment.
Being born to Rajput mothers, Hindawi was literally the mother tongue of both Jahangir
and Shahjahan. Thus knowledge of Hindawi of the Mughal emperors is beyond doubt.
It is reported that Keshav himself had presented his poems to Jahangir. Jahangir mentions
his brother Daniyal as a lover of Indian singing and composed poems in the ‘language of
the people’. Bhramargita popularised by Surdas and Nanddas during Akbar’s period
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and 18.5.1 Patronage at the Mughal Court
Translations
Mughals shared a ‘multi-lingual and multi-literary realm’. Courts were not just the centres
of political activities but cultural activities also centred around them. Braj texts developed
under the Mughal patronage hardly survive. There is also almost complete silence of
Persian writers on the presence of Braj poets at the Mughal courts. Thus to glean
information on the presence and importance of Braj in the Mughal court we have to rely
on stray references. It is said that Humayun did sponsor the sons of the Hindawi musicians.
Even Islam Shah Sur’s court was adorned with a number of vernacular poets including
the Braj poet Narhari, who later reported to have joined Akbar’s court. Avadhi poets
Manjhan of Madhumalati (1545) fame and Afghan noble Muhammad Farmuli who
composed in Avadhi, adorned Islam Shah Sur’s court. However, Avadhi showed decline
towards the end of the sixteenth century giving way to Braj.
Akbar (1556-1605) was a great patron of literati transcending religious and linguistic
boundaries. Abul Fazl in Book 4 of his Ain-i Akbari dedicates one full section on Danish-
i Hindustan (Learning of India). Abul Fazl intended that Persianate culture should
incorporate and integrate Sanskrit knowledge systems thus aimed to alter the nature of
the Indo-Persian knowledge system. The chief aim of inducting Sanskrit ideas to Persian
intellectuals was to expose Persian literati to Sanskritic traditions. Akbar encouraged
Sanskrit-based astronomy and calculations. He even created a separate post of
jyotishacharya (Indian astrologer) and reported to have relied upon Indian horoscopes.
Akbar is reported to have sponsored a number of rhetorics in Braj. Abul Fazl’s comment
that ‘The inspired nature of His Majesty is strongly drawn to composing poetry in Hindi
and Persian, and he exhibits a subtle understanding of the finest points of literary conceits’
(Busch 135), clearly suggests Akbar’s knowledge of Braj and inclination towards
Hindawi poetry, even his own compositions. We do not find any surviving works
commissioned by Akbar. The only Akbar commissioned work survived to date is Jain
Padmasundara’s Akbarshahishringaradarpanòa (1569), a Sanskrit work on Indian
poetics. However, riti poetry written in Braj was mainly court poetry. Braj received
new heights under the Mughal court patronage under Akbar (1556-1605). A faint hint
of it one can find in Abul Fazl’s discussion. Braj riti poetry was largely written in
nayikabheda in shringara rasa. Abul Fazl in his section on literature in the Ain-i
Akbari mentions nayikabheda; which faintly suggests, could be attributed to Braj
influence. Busch looks emergence of riti literature as ‘vernacular revival of Sanskrit
kavya tradition’. Akbar was an ardent lover of dhrupad, which were basically
composed in Braj and in Akbar’s court Tansen was its greatest exponent. We hear of
Vrind and Sundar but hardly anything about them survive. Chaurasi Vaishnavan ki
Varta, a Braj text composed around 1584, mentions Akbar’s visit to Surdas in Mathura
and his cold response. Without going into the ‘truth’ of the story, it does suggest that
there seems great receptivity of Brajbhasha at the Mughal court and their resistance to
being enamoured by Mughal grandeur. Riti texts of Karnes, Karnabharan,
Shrutibhushan, and Bhupbhushan, though do not survive but are frequently mentioned
in Hindawi literature. Another Braj poet of Akbar’s court was Manohar Kachhawaha
about whom Jahangir refers but unfortunately we know only his Persian compositions.
Among the Hindawi poets, Gang (Braj poet) is mentioned by Bhikharidas among one of
the two sardars (stalwarts) Hindawi poets, other named by him was Tulsi (Avadhi). We
do not know anything about Gang’s antecedents. Strangely, he was in close contact with
the Mughal court. None of the Persian text mentions him. Gang interestingly did not
compose prabandhas instead wrote muktak poems which are the combination of bhakti,
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shringara, and nayaikabheda during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Inland and Oceanic
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Thus distinctly, though there is an almost complete absence of information on Mughal
court patronage to vernacular literary traditions, there are strong stray references of the
presence of Braj poetry in the Mughal court.
There was cultural transmission as a result of vernacular interactions with the Imperial
court and Persianate cultural traditions. One can look similarities between the chroniclers’
accounts and the Indic charitas. Similarly, Braj dhrupad and Persian rubai both shared
almost similar lyrical genres. Similarly, Persian sarapa (head to toe) and nakhashikh
(head to toe) descriptions shared much in common. Rahim’s Nagarshobha was inspired
by the Persian genre of Shahrashob; it was analogous to nagara varnana (description
of a city) of Sanskrit and Indic tradition (Busch 2014: 195-196).
18.5.2 Patronage at the Sub-Imperial Level

Vernaculars received special patronage at the hands of the Mughal nobility. In this
endeavour, Akbar’s step-son and leading noble Abdul Rahim Khan-i Khanan stands
out, who not only patronised ‘Hindawi’ but also himself composed verses both in
Avadhi and Brajbhasha and was a writer of great repute in ‘Hindawi’. He wrote
largely in muktak genre like Gang. Bhikharidas in his Kavinirnay (1746) claims
Rahim as an established poet of Brajbhasha. Rahim primarily chose to write in
doha and barvai formats. Khan-i Khanan was a literary genius and an ardent lover
of books collection. He was a scholar of repute of just not Persian but also of
Arabic, Sanskrit and Hindawi; even at the request of Akbar, he did learn Portuguese.
He is reported to have possessed the biggest library at the sub-regional level. He
himself wrote in Hindawi with the pen name ‘Rahim’ evince his genius. His court
in the Deccan not only attracted scholars from across India but also from central
Asia and Persia. Maasir-i Rahimi informs that he patronised a number of Hindawi
poets: Alaquli, Ban, Gang, Harinath, Jada, Lakshminarayana, Mandan, Mukund,
Narhari, Prasiddh, Santa Kavi, and Tara. Keshavdas and Gang eulogised Khan-i
Khanan in their poems. Keshavdas has compared Khan-i Khanan with Hanuman;
as Hanuman was dutiful to Rama so was Khan-i Khanan towards Akbar. Gang
equally praised Khan-i Khanan’s qualities of alms-giving. Gang also seems to
have received the patronage of Khan-i Khanan. He composed a number of eulogies
(prashastis) in Rahim’s honour. Khan-i Khanan’s son Shahnawaz Iraj Khan also
seems to be a great patron of Brajbhasha poets. The famous historical work of
Keshavdas Jahangirjaschandrika was probably patronised by Iraj Khan.
Among other prominent courtiers of Akbar who themselves composed verses/
prose in Brajbhasha were Birbal (d. 1586) and Tansen (d. 1586? 1589?). Birbal
wrote with takhallus (pen name) ‘Brahma’ and it is reported that Akbar adorned
Birbal (d. 1586) with the title Kaviraj for his Brajbhasha compositions. Abul Fazl’s
brother Faizi and Todar Mal are also reported to have composed in Brajbhasha.
Shahnawaz Khan mentions Zain Khan Koka’s (d. 1601) love for Hindawi ragas
and kavitts (riti metres) suggests Mughal noble’s inclination for vernacular literature
during Akbar’s period.
Similarly, Akho (Akha Bhagat; circa 1615 to 1674 or 1600 to 1655), who was the
mint master under Jahangir, studied Vedanta at Banaras and wrote a simplified
version of the Vedantic philosophy in the language of the people. Bihari Lal, was
another great poet of ‘Hindawi’ who enjoyed the patronage of Mirza Raja Jai Singh, a
Kachhawaha Rajput, noble of Shahjahan and Aurangzeb. A detailed account of them is 321
Society and
Literature Economy
and provided in our Course BHIC 112. Thus, a large number of Mughal nobles were not
Translations only themselves poets of repute, but also great patrons of poets and writers.
1) Do you agree that unlike the common beliefs Mughals provided liberal patronage
to Sanskrit literary tradition?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the nature of patronage received by vernacular literary traditions at sub-
Imperial level.
...................................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
18.6 VERNACULAR LITERARY TRADITION

During the medieval period, main dialects of Hindawi (modern Hindi) were: Avadhi
(Khari Boli), Brajbhasha, Rajasthani, Maithili, Bhojpuri, Malwai, etc. The origin
of Hindawi can be seen in the evolution of Apabhramsha during the 7-10th centuries.
Linguists divide the earliest period of the development of Hindawi as Virgatha
Kala (age of heroic poetry). The earliest of such works, as we have discussed in
BHIC 107 is raso literature: Prithviraja Raso, Hammira Raso, etc. It was followed
by Bhakti Kala (age of bhakti poetry) which lasted up to 16-17th centuries, followed
by Riti Kala (age of poetry of high style/method) which began in the 16th century
and reached its peak in the seventeenth century.
18.6.1 Vernacular Literary Tradition: Awadhi

Khari Boli/Avadhi/Magadhi-Prakrit developed during the 15-16th centuries. Awadhi
first arose into prominence under the patronage of sufis who composed premakhyan
literature (in Persian script and Avadhi language) in Avadhi. The earliest of this in
this series (tradition goes up to the early nineteenth century) is Mulla Daud’s
Chandayan (1379), followed by Mrigavati (Qutban; 1503), Padmavat (Jayasi;
1540), Madhumalati (Shaikh Manjhan; 1545), etc. Phukan has commented that
‘Indeed, one explanation for the popularity of Awadhi texts among the Mughal
elite is that they were a medium for intense emotional experience and thus prized
for their ability to embody Sufi values like zawq (taste/epiphany), ma¿rifat (spiritual
insight), jazb (emotion), and %aqîqat (truth perception)’ (Phukan in Busch 2014:
202).
While bhakti poetry is written in Awadhi largely carried the Rama bhakti tradition,
Brajbhasha compositions mainly centred around Krishna bhakti. Both, the poet-
laureates, Tulsi and Surdas, in a sense translated the Ramayana (Tulsi; in Awadhi)
and Bhagavata Purana (Surdas; in Brajbhasha).
The greatest exponent of Avadhi was Gosvami Tulsidas (1532?-1623?). He
322 composed his masterpiece Ramacharitamanasa in 1574. Tulsidas, a Smarta
Vaishnavite, evoked Rama bhakti tradition. Around Lord Rama, he weaved and Inland and Oceanic
Patronage Trade
of Literary
idealized kingship and human qualities (ramarajya, dharma, and niti) which Lord Culture
Rama embodied. He popularized the Rama bhakti tradition among the ‘common’
masses. Mahatma Gandhi calls it the ‘greatest book of all devotional literature’.
Philip Lutgendorf applauds it as the ‘living sum of Indian culture’. The popularity
of Ramacharitamanasa was the prime factor in pushing back the popularity of the
Krishna cult in north India. Tulsidas is reported to have written eleven other works:
Vinaya Patrika, Kavitavali, Krishna Gitavali, Janakimangal, Parvatimangal,
Barvai Ramayana, etc. Tulsi’s writings inspired many later writers, particularly,
Agradas and Nabhadas who composed Bhaktamala, a biographical account of the
Vaishnava saints.
In the seventeenth century, ‘Brajbhasha does begin to eclipse Awadhi as a literary
language by late in Akbar’s Period’. ‘Perhaps the Mughals were deliberately turning
away from Awadhi, the earlier Indo-Muslim literary vernacular, because it had
been so assiduously cultivated at the courts of their Afghan rivals and thus was
too readily associated with a competing political formation’, argues Busch (2014:
187).
18.6.2 Vernacular Literary Tradition: Brajbhasha

Mirza Khan (late 17th century) praises Brajbhasha as afsah-yi zabanha (most
eloquent of all languages) and Faqirullah calls it afsahtarin zaban (most eloquent
language). Bhakti saints exploited Brajbhasha as the vehicle of transmission.
Besides, Brajbhasha received liberal patronage at the sub-regional levels under
the aegis of Rajputs and other Hindu Jain elites and also at various mercantile
centres. The popularity of Brajbhasha created a ‘new reading public’ beyond the
bounds of ‘Imperial’ ‘Persian’ and ‘Sanskritic’ traditions.
In the sixteenth century, one finds dramatic rise of Braj Krishna bhakta poets in
and around Mathura and Vrindavan – Hit Harivansha, Swami Haridas, Hariram
Vyas, and Surdas. Among the Brajbhasha tradition, poet laureate Surdas is the
towering figure. A disciple of Vallabhacharya, Surdas (c.1503-1563) was one of
the jewels of ashtachhap poets. Surdas, a Krishna bhakt, wrote independent of the
royal patronage. Vaishnava Vartas of Vallabha Sampradaya mention Akbar’s
fondness for Surdas. Gokulnath in his Chaurasi Vaishnavan ki Varta (c. 1640)
narrates the meeting of Akbar with Surdas at Mathura. Surdas is reported to have
refused Akbar’s invitation to join his court entourage. In the list of singers given in the
Ain-i Akbari by Abul Fazl Sur’s name appears. His celebrated work is Sursagar. The
earliest recession of the text belongs to as early as 1582 from the Jaipur collection which
contains 297 padas which swells to 5000 by the twentieth century. Among his various
styles, Bhramaragit (bee-messenger) style of Sur’s padas stands out.
Clearly, the Mughal elites shared distinct charm with Braj poetry. By the seventeenth
century, Braj practically replaced Sanskrit and served as a link language while translating
the Sanskrit texts, what Truschkey calls it a ‘spoken vernacular in the Mughal Imperium’.
Even the Mughal ruling elite, including the Mughal emperors from Akbar’s period onwards,
were conversant in Hindawi (Braj).
Orchha and the Patronage of the Vernacular Literary Tradition
The Bundela kingdom of Orchha emerged as a prominent centre of vernacular literary
tradition, particularly that of the Brajbhasha. Brajbhasha flourished particularly under
323
Society and
Literature Economy
and the courtly patronage of Orchha rulers. Kriparam and Hariram Vyas enjoyed the patronage
Translations of the Bundela rulers. Kriparam’s Hittarangini (1541) is considered to be the earliest
ritigranth. It is written in nayikabheda genre and evokes Vaishnava ethos. Hariram
Vyas received the patronage of Orchha ruler Madhukar Shah. It received a new height
under the court poet Keshavdas (1555-1717) in the court of Bundela rulers of Orchha.
Keshavdas’s compositions mark the zenith of Brajbhasha poetry tradition. The importance
of Keshavdas can be gauged from the fact that Keshavdas shared the stage among the
prominent poetical Sanskrit legendary scholars Dhananjaya, Mammala, and Bhanudatta.
The ‘riti’ poetry of which Keshavdas was one of the most prominent poets was basically
‘court poetry’. Keshavdas belonged to a distinguished family of Pandits whose ancestors
served Tomar and Gwalior kings and his grandfather enjoyed the patronage of the founder
of the Orchha kingdom Rudra Pratap (1501-31); while his father served Madhukar
Shah (1554-1592) of Orchha. Keshavdas composed eight works (prabandhas). His
early work Ratnabavani was a historical treatise. However, during 1591-1602
Keshavdas emerged more as a literary theorist. During this phase Raja Indrajit, the fifth
son of Madhukar Shah and his brother Bir Singh Deo Bundela were Keshav’s patrons.
Keshav’s Kavipriya was written in praise of Raja Indraji. Indrajit himself wrote Braj
commentary on Bhartrihari. He is reported to have composed poems under the pen
name Chap or ‘Dhiraj Narind’. His Rasikpriya (1591; Handbook of Poetry), Kavipriya
(1601; handbook of Poets); and Chhandamala (1602; Guide to Meters) were
ritigrantha (books of methods) that marks a new trend of handbook and rhetoric
tradition in vernacular and sets in the defining features of riti literature.
Braj Beyond Braj
Braj widened its wings what Allison Busch calls ‘Braj Beyond Braj’. Vaishnava saints
through their vast travels not only attempted to spread their doctrines and ideas and
achieved a popular base across regions, this in turn enriched the vernaculars in which
they spread their ideas. This helped vernaculars crossing local boundaries and acquiring
a wider base. Adi Granth, the Sikh scripture, compiled in 1604 by Guru Arjan contains
a number of Braj poetic compositions of Vaishnava saints.
As we have mentioned above that the idea of kavikul was very much present among
the poet community. What ‘Braj kavikul’ shared was: biographies of patrons; Radha-
Krishna love; Alankara Shastra (literary theory; nayikabheda, etc.). As they were
aware of their contemporary peers so were also in touch with their Sanskrit forefathers.
Braj received patronage and extended its wings in Rajasthan (Galta and Fatehpur).
Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar were equally patrons of Indic literary tradition.
Bhanudatta’s Rasamanjari (c. 1550) was commissioned by Nizam Shah of
Ahmadnagar.
18.6.3 Other Indic Literary Traditions

Gujarati
Under the influence of Vaishnav bhakti movement, particularly Krishna bhakti
sect of Sri Chaitnya, Gujarati literature also flourished. Vallabhacharya’s son
Vitthala got settled down in Gujarat and spread Krishna bhakti in Gujarat. Gopaldas,
grandson of Vallabhacharya wrote Vallabhakhyan in Gujarati in c. 1570.
The towering figure during our period was Narsimha (Narsi) Mehta (c. 1500-
1580) who is considered the father of Gujarati poetry (Adi Kavi). Narsimha Mehta
324
exercised influence on almost all later Gujarati poets. He wrote in akhyan (pioneer Inland and Oceanic
Patronage Trade
of Literary
Culture
among them is Sudamacharita, written in Jhulna metre) and prabhatiya (morning
devotional songs) genres. His major compositions are: Govinda Gamana, Surata
Sangrama, Shringaramala. The earliest manuscript of his compositions is dated
1612. His compositions are compiled in Rasa-Sahasta-padi and Chaturis (depicted
lilas of Krishna) are basically couched in Shringara rasa. Mandana brought out
in Gujarati Prabodha Battisi, Ramayana, and Rukamangada Katha. Bhalana (1434-
1514) brought out Bana’s Kadambari in Gujarati. He is known for his akhyan
style. He also composed Dasam Skandha, Nalakhyana, Ramabala Charita, and
Chandi Akhyan.
Sufi writer Khub Muhammad Chishti’s (1539-1615) Chhanda Chhandan and
Bhavo- Bhed texts (generally touches vatsalya and madhurya bhav) were composed
in Gujarati in quasi-riti genre.
Bengali
Bengali language and literature flourished with Sri Chaitanya. Brindabandas wrote
Chaitanya Bhagavata/Chaitanya Mangal in Bengali. Chaitanya Charitamrita of
Krishnadas Kaviraj laid the philosophical foundation of Gaudiya Vaishnavism.
Other works of importance composed in Bengali are Gouranga Vijaya by
Chudamanidas and Jayananda and Lochandas’ Chaitanya Mangal. Lochandas
introduced new genre dhamali dealing exclusively on Krishna-gopi lilas. Padavalis
incorporated rasa genre of Sanskrit and were based on Radha-Krishna rasa-lilas
in Vrindaban Lila.
In Bengal another genre of Mangal Kavya emerged during this period which largely
propagated the local cult deities 6 Chandi, Manasa, Dharma and also Puranic
Gods Shiva and Vishnu. Mangal Kavyas largely derived their narratives from
Puranas. In Dharma-Mangala merged the Buddhist dharma with the Puranic
Narayana and Muslim Pir emerged as Satyapir or Satyanarayana.
A number of Muslim compositions in Bengal were penned down. Notable among them
was Daulat Qazi of Arakan who composed Laur-Chandani or Mayna Sati. It is said
that Laur-Chandani was completed later by Alaol, son of a Muslim governor of Lower
Bengal. He also rendered Bengali version of Padmavat, Saifulmulkbanduijjamal and
also two works of Nizami. Sabire wrote a version of the Vidya Sundar while Saiyyid
Sultan composed Resularjay which included some Hindu gods as well. His two disciples
composed Satya Kali Vivadsambad.
Assamese
In Assam Vaishnavism flourished under the influence of Shankardeva (1449-1560). His
disciple Madhavadas composed Bhakti Ratnavali which consists of a number of
baragits depicting the life of Krishna in Vrindavan and his childhood. Rama Rarasvati
translated Mahabharata into Assamese for his patron king of Cooch Bihar. Similarly,
based on Bhagavata and Vishnu Puranas Gopal Chandra Dvija composed the narrative
of Krishna in Assamese.
Oriya
During the sixteenth century Oriya literature was still heavily influenced by Sanskrit.
Kavyas were composed on Puranic themes. Oriya literature of our period was greatly
influenced by Vaishnava movement of Sri Chaitanya. In the 16th century Dharanidhara
325
Society and
Literature Economy
and Mishra, Brindavan Das (Rasabaridhi) and Trilochan Das (Govinda Gita) translated
Translations Jayadeva’s Gita Govinda into Oriya.
1) Examine the growth of Awadhi during the sixteenth century.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Write briefly the patronage provided by the Orchha rulers to brajbhasha.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
3) Explain the relationship between the rise of the Chaitanya sect and the growth of
Bengali literature.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
18.7 SUMMARY
Sheldon Pollock argues that by the turn of the millennium there was a definite decline of
the ‘cosmopolitan’ Sanskrit and the period is marked by the vernacularisation of the
literary culture. However, Audrey Truschke argues that not only Sanskrit continued to
flourish and received Imperial and sub-Imperial patronage till the seventeenth century,
when ultimately Braj assumed the ‘cosmopolitan’ character and a link language for the
Persian literati. Allison Busch’s work on Brajbhasha literature suggests that the Brajbhasha
started emerging into prominence during the sixteenth century and soon it developed in
the form of a vernacular ‘cosmopolis’ and assumed the status of a ‘literary language’.
The boundaries of the vernacular literary traditions were often porous and circulated
across the confined borders. The vernacular scholars attempted not only the
translation of the Sanskrit texts instead they attempted at the vernacularisation of
the Sanskrit texts and in that effort succeeded in establishing their distinct genres.
Awadhi and Brajbhasha were among the most prominent of the vernacular
languages that succeeded in developing their distinct styles and thus assumed the
status of a ‘cosmopolitan’ literary tradition.
18.8 KEYWORDS
Akhyan Lit. tell/narrate. These are religious
instructions in a story form that combines the
singing and acting; popularised by poet
laureate Narsimha Mehta in Gujarat
Aalkara Shastra A manual of rhetoric
326
Bargits/Borgeet Lit. ‘song celestial’. It is predominantly a collection Inland and Oceanic
Patronage Trade
of Literary
of lyrical songs composed by Shankardeva and Culture
Madhavadeva
Charitas Biographies
Kavikul Poetic community having shared/common heritage
and genre
Muktak Freestanding poems; a muktak is generally not
part of a larger narrative
Nagara Shobha/ Description of a city
Nagara Varnana
Nayikabheda Catalogue of female characters
Padavali Literally ‘foot’; versified compositions,
euologising the Lord; associated with bhakti
literature
Prabhatiya Morning devotional songs
Raso Heroic ballads
Riti (Kavya) Literally poetry of method; poetry in which
primary concepts are defined and explained
from the Sanskrit rhetoric (rasa [emotion]),
nayikabheda (categories of female characters),
alankara (figures of speech). Poets attempted
to transform Sanskrit poetic genres into
vernacular literary culture. In riti poetry there
is emphatic emphasis on shringara (erotic
poetry)
Shaharashob Literally a poem of a ruined city; satirical poem
narrating the description of the city exposing
the social and political malaise of the period
Shringara Rasa Erotic emotions/aestheticized love
Smarta Orthodox vaishnavites; its members were
composed of twice born (initiated upper class)
Watan-jagirs Jagirs assigned to respective chieftains in their
homeland

EXERCISES
327
Society and
Literature Economy
and Check Your Progress-2
Translations
1. See Section 18.3
1. See Section 18.5.1
1. See Section 18.6.1

Bruijn, Thomas de and Allison Busch, (ed.) (2014) Culture and Circulation Literature
in Motion in Early Modern India (Leiden: Brill).
Busch, Allison, (2014) ‘Poetry in Motion: Literary Circulation in Mughal India’, in Bruijn,
Thomas de and Allison Busch, (ed.) (2014) Culture and Circulation Literature in
Motion in Early Modern India (Leiden: Brill).
Busch, Allison, (2011) Poetry of kings: the classical Hindi literature of Mughal
India (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
Busch, Allison, (2009) Braj Beyond Braj: Classical Hindi in the Mughal World,
Occasional Publication-12 (New Delhi: India International Centre).
Lefèvre, Corinne, (2014) ‘The Court of ¿Abd-ur-Ra%îm Khân-i Khânân as a Bridge
between Iranian and Indian Cultural Traditions’, in Bruijn, Thomas de and Allison
Busch, (ed.) (2014) Culture and Circulation Literature in Motion in Early Modern
India (Leiden: Brill).
Pollock, Sheldon, (Summer, 1998) ‘India in the Vernacular Millennium: Literary
Culture and Polity, 1000-1500’, Daedalus, Vol. 127, No. 3, pp. 41-74.
Pollock, Sheldon, (February, 1998) ‘The Cosmopolitan Vernacular’, Journal of
Asian Studies, Vol. 57, No. 1, pp. 6-37.

RECOMMENDATIONS
Language and Literature Under The Mughals - I
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qa8L7LrgcRo
Language and Literature Under The Mughals - II
328
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4OdO3XDxqIk Inland and Oceanic
Patronage Trade
of Literary
Culture
Role of Hindustani and Its Literary Version: Rekhta Under the Mughals
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eG4YxRh0k40
329

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BHIC-109

SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

COURSE COORDINATOR : Prof. Abha Singh

COURSE PREPARATION TEAM

Cover Design Images Courtesy

Print Production Cover Design

THEME I : SOURCES AND HISTORIOGRAPHY

Unit 1 : Indo-Persian Histories and Persian Literary Traditions

Unit 2 : Indic Literary Traditions and European Sources

THEME II : INDIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM

Unit 3 : Regional and Local Polities

Unit 4 : Timurid Antecedents

Unit 5 : Afghan Polity

Unit 6 : Mughal Conquests: Warfare and Alliances

Unit 7 : The Nayaks

THEME III : CONSOLIDATION OF MUGHAL RULE

Unit 8 : Historiography on State

Unit 9 : Ideas on Kingship

Unit 10 : Administrative Structure

Unit 11 : Administrative Institutions: Mansab and Jagir

Unit 12 : Composition of Nobility

Unit 13 : Fiscal System

THEME IV : ECONOMIC PROCESSES

Unit 14 : Agrarian Economy and Agrarian Relations

Unit 15 : Exchange Economy: Money and Currency

Unit 16 : Towns, Cities and Growth of Urban Centres

THEME V : IMAGINING THE SACRED

Unit 17 : State and Religion

THEME VI : LITERATURE AND TRANSLATIONS

Unit 18 : Patronage of Literary Culture

Guidelines for Study of the Course

1.3.2 Universal and dynastic histories: Abul Fazl

1.4 Insha-navisi or the art of drafting

1 ‘Persianate’ is a neologism coined by the historian Marshall G. Hodgson

1.3 HISTORY WRITING IN PERSIAN: FORM,

1.3.1 Memoirs and other biographical writings as history

1.3.2 Universal and Dynastic Histories: Abul Fazl

1.4 INSHA-NAVISI (EPISTOLOGRAPHY) OR THE

1.5 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

1.6 AKHLAQ LITERATURE

Muzaffar Alam 2004: 54-55

Muzaffar Alam 2004: 56

Emphasis on justice, social harmony and cooperation advocated in the akhlaq

Muzaffar Alam 2004: 62

Thus akhalaq literature is of immense importance to understand the art of

1.7 PERSIAN TRANSLATIONS OF INDIC WORKS

1.10 CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

1.11 SUGGESTED READINGS

1.12 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECOMMENDATION

2.2 INDIC LITERARY TRADITION: IMPERIAL AND

2.2.1 Sanskrit Literature

2.2.3 Rajasthani Literature

2.2.4 Assam Burunjis

2.3 EUROPEAN TRAVELLERS’ UNDERSTANDING

2.3.1 Jesuit Accounts

2.3.2 English Travellers

2.7 SUGGESTED READINGS

Truschkey, Audery, (2016) Culture of Encounters: Sanskrit at the Mughal Court

2.8 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO

Battle of Panipat, 1526, A Folio from Baburnama; Late 16th Century,