Deviant Behavior and Social Reaction

Chapter 14
Deviant Behavior
and Social Reaction
Introduction Labeling and Secondary Deviance

The Violation of Norms Societal Reaction
Norms Secondary Deviance

Anomie Theory Formal Social Controls
Control Theory Formal Labeling and the Creation
Differential Association Theory of Deviance
Routine Activities Perspective Long-Term Effects of Formal
Labeling
Reactions to Norm Violations
Summary
Reactions to Rule Breaking
Determinants of the Reaction List of Key Terms and Concepts
Consequences of Labeling
378
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DEVIANT BEHAVIOR AND SOCIAL REACTION 379
INTRODUCTION This chapter addresses four fundamental questions:

1. What are the causes of deviant behavior?
Virginia and Susan wandered through the depart-
ment store, stopping briefly to look at blouses and 2. How important for deviant behavior is the
then going to the jewelry counter. Each looked at reaction of observers? That is, does someone
several bracelets and necklaces. Susan kept return- have to react to behavior in particular ways for
ing to a 24-karat gold bracelet with several jade it to be considered deviant?
stones, priced at $199.50. Finally, she picked it 3. Why do some people engage in deviance
up, glanced quickly around her, and dropped the regularly? Why do they adopt a lifestyle that
bracelet into her shopping bag. involves participation in deviant activities?
The only other shopper in the vicinity, a well- 4. What determines how authorities and agents of
dressed man in his forties, saw Susan take the brace- social control deal with incidents of deviance?
let. He looked around the store, spotted a security Is their reaction influenced by the deviant
guard, and walked toward him. Virginia stammered person’s gender, social status, or other charac-
to Susan, “I, uh, I don’t think we should do this.” teristics of the situation?
“Oh, it’s okay. Nothing will happen,” Susan re-
plied, before walking quickly out of the store. Mo-
ments later, Virginia followed her. As Susan entered
the mall, the security guard stepped up to her, took THE VIOLATION OF NORMS
her by the elbow, and said, “Come with me, please.”
Shoplifting episodes like this one occur dozens When we read or hear that someone is accused of
of times every day in the United States. Shoplifting is murder, or embezzling money from a bank, or en-
one of many types of deviant behavior—behavior gaging in illegal accounting practices, we often ask
that violates the norms that apply in a given situa- “why?” In Susan’s case, we would ask, “Why did
tion. In addition to crime, deviance includes cheat- she take that bracelet?” In this section, we consider
ing, substance use or abuse, fraud, corruption, first the meaning of norms and then look at several
delinquent behavior, harassment, and behavior con- theories about the causes of deviant behavior. These
sidered symptomatic of mental illness. include anomie theory, control theory, differential
There are two major reasons why social psy- association theory, and routine activities theory.
chologists study deviant behavior, one theoretical
and one practical. First, social norms and confor- Norms
mity are the basic means by which the orderly social
interaction necessary to maintain society is Most people would regard Susan’s behavior in the
achieved. By studying nonconformity, we learn department store as deviant because it violated so-
about the processes that produce social order. For cial norms. Specifically, she violated laws that define
example, we might conclude that Susan took the taking merchandise from stores without paying for
bracelet because there were no store employees it as a criminal act. Thus, deviance is a social con-
nearby, suggesting the importance of surveillance struction; whether a behavior is deviant or not dep-
in maintaining order. Second, social psychologists ends on the norms or expectations for behavior in
study deviant behavior to better understand its the situation in which it occurs.
causes. Deviant behaviors such as alcoholism, drug In any situation, our behavior is governed by
addiction, and crime are perceived as serious threats norms derived from several sources (Suttles, 1968).
to society. Once we understand its causes, we may First, there are purely “local” and group norms.
be able to develop better programs that reduce or Thus, roommates and families develop norms about
eliminate deviance or that help people change their what personal topics can and cannot be discussed.
deviant behavior. Second, there are subcultural norms that apply to
380 CHAPTER 14
large numbers of persons who share some charac- members value power, they will teach people to
teristic. For example, there are racial or ethnic seek positions in which they can dominate others.
group norms governing the behavior of Blacks or U.S. culture extols wealth as the appropriate goal
persons of Polish descent that do not apply to other for most members of society. In every society, there
Americans. A subculture that is particularly relevant are also norms that define acceptable ways of striv-
to the discussion of deviance is the subculture of ing for goals, called legitimate means. In the
violence, which will be discussed later. Third, there United States, legitimate means for attaining wealth
are societal norms, such as those requiring certain include education, working hard at a job to earn
types of dress or those limiting sexual activity to money, starting a business, and making wise
certain relationships and situations. Thus, the norms investments.
that govern our daily behavior have a variety of A person socialized into U.S. society will most
origins, including family and friends; socioeco- likely desire material wealth and will strive to suc-
nomic, religious, or ethnic subcultures; and the so- ceed in a desirable occupation—to become a
ciety in general. teacher, nurse, business executive, doctor, or the
The repercussions of deviant behavior depend like. The legitimate means of attaining these goals
on which type of norm an individual violates. are to obtain a formal education and to climb the
Violations of local norms may be of concern only ladder of occupational prestige. The person who
to a certain group. Failing to do the dishes when it has access to these means—who can afford to go
is your turn may result in your roommate being to college and has the accepted skin color, ethnic
angry, although your friends may not care about background, and gender—can attain these socially
that deviance. Subcultural norms are often held in desirable goals.
common by most of those with whom we interact, What about those who do not have access to
whether they are friends, family members, or co- the legitimate means? As Americans, these people
workers. Violations of these norms may affect most will desire material wealth like everyone else, but
of one’s day-to-day interactions. Violations of soci- they will be blocked in their strivings. Because of
etal norms may subject a person to action by formal the way society is structured, certain members are
agencies of control, such as the police or the courts. denied access to legitimate means. Government
Earlier in this book, we discussed the violation of decisions regarding budgeting, building schools, or
local norms (see Chapter 3) and group norms (see closing schools determine the availability of educa-
Chapter 10). In this chapter, we focus on the vio- tion to individuals. Similarly, certain members of
lation of societal norms and on reactions to norm society are denied access to jobs. Not only individual
violations. characteristics—such as lack of education—but
also social factors—such as the profitability of making
steel in Ohio—determine who is unemployed.
Anomie Theory
A person who strives to attain a legitimate goal
The anomie theory of deviance (Merton, 1957) but is denied access to legitimate means will expe-
suggests that deviance arises when people striving to rience anomie—a state that reduces commitment to
achieve culturally valued goals, such as wealth, find norms or the pursuit of goals. There are four ways a
that they do not have any legitimate way to attain person may respond to anomie; each is a distinct
these goals. These people then break the rules, of- type of deviance. First, an individual may reject
ten in an attempt to attain these goals illegitimately. the goals, and give up trying to achieve success,
but continue to conform to social norms. This ad-
Anomie. Every society provides its members aptation is termed ritualism. The poorly paid stock
with goals to aspire to. If the members of a society clerk who never misses a day of work in 45 years is
value religion, they are likely to socialize their a ritualist. He is deviant because he has given up the
youths and adults to aspire to salvation. If the struggle for success. Second, the individual might
the normatively prescribed means (paying for what

you want) while continuing to strive for the goal
(possessing merchandise). According to anomie the-
ory, Susan, the shoplifter, has been socialized to
desire wealth but does not have access to a well-
paying job due to her poor education. As a result,
she steals what she wants because she does not have
the money to pay for it.
Another influence on an individual’s adaptation
is access to deviant roles. Using a means of goal
achievement—whether legitimate or illegitimate—
requires access to two structures (Cloward, 1959).
The first is a learning structure—an environment
in which an individual can learn the information
and skills required. A shoplifter needs to learn
how to conceal objects quickly, how to spot plain-
clothes detectives, and so forth. The second is an
opportunity structure—an environment in
Jack Star/PhotoLink/PhotoDisc/Getty Images
which an individual has opportunities to play a

role, which usually requires the assistance of those
in complementary roles. Anomie theory assumes
that anyone can be an innovator—through shoplift-
ing, prostitution, or professional theft. But not ev-
eryone has access to the special knowledge and skills
needed to succeed as a prostitute (Heyl, 1977) or a
black-market banker (Weigand, 1994). Just as access
to legitimate means to achieve goals is limited, so is
Most Americans are socialized to strive for economic access to illegitimate means. Only those who have
success. But some people do not have access to legitimate
both the learning and opportunity structures neces-
employment, so they seek wealth by alternative,
sary to become a shoplifter, prostitute, or embezzler
sometimes illegal means, such as prostitution.
can use these alternative routes to success
(Coleman, 1987).
reject both the goals and the means, withdrawing The opportunities for deviance available to a
from active participation in society by retreatism. person depend on age, sex, kinship, ethnicity, and
This may take the form of drinking, drug use, with- social class (Cloward, 1959). These characteristics,
drawal into mental illness, or other kinds of escape. with the possible exception of class, are beyond
Third, one might remain committed to the goals the individual’s control. Thus, prostitution in our
but turn to disapproved or illegal ways of achieving society primarily involves young, physically attrac-
success. This adaptation is termed innovation. Earn- tive persons. People who do not have access to the
ing a living as a burglar, prostitute, or loan shark is learning or opportunity structures necessary for de-
an innovative means of attaining wealth. Finally, viance are double failures; they can succeed neither
one might attempt to overthrow the existing system through legitimate nor through illegitimate means.
and create different goals and means through Double failure often produces retreatism. Drug
rebellion. addicts, alcoholics, and mentally ill persons may
Shoplifting is a form of innovation. Like other be losers in both the conventional and criminal
types of economic crime, it represents a rejection of worlds.
382 CHAPTER 14
Anomie and Social Class. Anomie theory of arrest rates for burglary and robbery from 1957
emphasizes access to education and employment. to 1990 found that as income inequality among
Those who have access to both should not engage Blacks increased, so did Black arrest rates (LaFree &
in deviant behavior. Those who do not have access Drass, 1996). Similarly, an analysis of the number
to one or both should experience anomie and are of Latinos murdered in 1980 found that the degree
likely to engage in deviance. A survey of 1,614 of income inequality among Latinos was an impor-
youths aged 15 to 18 measured commitment to tant factor (Martinez, 1996). Thus, it is one’s eco-
success goals (“making a lot of money”) and per- nomic standing relative to similar others that
ceived access to college education (Farnworth & matters, not one’s standing in the society as a
Leiber, 1989). Respondents who said they wanted whole.
to make a lot of money but did not expect to com- The relationship between socioeconomic dis-
plete college were much more likely to report advantage and crime is not limited to minority
delinquent behavior. groups. A study of 124 central cities with substantial
One measure of access to legitimate means is Black populations found that, in cities where the
the unemployment rate. According to the theory, economic circumstances (such as rates of home
as unemployment increases, rates of deviance also ownership) of Blacks and Whites were similar,
should increase. One study analyzed the relation- murder rates were similar as well (Boardman, Finch,
ship between unemployment rates and crime rates Ellison, Williams, & Jackson, 2001). Research has
in the United States for each year of the 1948–1985 also assessed the effect of neighborhoods on psy-
period (Devine, Sheley, & Smith, 1988). There was chological distress; when exposure to discrimination
a strong relationship; as unemployment increases, so and poverty are the same, there are no racial differ-
does crime. The relationship is stronger for eco- ences in mental health (Schulz et al., 2000). That is,
nomic crime (burglary) than for violent crime Blacks and Whites living in similarly disadvantaged
(murder). An analysis of increases and decreases in neighborhoods experience similar levels of mental
the homicide rate from 1970 to 2000 in major U.S. illness. Another study used a composite score of
cities found that increases and decreases in relative disadvantages, including the percentage of house-
deprivation (percentage of families living in pov- holds below poverty and male unemployment rates.
erty, median family income) was related to number Neighborhood disadvantage was associated with in-
of murders (McCall, Parker, & MacDonald, 2008). creased exposure to social stressors (illness, criminal
Another study looked at the relationship between victimization) and psychological distress (feeling
job availability (unemployment) and job quality sad, anxious, hopeless); all three were associated
(pay per hour) and arrest rates by state from 1977 with drug use, especially among those with the
through 1980 (Allan & Steffensmeier, 1989). The lowest incomes. These results are consistent with
results indicate that unemployment was strongly as- anomie theory.
sociated with juvenile arrest rates. Job quality was Anomie theory directs our attention to the im-
highly correlated with adult arrest rates. Evidence of portance of social class. Because lower-class mem-
a direct connection between unemployment and bers are more frequently excluded from quality
economic crime comes from a longitudinal study education and jobs, the theory predicts that they
in which ex-addicts, ex-offenders, and “dropout” will commit more crimes. Data collected by police
youths reported their legal and illegal income for departments and the FBI generally confirm this pre-
up to 3 years; as the unemployment rate in the diction, showing that a disproportionate number of
city increased, youths reported greater income those arrested for crimes are poor, minority men.
from illegal activities (Uggen & Thompson, 2003). This has led some to conclude that crime and social
Two studies suggest that it is relative rather class are inversely related—that the highest crime
than absolute socioeconomic standing that deter- rates are found in the lower social strata (Cloward,
mines whether one experiences anomie. A study 1959).
However, there is a class bias built into the life stress and family conflict, anger and anxiety,
official statistics on crime. Not all illegitimate eco- aggressive delinquency (damaging property, carry-
nomic activities are included in these statistics. ing a weapon, fighting) and nonaggressive delin-
Whereas data on burglary, robbery, and larceny quency (stealing, joyriding, running away), and
are compiled by police departments, data on marijuana use. The results indicated that life stres-
income tax evasion, price fixing, and insider trading sors and family conflict were related to delinquency
are not. Police and FBI statistics are much more and marijuana use. As predicted by the theory, fam-
likely to include “street” crimes than the kinds of ily conflict was related to anger, and anger was
economic crimes committed by the wealthy, correlated to engaging in aggressive delinquency.
porate executives, and stockbrokers. The latter are However, anger was not related to nonaggressive
called white-collar crime—activities that violate norms delinquency or marijuana use, and anxiety was
of trust, usually for personal gain (Shapiro, 1990). not related to any of the three types of behaviors
To embezzle or misappropriate funds or engage in (Aseltine, Gore, & Gordon, 2000). Thus, the results
insider trading of stocks, one needs access to a posi- provide only modest support for the key
tion of trust. Such positions usually are filled by predictions.
middle-class and upper-class persons. These crimes A longitudinal study of youths living in Dade
are facilitated by the social organization of trust; the County, Florida, yielded a sample with substantial
acts of trustees are invisible, hidden in a network of numbers of African Americans, Hispanics, and
often electronic connections between organiza- Whites, allowing a test of the extension of the the-
tions. Thus, although specific crimes may vary by ory to these minorities. To the extent that there are
class, illegitimate economic activity may be com- differences by racial/ethnic group in criminal be-
mon to all classes. havior, general strain theory suggests that these are
caused by differences between groups in strain. The
General Strain Theory. One limitation of ano- research included three measures of strain: recent
mie theory is that it does not specify the mechanism life events (in the preceding 12 months), chronic
by which the lack of access to legitimate means stressors (for example, unemployment, relationship,
produces delinquent or criminal behavior. One at- child care, residence), and lifetime major events (for
tempt to do so is Agnew’s general strain theory example, abandonment, school failure, divorce,
(Agnew, 1992; Agnew & White, 1992). Agnew physical or sexual assault). It also included measures
proposes that emotion connects the experience of of social support. Using data from 898 young men,
strain with deviant behavior; strain elicits negative analyses indicated that strain as measured by recent
affective states—frustration, anger, or fear—that life events was related to criminal activity, and that
create the motivation to act. These actions may greater involvement of African Americans in crime
be deviant or criminal. Such actions include crimes was associated with greater exposure to major life-
that provide access to the goal (robbery, burglary, time events (Eitle & Turner, 2003).
selling drugs), aggression against people perceived as A survey of a random sample of residents of
responsible for the strain (abuse, assault), or drug Raleigh, North Carolina, tested strain theory with
and alcohol use to escape the emotions. The role an adult population. Respondents were asked to
of emotion can explain incidents such as an angry report the likelihood they would commit violence,
former employee returning to the workplace and a property violation (e.g., theft), a minor offense, or
killing supervisor(s) and former co-workers. illegal drug use. A measure of strain, including fre-
A longitudinal study of high school youths pro- quency of unpleasant experiences and how well
vides data to test the theory. Youths in the ninth, one has achieved his or her goals, predicted likeli-
tenth, and eleventh grades in three primarily White hood of offending. However, the relationship was
suburban communities were interviewed three not mediated by negative emotions (feeling upset,
times over a 2-year period. The research measured angry, depressed) (Tittle, Broidy, & Gertz, 2008).
384 CHAPTER 14
Control Theory We can apply control theory to the shoplifting

incident described in the introduction. Susan does
If you were asked why you don’t shoplift clothing
not feel attached to law-abiding adults; therefore, she
from stores, you might reply, “Because my parents
was not concerned about their reactions to her
(or lover, or friends) would kill me if they found
behavior. Nor did she seem deterred by commitment
out.” According to control theory, social ties influ-
when she said, “Nothing will happen.” Susan’s
ence our tendency to engage in deviant behavior. We
deviant act reflects the absence of a bond with
often conform to social norms because we are sensi-
conventional society.
tive to the wishes and expectations of others. This
The relationship between delinquency and
sensitivity creates a bond between the individual
the four components of the social bond has been
and other persons. The stronger the bond is, the less
the focus of numerous studies. Several studies have
likely the individual is to engage in deviant behavior.
found a relationship between a lack of attachment
There are four components of the social bond
and delinquency; young people from homes charac-
(Hirschi, 1969). The first is attachment—ties of af-
terized by a lack of parental supervision, communi-
fection and respect for others. Attachment to par-
cation, and support report more delinquent behavior
ents is especially important, because they are the
(Hoffman, 2002; Hundleby & Mercer, 1987; Mess-
primary socializing agents of a child. A strong
ner & Krohn, 1990). Attachment to school, mea-
attachment to them leads the child to internalize
sured by grades, is also associated with delinquency.
social norms. The second component is commit-
Boys and girls who do well in school are less likely to
ment to long-term educational and occupational
be delinquent. Regarding commitment to long-term
goals. Someone who aspires to go to law school is
goals, research indicates that youths who are commit-
unlikely to commit a crime, because a criminal re-
ted to educational and career goals are less likely to
cord would be an obstacle to a career in law. The
engage in property crimes such as robbery and theft
third component is involvement. People who are
(Johnson, 1979; Shover, Novland, James, & Thorn-
involved in sports, Scouts, church groups, and other
ton, 1979). Findings relevant to the third compo-
conventional activities simply have less time to en-
nent, involvement, are mixed. Whereas involvement
gage in deviance. The fourth component is belief—
in studying and homework is negatively associated with
a respect for the law and for persons in positions of
reported delinquency, participation in athletics, hob-
authority.
bies, and work is unrelated to reported delinquency.
Involvement in religion, as reflected in frequent church
attendance and rating religion as important in one’s life,
is associated with reduced delinquency (Sloane &
Potrin, 1986). Finally, evidence suggests that conven-
tional beliefs reduce the frequency of delinquent
behavior (Gardner & Shoemaker, 1989).
Control theory asserts that attachment to parents
© Catherine Karnow/Corbis
leads to reduced delinquency. Implicitly, the theory

assumes that parents do not encourage delinquent
behavior. Although this assumption may be correct
in most instances, there are exceptions. Studies sug-
gest that some parents encourage some delinquent
These urban Boy Scouts are nailing planks together as
behaviors. Adolescent drinking is associated with pa-
part of a work project. Participation in such group rental alcohol consumption; parents who are heavy
projects increases attachment to and involvement in drinkers are more likely than nondrinking parents to
conventional society, reducing the likelihood of have adolescents who are heavy drinkers (Barnes,
delinquency. Farrell, & Cairns, 1986). Some parents explicitly
teach their children how to shoplift, commit burglar- in adolescence? A study comparing women and men
ies, and steal cars and trucks (Butterfield, 2002). who were in institutions during adolescence found
These are cases in which crime really does “run in the that neither job stability nor marriage was associated
family.” In these instances, parental attachment leads with adult desistance. In narratives of their lives,
to increased delinquency and crime. women were more likely than men to describe their
Does a lack of attachment to parents in child- children and religious transformation as the forces for
hood relate to adult deviant behavior? Yes. change in their lives (Giordano, Cernkovich, &
Research consistently shows that children who are Rudolph, 2002). Moreover, it was not the fact of
physically and sexually abused are more likely to be having children or a good job that was important; it
involved as adults in violent and property crime, was a transformation in the woman’s identity or her
prostitution, and alcohol and substance abuse thinking about those aspects of her life. These results
(Macmillan, 2001). The strength of adult social are consistent with symbolic interaction theory and
bonds is also related to adult criminal behavior. its emphasis on meaning constructed by the person
One study assessed month-to-month variations in in interaction with others.
circumstances that could strengthen or weaken the Ethnographic research on women who smug-
bond, and related this variation to the occurrence of gle drugs from Mexico to the United States illus-
criminal behavior (Horney, Osgood, & Marshall, trates how strong adult attachment to male family
1995). The circumstances were starting/stopping members, lovers, or spouses may lead to a woman’s
school, starting/stopping work, and starting/stopping involvement in crime. Some of these women were
living with a girlfriend or wife. Interviews were con- coerced by others into smuggling, whereas others
ducted with 658 men in prison who had committed perceived involvement as a means of increasing
felonies. Increases in criminal behavior were closely their income and independence from men
related to changes that reduced the men’s bonds to (Campbell, 2008).
others—stopping school or work, and stopping living A study of the relationship between age and
with a girlfriend or wife. A study of Swedish men crime found large variation by age in the type of
found that alcohol use and unemployment often pre- crime committed (Steffensmeier, Allan, Haver, &
ceded suicide (Norstrom, 1995). Both alcohol use Streifel, 1989; see Figure 14.1). Typical adolescent
and job loss reduce one’s social integration—that is, offenses include vandalism, auto theft, and burglary.
social ties to other persons. Persons aged 18 to 28 are more likely to be
One longitudinal study indicates that the involved in drug violations and homicide.
strength of the social bond influences whether Middle-aged persons are more frequently involved
adults engage in deviant behavior (Sampson & in gambling offenses.
Laub, 1990). The researchers studied 500 boys
aged 10 to 17 who were in a correctional school
Differential Association Theory
and 500 boys of the same age from public school.
Each boy was followed until he was 32. Generally, Are all types of deviance explained by the absence of
strong ties to social institutions were associated with a social bond? Perhaps not. Sometimes, people devi-
reduced rates of crime, alcohol abuse, gambling, ate from one set of norms because they are being
and divorce. In adolescence, the important attach- influenced by a contradictory set of norms. U.S.
ments were to family and school. In young adults, society is composed of many groups with different
the influential ties were to school, work, or mar- values, norms, and behavior patterns. With respect to
riage. In later adulthood, the important ties were to many behaviors, there is no single, society-wide
work, marriage, and parenthood. norm. An adolescent’s use of marijuana may deviate
What about women? Would work, marriage, from her parents’ norms, for example, but it may
and parenthood be associated with desistance from conform to her friends’ norms. Here, the deviance
crime among women who were serious delinquents involved in marijuana use reflects a conflict between
386 CHAPTER 14
F I G U R E 14.1 The Relationship Between Age and Crime

Involvement in criminal behavior is not constant across the life course. People of a certain age are much more likely to
commit some crimes and not others. Youths aged 10 to 20 are especially likely to commit burglary; half of all those
arrested for burglary are under 18. Fraud, in contrast, is much more likely to be committed by persons aged 20 to 40.
Those arrested for gambling are as likely to be 50 as 20.
SOURCE: Steffensmeier, Allan, Haver, & Streifel, 1989, Figure 1.
the norms of two groups rather than an insensitivity is covered by insurance; and (3) the shoplifter won’t
to the expectations of others. In fact, the use of mar- be caught. Susan’s comment, “It’s okay. Nothing
ijuana may reflect a high degree of sensitivity to the will happen,” reflects the latter belief.
expectations of one’s peers. Attitudes about behaviors are learned through
This view of deviance is the basis of differen- associations with others, usually in primary group
tial association theory, developed by Sutherland. settings. People learn motives, drives, and techni-
He argued that although the law provides a uni- ques of engaging in specific behaviors. What they
form standard for deviance, one group may define learn depends on with whom they interact—that is,
a behavior as deviant, whereas another group de- on their differential associations. Whether someone
fines it as desirable. Shoplifting, for example, is le- engages in a specific behavior depends on how fre-
gally defined as a crime. Some groups believe it is quently he or she is exposed to attitudes and beliefs
wrong because (1) it leads to increased prices, which that are favorable toward that behavior.
hurts everyone; (2) it violates the moral principle The principle of differential association states
against stealing; and (3) it constitutes lawbreaking. that a “person becomes delinquent because of an
Other groups, in contrast, believe shoplifting is excess of definitions favorable to violation of the
acceptable because (1) businesses deserve to have law over definitions unfavorable to violation of
things taken because they overcharge; (2) the loss the law” (Sutherland, Cressey, & Luckenbill, 1992).
Studies designed to test this principle typically have favorable attitudes toward that behavior.
ask individuals questions about their attitudes to- Alternatively, people whose attitudes are opposed
ward a specific behavior and about their participa- to an activity should have friends who share those
tion in that behavior. One study revealed that the negative views.
number of definitions favorable to delinquency A survey of 3,056 high school students was
accurately predicted which young men reported conducted to test these hypotheses (Akers, Krohn,
delinquent behavior (Matsueda, 1982). The larger Lanza-Kaduce, & Radosevich, 1979). In particular,
the number of definitions a youth endorsed, the it assessed the relationship between differential as-
larger the number of delinquent acts he reported sociation, reinforcement, and adolescents’ drinking
having committed in the preceding year. A subse- behavior and marijuana use. Differential association
quent study found that associating with delinquent was measured by three questions: “How many of
peers was also related to delinquent behavior your (1) best friends, (2) friends you spend the most
(Heimer & Matsueda, 1994). time with, and (3) friends you have known longest
Certain groups within the United States hold smoke marijuana and/or drink?” The survey also
a set of beliefs that justify the use of physical ag- assessed students’ definitions of drug and alcohol
gression in certain situations. This set of beliefs is laws. Both social reinforcement (whether the ado-
referred to as the subculture of violence. Within this lescent expected praise or punishment for use from
subculture, violence is considered appropriate when parents and peers) and nonsocial reinforcement
used as a means of self-defense and protection of (whether the effects of substance use were positive
one’s home. A review of state laws governing spouse or negative) were measured. The findings of this
abuse, corporal punishment, and capital punishment survey showed that differential association was
found that Southern states have laws that are more closely related to the use of alcohol or drugs. The
accepting of violence (Cohen, 1996). Several studies larger the number of friends who drank or smoked
report a relationship between these beliefs and be- marijuana, the more likely the student was to drink
havior. Felson, Liska, South, and McNulty (1994) alcohol or smoke marijuana. Reinforcement was
studied young men in 87 high schools. The young also related to behavior; those who used a sub-
men were asked whether aggressive responses were stance reported that it had positive effects. The stu-
appropriate in three situations involving insults or dents’ definitions were also related to those with
threats. Those young men who endorsed the use of whom they associated; if their friends drank or
violence were much more likely to report involve- used marijuana, they were more likely to have pos-
ment in eight types of interpersonal violence, includ- itive attitudes toward the behavior and negative
ing striking a parent or teacher, fighting, and using attitudes toward laws defining that behavior as
weapons in disputes. Endorsing the use of violence criminal. Finally, students’ attitudes were consis-
was also associated with delinquency within the tent with their behavior. Those who opposed mar-
school, including cheating, tardiness, and truancy. ijuana use and supported the marijuana laws were
The theory of differential association does not much less likely to use that substance.
specify the process by which people learn criminal A similar study (Akers, LaGreca, Cochran, &
or deviant behavior. For this reason, Burgess and Sellers, 1989) focused on drinking among older
Akers (1966) developed a modified theory of differ- persons. Interviews were conducted with 1,410
ential association. This modified version emphasizes people aged 60 and over. The measures used were
the influence of positive and negative reinforcement the same or similar to those used with adolescents.
on the acquisition of behavior. Much of this re- The results were essentially the same. The drinking
inforcement comes from friends and associates. behavior of persons 60 and older was related to the
Thus, if beliefs are learned through interaction drinking behavior of spouse, family, or friends;
with others, people whose attitudes are favorable reinforcements; and an individual’s attitudes toward
toward a behavior should have friends who also drinking.
388 CHAPTER 14
B o x 14.1 The Power of Suggestion
Rape, robbery, murder, and other types of deviant story was given—as measured by the number of days
behavior receive a substantial amount of coverage in the story was on the front page—the larger the rise in
newspapers and on radio and television. One function suicides. If a story was published locally—in Chicago
of publicizing deviance is to remind us of norms—to tell but not in New York, for example—the rise in suicides
us what we should not do (Erikson, 1964). But is this the occurred only in the area where it was publicized.
only consequence? Could the publicity given to particu- Why should such publicity lead other persons to
lar deviant activities increase the frequency with which kill themselves? There must be some factor that pre-
they occur? In some cases, the answer appears to be yes. disposes a small number of persons to take their own
A study of the relationship between the publicity lives following a publicized suicide. That predisposing
given to suicides and suicide rates suggests that the two factor may be anomie. According to this theory, suicide
are positively correlated (Phillips, 1974). This study is a form of retreatism—of withdrawal from the
identified every time a suicide was publicized in three struggle for success. Persons who don’t have access to
major U.S. daily newspapers during the years 1947– legitimate means are looking for some way to adapt to
1968. Next, the researchers calculated the number of their situation. Publicity given to a suicide may suggest
expected suicides for the following month by averaging a solution to their problem.
the suicide rates for that same month from the year When we think of suicide, we think of shooting
before and the year after. For example, the researchers oneself, taking an overdose of a drug, or jumping off a
noted that the suicide of a Ku Klux Klan leader on building. We distinguish suicide from accidents, in which
November 1, 1965, was widely publicized. They then we presume the person did not intend to harm himself or
obtained the expected number of suicides (1,652) by herself. But the critical difference is the person’s intent,
averaging the total number of suicides for November not the event itself. Some apparent accidents may be
1964 (1,639) and November 1966 (1,665). In fact, there suicides. For example, when a car hits a bridge abutment
were 1,710 suicides in November 1965; the difference well away from the pavement on a clear day with no
between the observed and the expected rates (58) could evidence of mechanical malfunction, this may be suicide.
be due to suggestion via the mass media. If some auto accidents are, in fact, suicides, we
The results of this study showed that suicides should observe an increase in motor vehicle accidents
increased in the month following reports of a suicide in following newspaper stories about a suicide. In fact,
major daily papers. Moreover, the more publicity a data from newspapers and motor vehicle deaths in San
Survey data collected at one point in time often Recall from Chapter 9 that an important char-
cannot be used to test hypotheses about cause– acteristic of social networks is density—the extent
effect relationships. However, survey data collected to which each member of the network or group
from the same people at two or more times can be. knows the other members. Networks that are
Stein, Newcomb, and Bentler (1987) analyzed data dense should have more influence on their mem-
from 654 young people who were surveyed three bers’ behavior; if all of your friends drink alcohol,
times at 4-year intervals that began when they were it will be hard for you to “just say no.” A study of
in junior high school. The measures included peer a nationally representative sample of seventh to
drug use, adult drug use, and community approval of twelfth graders found that peers’ delinquency has
drug use. The results showed that adolescents who a stronger association with an adolescent’s delin-
believed that both peers and adults were using drugs quency when the friendship network is dense
were more likely to become drug users. Thus, association (Haynie, 2001).
with persons who use alcohol and drugs, especially in Because each person usually associates with
primary relationships, is one cause of substance use by several groups, the consistency or inconsistency in
adolescents. In addition to being modeled by peers or definitions across groups is also an important influ-
family, deviant behaviors can sometimes be provoked by ence on behavior (Krohn, 1986). Network multiplex-
media coverage, as detailed in Box 14.1. ity refers to the degree to which individuals who
Francisco and Los Angeles verify this hypothesis (Phillips, Similarly, an increase in suicides by Whites followed a
1979). Statistics show a marked increase in the number of publicized case involving a White celebrity, whereas
deaths due to automobile accidents 2 and 3 days after a rates among Blacks were unaffected. The fact that
suicide is publicized—especially accidents involving a single the effects of publicized suicide are age-, gender-,
vehicle. In the Detroit metropolitan area, an analysis of and race-specific is consistent with the concept of
motor vehicle fatalities for the years 1973–1976 revealed imitation.
an average increase in fatalities of 35 to 40 percent the A detailed study of the impact of one suicide
third day after a suicide story appeared in the daily papers identified several consequences. The suicide of a well-
(Bollen & Phillips, 1981). Again, the more publicity, the known male TV reporter in Quebec was the subject of
greater the increase. Finally, if the person whose suicide is 65 news articles in the following week. It was followed
publicized was young, deaths of young drivers increase, by an increase in suicides among men aged 20 to 49 in
whereas if the person killing himself was older, the Quebec in the four months following his death. There
increase in fatalities involves more older drivers. was a cluster of six suicides in the community where he
Does an increase in suicide follow any publicized died, all by hanging, which was the means of his death.
suicide, or are some suicides more likely to be imitated There was also a significant, almost 100 percent increase
than others? Stack (1987) studied instances in which in calls to the Suicide Prevention Centre (Tousignant,
celebrities killed themselves. Each was classified Mishara, Caillaud, Fortin, & St-Laurent, 2005).
according to whether the person was an entertainer, A very different explanation of suicide is that it
political figure, artist, member of the economic elite, or reflects a lack of social integration. The imitation ex-
villain. The results showed that when entertainers and planation would be strengthened if we find clustering
politicians took their own lives, there was an increase of suicides after controlling for the effects of variables
in suicide rates. Suicides by artists, members of the such as marital and residential stability. Such an analy-
elite, and villains were not followed by an increase. sis was performed of suicide rates for U.S. counties
Moreover, the findings suggest that the effect of from 1989 to 1991. Interestingly, the variance in suicide
publicized suicide is gender- and race-specific. Suicide rates in the western third of the United States was
by a male celebrity was followed by an increase in the explained by integration; in the non-West, clustering
number of men who killed themselves but not in the remained, strengthening the argument that suicide
number of women who took their lives, and vice versa. involves imitation (Baller & Richardson, 2002).
interact in one context also interact in other con- Routine Activities Perspective
texts. When you interact with the same people at
So far, we have considered characteristics of the per-
church, at school, on the athletic field, and at par-
son (motivation, beliefs) and of his associations with
ties, multiplexity is high. When you interact with
others (parents, friends). These have been shown to be
different people in each of these settings, multiplex-
related to delinquency, assault, murder, burglary, eco-
ity is low. When multiplexity is high, the defini-
nomic crimes, suicide, and alcohol and drug use. The
tions of an activity will be consistent across groups;
routine activities perspective focuses on a third
when it is low, definitions may be inconsistent
class of influences—how these behaviors emerge from
across groups. Thus, differential associations should
the routines of everyday life (Felson, 1994).
have the greatest impact on attitudes and beliefs
Each instance of deviant behavior requires the
when multiplexity is high. A survey of 1,435 high
convergence of the elements necessary for the be-
school students measured the extent to which in-
havior to occur. Crimes such as burglary, larceny,
dividuals interacted with parents and with the same
or robbery require the convergence of an offender
peers in each of several activities (Krohn, Massey, &
and a likely target (residence, store, or person)
Zielinski, 1988). Students who participated jointly
and the absence of some guardian who could inter-
with parents and peers in various activities were less
vene. In the illustration at the beginning of the
likely to smoke cigarettes.
chapter, the shoplifting incident involves such a
390 CHAPTER 14
convergence: Susan, the bracelet, and the absence learns these behaviors. Similarly, we are not surprised
of a clerk or security guard. Illegal consumption that the corporate executives of Enron, WorldCom,
requires two offenders (seller and user), a substance, and other companies who committed fraud in the
and a setting with no guardian; “crack houses” pro- period 1995–2003 were men; the “glass ceiling” pre-
vide the latter in many large cities. Without such vents women from occupying such roles.
convergence, deviance will not occur. We can un- Research on youths aged 9 to 19 living in 12
derstand another aspect of deviance if we analyze high-poverty neighborhoods demonstrates that some
everyday activity from the perspective of how it elements simultaneously increase and decrease the
facilitates or prevents such convergences. This per- likelihood of criminal activity. Carrying a gun in
spective calls our attention to the contributions of such a neighborhood makes it available for use in a
situations to behavior. crime, but also available to defend oneself in case of
One class of situations that facilitates deviance attack. Similarly, employment creates a conventional
is unstructured socializing with peers in the ab- attachment and provides income by a legitimate
sence of an authority figure (Osgood, Wilson, means, but also creates the risk of injury or death
O’Malley, Bachman, & Johnston, 1996). The pres- during a robbery (Spano, Freilich, & Bolland, 2008).
ence of peers makes it likely that definitions will The anomie, control, differential association,
be shared—including definitions favorable to par- and routine activities perspectives are not incom-
ticular forms of deviance. The absence of an patible. Anomie theory suggests that culturally val-
authority figure or guardian reduces the likelihood ued goals and the opportunities available to achieve
of punishment for deviance. Lack of structure these goals are major influences on behavior.
makes time available for deviance. What situations Opportunities to learn and occupy particular roles
have these characteristics? They include joyriding are influenced by age, social class, gender, race, and
in a car with friends, going to parties, and “hang- ethnic background—that is, by the structuring of
ing out” with friends. Data from a longitudinal everyday life based on these variables. According
study of a national sample of 1,200 persons aged to control theory, we are also influenced by our
18 to 26 allowed researchers to relate involve- attachments to others and our commitment to at-
ment in these situations to deviance. Frequency taining success. Our position in the social structure
of participation in them was related to alcohol and our attachments to parents and peers determine
and marijuana use, dangerous driving, and criminal our differential associations—the kinds of groups to
behavior. Changes across five waves of data which we belong. Within these groups, we learn
collection in an individual’s participation in these definitions favorable to particular behaviors, and
activities were related to changes in his or her in- we learn that we face sanctions when we choose
volvement in deviance. behaviors that group members define as deviant.
Researchers have consistently noted that men
are much more likely to commit criminal acts than
REACTIONS TO NORM
women. This is not only true of street crime but also
of economic crimes involving violation of trust, such VIOLATIONS
as insider trading. The routine activities perspective
explains this as due to gender role socialization, When we think of murder, robbery, or sexual as-
which teaches women different norms and defini- sault, we think of cases we have read about or heard
tions; to lack of access to tutelage in various forms of on radio or television. We frequently refer to
of deviance; and to restrictions on activities that keep police and FBI statistics as measures of the number
women out of certain settings (Steffensmeier & of crimes that have occurred in our city or county.
Allan, 1996). Thus, few women commit either bur- Our knowledge of alcohol or drug abuse depends
glary or insider trading because of their lack of access on knowing or hearing about persons who engage
in everyday life to the apprenticeships where one in these behaviors. All of these instances of deviance
share another important characteristic as well: In If deviance depends on the reactions of others to
every case, the behavior was discovered by some- an act rather than on the act itself, the key social
one who called it to the attention of others. psychological question becomes, “Why do particular
Does it matter that these instances involve both audiences choose to label an act as deviant, whereas
an action (by a person) and a reaction (by a victim other audiences may not?” Labeling theory is an at-
or an observer)? Isn’t an act equally deviant regard- tempt to understand how and why acts are labeled
less of whether others find out about it? Let’s go deviant. In the case of the stolen bracelet, labeling
back to Susan’s theft of the bracelet. Suppose Susan analysts would not be concerned with Susan’s
had left the store without being stopped by the behavior. Rather, they would be interested in the
security guard. In that case, she and Virginia would responses to Susan’s act by Virginia, the male cus-
have known she had taken the bracelet, but she tomer, and the security guard. Only if an observer
would not have faced sanctions from others. She challenges Susan’s behavior or alerts a store employee
would not have experienced the embarrassment of does the act of taking the bracelet become deviant.
being confronted by a store guard and accused of a
crime. Moreover, she would have had a beautiful
Reactions to Rule Breaking
bracelet. But the fact is that she was stopped by the
guard. She will be questioned, the police will be Labeling theorists refer to behavior that violates norms
called, and she may be arrested. Thus, the conse- as rule breaking, to emphasize that the act by itself is
quences of committing a deviant act are quite not deviant. Most rule violations are “secret,” in the
different when certain reactions follow. Whether sense that no one other than the actor (and on occa-
a rule violation becomes “known about” depends sion, the actor’s accomplices) is aware of them. Many
in part on the actor’s social and economic resources cases of theft and tax evasion, many violations of drug
( Jackson-Jacobs, 2004). Consider two crack users, laws, and some burglaries are never detected. These
both 21-year-old men. Joe lives in the ghetto; he activities can be carried out by a single person. Other
works at a car wash, and his earnings support his acts, such as robberies, assaults, and various sexual ac-
habit. When he isn’t working, he hangs out with tivities, involve other people who will know about
other users. Sometimes, he commits burglary to get them, but who may not label the act as deviant.
more money. He shoots up in a “crack house,” the How will members of an audience respond to a
only place where he can get some privacy and es- rule violation? It depends on the circumstances, but
cape surveillance. He is at risk of assault by fellow studies suggest that people very often ignore it.
users, who know he is a user; they want his money When wives of men hospitalized for psychiatric
or his drugs. Joseph is a junior at a university. He treatment were asked how they reacted to their hus-
lives in an apartment near campus, where he can band’s bizarre behavior, for example, they often
use heroin with little risk. His part-time job supplies replied that they had not considered their husbands ill
the money. His schedule of classes and work make or in need of help (Yarrow, Schwartz, Murphy, &
it relatively easy for him to restrict his use to leisure Deasy, 1955). People react to isolated episodes of
times in his apartment, with carefully selected unusual behavior in one of four ways. A common re-
friends. Joseph’s legitimate and sufficient income, sponse is denial, in which the person simply does
control over his life, and access to private space not recognize that a rule violation occurred. In one
make it unlikely he will be arrested. study, denial was typically the first response of women
This reasoning is the basis of labeling theory— to their husbands’ excessive drinking (Jackson, 1954).
the view that reactions to a norm violation are a A second response is normalization, in which the
critical element in deviance. Only after an act is observer recognizes that the act occurred but de-
discovered and labeled “deviant” is the act recog- fines it as normal or common. Thus, wives often
nized as such. If the same act is not discovered and reacted to excessive drinking as normal, assuming
labeled, it is not deviant (Becker, 1963). that many men drink a lot. Third, the person may
392 CHAPTER 14
recognize the act as a rule violation but excuse it, The research cited earlier revealed extraordinary
attributing its occurrence to situational or tran- tolerance of spouses for bizarre, disruptive, and even
sient factors; this reaction is attenuation. Thus, physically abusive behavior. Many of us probably
some wives of men who were later hospitalized know of a family attempting to care for a member
believed that the episodes of bizarre behavior whose behavior creates problems for them. Second,
were caused by unusually high levels of stress or people are more tolerant of rule violations by persons
by physical illness. Finally, people may respond to who make positive contributions in other ways.
the rule violation by balancing it, recognizing it as In small groups, tolerance is greater for persons
a violation but de-emphasizing its significance in who contribute to the achievement of group goals
light of the actor’s good qualities. (Hollander & Julian, 1970). We seem to tolerate
The man who witnessed Susan’s behavior deviance when we are dependent on the person
looked around, spotted a security guard, and re- committing the act—perhaps because if we punish
ported the act. In doing so, he labeled the actor. the actor, it will be costly for us. Third, we are less
Labeling involves a redefinition of the actor’s social tolerant if the person has a history of rule breaking
status; the man placed Susan into the category of (Whitt & Meile, 1985).
“shoplifter” or “thief.” The security guard, in turn, Does gender affect reactions to deviant behav-
probably defined Susan as a “typical shoplifter.” Al- ior? It depends on the behavior. An ingenious field
though labeling is triggered by a behavior, it results experiment suggests that it does not affect responses
in a redefinition or typing of the actor. As we shall to shoplifting. With the cooperation of stores, sho-
see, this has a major impact on people’s perceptions plifting events were staged near customers who
of and behavior toward the actor. could see the event. The experiment was conducted
in a small grocery store, a large supermarket, and a
large discount department store. The gender of the
Determinants of the Reaction
shoplifter, the appearance of the shoplifter, and the
What determines how an observer reacts to rule gender of the observer were varied. Neither the sho-
breaking? Reactions depend on three aspects of plifter’s nor the customer’s gender had an effect on
the rule violation, including the nature of the actor, the frequency with which the customer reported the
the audience, and the situation. apparent theft (Steffensmeier & Terry, 1973). Gen-
der does affect reactions to persons who are mentally
Actor Characteristics. Reactions to a type of ill. People are more willing to interact with a woman
deviance, such as mental illness, depend on the spe- who is described as having schizophrenia, depression,
cific behavior. Given a vignette describing a person or drug or alcohol dependence than with a man
who meets the diagnostic criteria for mental illness, described the same way. Also, women are perceived
adults are more unwilling to interact with (for exam- as less dangerous than men, which partly explains the
ple, have as a neighbor or co-worker) someone greater tolerance (Schnittker, 2000). We are less
who is dependent on drugs (72 percent) or alcohol likely to label women than men for violations of
(56 percent) than someone who has schizophrenia criminal law (Haskell & Yablonsky, 1983). Research
(48 percent) or depression (37 percent). People indicates that women are less likely to be kept in jail
who view these behaviors as caused by stress are less likely between arraignment and trial, and that they re-
to reject interaction with the person. The belief most ceive more lenient sentences than men. One ex-
closely associated with rejection is the belief that planation for this differential treatment is that
such persons are dangerous (Martin, Pescosolido, & women are subject to greater informal control
Tuch, 2000). by family members and friends, and so are treated
Reaction to a rule violation often depends on more leniently in the courts. A study of the in-
who performs the act. First, people are more tolerant fluences on pretrial release and sentence severity
of rule breaking by family members than by strangers. found that both men and women with families
received more lenient treatment; the effect was groups. Thus, we negatively judge members of our
stronger for women (Daly, 1987). in-group who deviate, especially if the deviation is
On the other hand, research suggests that psy- negative. We judge favorably an out-group mem-
chiatrists are more likely to label women as having a ber who deviates from his or her group’s norms.
personality disorder than men (Dixon, Gordon, & A laboratory experiment tested these predictions; the
Khomusi, 1995). Case histories were prepared that results supported them (Abrams, Marques, Brown, &
included symptoms of clinical disorders (as defined Henson, 2000).
in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental An important influence on whether a witness
Disorders, 3rd ed., or “DSM-III”; American Psychi- will label a rule violation is the level of concern in
atric Association, 1981) and personality disorders the community about the behavior. Citizens who
(DSM-III, Axis II). Personality disorders are gener- are concerned about drug use as a social problem
ally less serious and more ambiguously defined than are probably more alert for signs of drug sales
clinical disorders. The case histories were identical and use, and are more likely to label someone as a
except for gender: male, female, or unspecified. drug user. A major determinant of the level of con-
The psychiatrists’ diagnoses of clinical disorders cern is the amount of activity by politicians, service
were not influenced by gender, but they were providers, and the mass media calling attention to
more likely to diagnose women as having personal- the problem (Beckett, 1994).
ity disorders than men with the same symptoms. Officials who routinely deal with suspects react
very differently to suspected offenders than do most
Audience Characteristics. The reaction to a vi- citizens. One study focused on officials working in a
olation of rules also depends on who witnesses it. court-affiliated unit who evaluated suspected mur-
Because groups vary in their norms, audiences vary derers following arrest. These officials had a stereo-
in their expectations. People enjoying a city park typed image of the type of person who commits
on a warm day will react quite differently to a nude murder (Swigert & Farrell, 1977). When lower-
man walking through the park than will a group of class male members of ethnic minorities committed
people in a nudist park. Recognizing this variation murder, these officials believed that it was in re-
in reaction, people who contemplate breaking the sponse to a threat to their masculinity. For example,
rules—by smoking marijuana, drinking in public, if an Italian-American truck driver was arrested for
or jaywalking, for example—often make sure no murder, they were likely to assume that he had
one is around who will punish them. killed the other man in response to verbal insults.
People who violate rules often belong to This labeling based on a stereotype had important
groups. What influences whether other group mem- consequences. Suspects who fit this stereotype were
bers will ignore or punish a violation? One variable is less likely to be defended by a private attorney,
the cohesiveness of the group. A laboratory experi- more likely to be denied bail, more likely to plead
ment found that members of a cohesive group are guilty, and more likely to be convicted on more
more likely to reward a member who punished a severe charges.
deviant person than members of groups low in co- Consider the example of a student with a
hesion (Horne, 2001). As a result, members were drinking problem seeking help at a university
more likely to punish violators. The effect was found counseling center. The treatment will depend on
in all-male groups and all-female groups. how counselors view student “troubles.” One study
Social identity theory (see Chapter 3) suggests found that the staff of a university clinic believed
that the group membership of the deviant person that students’ problems could be classified into one
and the audience both influence reactions. We are of the following categories: problems in studying,
motivated to maintain a positive in-group identity, choosing a career, achieving sexual intimacy, or
and one means we employ is to maximize the dif- handling personal finances; conflict with family
ferences we perceive between our group and other or friends; and stress arising from sociopolitical
394 CHAPTER 14
activities. When a student came to the clinic line were much less likely to react verbally or
because of excessive drinking, the therapist first nonverbally to the intrusion.
decided which of these categories applied to this A good deal of research suggests that interper-
person’s troubles; that is, which type of problem sonal violence—especially assaults and murders—
was causing this student to drink excessively. How often involves two young men and is triggered by
the problem was defined in turn determined what a verbal insult (Katz, 1988). But whether a remark is
the therapist did to try to help the student (Kahne & an insult is a matter of social definition. Not surpris-
Schwartz, 1978). ingly, fights are more likely to erupt following a
remark when there is a male audience and when
Situational Characteristics. Whether a behavior the men have been drinking (Felson, 1994).
is construed as normal or labeled as deviant also dep- A remark is less likely to lead to a fight if the audi-
ends on the definition of the situation in which the ence includes women.
behavior occurs. Marijuana and alcohol use, for exam-
ple, are much more acceptable at a party than at work
(Orcutt, 1975). Various sexual activities expected bet- Consequences of Labeling
ween spouses in the privacy of their home would elicit
condemnation if performed in a public park. Assume that an audience defines an act as deviant.
Consider so-called gang violence. In some ma- What are the consequences for the actor and the
jor cities, incidents in which teenage gangs assault audience? We will consider four possible outcomes.
each other are common. News media, police, and
other outsiders often refer to such incidents as Institutionalization of Deviance. In some cases,
“gang wars.” These events often occur in the individuals who label a behavior as deviant may
neighborhoods where the gang members live. decide that it is in their own interest for the person
How do their parents, relatives, and friends react to continue the behavior. They may, in fact, reward
to such incidents? According to a study of one that person for the deviant behavior. If you learn
Chicano community, it depends on the situation that a good friend is selling drugs, you may decide
(Horowitz, 1987). Young men are expected to pro- to use this man as a source and purchase drugs from
tect their families, women, and masculinity. When him. Over time, your expectations will change; you
violence results from a challenge to honor, the will come to expect him to sell drugs. If your drug-
community generally tolerates it. On the other selling friend then decides to stop dealing, you may
hand, if the violence disrupts a community affair, treat him as a rule breaker. Illegal activities by
such as a dance or a wedding, it is not tolerated. stockbrokers are likely to be ignored or encouraged
We often rely on the behavior of others to help by other employees and supervisors when all of
us define situations. Our reaction to a rule violation them benefit economically from the activity (Zey,
may be influenced by the reactions of other mem- 1993). The process by which members of a group
bers of the audience. The influence of the reactions come to expect and support deviance by another
of others is demonstrated in a field experiment of member over time is called institutionalization
intrusions into waiting lines (Milgram, Liberty, of deviance (Dentler & Erikson, 1959).
Toledo, & Wackenhut, 1986). Members of the res- Consider the following sworn statement by a
earch team intruded into 129 waiting lines with an former Enron employee, Timothy N. Belden:
average length of six persons. One or two confed-
erates approached the line and stepped between the I was Director of Enron’s California
third and fourth person. In some cases, other con- energy trading desk … [We] marketed and
federates served as buffers; they occupied the fourth supplied electricity to Californian whole-
and fifth positions and did not react to the intru- sale customers. … Beginning in approxi-
sion. When the buffers were present, others in the mately 1998, and ending in approximately
2001, I and other individuals in Enron they may threaten to break off their relationship if
agreed to devise and implement a series of the person does not seek professional help. In these
fraudulent schemes through these markets. instances, the satisfaction of the actor’s needs is con-
We designed the schemes to obtain tingent on changing his or her behavior. Members
increased revenue for Enron. … of the audience also may insist that the actor re-
We exported and then imported nounce aspects of his or her life that they see as
amounts of electricity generated within contributing to future deviance (Sagarin, 1975). If
California in order to receive higher, excessive drinking is due to job-related stressors, for
out-of-state prices from the [ISO] when it example, family members may demand that the
purchased “out of market.” We scheduled person find a different type of employment. Dis-
energy that we did not have, or did not plays of remorse may also lead to reduced punish-
intend to supply. (United States of America v. ment for an offense (Robinson, Smith-Lovin, &
Timothy Belden, U.S. District Court, Tsoudis, 1994).
Northern District of California, Doc. CR
02-0313 MJJ, October 17, 2002) Unanticipated Deviance. Still another possibility
is that the individual may engage in further or un-
Note the repeated use of “we”; Belden and other
anticipated deviance. Note the use of the term
Enron employees supported (and expected the sup-
“unanticipated.” Negative reactions by members
port of) one another as they engaged in these devi-
of an audience are intended to terminate rule-
ant activities. It is possible that support for their
breaking activity. However, such reactions may,
criminal activities extended to the highest levels of
in fact, produce further deviance. This occurs
the corporation.
when the audience’s response sets in motion a pro-
cess that leads the actor to greater involvement in
Backtracking. Even when an audience reacts fa- deviance. This process and its outcomes are the
vorably to a rule violation, the actor may decide to focus of the next section.
discontinue the behavior. This second consequence
of labeling is called backtracking. It may occur after
the actor learns that others label his or her act as
deviant. Though some audiences react favorably, LABELING AND SECONDARY
the actor may wish to avoid the reaction of those DEVIANCE
who would not react favorably—and the resulting
punishment. Many teenagers try substances like Labeling a person as deviant may set in motion a
marijuana once or twice. Although their friends process that has important effects on the individual.
may encourage its continued use, some youths The process of societal reaction produces changes in
backtrack because they want to avoid their parents’ the behavior of others toward the labeled individual
or others’ negative reactions. and may lead to corresponding changes in his or her
self-image. A frequent consequence of the process is
Effective Social Control. An audience that reacts involvement in secondary deviance and participa-
negatively to rule breaking and threatens or at- tion in a deviant subculture. In this section, we
tempts to punish the actor may force the actor to consider this process in detail.
give up further involvement in the deviant activity.
This third consequence of labeling is known as
Societal Reaction
effective social control. This reaction is common
among friends or family members, who often Earlier in this chapter, we mentioned that labeling
threaten to end their association with an actor is a process of redefining a person. By categorizing a
who continues to engage in deviance. Similarly, person as a particular kind of deviant, we place that
396 CHAPTER 14
David Hoffman/David Hoffman Photo Library/Alamy

Being caught in a deviant act has important consequences. This youth may experience disrupted schooling and
separation from family and friends as a result of being arrested.
person in a stigmatized social status (see Chapter 3). jokes about drinking in the person’s presence, and
The deviant person (addict, pimp, thief ) is defined we may stop inviting him or her to parties or gath-
as undesirable—not acceptable in conventional erings where alcohol will be served.
society—and frequently treated as inferior. There A more severe behavioral reaction involves
are two important consequences of stigma: status withdrawal from the stigmatized person (Kitsuse,
loss and social discrimination (Link & Phelan, 1964). For instance, the labeled shoplifter, alco-
2001). The loss of status causes a gradual change in holic, or gay man may be fired from his or her
self-conception; the person comes to perceive the job. Behavioral withdrawal may occur because of
self as a type of deviant. Discriminatory behavior by hostility toward the deviant person, or it may reflect
others not only affects one’s self-concept but con- a sincere desire to help the person. For example, the
strains one’s behavior and opportunities. employer who fires an alcoholic may do so because
he dislikes alcoholics or because he believes that
Changes in the Behavior of Others. When we relief from work obligations will reduce the stress
learn that someone is an alcoholic, a convicted rap- that may be causing the drinking problem.
ist, or mentally ill, our perceptions and behavior Paradoxically, our reaction to deviance may
toward that person change. For example, if we produce additional rule breaking by the labeled
learn that someone has a drinking problem, we person. We expect people who are psychologically
may respond to his or her request for a drink with disturbed to be irritable or unpredictable, so we
“Do you think you should?” or “Why don’t you avoid them to avoid an unpleasant interaction.
wait?” to convey our objection. We may avoid The other person may sense that he or she is being
avoided and respond with anger or distrust. This produces self-rejection. Self-rejection makes subse-
anger may cause co-workers to gossip behind his quent deviance more likely (Kaplan, Martin, &
or her back; he or she may respond with suspicion Johnson, 1986). In a study of junior high school
and become paranoid. When members of an audi- students, data were collected three times at 1-year
ence behave toward a person according to a label intervals. Self-rejection (that is, feeling that one is
and cause the person to respond in ways that con- no good, a failure, rejected by parents and teachers)
firm the label, they have produced a self-fulfilling was related to more favorable dispositions (defini-
prophecy (Merton, 1957). Lemert (1962) docu- tions) toward deviance and to an increased likeli-
ments a case in which such a sequence led to a hood of associating with deviant persons 1 year
man’s hospitalization for paranoia. later. A high disposition and associations with devi-
ant peers were related to increased deviance—theft,
Self-Perception of the Deviant. Another conse- gang violence, drug use, and truancy—1 year later
quence of stigmatized social status is that it changes (Kaplan, Johnson, & Bailey, 1987). Figure 14.2
the deviant person’s self-image. A person labeled summarizes these relationships. Delinquent behav-
deviant often incorporates the label into his or ior, in turn, is associated with reduced self-esteem
her identity. This redefinition of oneself is due (McCarthy & Hoge, 1984).
partly to feedback from others who treat the person In short, labeling may set in motion a cycle in
as deviant. Moreover, the new self-image may be which changes in the labeled person’s behavior pro-
reinforced by the individual’s own behavior. duce changes in other people’s behavior, which in
Repeated participation in shoplifting, for example, turn changes the deviant person’s self-image and
may lead Susan to define herself as a thief. subsequent behavior. Self-fulfilling prophecies can
Redefinition is facilitated by the social programs also be positive. One study assessed the expectations
and agencies that deal with specific types of deviant of 98 sixth-grade math teachers for their students
persons. Such agencies pressure persons to acknowl- (N 1,539) (Madon, Jussim, & Eccles, 1997). Tea-
edge that they are deviant. Admitting that one is a chers’ expectations (positive or negative) predicted
thief will often lead police and prosecutors to go easy performance much better for students who were
on a shoplifter, especially if it is a first offense. Failure low achievers. Also, teachers’ overestimates—that
to acknowledge this may lead to a long prison sen- is, positive expectations—predicted actual achieve-
tence. Admitting that one is mentally ill is often a ment better than their underestimates. Perhaps pos-
prerequisite for psychiatric treatment (Goffman, itive expectations inspire underachievers.
1959a). Mental health professionals often believe Although more attention has been given to si-
that a patient cannot be helped until the individual tuations in which others label the person, some per-
recognizes his or her problem. Employees of an sons become committed to deviance without such
agency that provided jobs for unemployed persons labeling. For example, some persons voluntarily
viewed their clients’ employment problems as partly seek psychiatric treatment; some of these cases re-
the result of individual failure (Miller, 1991). To flect self-labeling (Thoits, 1985). People know that
receive agency services, clients had to agree with others view certain behaviors as symptoms of men-
this view and change their behavior accordingly. tal illness. If they observe themselves engaging in
Thus, the deviant person experiences numer- those behaviors, they may label themselves as men-
ous pressures to accept a stigmatized identity. tally ill.
Acceptance of a stigmatized identity has important
effects on self-perception. Everyone has beliefs
Secondary Deviance
about what people think of specific types of deviant
persons. Accepting a label such as “thief,” “drunk,” A frequent outcome of the societal reaction pro-
or “crazy” leads a person to expect that others will cess is secondary deviance, in which a person
stigmatize and reject him or her, which in turn engages increasingly in deviant behavior as an
398 CHAPTER 14
Time 1 Time 2 Time 3
F I G U R E 14.2 The Relationship of Self-Rejection to Deviant Behavior

A person who engages in deviant behavior anticipates that others will reject him or her, which, in turn, can lead to
self-rejection. A longitudinal study collected data from junior high school students three times, each 1 year apart. At
time 1, reported participation in deviance was positively related to self-rejection (feeling one is no good, a failure,
rejected by parents and teachers). Self-rejection at time 1 was associated with more favorable dispositions (attitudes)
toward deviance but a decreased likelihood of associating with other deviants 1 year later (at time 2). Favorable dispo-
sitions and deviant associations at time 2, as well as deviance at time 1, were related to increased deviance—theft,
gang violence, drug use, and truancy—at time 3.
SOURCE: From “Deviant Peers and Deviant Behavior: Further Elaboration of a Model” (1987) by Kaplan, Johnson, and Bailey, Social Psychology Quarterly, 50(3),
281. Used with permission from the American Sociological Association.
adjustment to others’ reactions (Lemert, 1951). same or related activity. The individual may join a
Usually, the individual becomes openly and deviant subculture—a group of people whose
actively involved in the deviant role, adopting norms encourage participation in the deviance
the clothes, speech, and mannerisms associated and who regard positively those who engage in
with it. For example, initially, a person with a it. Subcultures provide not only acceptance but
drinking problem may drink only at night and also the opportunity to enact deviant roles.
on weekends to prevent his or her drinking from Through a deviant subculture, the would-be drug
interfering with work. Once the person adopts the dealer or prostitute can gain access to customers
role of “heavy drinker” or “alcoholic,” however, more readily.
he or she may drink continuously. The first time a Subcultural groups are an attractive alternative
woman engages in commercial sex, she may do so for deviant persons for two reasons. First, these peo-
tentatively and anxiously, and the interaction may ple are often forced out of nondeviant relationships
be awkward. As she continues, it is likely that she and groups through others’ reactions. As family and
will begin to dress and talk like others who engage friends progressively break off relationships with
in such work, and become comfortable with en- them, they are compelled to seek acceptance else-
gaging in sexual activity with several clients in one where. Second, membership in subcultural groups
evening. may result from the deviant person’s desire to asso-
As an individual becomes openly and regularly ciate with persons who are similar and who can
involved in deviance, he or she may increasingly provide them with feelings of social acceptance and
associate with others who routinely engage in the self-worth (Cohen, 1966). Deviant persons are no
different from others in their need for positive re-

flected appraisals.
Deviant subcultures help persons cope with the
stigma associated with deviant status. We have al-
ready noted that deviant persons are often treated
with disrespect and sanctioned by others for their
activity. Such treatment threatens self-esteem and
MICHAEL ROBINSON-CHAVEZ/Boston Globe/Landov

produces fear of additional sanctions. Subcultures
help the deviant person cope with these feelings.
They provide a vocabulary of motives—beliefs
that explain and justify the individual’s participation
in the behavior.
The norms and belief systems of subcultures
support a positive self-conception. In the early 1970s,
a prostitutes’ rights group, COYOTE (Cast Off
Your Old, Tired Ethics), emerged in San Francisco.
Although it did not obtain the legalization of
prostitution, it did enhance the self-images of its Deviant subcultures create opportunities for people to
members (Weitzer, 1991). Many people think that enact roles not acceptable elsewhere in society. This
nudists are exhibitionists who take off their clothes nudist camp provides a place where people can undress
to get sexual kicks. Nudists, on the other hand, without attracting attention or being arrested.
consider themselves morally respectable and hold
several beliefs designed to enhance that claim: on an individual’s behavior. In modern societies,
(1) Nudity and sexuality are unrelated, (2) there is however, there are often elaborate systems set up spe-
nothing shameful about the human body, (3) nudity cifically to process rule breakers. Collectively, these
promotes a feeling of freedom and natural pleasure, are called formal social controls—agencies given
and (4) nude exposure to the sun promotes physical, responsibility for dealing with violations of rules or
mental, and spiritual well-being. There are also spe- laws. Typically, the rules enforced are written, and,
cific norms—“no staring,” “no sex talk,” and “no in some cases, punishments also may be specified.
body contact”—designed to sustain these general The most prominent system of formal social control
beliefs (Weinberg, 1976). The belief systems of in our society is the criminal justice system, which
deviant subcultures provide the social support the includes police, courts, jails, and prisons. A second
person needs to maintain a positive self-image. system of formal social control is the juvenile justice
Joining a deviant subculture often stabilizes system, which includes juvenile officers, social work-
participation in one form of deviance. It also may ers, probation officers, courts, and treatment or deten-
lead to involvement in additional forms of deviant tion facilities. A third system of formal social control
behavior. For instance, many prostitutes become deals with mental illness. It includes mental health
drug users through participation in a subculture. professionals, commitment procedures, and institu-
tions for the mentally ill and mentally impaired.
FORMAL SOCIAL CONTROLS Formal Labeling and the

Creation of Deviance
So far, this chapter has been concerned with infor-
mal social control—the reactions of family, friends, Most of us think of formal agencies as reactive—as
and acquaintances to rule violations by individuals. simply processing individuals who have already
Informal controls are probably the major influence committed crimes or who are mentally retarded
400 CHAPTER 14
or in need of psychiatric treatment. But these agen- of three high-profile politicians in 2008, including
cies do much more than take care of persons already Governor Eliot Spitzer of New York, heightened
known to be deviant. It can be argued that the awareness of politicians engaging in sexual activity
function of formal social control agencies is to select with commercial sex workers.
members of society and identify or certify them as According to the deterrence hypothesis, the
deviant (Erikson, 1964). arrest and punishment of some individuals for vio-
In the 1990s, crime control became big busi- lations of the law deters other persons from com-
ness in U.S. society. Federal and state governments mitting the same violations. To what extent does
provided funds to hire thousands of additional po- general deterrence really affect people’s behavior?
lice officers, sheriff ’s deputies, and federal agents. Most analysts agree that the objective possibility of
Many states built new prisons. Additional officers arrest and punishment does not deter people from
and new prisons require large investments in new breaking the law. Rather, conformity is based on
equipment. It has been suggested that there is a people’s perceptions of the likelihood and severity
crime control industry, with many people lobbying of punishment. Thus, youths who perceive a higher
for its preservation and growth (Chambliss, 1994). probability that they will be caught and that the
More officers and prisons lead to more arrests and punishment will be severe are less likely to engage
further increases in prison populations. Is this ex- in delinquent behavior (Jensen, Erickson, & Gibbs,
pansion due to real increases in crime? No. Crime 1978). Perceptions of risk are affected by personal
has not increased substantially in the past 25 years. experience; youths who have committed specific
In fact, rates of violent crime were stable from 1973 acts of delinquency but have not been punished
to 1993; since 1993, they have fallen by more than perceive lower risk of sanction for those acts
50 percent. Rates of property crime have been de- (Carmichael, Langton, Pendell, Reitzel, & Piqure,
clining steadily since 1975 (U.S. Department of Jus- 2005). Similarly, a study of theft of company prop-
tice, 2008). What has increased is political rhetoric erty by employees found that those who perceived
on and mass media attention to the level of crime, greater certainty and severity of organizational sanc-
leading the public to perceive an increase. Politi- tions for theft were less likely to have stolen prop-
cians have used this perception as a basis for fear erty (Hollinger & Clark, 1983).
campaigns to enlist support for the expansion of For the punishment of some offenders to deter
formal control systems. others, others must be aware of it. Again, research
with youths found that those who had observed
Functions of Labeling. Of what value is labeling their peers getting away with delinquent acts per-
people as “criminals,” “delinquents,” or “mentally ceived less risk of punishment, whereas those who
ill”? There are three functions of labeling persons as observed peers receiving punishment following de-
deviant: (1) to provide concrete examples of unde- linquent acts perceived greater risk (Matsueda,
sirable behavior, (2) to provide scapegoats for the Kreager, & Huizinga, 2006). What about publicity?
release of tensions, and (3) to unify the group or Does publicizing punishment influence perceived
society. risk? In recent years, executions of murderers have
First, the public identification of deviance pro- been widely publicized. Does this publicity deter
vides concrete examples of how we should not be- murder? Specifically, does coverage of executions
have (Cohen, 1966). When someone is actually on the evening news on network television lead
apprehended and sanctioned for deviance, the to a reduction in homicide rates? A study of news
norms of society are made starkly clear. For coverage and homicide rates from 1976 through
instance, the arrest of someone for shoplifting 1987 found no relationship (Bailey, 1990).
dramatizes the possible consequences of taking Perceived certainty of sanctions generally has a
things that do not belong to us. The resignations much greater effect on persons who have low levels
Bob Daemmrich
Some crime and delinquency prevention programs involve having persons convicted of breaking the law talk to youths
about the nature and consequences of deviance. By publicizing the penalties for deviance, such programs attempt to
deter others from breaking the law.
of moral commitment (Silberman, 1976; Wright, in the number of arrests per officer and total arrests
Caspi, Moffit, & Paternoster, 2004). People whose for violent crimes produced decreases in cases of
morals define a behavior as wrong are not as af- robbery and burglary. But the effect was not linear;
fected by the threat of punishment. For example, beyond a threshold, further increases in arrests pro-
personal moral beliefs are a more important influ- duced a larger number of robberies and burglaries.
ence on whether adults use marijuana than the fear Also, arrest vigor did not produce decreases in
of legal sanctions (Meier & Johnson, 1977). Adults assault, suggesting that deterrence effects of crack-
who believe that the use of marijuana is wrong do downs occur for economic and crimes in public,
not use it, regardless of their perception of the like- but not noneconomic crimes that occur in private
lihood that they will be sanctioned for its use. (Kane, 2006).
We have seen that personal experience or A second function of the public identification
peers’ experience of punishment is associated with of deviant persons is to provide a scapegoat for the
greater perceived risk. This suggests that more vig- release of tension. Many people face threats to the
orous or aggressive arrest practices (a “crackdown”) stability and security of their daily lives. Some fear
should increase perceived risk, which in turn should the possibility that they will be victimized by ag-
reduce crime. A study of arrest practices in one gressive behavior or the criminal activity of others.
precinct in New York City found that increases The existence of such threats arouses tension.
402 CHAPTER 14
Persons identified publicly as deviant persons pro- person who took the extreme position will be iden-
vide a focus for these fears and insecurities. Thus, tified as the cause of the group’s poor performance
the publicly identified deviant person becomes the and that the other members will try to exclude him
concrete threat we can deal with decisively. or her from future group meetings. A laboratory
This scapegoating process is illustrated among study used exactly this setup, contrasting the reac-
the Puritans, who came to New England in the tion of threatened groups to the person taking the
1600s to establish a community based on a specific extreme position with the reaction of nonthrea-
Christian theology. As time passed, groups within tened groups. In the former condition, the person
the community periodically challenged the minis- taking the extreme position was more likely to be
ters’ claims that they were the sole interpreters of stigmatized and rejected (Lauderdale, 1976).
the theology. Furthermore, the community faced Thus, controlled amounts of deviant behavior
the threat of Native American attacks and the pro- serve important functions. If deviance is useful, we
blems of daily survival in a harsh environment. In might expect control agencies to “create” deviance
1692, a group of young women began to behave in when the functions it serves are needed. In fact, the
such bizarre ways as screaming, convulsing, crawl- number of persons who are publicly identified as
ing on all fours, and barking like dogs. The com- deviant seems to reflect the levels of stress and inte-
munity focused attention on these women. The gration in society (Scott, 1976). When integration
physicians defined them as “witches,” representa- declines, there is an increased probability of devi-
tives of Satan, and the entire community banded ance. Eventually, the level and severity of deviance
together in search of others who were under the may reach a point where citizens will demand a
“Devil’s influence.” The community imprisoned “crackdown.” Social control agencies will step up
many persons suspected of sorcery and sent 22 per- their activity, increasing the number of publicly
sons to their deaths. Thus, the witch hunt provided identified deviant persons. This, in turn, will
a scapegoat—an outlet for people’s fears and anxi- increase solidarity and lower stress, leading to an
eties (Erikson, 1966). increase in the amount of informal control and a
A third function of the public identification of reduction in deviance.
deviant persons is to increase the cohesion and sol-
idarity of society. Nothing unites the members of a The Process of Labeling. Labeling is not a sim-
group like a common enemy (Cohen, 1966). ple, one-step procedure for formal agencies. The
Deviant persons, in this context, are “internal ene- processing of rule breakers usually involves a se-
mies”—persons whose behavior threatens the quence of decisions. At each step, someone has to
morale and efficiency of a group. Should the soli- decide whether to terminate the process or to pass
darity of the group be threatened, it can be restored the rule breaker on to the next step. Figure 14.3
by identifying one member as deviant and imposing shows the sequence of steps involved in processing
appropriate sanctions. Suppose you are given the criminal defendants.
case study of a boy with a history of delinquency Each of the control agents—police officers,
who is to be sentenced for a minor crime. You are prosecutors, and judges—has to make many deci-
asked to discuss the case with three other persons sions every day. Like anyone else, they develop
and decide what should be done. One member of cognitive schemas and rules that simplify their deci-
the group argues for extreme discipline, whereas sion making. A very common police–citizen en-
you and the other two favor leniency. Suddenly, counter occurs when an officer stops a motorist
an expert in criminal justice, who has been sitting who has been drinking. What determines whether
quietly in the corner, announces that your group a driver who has been drinking is labeled a
should not be allowed to reach a decision. How “drunken driver?” Officers on the street have to
might you deal with this threat to the group’s exis- rely on a variety of subjective data, as the breath-
tence? The reasoning just outlined suggests that the alyzer or blood or urine test may only be available
Control
Agent
1.
Decision 2.
3.
4.
F I G U R E 14.3 Formal Social Control: Processing Criminal Defendants

Formal social control often involves several control agents, each of whom makes one or more decisions. The first step
in the criminal justice system is an encounter with a law enforcement officer. If you are arrested, the case is passed to
a prosecutor, who decides whether to prosecute. If your case goes to court, the judge or jury decides whether you are
guilty. Finally, the judge renders a sentence. These decision makers are influenced by their own personal attitudes,
cognitive schemas, role expectations, and the attitudes of others regarding their decisions. Much research is devoted to
the social psychological aspects of decision making in the criminal justice system.
SOURCE: Wadsworth Cengage Learning.
at the police station. Research suggests that police about the motive for the crime and the appropriate
officers develop a series of informal guidelines that treatment and prognosis. When officers were asked to
they use in deciding whether to arrest the motorist. evaluate sample cases, those fitting a schema were
In one study of 195 police encounters with persons evaluated more quickly and confidently. More expe-
who had been drinking, arrests were more likely if rienced officers were more likely to use similar sche-
the encounter occurred downtown and if the citi- mas (Drass & Spencer, 1987).
zen was disrespectful (Lundman, 1974). Each step in this process involves interaction be-
Prosecutors also develop informal rules that tween professionals and the alleged rule breaker—and
govern their decisions. For example, in one large often members of his or her family. The professional’s
Midwestern city, taking an object worth less than goal is to have the rule breaker and other laypersons
$100 is a misdemeanor, and conviction normally accept the label. Research on the labeling of children
results in a fine. The theft of a more valuable object with developmental disabilities suggests that family
is a felony and results in a prison sentence. Because members are more likely to accept a diagnosis if the
felony theft cases require much more time and professional elicits family members schemas and
effort, the prosecutor has charged most persons frames the diagnosis/label in those terms (Gill &
arrested for shoplifting with misdemeanors, even if Maynard, 1995).
they have taken jewelry worth hundreds of dollars.
In many jurisdictions, probation officers are asked Biases in Social Control. Not all persons who
to prepare a presentencing report and to recommend violate the rules are labeled. Most social control
a sentence for the convicted person. Research indi- agencies process only some of those who engage in
cates that these officers have a set of typologies or rule-breaking behavior. In the study of police en-
schemas into which they sort persons (Lurigis & counters with drunken persons, only 31 percent
Carroll, 1985). Semistructured interviews with pro- were arrested (Lundman, 1974). In some cases, con-
bation officers in one community identified 10 sche- trol agents may be influenced by the demeanor of
mas, including burglar, addict, gang member, welfare fraud, the rule breaker, by the agent’s schema, or by
and conman. Each schema was associated with beliefs where the violation occurs. This leads one to ask
404 CHAPTER 14
© Blend Images/SuperStock
Whether a police officer gives a citizen a traffic ticket or not depends partly on the demeanor of the citizen. Officers
are more likely to ticket or arrest hostile, argumentative persons than polite and submissive ones.
whether systematic biases exist in the social control Does social class or race influence how an
system. individual is treated by control agents? One way
It has been suggested that control agents are to answer this question is by studying police–citizen
more likely to label those people who have the least encounters through the ride-along method, in which
power to resist their certification as deviant (Quinney, trained observers ride in squad cars and systematically
1970). This hypothesis predicts that lower-class per- record data about police–citizen encounters. In the
sons and members of racial and ethnic minorities are largest study of this kind, observers rode with some
more likely to be certified as deviant than upper-class, officers on all shifts every day for 7 weeks. Data were
middle-class, and White persons. This hypothesis of- collected in Boston, Washington, and Chicago, and
fers a radically different explanation for the correlation included 5,713 encounters. There was no evidence
between crime and social class. Earlier in this chapter, that Blacks were more likely to be arrested than
we suggested that crime rates are higher for lower- Whites. Rather, arrests were more likely when a
class persons because they do not have access to third party demanded an arrest, when the evidence
nondeviant means of economic success. Here we was strong, and when the crime was serious (Black,
are suggesting that crime rates are higher among 1980). A study of how police officers managed
lower-class persons because they are more likely to violent encounters between citizens found that arrest
be arrested, prosecuted, and found guilty, even was more likely if the incident involved White
though the underlying rate of deviant activity may persons; two men instead of one woman and one
not vary as a function of social class. man, or two women; or if one person acted abusively
toward the officer (Smith, 1987). On the other hand, the offer, provided the prosecutor also recommends
research that included ride-alongs in Washington, a suspended sentence.
D.C., suggests that at least in that city, Blacks are Are the members of certain groups more likely
subjected to more intense police surveillance than to be tried or to get bigger reductions in sentences?
other racial/ethnic groups (Chambliss, 1994). An analysis of charge reduction or plea bargaining in
What about decisions by prosecutors? Do they a sample of 1,435 criminal defendants found that
entail discrimination based on race or class? Prose- women and Whites received slightly more favorable
cutors are generally motivated to maximize the reductions than men and Blacks (Bernstein, Kick,
ratio of convictions to trials. This may be one cri- Leung, & Schulz, 1977). Another study of 1,213
terion that citizens use in evaluating the perfor- men charged with felonies found that the character-
mance of a district attorney. Prosecutors develop istics of an offense—especially the seriousness of the
beliefs about which cases are “strong”—that is, crime and the strength of the evidence—were most
likely to result in conviction. A study of a random important in determining the disposition. The out-
sample of 980 defendants charged with felonies comes of the cases were not related to age, ethnicity,
found that prosecutors are more likely to prosecute or employment status (Bernstein, Kelly, & Doyle,
cases involving serious crimes where the evidence is 1977). A study of 296 women who killed another
strong and the defendant has a serious prior police person found that whereas they were all initially
record. Race was not generally influential (Myers & charged with murder, in two-thirds of the cases,
Hagan, 1979). the charge was reduced to manslaughter or a lesser
Does the social class of an arrested person influ- offense (Mann, 1996). Women in Southern cities
ence how he or she is treated by the courts? Several and women who killed men were less likely to
studies of the handling of juvenile cases report little have the charge(s) reduced and received more severe
evidence of class or race bias. A study of cases in sentences if convicted.
Denver and Memphis found that the seriousness of Among the persons convicted, do we find a class
the offense and the youth’s prior record were or racial bias in the length of the sentences given?
the major determinants of the sentence given One study focused on the sentences received
(Cohen & Kluegel, 1978). Two longitudinal stud- by 10,488 persons in three Southern states: North
ies, of 9,945 boys in Philadelphia (Thornberry & Carolina, South Carolina, and Florida (Chiricos &
Christenson, 1984) and of cases in Florida Waldo, 1975). The researchers examined sentences
(Henretta, Frazier, & Bishop, 1986), found that for 17 different offenses and found no relationship
the most important influence on the disposition of between socioeconomic status or race and sentence
a charge was the disposition imposed for a prior length. Again, the individual’s prior record was the
offense or offenses. principal variable related to sentence length. A study
A common practice in adult criminal cases is of a random sample of 16,798 felons convicted during
plea bargaining, in which a prosecutor and a defen- the years 1976–1982 in Georgia looked at racial dif-
dant’s lawyer negotiate a plea to avoid the time and ferences in sentencing (Myers & Talarico, 1986). In
expense of a trial. A single action frequently violates general, the seriousness of a crime was the principal
several laws. For instance, if a driver who has been influence on the sentence length. Another study of
drinking runs a red light and hits a pedestrian who the influence of race on sentencing analyzed federal
later dies, that incident involves at last three crimes: court proceedings for the years 1993–1996. The sen-
drunken driving, failure to obey a signal, and vehic- tences given male defendants varied by race/ethnicity.
ular manslaughter. These offenses vary in serious- For offenses of the same seriousness, there were small
ness and thus in their associated sentences. The to moderate effects, with Whites receiving shorter
prosecutor may offer not to indict the driver for sentences and Hispanics receiving longer ones; Blacks
manslaughter if a plea of guilty is entered to a received intermediate sentences (Steffensmeier &
drunken driving charge. The attorney may accept Demuth, 2000).
406 CHAPTER 14
Earlier, we discussed white-collar crime, or does deviant status in our society tend to be for
which is often committed by middle-class and life?
upper-class persons. Are white-collar offenders Some argue that ex-convicts, ex-patients, and
more likely to receive lenient sentences? A study others who have been labeled as deviant face con-
of persons charged with embezzlement and tax, tinuing pressures from family, friends, employers,
lending, credit, postal, and wire fraud found that and co-workers that prevent them from readjusting
within this group, high-status persons were no less to normal life. Such pressures constitute a reminder
likely to be imprisoned or to receive shorter sen- of their former deviant status.
tences (Benson & Walker, 1988). The significant One domain in which persons who have been
influences were the total amount of dollars officially labeled might face discrimination is em-
involved and how widespread the offenses were. ployment. In the United States, a good job is essen-
Blacks did receive longer sentences than Whites. It tial to health and welfare as an adult. Labeling
is sometimes argued that judges are lenient on theory asserts that contact with authorities will re-
high-status offenders because they suffer serious duce one’s occupational attainment, independently
informal sanctions, such as the loss of a job. of the rule-breaking or deviant behavior. Longitu-
A study of the likelihood of job loss and the influ- dinal data allowed a study of the effect of contact
ence of job loss on sentence severity found no with authorities (suspended from school, stopped
relationship (Benson, 1989). However, class posi- by police, charged, convicted, sentenced, jailed) at
tion did influence job loss; high-status offenders ages 15 to 23 on status (employed, status, income)
and those whose frauds were larger in scale were during ages 29 to 37 (Davies & Tanner, 2003). For
less likely to lose their jobs. males, suspension or being stopped had little effect;
Persons sentenced to prison may become eligi- the more serious forms of contact, especially being
ble for parole. What influences decisions at this stage? jailed, had significant negative effects on average
A study in Alabama analyzed the influence of race. hours worked, status of job, and income. For
Alabama uses a two-stage process: a screening to de- women, suspension had negative effects; also, being
termine who should be considered for parole, and a sentenced and jailed had substantial impact, with
parole decision—whether to release the prisoner. incarceration resulting in a reduction in annual in-
Considering 762 cases, the results showed that race come of more than 50 percent! Another study of
did not have a significant effect at either stage. At data from more than 3,600 men compared those
the preliminary stage, significant influences were who had been incarcerated with men who had
seriousness of offense, time served, discipline while not (Western, 2002); overall, incarceration reduced
in prison, and parole officer’s recommendation. subsequent earnings by 19 percent, and also resulted
The only significant influence on the decision was in slower wage growth in later years. The impact
recommendations by prison personnel (Morgan & on Black and Hispanic men was about twice as
Smith, 2008). large as the impact on White men.
Discrimination in employment following for-
mal labeling may occur because others perceive
Long-Term Effects of Formal Labeling
these persons as “delinquents,” “ex-cons,” or “cra-
How long does the official label of deviant stick to a zies,” and expect them to behave in ways consistent
person? Can it be shaken? In contrast to the trial or with the label. A study of the impact of a criminal
hearing in which a person is formally certified as record on decisions by employers used the audit
deviant, there is no formal ceremony terminating method, which involves sending matched pairs of
one’s deviant status (Erikson, 1964). People are sim- people (testers) to apply for real job openings. The
ply released from prison or mental hospital, or the pairs differ on some characteristic, and the re-
final day of probation passes—with no fanfare. Does searcher observes whether employers respond dif-
the individual regain his former status upon release, ferently to the two people. Two young White men
and two young Black men, matched on age, physi- Some persons turn a career history of deviance
cal appearance, and style, applied for the same jobs into an occupational asset by becoming a “profes-
1 day apart. One man of each race had a criminal sional ex-” (Brown, 1991a). Individuals with histo-
record—a felony drug conviction that resulted in ries of alcohol or drug abuse or other problem
18 months in prison. Each tester posed as the con- behaviors sometimes become counselors, working
victed felon in alternate weeks. The dependent var- with others who are involved in these behaviors.
iable was whether the employer called back the Professionalizing rather than giving up the deviant
young man for an interview. Having a record had identity is another way of going straight.
a significant effect. For the White pair, the man A study of the long-term impact of being la-
without the record was called 34 percent of the beled as mentally ill suggests that it is not the label
time, whereas the man with the record was called by itself that has impact but the label combined
17 percent of the time. Among the Black testers, with changes in self-perception (Link, 1987). The
the percentages were 14 percent and 5 percent study compared samples of residents and clinic pa-
(Pager, 2003). Thus, the combination of being tients from the same area of New York City. Three
Black and having a criminal record makes it un- samples involved people who had been labeled:
likely one will be called for an interview. This con- first-treatment contact patients, repeat-treatment
tributes to the high rates of unemployment in some contact patients, and formerly treated community
minority communities. residents. The other two groups were untreated
Questionnaires and interviews with men hoping “cases” (people with symptoms) and a sample of
to transition from AIDS disability back to work residents. All participants completed a scale that
focused on issues of identity. The men countered measured the belief that mental patients are stigma-
the stigma of living with AIDS by developing a ro- tized and discriminated against. High scores on the
manticized anticipatory identity as worker/gay man/ measure were associated with reduced income and
recovered. As they sought re-employment, they ex- unemployment in the labeled groups but not in the
perienced discrimination and shame, and had to ad- unlabeled ones. Later research shows that when
just to medical and other constraints, producing an people enter treatment, those who expect discrimi-
actualized identity at odds with the anticipatory one. nation use strategies such as keeping their condition
The transition back into the worker role was thus secret or withdrawing from interaction (Link,
very stressful for some (Ghaziani, 2004). Cullen, Struening, Shrout, & Dohrenwend,
Another approach to studying the long-term 1989). This tends to cut them off from social sup-
effects is to compare persons who have and have port and interfere with their work performance.
not been labeled. A study of psychiatrically dis- A longitudinal study of recovery from mental
turbed persons compared the income and employ- illness obtained data from members of self-help
ment status of those who had been treated (labeled) groups (N 590) and outpatients (N 90) two
with the income and status of those who had not times, 18 months apart. The results indicate that
been treated. Treatment was negatively associated recovery is a complex process. As reported satisfac-
with both income and employment (Link, 1982). tion with job status, income, place of residence,
The impact seemed to depend partly on whether and time spent with family and friends increase,
occupational competence was developed before or symptoms decrease. Decreases in symptoms over
after the onset of the illness. Men who had no the 18-month period were associated with increases
history of competent work performance had more in self-esteem. In turn, we would expect increases
difficulty obtaining employment following hospi- in self-esteem to be associated with reduced symp-
talization. Men who had a history of occupational toms and recovery (Markowitz, 2001). Thus,
competence usually kept their jobs, even during an important part of recovery is the quality of
periods when their work performance was seriously social, economic, and occupational roles available
affected. to the person.
408 CHAPTER 14
The long-term effects of formal labeling on the Rahav, Phelan, & Nuttbrock, 1997). A longitudinal
reactions of others may be limited, because persons study of 88 persons released following an average of
who have been labeled in the past engage in various 8 years of hospitalization measured experiences
tactics to prevent others from learning about their with rejection following release. Those who re-
stigma. These tactics include selective concealment ported a larger number of such experiences subse-
of past labeling, preventive disclosure to close quently attained low scores on mastery. Former
friends, and various deception strategies (Miall, patients’ self-views appear to fluctuate, perhaps in
1986). On the other hand, longitudinal research response to alternating experiences of acceptance
suggests that persons who have been publicly la- and stigma (Wright, Gronfein, & Owens, 2000).
beled and treated continue to anticipate rejection Thus, stigma may have lasting effects on a person’s
from others even though they no longer engage psychological well-being.
in the symptomatic behavior (Link, Struening,
SUMMARY
Deviant behavior is any act that violates the social but also the societal reactions to these acts. (1) There
norms that apply in a given situation. are numerous possible responses to rule breaking.
Very often, we ignore it. At other times, we deny
The Violation of Norms. (1) Norms are local, that the act occurred, define the act as normal, ex-
subcultural, or societal in scope. The repercussions cuse the perpetrator, or recognize the act but
of deviant behavior depend on which type of norm de-emphasize its significance. Only after an act is
an individual violates. (2) Anomie theory asserts that discovered and labeled “deviant” is it recognized
deviance occurs when persons do not have legitimate as such. (2) Our reaction to rule breaking depends
means available for attaining cultural success goals. on the characteristics of the actor, the audience, and
Possible responses to anomie include ritualism, retreat- the situation. People often have a stereotyped im-
ism, innovation, and rebellion. General strain theory age of deviant persons; these stereotypes influence
suggests that emotions link structural position and be- how audiences react to rule violations. (3) The con-
havior. (3) Control theory states that deviance occurs sequences of rule breaking depend on the reactions
when an individual is not responsive to the expecta- of the audience and the response of the rule
tions of others. This responsiveness, or social bond, breaker. If members of the audience reward the
includes attachment to others, commitment to long- person, the deviance may become institutionalized.
term goals, involvement in conventional activities, Alternatively, the person may decide to avoid
and a respect for law and authority. Research indicates further deviance, in spite of others’ encouragement.
that social integration is associated with reduced rates If the person is punished, he or she may either give
of deviance in adolescence and adulthood. (4) Differ- up the behavior or respond with additional rule
ential association theory emphasizes the importance of violations.
learning through interaction with others. Individuals
often learn the motives and actions that constitute Labeling and Secondary Deviance. The process
deviant behavior just as they learn socially approved of labeling has two important consequences. (1) It
behavior. (5) The routine activities perspective calls leads members of an audience to change their per-
attention to situations that facilitate the convergence ceptions of and behavior toward the actor. If they
of offenders and targets, in the absence of a guardian. withdraw from the stigmatized person, they may
create a self-fulfilling prophecy and elicit the behav-
Reactions to Norm Violations. Deviant behavior they expected from the actor. (2) Labeling often
ior involves not only acts that violate social norms causes the actor to change his or her self-image and
to come to define the self as deviant. This, in turn, sentence the person. Various factors influence each
may lead to secondary deviance—an open and ac- step in decision making, including the strength of
tive involvement in a lifestyle based on deviance. the evidence, the seriousness of the rule violation,
Such lifestyles are often embedded in deviant and the individual’s prior record, and sometimes gen-
subcultures. der and race. (2) Contrary to popular belief, people do
not systematically stigmatize former deviant persons.
Formal Social Controls. Every society gives cer- Most families do not continue to stigmatize relatives
tain agents the authority to respond to deviant behav- following their release from mental hospitals, and
ior. (1) In U.S. society, the major formal social control most employers do not stigmatize ex-patients who
agents are the criminal justice, juvenile justice, and have established competent work records. On the
mental health systems. These agencies select persons other hand, employers may stigmatize minority men
and identify them as deviant through a sequence of with prison records, and stigma may have long-term
decisions. In the criminal justice system, the sequence effects on the ex-deviant person’s psychological
includes the decisions to arrest, prosecute, and well-being.
LIST OF KEY TERMS AND CONCEPTS
anomie theory (p. 380) differential association labeling theory (p. 391) routine activities
control theory (p. 384) theory (p. 386) learning structure perspective (p. 389)
deterrence hypothesis formal social controls (p. 381) rule breaking (p. 391)
(p. 400) (p. 399) legitimate means secondary deviance
deviant behavior informal social control (p. 380) (p. 397)
(p. 379) (p. 399) opportunity structure self-fulfilling prophecy
deviant subculture institutionalization of (p. 381) (p. 397)
(p. 398) deviance (p. 394)

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Chapter 14

Introduction Labeling and Secondary Deviance

Norms Secondary Deviance

INTRODUCTION This chapter addresses four fundamental questions:

the normatively prescribed means (paying for what

which an individual has opportunities to play a

Control Theory We can apply control theory to the shoplifting

leads to reduced delinquency. Implicitly, the theory

F I G U R E 14.1 The Relationship Between Age and Crime

B o x 14.1 The Power of Suggestion

David Hoffman/David Hoffman Photo Library/Alamy

Time 1 Time 2 Time 3

F I G U R E 14.2 The Relationship of Self-Rejection to Deviant Behavior

different from others in their need for positive re-

MICHAEL ROBINSON-CHAVEZ/Boston Globe/Landov

FORMAL SOCIAL CONTROLS Formal Labeling and the

F I G U R E 14.3 Formal Social Control: Processing Criminal Defendants

LIST OF KEY TERMS AND CONCEPTS

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