Di Materyal na Kultura ng Tribong Ata Manobo

Ata Manobo families have a bilateral kinship structure in which both sides of the
family reciprocate each other in fulfilling familial responsibilities. The mutual
sharing of duties between the two sides of the family is a way to strengthen ties
and maximize limited resources.

The men hunt and fish, cut down trees for kaingin, plow the field, and arrange
suitable marriages for their children. The females do much of the domestic
chores such as fetching water, gathering firewood, and taking care of the
children. On the kaingin field, they do the planting, weeding, and harvesting.
Meanwhile, the datu and baylan participate in the education and discipline of
children.

Polygyny is allowed, depending on the husband’s capacity to afford the gastu

(bride-price). Among the Matigsalug, the practice of duay or the taking of
another wife is subject to the approval of the first wife, who has the prerogative
to choose the secondary wife. Subsequent wives cannot refuse the duay.
However, very few Ata Manobo men can even afford a second wife.

There are several types of courtship and betrothal among the Ata
Manobo. Tinuyu, meaning “done on purpose,” refers to a marriage prearranged
by parents or elder siblings through a pamaloy (formal arrangement). The
Matigsalug term for this practice is bugay. A bride-price is negotiated and
settled between the parents of the boy and the girl, and the boy’s family
renders the bride-price to the parents and kinsmen of the bride upon their
marriage at the age of puberty. Arrangements between cousins up to the third
degree are not allowed, as these are believed to cause illnesses and congenital
deformities in the offspring. In the few cases where marriages are not
prearranged, an adult male may choose his own bride, provided that his father
formally talks about it with the girl’s father. In rare and more recent instances,
a woman could also choose her own husband and inform her father of her
choice (Industan 1992, 4; Burton 2014).

A bogkot is a marriage arranged when a father wants a couple-neighbor to be

the parents-in-law of his son. Without revealing his intentions, the father would
offer the desired parents-in-law various gifts until the value amounts to a
sufficient dowry. The boy’s father would then undertake a gesture of intent
called pamoka to the girl’s father, enumerating all that he has given to ensure
their agreement to the marriage proposal.

There are also cases of bulansong, in which a third party covertly finds out the
girl’s bride-price for the interested groom, and the groom bypasses the pamaloy
by immediately bringing the gastuto the girl’s family and asking for her hand in
marriage on the spot (Industan 1992, 5). A male may also acquire his bride by
rendering panawas for his prospective parents-in-law. He would serve in their
household until he has proven his mettle, then he will be asked to fetch his
father to discuss the duwaron (dowry), the togonan (expenses to be incurred
for the wedding), and the date of the wedding, which would be indicated on a
kurow.

There are forced marriages through lokkoban, meaning “to shut off,” when a
boy is forced to marry a girl whose parents have set their sights on him as a
son-in-law. This may occur when a boy remarks favorably on the girl’s village,
as this can be interpreted to mean that he wants to live there. The family then
prevents him from leaving, sometimes under threat of death, unless he agrees
to marry their daughter. When he accedes, he will be sent home with a gift
called tukiab to lokkob from his in-laws to his parents, who will then deliver a
token of acceptance called isugbak, in lieu of a bride-price (Industan 1992, 5-
6).
Marriage may also be forced in cases of pinu-uan, which means “to sit down,”
when a boy has touched a girl, whether deliberately or accidentally, and is thus
forced to marry her. Gestures such as borrowing a girl’s comb, walking over the
legs of a seated girl, touching the fingertips of a girl, and touching a girl’s
shoulder blades are deemed as acts of interest and intent. Traditionally, Ata
Manobo also practiced alig (courtship) by exchanging messages through the
kubing / kobbing (mouth harp), although this may not necessarily end in
marriage (Industan 1992, 6-7).

Tinangag, meaning “to carry something without permission,” is also a kind of

forced marriage, either by the couple’s elopement or by the man’s “stealing the
girl for a wife.” The latter is more culturally accepted, as it is done with the
encouragement of the boy’s family. It proves that the boy’s family is well-off, as
they can pay any bride-price that the girl’s family demands. This is called
pogpolod to baloy, meaning “collapsing of the house” (Industan 1992, 7).

While the wedding arrangements are being made, the man’s father brings with
him the following items: a chicken, a comb, a beaded leglet, a bolo, a necklace,
a female blouse, and anything that may be of value to the girl’s family. These
ornaments may be worn by the girl during the wedding ceremony.

Wedding ceremonies are performed in the hut of the bride by the igbujag no
datu of the bride’s community. When the dowry has been turned over to her
parents, the bride’s relatives fetch her from a neighbor’s hut, and she
approaches the wedding hut under the shade of a torongan (blanket) held aloft
at each end by aides. Upon arrival at the newly constructed hut of the couple, a
member of the family covers her head with a mantabla (white veil). An ikam
(mat) is laid out at the center of the room, with the bride’s father seated beside
the groom and the groom’s mother seated beside the bride. Each parent molds
a fistful of cooked rice or camote (sweet potato) with their hands and gives
these to the groom and the bride. The two then feed each other. The datu prays
over the couple and invokes Tagonliyag for their successful marriage. He,
followed by the groom’s father and other relatives, offers them a litany of
advice. The ceremony is followed by feasting and merrymaking, with the guests
dancing to the tune of the kudlong .

The couple may not yet live together as husband and wife after the wedding
ceremony. The groom has to live with and render service to his in-laws before
he returns to his bride. This is called panganogang. Among the Matigsalug, the
groom has to undertake the panakin, the opening of a new swidden farm to be
planted with various crops, in order to prove his capacity to provide for his wife
and future family. The wedded couple builds their own house only after their
first child is born. In other Ata Manobo communities, the couple lives with the
family of the girl first in order to learn from her parents their marital roles and
responsibilities. When they are given leave to build a life together, the husband
leaves a gift with his parents-in-law called masaakit no goinawa, meaning “to
heal the pain of their absence.” However, because of the influence of settlers
and outsiders, younger generations tend not to follow these practices strictly
(Industan 1992, 8; Burton 2014).

Expectant mothers consult the baylan before, during, and after pregnancy. The
baylan recommends the kinds of food that a pregnant woman may eat, as these
are believed to affect the ease of delivery of the child and even its physical
appearance. They believe that eating the inner meat of animals weaken the
child’s health, that eating eels and shrimps can delay delivery, and that eating
cassava will result in a small baby with a big stomach. Thus, fruits and other
nutritious food are primarily recommended for pregnant Matigsalug women.
During childbirth, charms, herbs, stones, and other items recommended by the
abyan are tied around the mother’s waist. The baylan cuts the umbilical cord
with an ilab (knife), and the cord is wrapped in a mat and kept under the stairs
of the house. Family and relatives wait outside the birthing house to welcome
the newborn.

The Matigsalug children are named and integrated into the community through
gunting (circumcision), pangutob (tattooing), and the chewing of mama (betel
nut). A boy is circumcised at two years old with the use of a bignos or ilab.
Herbal plants are used to hasten the healing of the wound.

During wakes for the dead, the baylan performs songs, and members of the
community recite the oranda (extemporaneous renditions) that narrate the
positive traits of the dead and elevate him or her as an example for others in
the community. If the dead is male, a spear is placed alongside the body during
the burial; if female, a pestle, signifying the work of pounding rice. When the
body is buried, the baylan may conduct a panubador pangapog, in which the
dead is implored not to regret leaving this world or worry about those left
behind, and to help ensure the continuance of peace amongst the members of
the family and the community.

The Ata Manobo bury their dead so the busaw (blood spirit) cannot see the
corpse and devour it. The dead may be left unburied if the people wish to be
reminded of the deceased person’s positive qualities and noble deeds. If the
body is left unburied, it is placed inside a binobo (coffin) made of the lower half
of a hollow trunk of an almaciga tree, with the upper half serving as cover. To
seal the coffin and prevent the smell of decomposition from escaping, the Ata
Manobo use the latex of the bayog or kabalikod tree or the scraped bark of the
lungay tree and its resin. The coffin would then be hung horizontally on four
crossed branches of a tree, and a roof made of leaves of the trees or plants is
set up to protect the coffin from the elements.

Immediately after the person’s death, the body may be placed in a coffin and
left in an abandoned hut far from the neighborhood. If the body is not placed
inside a coffin, it is wrapped in the bark of the dangolog or the kapayawi tree
and laid on a bed of manogo leaves in a knee-deep grave dug in the forest.

Ata Manobo adults still adhere to the centuries-old practice of betel chewing.
The betel chew or mamais a mixture of bunga nut, buyo leaves, and lime. It
serves to strengthen the teeth and is a substitute for food. The inch-long
tobacco cud called suro placed between the teeth is another familiar habit of the
Ata Manobo. The women chew suro while one end juts out from their lips, while
the males keep it inside their mouths, looking like lumps on their cheeks.

Across the Philippine islands, the bamboo tube is the traditional container for
cooking dishes. The first written record of this was in 1525 by Magellan’s
chronicler Pigafetta, who observed it in Palawan. He remarked that rice cooked
in bamboo lasted longer than that cooked in clay pots. The Ata Manobo had 18
varieties of rice, which they cooked tinalumbo (in bamboo tubes). Dishes
wrapped in leaves are called binugsung. The Matigsalug use the foot-wide leaf
of the alik-ik / hagikhik in Samarnon, for their sticky rice cakes, or the round
leaf of the bongabong (parasol tree) as food wrapper before roasting a dish
over the fire or cooking it in the bamboo tube. Famine foods are the heart of the
mabul (fishtail palm tree), which is tasteless, and heart of the rattan, which
tastes bitter; hence, these are eaten only as a last resort. For the Matigsalug,
an added ingredient to the minced dishes cooked in bamboo is the tiny heart of
the dalikan (tagbak or tugis in Bisaya).

The Ata Manobo believe in a world of spirits which inhabit the heavens, the
earth, and the nature surrounding them. In their cosmology, the kalibutan
(earth) used to be just a kimonò nu mundù (rounded mass of cooked sweet
potato) before Bibu, the master of the world of the dead, filled the earth with
leaves, which rotted and turned to mud. Gamowgamow, the deity of light rains,
built a hole to contain water, and the gods and deities began to plant things on
earth. Finally, Manama, the Supreme Being, gave it light so man could
determine the seasons.

Iba pang Di Materyal na Kultura ng Tribong Ata Manobo

Manama, also known as Magbubuot, Magbobo-ot, Mababaya, or Maminturan, is

the creator of life, the heavens, and the earth, and the guardian of mankind. In
Matigsalug cosmology, he is believed to preexist all other life forms, living alone
in a place called Lingawayni until he decided to create all the other deities,who
became his helpers in creating the world and man (Burton 2014). It is to him
that the panubad is first directed, either to express gratitude and trust or to
entreat him for good health and protection. He also provides power to the other
deities and the bantoy.

Other deities are invoked for specific roles and functions. Igbabasok, who owns
the food for subsistence, and Kallajag or Kalayag, who owns the sun, moon, and
stars, are entreated for safety and guidance in farm work, for the protection of
crops, and for abundant harvest. Karang owns the people’s sabinit (clothing)
and is called upon for the protection of work animals. Solojob is invoked for a
successful hunt; Talabobong or Tagsukod for the success of hunting traps;
Palopo and Timbalong for the protection of chickens; and Pamulingan, with
Igbabasok and Kallajag, for the protection of plants. Alimongkat or Alimugkat,
the deity of rivers and heavy rains, lives with his wife, Gamowgamow, in
streams and rivers. They are invoked during diving or fishing expeditions.
Tagonliyag is entreated for guidance in love and success in marriage.
Mandalangan, a blood spirit, is prayed to for courage before a pangayaw.
Deities also command breath: Makabibitil allows breath to continue while
Hagtonganon decides when to make it stop (Industan 1993, 159-160).

Bantoy or spirit guides dwell between heaven and earth to mediate between the
baylan and the deities. This is because Manama cannot come to earth due to
the ngarog (stench or odor) of mankind’s sin. There are good spirits with the
power to heal illnesses and cast out bad fortune, and bad spirits that live in
trees and inflict ailments on those who incur their ill will. The baylan serves as
the medium for the bantoy to communicate messages from the deities to the
people (Industan 1993, 161-164).
The Ata Manobo believe that their dreams at night are the handiwork of spirits
communicating with the living. There are two kinds of dreams: when the
dreamer is unconscious and when the dreamer experiences the dream as if he
were conscious. In the latter, it is the nanawan (spirit) that allows a dreamer to
separate from his physical body and leads him to explore other places in
dreams.

The gimokod (soul) is what goes to the otherworld after death. The gimokod of
honorable men travel to another world called Liwanon at the bottom of the
earth. The dishonorable’s soul goes to the deity Moibulan for punishment or
purification. In other accounts, the ruler of the world of the dead is Bibu, and
his domain is under the earth, where he teaches souls to be morally upright,
perfect, and fit to stay in langit (heaven). Langit has rivers full of fish, large
houses, and a bounty of plants, and the lowlanders and tribes are segregated
from each other (Industan 1993, 163).

With the coming of the missionaries from different Christian sects like the
Roman Catholics and the Evangelical Protestants, many of the Ata Manobo have
been converted to Christianity. While rituals are still performed during special
occasions such as planting and harvest seasons, the spiritual leadership of the
baylan has been greatly reduced because of religious prohibitions by the new
churches (Burton 2014).

Materyal na Kultura ng Tribong Ata Manobo

The Ata Manobo originally lived in small communities of two or three families.
The traditional Talaingud community structure was called the ugpa-anan or
ingud. These communities were kept small so that the members could move
fast to escape raiding forces. While thick vegetation typically separated one
ingud from another to confuse the enemy, the Talaingod still tended to build
their homes at least within shouting distance of each other. A cluster of ingud is
called a salugpungan or long house (Nabayra 2014).

Manobo families lived in makeshift huts built high above the ground to protect
them from enemies. Pieces of rope were twined to serve as stairways, which
could be raised up at night so no one could climb up. In later years, the huts
were built lower, becoming elevated one-room dwellings usually made of cogon.
The walls were built with barks of trees or dried palm fronds, the floor of split
bamboo strips, and the posts of wood or bamboo, bound with rattan strips.

To select the site on which to build their house, the Matigsalug look for a puahol
tree with leaves that are green on the topside and white on the underside. On
the tree, they find a sanga silangan or a branch pointing east with six leaves
clinging to it. The six leaves represent the deities who control the domains of
the environment: earth, fire, river, mountain, springs, and rocks. The head of
the family then places the branch on his proposed cornerstone for the house
and waits for a night to pass. At daybreak, if the leaves are still intact, it means
that the deities have given their blessing for the construction; if not, the family
needs to find another place to build the house.

Before cutting the bamboo poles to be used as building materials, the

Matigsalug builder rubs ginger onto the part of the bamboo that will be cut. This
is done on a moonless night because it is believed that this prevents insects
from attacking the cut bamboo (Quimpo et al. 2003).

Matigsalug houses have walls of either lakap (split bamboo) or woven bagakay
(reed). Roofs are thatched with cogon grass. The datu’sresidence, called balay
kalibolongan ,serves a special function in the Matigsalug community. It is a
square two-story structure that serves as the assembly hall, besides being the
residence of the datu and his family. On the first floor are the lasod, the family
residence, and the abuhan (fireplace). It is where the datu holds discussions
with the igbuyag and councilmen. The first floor has a lantawan (window) all
around it. A few ascending steps lead to the second floor, which has the
sinabong (married couple’s room)and the sinabong sa mangubay (unmarried
daughters’ room). A recent addition to the traditional Matigsalug house is the
ilutuan-koonon (kitchen-dining room)

The present form of the datu’s residence has already been influenced by
lowland culture and technology, although it still bears traces of its indigenous
character. In traditional Matigsalug architecture, the different parts of the house
are either attached to each other by wooden pegs that are driven into holes or
tied together by liway (rattan) strips. The various specific patterns and
techniques used to tie the rattan strips not only secure the house but also
create a decorative effect. Nails and other modern construction materials,
however, have replaced the liway and the wooden peg.

A himulayan is an anteroom to the datu’s residence. Along its sides are built-in
seats, and above it is a loft area for resting and sleeping. Next to the balay
kalibolongan is the lulapong (granary), built and designed to keep vermin and
pests out. It is fully enclosed and raised four to five meters above the ground by
a single post at the center. Beams or poles arranged like the spokes of a wheel,
with the single post as the hub, hold the granary up. The walls are made of
lakap.The roofs of both the himulayan and lulapong are thatched with cogon
grass. The roof of the lulapong is a gable that falls down to the level of the
floor, thus giving the whole structure a pyramidal look (Quimpo et al. 2003).

Today, more and more Ata Manobo are building houses in communities where
Christian settlers reside, and their houses look similar to those built by the
latter and may already have second or third rooms, a narrow balcony, and a
separate kitchen. Galvanized iron is now used as roofing material and wooden
slats used for floor and walls. These are evidence of the improved economic
conditions of Ata Manobo, but these are no doubt influenced by the Christian
settlers.
Kasuotan ng Tribong Ata Manobo

The color scheme of the Ata Manobo’s traditional finery and jewelry is very
similar to those of the Bagobo, the Mansaka, and the Tiruray. Common colors
used are blue and red, with occasional streaks of yellow and black.

The men don long-sleeved shirts called pinuta and semi-loose shorts called
bandera. There are three kinds of headgear, worn depending on rank. The
tangkolo is used by the apo, igbujag no datu, and bagani. It covers the entire
head and is heavily sequined or beaded, with horse or goat hair worked into the
sides. The sinolaman, used by hibatoon no datu, is similar in shape to the
tangkolo and is wrapped around the head; however, it does not cover the pate.
Longkos are much simpler and cover only the sides of the head; these are used
by ordinary Ata Manobo.

The datu may wear multilayered balukag (necklaces) to signify his rank. His
tribal finery includes a sinagibulan (sun-shaped bronze container), which
contains mama ingredients; an ilab (short, curved knife) used for slicing bunga
nut; a lipit (bronze metal chain belt); a tongkaling (heavy bronze belt); and a
s’ning (heavily beaded shoulder bag). The datu or biyo’s alternative container
for betel chew ingredients is the binukag (a beaded shoulder bag).

The attire of a typical Ata Manobo woman consists of the ompak (red, short
blouse with striped patterns); a patadyong for a skirt; occasionally a malong; a
palakot (red cloth belt), and a single strand of multicolored bead necklace. The
ompak is sewn with bias tapes of different colors, usually white, yellow, and
red, arranged into squares, with minimal use of sequins or beads.
Jewelry is worn to signify rank. The biyo or female baylan wears several strands
of baliog / balyog or banda (beaded necklaces) and buday (bracelets) to
indicate authority. Ear ornaments can be as ornate as one’s family’s wealth
allows: A woman may wear simple aritos (beaded earrings) or the more
elaborate sungol (beaded ornaments that hang from ear to ear) that fall just
below the chin. The women have two types of decorative combs for their hair:
the arang (bamboo comb) and the sugkad (comb decorated with multicolored
colorful threads of yarn). The Ata Manobo may also wear a variety of anklets:
Tikos are made with beads, while sinibod are made of agsam vinesor uway
seeds.

Traditional materials used by the Matigsalug to create their adornments are

shells, seeds, wood, metal, and trade beads such as carnelian and coral beads
known as balieg— tiny, multicolored beads woven using fiber and hair. There
are many different types of necklaces with varying designs such as the behek,a
half-inch wide flat woven necklace with many patterns and batikmotifs. There
are also the salapid and the lembeng, both wide, beaded waist belts.

Pangutob or pangateb (tattooing) is one of the most sacred practices of the Ata
Manobo. Among the Matigsalug, the design is incised on the skin with a gupes
(knife) and inked with soot from the burned wood of the salumayag tree. The
men have images of lizards or alligators tattooed on the inner part of their
forearm or their posterior leg. The women have three lines circling their
abdomen and lumbar area. The reverse is more common among the
Matigsalug: Parallel lines are drawn around the forearms and geometric designs
around the waist. Some believe that after death, the black soot will light up and
help guide the soul on its journey to the otherworld. Some women display five-
inch wide tattoos on their bellies, visible between their ompak and patadyong.
These can be purely decorative or may be an expression of a woman’s pride in
her identity as a member of an indigenous group. On the other hand, it is taboo
for the Matigsalug to boast of their tattoo as a trophy, or else the deities may
take away its efficacy.
Pangimo is the Matigsalug practice of weaving or plaiting without a loom.
Common materials used are abaca, buri, palm leaves, rattan, and agsam vines.
Some products created out of pangimo are liyang, a basket typically carried by
wearing the sinalapid (woven band) attached to the mouth of the basket and
strapped around the upper forehead so that the basket hangs at the back of the
head; bokag, a large carrying basket; binebey, the smaller version of the
liyang; sinakeb, an even smaller version of the binebey; leban, a tall, round
container basket; tahakan, a traditional measuring tool about the size of a mug,
used for rice and corn grains; nego, a winnower used to separate the tahop
(rise husk) from the clean grain; bubo, a trap made of woven bamboo sticks
used to catch fish in the river; and binukol or tikes, woven bangles, bracelets,
and armbands. Other Ata Manobo woven products are the ginuboy, a small
basket used for keeping accessories; the takudyan, a basket made from bagtok,
used for storing rice; and the opi, a basket bag made from uway, especially
used for keeping captured native chickens (Burton 2014; Abarca 2014, 10).

Pangabel is the process of weaving fibers, such as abaca hemp and cotton on
the habelan (backstrap loom). However, cultural erosion through the years has
caused these traditional weaving practices to disappear. Only a few older
women living in remote communities still possess the traditional knowledge of
cotton weaving.

The Matigsalug have a tradition of woodcarving called pangopit or panapsap.

Different kinds of wood like banati, balayong, and lawaan are carved with
designs based on creatures and objects in their immediate environment or on
stories told by community elders, and made into handles for special ceremonial
blades.

Panuwang or metal casting is a tedious and sacred craft. The artisan uses taro
(wax) to form or shape the product by attaching the beeswax extension as an
inlet for the molten metal. Metals such as aluminum, tin, silver, copper, and bits
of gold dust are melted in an angesan, a Malay forge, to make alloys. These can
be shaped into adornments and decorative items like bwadey, a solid metal
bracelet; sising (rings); babat, a hollow brass anklet with tiny metal bells;
sandag (bracelets); and saliyew (hawk bells) (Burton 2014).

Panayab is the traditional Matigsalug blacksmithing tradition, although the

practice has been largely neglected because of the increased availability of
cheaper mass-produced tools in the market. Panayab is done on the angesan,
with iron material obtained from neighboring communities (Burton 2014).

Various knives are used for household activities and farming. The ogpit is the
basic working knife, used for clearing fields, building houses, carving wood,
conducting panubad, or engaging in magahat / maghat (warfare). A variation of
the ogpit is the square-tipped kampit, used by women for weeding. The ilab is
small and crescent-shaped, used for woodcarving and cutting betel nut; the
smaller gupes and forked sinawingan are used for tattooing. Wasey (axes) are
of two kinds: lantuy for cutting deep into the trunk, and perikel for wielding like
a lumberjack axe (Burton 2014).

Other knives are used for ceremonies or other special occasions, like the the
manangkabaw, a ceremonial war knife; the kampilan,which resembles a
Maguindanaon knife; the esiro, a long knife curved like a crescent moon; the
sinangyaw, a long knife that curves upward like a kampilan, with a square or
forked tip; the lambitan, a knife that looks like the sinangyaw but does not have
a forked tip; the porok, the biggest of all Matigsalug knives, used to chop or
bash through wooden shields and armors; and the balarew, a double-edged
knife with the tip protruding at the end of the pommel.

The Ata Manobo’s tunod (bow and arrow) are of three kinds: the salupit, which
has three arrow tips and is used for hunting birds and monkeys; the ambukang,
which has two arrow tips and is used for targeting birds or persons; and the
busog, which has only one arrow tip and is used for targeting persons.
The bangkew (spear) consists of an iron point mounted on a tampakan (shaft)
made of bahi palm. There are five kinds of spears: the boriyak, the limbas, the
kalawet, the binangkow and the pojos. The boriyak, limbas, and binangkow are
used by the bagani during pangayaw. The boriyak, kalawet, and limbas have
pointed anahaw tips, while the binangkow has a pointed metal tip. The kalawet
is used for hunting deer, monkey, and wild pigs. The pojos is used for hunting
and pangayaw, as well as a cane for old men. Its pointed tip is made of anahaw
and it has a much shorter handle than the other spears.

The Matigsalug use the binaley, a short spear, for hunting, warfare, and rituals;
kummag, a “house spear” that is placed near the door of the home, for
protection against evil; deldeg, a long spear for hunting and babale (divination);
kalawit, a harpoonwith a detachable head strung to the shaft, for hunting deer
and boar; and the sacred sinipit, an ornate spear used for large rituals or as
gifts during peace settlements and payments for indemnity.

Ata Manobo Riddles

The recitation of antokon (riddles) is a popular activity among the Ata Manobo.
Riddles describe things in the environment of the community or refer to their
deities, attesting to the richness of imagination and wealth of lore of the Ata
Manobo. The following are some examples:

Dolyan ni Moibulan darowa no sugpang napuno tu

bogas. (silo-silo)
(The durian tree of Moibulan has two branches,
laden with fruit. [weeds])
Owol ko maalow lanao ko marosilim. (ikam)
(Snake at daytime, sea at night. [mat])

Bawobato no magaso ug pukootol kog susunob no

ug kitoon taro ka gusok. (pukot)
(A thin young man is a good fisherman when diving
in the sea. [fishnet])

Ug pamagoloy kag hun-a; ug pamonhit ka mohuri.

(lumansad)
(The first hunted with bows and arrows; the last one
fished. [rooster])

Daga nog kaburos, no marasig ka habot. (aguloy)

(Young maiden when pregnant uses many malong.
[corn])

Ata Manobo Stories, Myths & Legends

All Manobo groups share the epic Ulaging, also known as Uwaging or Ulahing,
which tells of the exodus of their ancestors. Genealogically, the Ata Manobo
trace their descent to Banlak, the brother of the Talaandig epic hero, Agyu
(Industan 1992, 4).

“Ka Sugilanon ni Banlak” (The Story of Banlak) tells of a Pulanguihon high priest
who preached during the time of a long dry spell. Upon the mandate of his
guardian spirit, Banlak tells the people to construct a boat because a great flood
is coming. But the people laugh at him because the current drought makes his
pronouncements seem unlikely. His brother-in-law, Boybayan, also tries to
convince people. No one listens.
 Giant under the sea with Banlak and his sister (Illustration by Benedict Reyna)

After twelve years of drought, the people are surprised when heavy rains
suddenly begin to fall. For forty months, forty days, and forty nights, the deluge
rages and submerges everything but the mountaintops. To sustain the people,
Banlak places a mound of earth near the prow of the boat, where he plants a
kawot blessed by a bantoy. Every morning, he uproots and cooks the kawot,
then plants it again so that it grows back in time for lunch, and again in time for
dinner.

Banlak constructing a boat (Illustration by Benedict Reyna)

When the flood subsides, there are only a few men left with Banlak, and they
find themselves at the mouth of the Kapalong River. The men who had not
believed in Banlak congregate around him. He tells them to live righteously, as
he will soon pass into the afterlife. Banlak proceeds to the sea as his brother-in-
law, Boybayan, takes to the skies. When Banlak reaches Liwanon at the bottom
of the sea, a giant blocks their path and demands to marry his sister Boyenan
before they can be granted passage. After Banlak agrees, he proceeds to
Liwanon, the place where there is no death.

Various parts of “Ka Sugilanon ni Banlak” tell of the origins of names and places
that the Ata Manobo occupy. For example, the river Malibuganon derived its
name from the weeds that sprouted up on the dried-up riverbed during the long
drought. The sitio called Mangutkot, meaning “dug up,” got its name from the
time that Banlak’s dog heard the sound of water rushing beneath the ground
and dug up the earth to allow the water to flow.

The Ata Manobo have stories of other characters from the Ulaging epic. There
are the tales of Tulalang who was constantly pursued by the Ikogan (tailed
men) all over Mindanao. This explains why there are so many stories of
Tulalang all over Mindanao. Tulalang managed to defeat all the Ikogan in
Ginubatan (Battlefield), where he stayed until he ascended to heaven without
passing through death. After Magbabaya took Tulalang, he left a couple in
charge to replace Tulalang; the couple produced children to create the different
tribes of Mindanao.

Tulalang pursued by Ikogan or tailed men (Illustration by Benedict Reyna)

The Talaingod have a story of how Tulalang fought Kalamkalam, a powerful

being who was leveling the mountains of Mindanao. Kalamkalam’s power came
from the saldawan bird while Tulalang’s came from Magbabaya; thus, Tulalang
was able to soundly defeat Kalamkalam. Tulalang is said to be the creator of a
mysterious spring of water on a hill to supply people during a drought; the
spring slows to a trickle during the rainy season but gushes strongly during a
drought. To date, the people still take great care of Tulalang’s water.

The Matigsalug have their Tulalang stories as well. In one narrative, Tulalang is
told by his abyan to kill all who have committed wrongdoing, including his own
cousin, Mangintalunan. After meting out this mandate, Tulalang sees that there
are no more people left. He chews on some buyo given to him by his abyan and
spits on all the dead to bring them back to life. Later stories of Tulalang reveal
his continued significance in the Manobo worldview in spite of the influx of
colonizers. In one story, Tulalang is proven as the greatest bagani when his
mark, a metal bar, floats on the waters of the Malarugaw River while an
American challenger’s mark, salapi (money coin), sinks to the bottom.

Another Ata Manobo hero is Agyu. In one story, Agyu is suffering from a disease
called ibong, which has covered him with sores and has driven everyone away
from him, including his family and wife. Instead, they ask Ulanas, his nephew,
to bring him food. One day, Agyu bids Ulanas to kill a deer and bring it to him.
The boy slaughters the deer and is surprised to find cooked rice inside. Agyu
tells him to cut out the heart and liver and serve them to his family. Once
Ulanas removes the heart, liver, and intestines, the deer comes back to life and
returns to the woods. The family refuses Agyu’s gifts because they fear that the
deer’s heart and liver may be contaminated by Agyu’s disease. Chagrined, Agyu
takes the pot and beats it as a drum. The sun rises and a sarimbar (boat)
arrives. The sarimbar travels to Sinayawan, Ginubatan, Salog, and Salangan,
taking with it 10 worthy people as it goes. Only Agyu’s followers can board the
sarimbar; those who oppose him cannot come aboard. The sarimbar hangs over
Calinan as those left behind are slaughtered by Ikogan or turned into monkeys.

The Ata Manobo have a variety of creation myths. According to one version
narrated by the baylan Libuangan Lapindoy, in the beginning, there was nothing
but space filled with clouds and mist. Out of these mists emerged three bright
things: Manama, Tahabikal, and Mandalangan. Manama, also called Monsuman
wuy Binakolan (chief and creator), decided to create the world, beginning with a
magnet that formed the foundation to keep the world from falling apart. Next,
he created the pangngirakon, a prison for those who disobey him, and the
dahat tu lihawwasan, a paradise, not of heaven but of the world, for those who
follow him. He created the pahalungan, a place where four posts hold up the
heavens, and from the same material, the sun, moon, and stars. He created the
soil and covered the world with it; out of what is left, he created the first man,
Addan, and, out of his rib, the first woman, Ebba. The center of the world that
Manama created was Mindanao, but Addan and Ebba’s children soon went on an
exodus to America, Mica, Saudi Arabia, Luzon, and Visayas, begetting
generation after generation of children in these places.
For the Matigsalug, Agyu is the creator of the first man, Wali, and the first
woman, Ilangkan. They gave birth to seven boys and seven girls who later
propagated and populated the races of the world.

In a different version of the origin narrative, Manama wove eight men, the
ancestors of the Ata Manobo, out of blades of grass. However, a great flood
carried them away and they would have perished had they not been aided and
brought home by an eagle (Tiu 2005, 242).

Ata Manobo folktales reflect their cultural values, customs, and traditions. Social
institutions such as governance, marriage, and family relationships are depicted
in these tales.

The “Sugilonon bahin ki Lungpigan” (Story of Lungpigan) tells of a boy who has
an altercation with a King, who had purposely stepped on Lungpigan’s kite while
he was playing. Angered when the boy tells him that he is ill-mannered, the
King tries to get back at Lungpigan by challenging him to make a male horse
pregnant. Lungpigan chastises the King and tells him to do good instead. The
King is impressed and offers Lungpigan his daughter’s hand in marriage.
Lungpigan marries the princess and later succeeds the King to the throne.

“Ka Balo no Duon Anak no Usa” (The Widow with a Deer-Child) narrates the
story of a woman whose husband dies before she gives birth to a deer-child.
The mother laments that she cannot eat rice because there is no man to clear
the field for her to plant in. Thus, the deer-child decides to go on a journey to
secure rice and better food. After many rejections by rice farmers, it comes
upon a hut where a brother and sister receive it warmly. During the harvest, the
siblings find out that the deer-child has magical abilities to carry large quantities
of rice in its body. One day, the young man finds out that the deer-child is
actually a beautiful young woman in a deer disguise. He steals her disguise and
hides it away. When he admits what he has done, the mother tells her daughter
that she must marry the young man so as not to be shamed.

“Bujag nu Pataanak tu Daga ” (The Old Woman and Her Daughter) tells of an
old woman who lives alone with her daughter. Because of this, the daughter
carries out the roles of a man and hunts for food for herself and her mother.
One day, a young man becomes interested in her even as she tries to fend him
off to avoid shaming herself. The young man, with his sister, makes a visit to
the old woman and her daughter, offering to take them with him to his home so
that they no longer have to live alone. The old woman bids her daughter not to
refuse him. Fetched from her house to the man’s abode, the girl has no choice
but to love and marry him.

“Dagan a Maghahabol” (The Lady Weaver) is a story of a woman who one day
receives a strange omen through an alimukon. The omen comes to fruition
when, after fetching water from a well, she returns home to find a man sobbing
by her loom and asking her for a piglet. She makes excuses to leave the house
and tells her comb and water container to fend him off so that she can run
away. The man then turns into a night creature and starts to chase after her.
The woman tries to get help from various forest creatures to escape, but to no
avail. Finally, she comes upon a young man who falls in love with her and begs
her not to run off. He kills the night creature easily with a magical bow and
arrow. The woman feels suspicious of the man’s intentions and he eventually
confesses that he had been the one who set the events in motion so that she
would marry him. Despite her better judgment, she consents to marry him.

The Ata Manobo have stories of a trickster named Datu Kulukog, who tends to
show up in stories about outside forces that bring peril to their society. In one
story, the Americans arrive supposedly to preach good news; they build a house
and invite people to come and leave behind all their belongings. Kulukog’s
abyan, the kakkak (guardian spirit), tells him to dig a hole because a calamity is
coming. When everyone is inside, the Americans spray poisonous smoke into
the house, killing everyone inside except Kulukog, who escapes on the advice of
his guardian spirit. In another story, the Ikogan are conducting military
operations that result in numberless killings. To retaliate, Wulo tricks the Ikogan
by baiting them with fake news of Datu Kulukog, whom the Ikogan are seeking.
Wulo tricks them into the dangerous parts of the river where the currents are
strong. All the Ikogan, except for one woman, are carried off and fall into the
waterfalls to their death.

Ata Manobo Songs, Dances and Rituals

Songs, dances, and rituals are important aspects of the lives of many
indigenous peoples. The Ata Manobo, too, have many opad (songs). Some are
meant to be sung during the day, such as the inongajon, panig-ab, indakol,
palondag, and babayako, while others are meant to be sung at night, such as
the tud-om and sugilon. The Ulaging may be sung anytime by anyone in the
community.

Ata Manobo couple playing a bamboo zither, left, and a two-stringed lute, 1990 (CCP
Collections)

The limbay is a lullaby sung by mothers to put babies to sleep. The ingkakak is
a song sung to entertain children. It is about a funny man who is always bitten
by vermin, animals, and insects wherever he goes. Because he cannot fight
them, he simply resigns himself to letting all these bothersome elements bite
him. Another song for children is the ololok, about a hunter named Ololok who
hunts a pig through the forest. He ties the pig to carry it on his back, but the
vine that he uses does not serve him well, and the pig keeps falling. Finally, he
simply uses his hair to tie the pig in place. The ugongan is an improvised song
based on current events or happenings. It may also be used to court a girl.
The musical instruments of the Ata Manobo are similar to those of other lumad
groups in Mindanao. Percussive instruments include the agong, the gimbal, the
tagotong, and the bangkakaw. The agong or gong is the most common, coming
in variable sizes and used mainly to provide rhythm to a dance or to accompany
other instruments. The gimbal is a drum with a round body made of bahi, a kind
of hardy palm tree, and with the top and bottom covered with dried deerskin or
goatskin. The tagotong is a meter’s length of hollowed-out bamboo, beaten with
sticks to provide rhythmic sounds. The bangkakaw, which is now rare, is a
hollowed-out tree trunk placed upside down and struck by one or two pestles
called ando to produce sound to accompany a lumad dance.

The Ata Manobo also have a variety of string instruments. The kudlong is a two-
foot stretch of bamboo with six thin strings carved out of the bark of the same
bamboo. The sawroy / saluroy is a guitarlike musical instrument with two
strings, much like a takumbo, except that the takumbo is made of bamboo. Ata
Manobo also use a kagot, a violinlike instrument with strings made of abaca
fiber.

Wind instruments are used for celebrations, dances, and community gatherings.
The sagoysoy (small flute) and the pwondag (big flute) are played at many
assemblies and events. The kubing is a popular instrument for accompaniment.
It is a small, thin, bamboo slat that is pointed at one end. It is played by
blowing controlled wind through the player’s mouth over a slit in the middle of
the slat, while the player gently taps at one end to produce varying sounds.

Talaingod ensemble, with drum and agung (Felicidad A. Prudente Photo Collection)
Ata Manobo dances build on basic steps and movements: The hag-ot is a pulling
or heaving movement; banloy is the swaying of the hips; kuddol is the bending
of the knees; and takurang, which is the stamping of feet, imitates the grinding
of rice and corn.

The aabaka, bangkakow, and inamungan are occupational dances that mimic
community members at work. The bangkakow, also called a log dance, is
danced to ask for Manama’s blessing during harvest. It is performed by four
females in a rhythmic, circular dance motion while two males tap at the
bangkakow with pestles. Aabaka is a dance that imitates the pulling out of the
abaca trunk, a move called hag-ot, and is typically performed during the
harvesting of abaca. A variant is the abakahan, performed by both men and
women whose movements imitate the stripping of fiber from the abaca plant.
The pupolod is danced before a tree-felling activity, and the inamungan is a
harvest dance performed during the rice harvest season.

The bangkakawan or bangkakaw was originally conducted during fishing

activities. The log instrument used is made from the hollow trunk of a tree,
which is suspended between two poles with rattan strips. Wooden sticks are
used to pound on the log and create a beat. To the sound of the
bangkakaw,men and women dance while mimicking the fish swimming in the
water, while others imitate the gestures of trying to catch or spear the fish.

Ritual dances performed by the baylan are the gimukudan, to revive or

reawaken the gimukodor soul of one who has died, and the binaylan, to call
upon a deity. The pungko is a dance depicting a person with a disability,
performed to ask for Manama’s miraculous healing. Saot is a war dance offered
to the deity Mandalangan. The natarin is performed to express grief and
mourning because someone has passed away or something has been lost.

Social gatherings are occasions for boisterous, sometimes humorous, communal

dances. The kalasag is a war dance performed by two male dancers, depicting a
fight scene using a bangkaw or tabalo (arrow) and kalasag (shield). The
tagudturan is a dance performed to a fast beat by one female and one male
dancer. The Ata Manobo’s courtship dance, the pulutawi, imitates the
movement of birds as they fly, hop, and mate with each other. Dances imitating
creatures in the environment are the pangobal (monkey dance) and the
binakbak (frog dance).

The Ata Manobo regularly commune with the deities through prayer-rituals
conducted by the baylan or the datu of the community through the panubad or
pangapog. Poghinang is a thanksgiving rite for significant occasions such as
pogharay (rice harvest), sunggod to kamanga (swidden rites), and ogkalomidka
mongo suwod (family or clan reunions). It is usually a festive, two-day ritual.
On the first day, a slightly raised platform called dogbahan with a makeshift
altar called angkow is constructed and decorated with young buds of the
coconut and carvings. The dancing of the baylan, possessed by a bantoy, begins
the ceremony. On the second day, a pig is placed on the dogbahanas an
offering to the deities. Later, the pig is cooked, along with other prayer-
offerings, in a huge feast.

In pre-swidden rites, seeds, seedlings, and other farming implements are placed
at the center of the kaingin area, prayed over, and offered to the gods. A
chicken or pig is also slaughtered in the center of the clearing, its blood
smeared on the four corners of the kaingin.

A pogpongapog is a prayer-ritual for good harvest, good health, or

thanksgiving. Among the Ata Manobo, harvesting is done as a community in the
tradition of parula or bayanihan. Before the harvest starts, the baylan offers
broiled chicken to the deities in thanksgiving. The first grains or cobs are also
usually given as prayer offerings in a haray (thanksgiving ritual).

A panubad is undertaken by bagani before a pangayaw. The baylan invokes the

guidance of the deity Mandalangan to grant them courage and success in their
endeavor. The bagani then drink the fresh blood of a slaughtered chicken or pig,
or eats the animal’s liver, because they believe it infuses them with the
boldness and fierceness of the blood spirit tagbusaw.

Pangujab is performed on a person with an illness. The baylan invokes Manama

or Magbubuot for healing while sweeping a slaughtered chicken, its wings
spread out, over the head of the patient and around the patient’s body. This
may also be performed to prevent sickness, to drive away evil spirits, or to
ensure good luck and the endowment of blessings.

Pogsusugoy is a ritual before the hunter goes on an expedition. An egg and

three slices of betel nut, along with some condiments for mama or betel chew,
are placed on a small plate and offered to the deities Solokon and Talabobong in
the yard in front of the hunter’s hut. Buyo leaves are placed on the stairs or by
the door of the house to ward off the negative energies. The objects are
removed only after the first catch has been trapped or three days after the
hunter returns without any game.

During the installation of a new datu, the baylan starts the rites through the
prayer-offering of a pig, betel nuts, and mamaon (bowkan leaves) to the deity
Tagonliyag. The new igbujag no datu formally announces his assumption of
leadership by donning the tangkolo, the headdress that symbolizes the datu’s
authority. Datus from neighboring communities grace the occasion and offer
blessings and inspiring speeches to the new datu, after which there is singing
and dancing, and the bagani performs the war dance. The whole affair ends
with a sumptuous feast.

The Ata Manobo as Featured in Films and Media

Mindanao filmmaker Hugh Montero has produced two films depicting the
struggle of the lumad to defend their right to education. Pahiyum ni Boye
(Boye’s Smile), 2014, follows the story of a Manobo girl whose poverty forces
her to drop out of school. Subsequently, the lumad community works to build
its own school. Pakot (Wild Boar), 2015, a continuation of Pahiyum, is the story
of a non-lumad schoolteacher who dedicates her life to teaching children in the
hinterlands. It won Best Film in the 11th Mindanao Film Festival.

Habi Arts: Habi ng Kalinangan produced Pangandoy: The Manobo Fight for
Land, Education, and Their Future, 2015, a short film by Hiyas Saturay,
covering the indigenous peoples’ struggle for land and education during the
filmmaker’s three-month stay in Mindanao and immersion in Talaingod
communities.

GMA Network Davao covered the Talaingod exodus in a short documentary

titled “Lipunon te Talaingod,” 2015, for the program Isyu Mindanao, written and
reported by John Paul S. Seniel.

Kilab Multimedia, an online-based alternative media outfit, focuses on political

issues in Mindanao. It has produced short documentaries about the Talaingod’s
plight, such as Defend Talaingod: The Lumads’ Quest for Justice (2014). As a
media team, Kilab followed the caravan of lumad evacuees from Mindanao to
Manila in the Manilakbayan 2015. One of their videos on YouTube is a feature of
the woman chieftain Bai Bibiyaon Ligkayan Bigkay, who railed against North
Cotabato Congresswoman Nancy Catamco for attempting to have the lumad
evacuees evicted from their evacuation camp in UCCP Haran in Davao City. The
outraged chieftain called out Catamco for breaking her word and reminded
Catamco of their exchange of gifts when the congresswoman gave the Manobo
children schoolbags and she, in turn, gave a gift of beaded necklaces. She calls
for the disarming of the paramilitary group Alamara, whose activities have
prevented them from returning to their homeland.
Kilab Multimedia’s Defend Talaingod: The Lumad’s Quest for Justice, a short documentary on the Talaingod’s plight,
2014 (Kilab Multimedia)

Talaingod kudlong players and the fierce Bae Bibiyaon Bigkay have collaborated
with various artists like Gary Granada, Bayang Barrios, Cookie Chua, Lolita
Carbon, Brownman Revival, and Gloc-9, for the music video, “Mindanaw,” 2015,
directed by King Catoy. “Salupongan,” 2016, directed by Carlitos Siguion-
Reyna, is a collaboration of over a hundred artists and musical groups, such as
John Arcilla, Aiza Seguerra, Isay Alvarez, Robert Seña, Mae Paner, Christopher
de Leon, Edgar Mortiz, Bimbo Cerrudo, Cris Villonco, Lorenz Martinez, Myke
Salomon, Baihana, Patatag, UP Cherubim and Seraphim, and Coro de Sta.
Cecilia. Both songs are gestures of solidarity with the lumad in their struggle for
land and for just and lasting peace.

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