Herrman (2009) - Hyperides Funeral Oration
Herrman (2009) - Hyperides Funeral Oration
Herrman (2009) - Hyperides Funeral Oration
.
Letters that partially survive, but for which alter-
native readings are possible.
[] Letters that are not now preserved on the papyrus,
but which the editor believes the scribe wrote.
Letters that the editor believes were mistakenly
omitted by the scribe.
{} Letters that the editor believes were mistakenly
written by the scribe.
]j Letters that were written and deleted by the scribe.
'' Letters written by the scribe above the line
(whether over a scribal erasure or as an abbrevia-
tion).
Letters (in 78) that were seen by Babington
and appear in his facsimile (Babington 1858), but
which have since been lost. See the note on 78
under [] . . . [].
[ The point at which a new papyrus column begins;
the column number appears as a Roman numeral
in the inner margin.
|
5
The point at which a new line of the papyrus be-
34 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
gins; every fth line is numbered.
1 Numbered sections of the speech begin at sense
breaks (the start of a new sentence or clause) and
are indicated in the outer margins.
For bibliographic information on the editors listed in the apparatus, see
pp. xiixiv.
The following notation systemis used to indicate words and phrases
that are in doubt in the translation.
abc Material that is only partially preserved on the pa-
pyrus, the restoration of which is highly likely.
[abc] Material restored by modern conjecture and more
subject to doubt.
[ ] Lost text; the reader may consult the Greek text to
determine the length of the lacuna.
1 Numbered sections of the speech begin at sense
breaks (the start of a new sentence or clause) and
are indicated in the outer margins.
Text and Translation
Fragment 1a
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Fragment 1b
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1257 P. Lit. Lond. 133 = Brit. Mus. inv. 98 (Pack 1965, 1236)
1 fragmentum ponendum est in col. XI aut post col. XIII, cf. p. 27 2 -
Babington 3 Cobet et Sauppe 56 Colin,
Kenyon 6 Bcheler, Colin
Babington 67 ( . . .
Colin) Bcheler,
( Jensen ap. Hess) Sudhaus 78
Bcheler, Sudhaus 8 Bcheler
Colin 9 Bcheler 910 Jensen
seq. Blass
Text and Translation 37
Fragment 1a
[ ] other [ ] many [ ]
Fragment 1b
As for the speech that will be be spoken [over] this grave [con- 1
cerning] Leosthenes the general and the others who have died
with him in the war, time is a witness to the fact that they were
noble men. Time, which [ ] the deeds [ ] men, [ ] has
never seen more noble [ nor in] all eternity [should it be
thought] that there have been [either better] men than those who
38 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
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10 Blass Jensen 11 Cobet 1213 . . . Cobet
13 Sudhaus 16 Sauppe 26 rest. Cobet,
Sauppe 29 tv p, Cobet 30
Babington 31 Babington 32 Blass, Jensen,
Kenyon 33 Cobet, Jensen Blass,
Sitzler 3334 Blass,
Jensen 34 ( van Herwerden) Bcheler,
Jensen 35 Blass Cobet
37 Piccolomini 38 Jensen Kaibel 3839
. . . Blass
Text and Translation 39
have died or more generous achievements. [For this reason] too 2
especially, I [am now anxious] that my speech may appear infe-
rior to their accomplishments. But then again I nd condence
in the fact that you, the audience, will supply whatever details I
omit. For I do not address just any audience, no, I speak before
men who are themselves witnesses to the deeds of those men.
Our city deserves to be praised because of its policy, for making 3
decisions that were similar, and yet even more honorable and
noble than its earlier accomplishments, and the dead deserve
praise for their courage in war, for not dishonoring the virtuous
acts of their ancestors. The general Leosthenes deserves praise
on both counts: he initiated the policy for the city and he was
appointed leader of the expedition for the citizens.
As for the city, there is not enough time now to survey in- 4
dividually its earlier [accomplishments throughout] all Greece
nor does this occasion call for a long speech. And its not easy
for one man alone to narrate and call to mind deeds so numer-
ous and so great. But I will not refrain from speaking about the
city summarily. Just as the sun goes over all the world, deter- 5
mining the seasons appropriately and establishing [all] the right
conditions, supplying reasonable and fair-minded humans with
birth and [sustenance] and [crops] and all other things needed
for life, in the same way too our city continuously punishes the
wicked, [gives aid] to the just, [dispenses] equality instead of
injustice to all, and provides [universal safety] to the Greeks at
40 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
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40 Babington 41 Babington
Babington 4142 Blass 42 Kayser to p,
Mller Babington 43 Sauppe
4344 Babington, add. Colin 44 Cobet 45 txoc:o
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p;
Babington, cf. Dem. 60.12 46 Schaefer ap. Babington 50 :ou
Xoyou totoutvov p, Cobet 5253 parvula fragmenta deest;
cf. comm. ad 78 55 rest. Babington, ttt6t p 56 Jensen,
Levi Babington 57 Babington 58 y[tvov]:ot p,
corr. Sauppe 61 Babington 66 Kenyon 70 Schfer
Text and Translation 41
its own [risk] and expense.
As for the public [deeds of the] city as [I said, I will re- 6
frain from detailing them]. Instead I will now focus my speech
on Leosthenes and the [others. Now] where should I begin [my
speech]; what should I bring up rst? Should I discuss in detail
the ancestry of each of them? No, I suppose that is facile. If I 7
were praising some other people, who came from many places
to settle one city, each contributing a different heritage to the
mix, then I would need to trace the background of each, man by
man. But since I am speaking about Athenian men, who, thanks
to their common origin in their birth from the land itself, have
unsurpassable nobility, I believe that praising the ancestors in-
dividually is beside the point. Should I mention their education, 8
and how they were raised and educated in great moderation
when they were children, as [some] are accustomed to [do]?
But I suppose [everyone] knows that we educate our children
[with this goal], that they may become brave men. Since these
men were distinguished in wartime virtue, it is obvious that they
were taught well as children. I think therefore it is simplest to 9
narrate their courage in war, and how they were responsible for
many benets to their fatherland and to the other Greeks.
I will begin rst with the general, as is right. Leosthenes saw 10
all of Greece humbled and cowering [so to speak], destroyed by
men working against their own fatherland and accepting bribes
from Philip and Alexander. When he saw that our city needed
a man, and all Greece needed a city that would be able to take
a position as leader, for the sake of freedom he offered himself
42 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
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71 Kayser tv tvou:ov p, corr. Babington 73 Babington
78 Spengel 89 Jensen Blass 90 Babington
Mller 91 Babington Babington 96 Xtoc0tvg
tv tyxo p, corr. Sauppe 98 Babington 103 Sauppe
Text and Translation 43
to his native city, and his city to the Greeks. After he raised a 11
mercenary force and was appointed general of the citys troops,
he defeated the rst opponents to the freedomof the Greeks, the
Boeotians, Macedonians, and Euboeans and their other allies,
at a battle in Boeotia.
From there he went to Thermopylae and occupied the pass, 12
through which the barbarians had marched against the Greeks
also before. He deniedAntipater entry into Greece, and after the
confrontation and victory there, he shut Antipater in at Lamia
and laid siege to the place. He enlisted the Thessalians, the Pho- 13
cians and the Aetolians and all the others in that region as al-
lies, and over those whom Philip and Alexander proudly com-
manded against their will, over those Leosthenes took com-
mand according to their will. But although he was able to master
any situation he chose, he could not prevail over fate. It is right 14
not only to always thank Leosthenes rst for what he did, but
also for the battle which was fought later after his death, and
for the [other] benets that came out of this campaign for the
Greeks. For on the foundations laid down by Leosthenes the
survivors build their future achievements.
No one should assume that I take no account of the other 15
citizens, [but instead] eulogize Leosthenes alone. My praise of
Leosthenes [in] these battles is also a eulogy for the others citi-
zens. For just as good planning depends on the general, so vic-
tory in the eld comes from those willing to risk their lives. As
a result, whenever I praise the victorious outcome, along with
the leadership of Leosthenes I also eulogize the virtue of the
other men. Who would not rightly praise the citizens who died 16
in the war and gave up their lives for the freedomof the Greeks?
They believed that the clearest proof of their willingness to pro-
44 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
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118125 Harp. s.v. : ,
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107 Babington 108 Sauppe 110 Sauppe 111 -
Sauppe Sauppe 118 Cobet 120 cuvptpgxtt p, corr.
Babington 122 Sauppe 127 ou6tvoc p, corr. Babington 132 Blass
133 Sauppe 140141 sequor p et Sauppe; ,
Jensen
Text and Translation 45
vide freedom to Greece was dying for it in battle. The fact that 17
their prior battle took place in Boeotia contributed greatly to
their eagerness to ght for Greece. For they saw the city of
Thebes pitiably obliterated from human society, its acropolis
garrisoned by the Macedonians, the bodies of the inhabitants
enslaved and others parceling out the land. As a result, the pres-
ence of these terrible sights before their eyes provided them
with the unwavering courage to risk their lives readily.
The battle that took place near Thermopylae and Lamia 18
proved to be no less glorious for them than that which they
fought in Boeotia, not only because they defeated Antipater
and his allies, but also because of the place, that is that
the battle happened there. All the Greeks who arrive at the
Amphictyonic meeting twice a year will be observers of the
accomplishments of these men. And as they assemble at that
place they will recall their virtue. None of those who came 19
before ever fought for more noble goals or against stronger
adversaries, or with fewer allies, judging that virtue was
strength and that couragebut not just a great number of
individual bodieswas mass. They made freedom a common
possession for everyone, but they offered the glory that came
from their deeds as a private crown for their fatherland.
Now it is worthwhile to consider also what we suppose 20
would have happened if they had not fought dutifully. Wouldnt
the whole world be subject to one master and wouldnt Greece
be forced to treat his whim as law? In short, the insolence of
Macedon, and not the power of justice, would prevail every-
where. As a result, the abuse of each and every woman, maiden,
46 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
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168170 Stob. 4.23.35: [Hyperides] , -
sub capite .
142 :ov p, corr. Babington Cobet, Sauppe, Kayser 145
Cobet 146 Cobet 152 Babington 153 : p, Babington 155 -
del. Cobet 158 tvgxtvot p, corr. Babington 167168 Fritzsche,
Jensen, Blass pos. lac. post
169 : Stobaeus
Text and Translation 47
and even every child, would be unceasing. That is clear from 21
what we are compelled to do and what exists even now: to look
not only upon sacrices performed for mortals, but also upon
statues, altars, and temples hardly celebrated in the case of the
gods while carefully so for men and at the same time we our-
selves are compelled to honor their slaves as heroes. When the 22
rites owed to the gods have been abrogated by the boldness
of the Macedonians, what must we expect for the social cus-
toms of human society? Wouldnt they have been completely
destroyed? The more frightening we judge these expectations
would be, the more praise we must believe the dead deserve.
No campaign revealed the soldiers virtue better than this one, 23
during which it was necessary to go into battle every day, to
ght more battles in one season than the number of blows which
all others had suffered in times gone by, and to endure harsh
storms and such great shortages of daily supplies with so much
self-control that it is difcult to convey even in words.
Considering that Leosthenes persuaded the citizens to en- 24
dure so many hardships without hesitation, and that they of-
fered themselves eagerly as fellow ghters alongside such a
great general, must they not be regarded as fortunate because of
their display of virtue, rather than unfortunate because of their
loss of life? These men acquired immortal glory for the price of
a mortal body and with their own individual virtue they secured
common freedom for the Greeks. [Nothing] provides complete 25
happiness in the absence of independence. For it is not the threat
of a man, but rather the voice of law, that must have authority
over people, if they are to be happy. Nor should an accusation
cause fear among free men, but rather proof. Nor should the
safety of the citizens depend upon those who atter their mas-
ters and slander their fellowcitizens, but rather upon faith in the
law. For all these reasons they performed labor after labor and 26
48 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
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180 Cobet 183 Sauppe 184 Cobet
Babington 189190 toov _povot p, corr. Babington 191192 ooot p post
corr., oogv p ante corr.; Cobet, (aut ) . . .
Babington 193 Cobet 200201 ; Sauppe 201
Babington 201202
Jensen 202203 Sauppe
203204 ,
Radermacher 204205
Sauppe
Text and Translation 49
with their daily risks they lessened the fears for all time of the
citizens and the Greeks. They gave up their lives so that others
could live well. Because of them their fathers have become fa- 27
mous and their mothers are admired among the citizens. Their
sisters have justly entered into suitable marriages according to
the law and will continue to do so. The children of these men
who have diedno, it is not right to use that term for men who
lost their lives ghting on behalf of such a noble causerather,
of men who have exchanged life for a perpetual position, will
have their virtue as an asset for the good will of the people. If 28
death, which is most grievous for others, has been the founda-
tion of great advantages for them, how can we not judge them
fortunate, and how can we say that they have lost their lives,
instead of saying that they have been born anew in a better
birth than than their rst? Then they were senseless children,
but now they have become brave men. And then they displayed 29
their virtue over a long period of time and amid many perils,
but now as a result of this [ ] become known to everyone
and remembered for their courage.
On what occasion will we not recall the virtue of these men? 30
In what place will we not see them as the object of pride and
esteemed praise? Will they not come to mind if the city does
well? The things that were accomplished because of them will
cause what other men than these to be praised and remembered?
Perhaps they wont be remembered by those who are individ-
ually prosperous? Well, we will safely enjoy those successes
thanks to the virtue of these men. In the eyes of what genera- 31
tion will they not be blessed? [ ] among the [ ] fearless
[ ] life [ ] to have become [ ] because of them? [
among] their peers? [ ] death [ ] nobly [ ] by far [ ]
has [ among the] youth [ ] not the [ ] will be eager 32
50 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
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205206 Blass 206207
Jensen 207
Jensen 208210
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; Colin 210211
. . . Kenyon 211
Cobet 212213
Colin 213216
,
; Cobet
216 Babington aut
Cobet 220 Xoyotc p, emend. Babington 223 oot0o p, corr. Shilleto 223224 o:ov
X. p ( in rasura), corr. Shilleto 224225 6tgyoptvov xoXoutvouc p,
Cobet 225 ttt c:p'o':ttov c:pocov:[
.
]c p, emend. Babington
Text and Translation 51
[ ] example [ ] the virtue [ ], not [ ] to [ ] them
[ ]. Who [ ] Greek [ ] of the things [ ] among [ ] 33
of the Phrygians [ ] praise the campaign [ ] but of the [
] to all [with speeches and] songs to praise [ ] Both [ ] 34
about Leosthenes [ ] and of those [ ] in war [ ] for the
sake of pleasure [ ] [such great] feats of daring [ ] what
would be sweeter for the Greeks [than ] of those [ ] free-
dom [ ]? If such a [ ] was [motivated by advantage], what
speech would confer more advantage on the souls of those who
will hear it than one which eulogizes virtue and brave men?
And, while it is clear from these points that they must be 35
honored by us and all who come after us, its worthwhile to
consider who will welcome their leader in Hades. Dont we
suppose that we would see some of the so-called [demi-gods],
the ones who fought in the struggle against Troy, welcoming
and admiring Leosthenes? Although he had accomplished
deeds akin to theirs, he greatly surpassed them, since they,
with the help of all Greece, captured only one city, while he,
with the help of his native city alone, brought down the entire
52 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
| [] | []
.
36 |[] . |
30
[] | [] 230
|[]
.
, |[] -
| [] |
35
[] |[]
|[] . | []
37 | [], |
40
[]
|[] , | [] |
.
235
|
.
[,
.
[] | XIII
| | ,
38
.
|
5
| ,
.
| | , |
|
10
| , 240
| . | |
|
15
, |
| .
39 | |
|
20
, | 245
|,
.
| {}
{} | |
25
|, | |
.
.
.
|
|
30
,
.
| . 250
.
|
.
.
|,
40 | . |
35
|
.
| , -
| | ,
.
|
40
.
.
| 255
, | |
.
| [ ]
Fragment 2
41
-
258277 Stob. 4.56.36
233 Kayser 238 Blass 244 Babington 246247 ou0tvouc ou:oc
ou:otc otxtto:tpouc uttv ttvot p, corr. Blass,
Sauppe, ( Post) Kenyon,
Colin
Text and Translation 53
ruling power of Europe and Asia. They came to the defense of 36
one women who had been violated, but he, together with these
men now being buried with him, prevented the violence that
threatened all the women of Greece. As for those who lived 37
after these men, whose accomplishments were worthy of their
ancestors virtue, I mean those who fought with Miltiades and
Themistocles and the rest, the ones who by freeing Greece
conferred honor on their native city, and who made their own
lives glorious, this man greatly excelled them in courage and 38
cunning, since they warded off the barbarian force when it
was already invading, while he did not allow it even to enter.
Furthermore, they looked upon the enemy ghting on the
home front, but he prevailed over his adversaries on their own
ground.
I think that even those two who showed their mutual friend- 39
ship most rmly to the people, I mean Harmodius and Aristogi-
ton, consider nobody to be as closely related to them as Leo-
sthenes and his fellow combatants. There are not any others
with whom they would prefer to associate in Hades. Rightly
so, since Leosthenes and his men achieved no less than those
two. In fact, if it must be said, these men attained even greater
achievements. Those two destroyed the tyrants of their native
city, but these men destroyed the tyrants of all Greece. How no- 40
ble and unbelievable was the bravery exercised by these men,
how glorious and magnicent was the choice which they made,
how excellent was their virtue and courage in danger, which
they offered for the common freedom of the Greeks! [ ]
Fragment 2
It is perhaps difcult to console those who are so bereaved. Your 41
grief is not eased by a speech or a custom. Instead your individ-
54 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
, - 260
.
,
,
42 . -
, . 265
,
. -
,
. , -
. 270
43 , -
,
-
,
, - 275
.
Fragmentum dubium
273277 . . . Maximus 932c, non recte attribut. ad
278 Poll. 2.14 = Hyp. fr. 221: [] .
261 Sauppe 264 Leopardi, codd. 274
Maximus 275 Toup et Cobet, aut codd. 276 :
[Fuhr] sequens Plut. Thes. 33; aut aut codd.
277 aut codd.
Text and Translation 55
ual nature and your love for the deceased denes the limits of
your grief. Even so, you must be courageous and control your
grief as much as you can, and think not only of their death, but
also of the virtue which they have left behind. Although their 42
sufferings are worthy of lamentations, their deeds are worthy of
great praises. Although they did not live to see old age in this
life, they have gained ageless glory and have become blessed in
every respect. For those who died without children, the praise
of the Greeks will serve as immortal offspring. As for those
who left behind children, the good will of their native city will
act as a guardian for them. In addition, if death is similar to not 43
existing, then they are released from sicknesses and suffering
and the other things which trouble mortal lives. If there is con-
sciousness in Hades and the dead enjoy the care of the divine, as
we suppose, then it is likely that those who defended the honors
of the gods when they were under attack will receive the utmost
attention and care from the divinity.
Possible Fragment
ageless time
This page intentionally left blank
Commentary
Fragment 1a. On this small piece of unplaced papyrus see p. 27.
12. Blass (1894, xv and 78) ingeniously recognized that two separate
fragments of the papyrus should be combined to create one column.
Previous editors treated these two pieces as parts of separate columns,
which would require that a full column of text is completely missing
between sections 1 and 2. All editors since Blass have accepted this
join. The introductory nature of the general content and the complete
sentence beginning with indicates that this joined column is the
rst of the speech. The rst fragment has no surviving margin on the
left side, while the second fragment has a left margin of less than a cen-
timeter from lines 24 to 34. The join occurs in the last word of section
1, ][, more generous: the rst piece ends with
.
,
and the second begins
.
.
. I have examined the two pieces under a
microscope and the vertical papyrus bers conrm the join with near
certainty. Unfortunately, the mounting of the papyrus prevents an ex-
amination of the astrological text on the recto for further conrmation.
The most recent editors of the horoscope (Neugebauer and Van Hoe-
sen 1959, no. 95) also accept the join, and although they thank T. C.
Skeat, then curator of papyri at the British Museum, for information on
the papyrus, their text and notes indicate that they have no readings for
whatever writing may be hidden by the mounting.
1, 1 [ ] [ . The atypi-
cal nature of Hyperides speech is signaled in the rst sentence. Unlike
other orators, who refer to funeral orations of the past (cf. the note be-
57
58 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [1]
low on 8 under ]), Hyperides starts right off with a consid-
eration of how he will treat his subject, whom he specically names.
None of the other funeral orations name the dead at all, but the speeches
were delivered at the grave, where the public monument (dmosion
sma) included a list of the fallen (Paus. 1.29.13 refers to the grave
for Leosthenes and his men; see also Clairmont 1983, 219 and Pritch-
ett 19711991, IV: 227228). Other orations avoid naming the dead
and they specically promise to treat their subject traditionally (Thuc.
2.35.1, Lys. 2.2, Dem. 60.1; Ziolkowski 1981, 6465). They usually re-
fer to previous speakers and the ancestral custom (patrios nomos) of
the oration (Thuc. 2.35.1, Pl. Mx. 236d, Dem. 60.2; Ziolkowski 1981,
67).
2 ] []. The general of the Lamian
War who is praised in this speech should probably be identied with an
epigraphically attested near contemporary Athenian of the same name.
Our general, whose patronymic and deme are unknown (Diod. Sic.
17.111.3 and Paus. 1.25.5 simply describe him as an Athenian, -
), is likely Leosthenes, son of Leosthenes of Kephal (-
, Kirchner 1901, nos. 9142, 9144; Davies
1971, no. 9142; Osborne and Byrne 1994, s.v. no. 6), who appears in
two inscriptions of the 320s. In one he is listed as a general, the strat-
gos epi ti chri (Reinmuth 1971, no. 15 = Archaiologik Ephmeris
(1918) 73100 nos. 9597), and in the other he is named as a recent
trierarch who had died in 323/322 (IG II
2
1631, lines 601604). For
discussion on the question of whether the epigraphic Leosthenes was
the general of the Lamian War, see Tracy 1995, 2426 (who accepts the
identication), and Jaschinski 1981, 5154, Bosworth 1988, 29394,
Habicht 1997, 3435, and Faraguna 2003, 129 (who believe that the
Lamian War general held no earlier ofcial appointment). The general
Leosthenes was killed by a slingers stone during an engagement at the
siege at Lamia in the winter of 323/322 according to Diod. Sic. 18.13.5
(cf. Just. 13.5.12, with OLDs.v. telum2c); on the importance of slingers
to both sides during a siege, see Pritchett 19711991, V: 5758 (with
20 on Leosthenes).
We also have some details regarding his family. A recently
published inscription introduces us to Leosthenes sister Philoumene
(Matthaiou 1994, 175182) and Davies (1971, 342343 no. 9142) has
suggested that our Leosthenes was the son of the man (Kirchner 1901,
no. 9141, Osborne and Byrne 1994, s.v. no. 5) who was condemned for
treason (Hyp. Eux. 1, Hansen 1975, 95 no. 88) and exiled fromAthens
[1] Commentary 59
after his defeat at the hands of Alexander of Pherae in Peparethos in
361 (Diod. Sic. 15.95.2; see also Sealey 1993, 92 and Develin 1989,
268). The elder Leosthenes lived out the rest of his life in Macedonia
(Aesch. 2.21, with the scholia, and 124).
5 [ ]. On this common phrase, see below on 8 under
[].
59 [ . . . ] . Hess (1938, 3) combines many of the earlier
proposals to print a readable text:
,
. . . (the
best witness is time, which preserves their deeds for praise, deeds bet-
ter than which no man has ever before seen, so that it is impossible
to believe that there were in all eternity either better men than those
who have died or more magnicent deeds). Numerous reconstructions
have been proposed (see the apparatus and appendix B), but the text
cannot be fully recovered. The orator appears to be emphasizing that
the achievements of the dead set them apart from all of their predeces-
sors. Other epitaphioi describe the dead as part of a long tradition of
Athenian greatness (Lys. 2.366, Pl. Mx. 239a246b, Dem. 60.611),
but both here and in his conclusion Hyperides rejects the traditional
narrative of Athenian history and emphasizes the superiority of his sub-
jects (cf. 38: , excelled).
6 ]
.
[
. . . .
. Traces of a letter survive before the lacuna. Asingle
vertical stroke may be an iota, or could perhaps be the leftmost portion
of a sigma. The stroke is not curved, but the scribe sometimes writes
sigmas with a straight left edge. However that type of sigma tends to be
smaller in height than this stroke, and the surviving trace seems more
compatible with an iota than a sigma.
78
.
[
. .
] [. There is a small trace of a vertical
stroke after the rst omega, which appears to suit Sudhaus nu better
than Bchelers sigma. But Sudhaus relative pronoun requires a verb,
which is difcult to t in the lacuna. He makes space by deleting the ar-
ticle from Bchelers restoration . The phrase () -
is not very frequent in the TLG, but those usages usually include the
article (ve instances with the article, one without). Bchelers
seems preferable in sense, but the vertical trace of ink after the omega,
although too minute to be certainly incompatible with a sigma, dictates
caution.
60 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [1]
8 []. The restoration (suggested by Bcheler) is uncertain, but
it ts the physical gap and the sense well. Hyperides also uses the same
verbal adjective again later in the speech (24).
9 []. Bchelers restoration ts the gap perfectly and makes
excellent sense. The comparative adjective is parallel to the following
][ (more generous), and the tone is consistent
with the emphasis on the superiority of the campaign elsewhere in the
speech (see above p. 22). The two noun phrases coordinated by
. . . form an attractive chiasmus.
10 ][. Aristotle discusses the ethical quality of
megaloprepeia in his Nicomachean Ethics, where he associates this
characteristic with nancial expenditure and situates it as a middle
ground between excessive spending and stinginess (Arist. EN 1122a
181123a 33; cf. Dover 1974, 194). In the epitaphioi the adjective
is used to describe the soldiers sacrice on the eld (here and 40),
as a result of which they receive a generous burial,
(Pl. Mx. 234c; Socrates is speaking before beginning Aspasias
epitaphios and uses the term to sum up the whole public ceremony, not
just the actual burial). The burial ceremony is described as payment
of the debt owed to the soldiers who valued the city of Athens more
than their own personal security. Megaloprepeia was one of the
virtues that motivated Athenian aristocrats to participate in liturgies.
Here, as elsewhere (see the note on 7 under
on autochthony and eugeneia), the deeds of the fallen soldiers
are described in aristocratic terms. Von Reden (1995, 85) discusses
Aristotles denition of megaloprepeia as a democratic virtue, while
Kurke (1991, 176177) emphasizes the associations between private
civic expenditures and tyranny.
2, 10 ]. The supplements of Blass and van Herwerden (ap-
pendix B) do not t the size of the lacuna as well as Jensens restoration.
Jensen suggests that there may be a trace of ink after , which
he describes as a hastae rectae vestigium (91). Imnot convinced that
the trace is a letter (there is a similar mark immediately below it, be-
tween two lines of text, that does not appear to be a letter), and if it is,
it is so small that it would be compatible with nearly any character.
At Thuc. 2.35.2 Pericles worries about speaking with the proper de-
gree of moderation, so as not to disappoint the friends of the dead with
inadequate praise on the one hand, and not to make others who did not
know the fallen envious on the other hand. Here Hyperides vocalizes
[3] Commentary 61
only the former of those two concerns. In Pl. Lg. 717d the Athenian
speaker advises that children should give their parents a tting burial
(the opposite of this situation), neither too shabby nor too ostentatious.
Fraenkel (1950, 359360 on A. A. 786) notes such polarities in praise.
1112 . . . [. Speech and deeds were often contrasted in the
funeral orations and other Athenian literature of the fth and fourth cen-
turies (for example, Thuc. 2.42.12 and 42.4, Lys. 2.2, Pl. Mx. 244a).
The oration for the dead is regularly compared to the courageous acts
of the fallen soldiers. Parry (1981, 160 and passim) discusses this an-
tithesis in the Thucydidean epitaphios, and also provides a history of
its development with a focus on the rst two books of Thucydides
History.
11 ]. The size of the lacuna better suits this reading than
Babingtons ] (may be inferior).
13 . The form is extant as early as Callimachus, but it is
usually employed for metrical purposes. is the regular form in
Attic prose inscriptions until the Roman period (Threatte 19801996,
II: 395396).
3. On the structure of the sentence in this section see p. 24 above.
1621 . . . . The focus on the in-
dividual is unique to this epitaphios. Other epitaphioi do not name in-
dividual honorands or give any sort of personal detail about the dead.
Hyperides was probably inuenced by the development of prose en-
comia in the fourth century (Schiappa (1999, 186190) traces the de-
velopment of the genre, beginning with Gorgias Helen). These prose
encomia for contemporary gures were particularly popular in the 320s
(Momigliano (1993, 64 n. 21) refers to two examples from the period:
a work on Alexander of Epirus by Theodectes, and one on Lycurgus by
Philiscus). Like this speech, these works mixed historical narrative with
topical praise. The surviving examples of the genre, Isocrates Evago-
ras and Xenophons Agesilaus, were both written after the death of the
subjects, and like Isocrates and Xenophon, Hyperides was perhaps a
personal friend of his subject (Plut. Mor. 486d gives examples of po-
litical and military partnerships, including Leosthenes and Hyperides,
but this testimoniummay just be biographical speculation on the part of
the author; Engels (1989, 321 n. 676) considers the evidence for their
association). Although the death of an Athenian general in the eld
was somewhat uncommon (Hamel (1998, app. 14, 204209) lists 38
62 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [3]
Athenian generals who died in battle between 501/500 and 322/321),
we know of one or perhaps two such deaths that are not mentioned in
surviving epitaphioi. The general Callias died in 432/431 during the
revolt of Potidaea (Thuc. 1.63.3) and is not mentioned in the Periclean
oration at the end of the season. Very slight evidence perhaps implies
that the general Stratocles fell in battle at Chaeronea (his command
is briey mentioned at Aesch. 3.143 and Polyaen. 4.2.2; Harris (Wor-
thington et al. 2001, 215) tentatively suggests that Stratocles may have
died in battle, presumably because we hear nothing else about him, al-
though his colleague Lysicles was prosecuted after the battle), but he
is not mentioned in the Demosthenic epitaphios. Hyperides lavish at-
tention to Leosthenes in his speech is novel, and perhaps inspired by
the model of fourth-century prose encomia.
17 []. Demosthenes regularly uses the noun -
to describe his public policy (for example, in On the Crown,
where his long-term policy is the main topic of debate, the noun occurs
more than a dozen times). Hyperides uses the noun only in this speech,
twice in this sentence, and again in 40. As he describes Leosthenes
and his men in the underworld, he picks up the vocabulary of this sec-
tion again, rst by comparing their courage with that of the Persian War
generals (see the following note), and then in an exclamation of praise
for their choice () to die for the city.
20 []. Hyperides has just praised the city for its policy, and now
he praises the dead for the courage not to dishonor their ancestors. Balot
(2004, 413418) discusses rationality and shame as key components of
the popular conception of courage in classical Athens. He focuses espe-
cially on the Periclean funeral oration and argues that the conception
of courage in that speech is closely tied to Athenian democratic ide-
ology. Thuc. 2.40.3 emphasizes that Athenian courage was grounded
in rational deliberation, and in his funeral oration Demosthenes simi-
larly links bravery and intelligence (Dem. 60.17). Hyperides likewise
pairs intellectual ability and martial courage here and again below in
his comparison of Leosthenes with the generals Miltiades and Themis-
tocles in the underworld (38: , courage and
cunning).
2021 . Ones present day
acts were thought to be capable of either bringing shame upon ones an-
cestors, as here and Lycurg. 110, or else adding to their glory (Thuc.
2.11.9 and 6.16.1; Dover 1974, 246). Demosthenes presents the Atheni-
[4] Commentary 63
ans opposition to Macedon as a continuation of the policy of their fore-
bears who protected Greece from foreign invaders during the Persian
Wars (Dem. 18.203210). Hyperides listeners expect to hear about the
Persian Wars in a funeral oration (see the note on 12 under
), and when reminded of the glories of their ancestors,
they will think of the Persian Wars and the other items that typically
appear in the catalogues of Athenian achievements (see the note on 5
under [) in the epitaphioi. But Hyperides will instead focus
on the present campaign as the culmination of Athenian greatness.
21 . . . . On the meaning of aret see the notes on 8 un-
der [] . . . [ and on 40 under
. The plural of abstract nouns, when used in
prose, usually refers to a plurality of concrete demonstrations of the ab-
stract quality (Bers 1984, 39; Smyth 1000; Rusten 1989, 150 on Thuc.
2.39.1); in other words aretai are specic virtuous accomplishments on
the battleeld (also noted at Dover 1974, 164).
4, 26 . . . . . . . Something must have fallen out
of the text here. These words have been added as a supplement by edi-
tors, and the text printed here is exempli gratia. The reconstructions of
Cobet and Sauppe (apparatus) both require adding a verb to the text,
and neither are very certain. The manuscript reading of requires
a participle, which is provided by the supplements of Cobet and Com-
paretti (appendix B). These suggestions do not entail a correction to the
article , but do require a preposition to govern the accusative -
(all Greece). Alternatively, editors have emended
the denite article to the relative and supplied a nite verb for
that relative clause. Sauppe has suggested (it has done a
good service), which is followed by Blass (in his rst edition), Jensen,
Colin, and Marzi (1977). In that case, is an attracted relative, which
would originally have been a neuter accusative plural (Smyth 2522).
The verb sometimes takes an internal accusative (e.g., Ly-
curg. 140, where the city of Athens is the external object; LSJ, s.v.
II).
2729 [] . . . []. After empha-
sizing the daunting task before him, the orator admits his anxiety about
being unable to provide due praise for the city of Athens. Epideictic or-
ators faced pressure both to provide worthy praise for the dead and to
outperform previous orators (Carey (2007a, 238240) nicely stresses
the high stakes for epideictic orators). Hyperides here addresses the
64 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [4]
former concern, employing two commonplaces that are typically used
to express this sentiment: time is insufcient (Lys. 2.1, Pl. Mx. 246b,
Dem. 60.6; Ziolkowski 1981, 132), and the words of one man alone
are incapable of sufciently treating the topic at hand (Thuc. 2.35.1,
Lys. 2.54; Ziolkowski 1981, 6869). Other speakers refer to a fear of
envy () from their audience, because of jealousy for the exces-
sive praise granted in the speech (Thuc. 2.35.2; cf. Bulman 1992, 22
(on Pi. I. 2) and 85 n. 23 (on Gorg. fr. B6 285.13 and Thuc. 2.35.2),
and also Walcot 1978, 6061).
29 . Cobets correction is likely right, given Hyperides
predilection for this verb in this speech. See below on 9 under
.
5. The extended simile, comparing the city of Athens with the sun, com-
prises the entirety of Hyperides praise of the polis. Unlike the oration
of Pericles in Thucydides, where the epainos focuses wholly on the city
of Athens, Hyperides prefers to devote his attention to Leosthenes and
his soldiers. Athens sorts out the just and the unjust in the same way
that the sun distinguishes the seasons; and Athens dispenses equality
and sustains the condence of all of Greece as the sun provides the
material for life to all of the world. Hyperides description of the sun
reects the religious view of the Athenians, who believed that the gods
were responsible for the earths fertility. Athenian festivals celebrated
agricultural produce, and the calendar included a procession for the
sun and the seasons (see Parker 2005, 203204). In this single sen-
tence Hyperides also covers many of the traditional points of praise
that ll out the bulk of other epitaphioi. Despite its brevity, this praise
of Athens alludes to many of the elements typically found in eulogies
of Athens (laudes Athenarum) in the tragedians and epideictic oratory
(for example, Athenian succor for suppliants, or the invention of agri-
culture); on these points see the individual notes below.
If we accept the restorations in the text, Hyperides celebrates
Athenian efforts to punish the wicked and eradicate injustice on the
one hand, after presenting the sun as purely benecial in the rst half
of the simile. Jensens (1917, xlvi) restoration of [ ]
[ attempts to balance the two limbs of the simile more
precisely, by stating that the sun gives greater rewards to those who
deserve them, and implying that others are punished with less produce.
But following Blass and earlier editors, I clearly read a tau at the
beginning of the phrase [ ] [. The top
[5] Commentary 65
left corner of the letter is preserved, with the top half of the vertical
stroke and a wide horizontal bar to its left, which appears to me to be
inconsistent with a pi or any other letter.
Perhaps the imbalance in the simile is to be explained by the formal
religious context here, which precludes Hyperides from describing the
punishments that the sun might inict upon the unjust. In less formal
contexts a poet like Hesiod can more explicitly describe both the aid
and the harm that the gods inict upon mortals (Hes. Op. 225247;
West (1978, 213 ad loc.) adduces many parallels from Greek, Near
Eastern and Irish traditions). But Hyperides does not need to explain
that nature blights the wicked, just as Athens punishes them, because
pollution and fertility are the two sides of a coin (Parker 2005, 418,
in the context of a helpful discussion of the Greek view of the gods
function in agriculture) and, in keeping with the overall optimistic tone
of the speech, the orator prefers to emphasize only the positive aspects
of the city and its relationship with the gods.
For a more pessimistic nature simile in a parallel context, see
Dem. 60.24, where the orator likens the loss of those who fell at
Chaeronea to sunlight () being removed from the universe. Loraux
(1986, 393 n. 206) suggests that Hyperides positive description of
the sun directly answers Demosthenes image of the bleak withdrawal
of light after the defeat at Chaeronea. If so, this simile epitomizes
Athenian optimism at this point in the Lamian War.
Pschl (1964, 558) collects bibliography on this and other sun sim-
iles. Colin (1938, 246247) admires the subtle poetic nature of its ex-
pression, and S. Kayser (1898, 225) compares Hyp. fr. 80, a much less
elaborate comparison of rhetores and snakes. Hyp. Phil. frg. 10 also
features a simile likening the city and the body (on which see White-
head 2000, 4142 ad loc. and Blass 1887, III.2: 33).
33 [. The curved left portion of the initial letter survives.
Blasss restoration of [ ts the space better than Sitzlers
suggestion of [. The adjective sphrn only occurs once in
the other surviving epitaphioi, but the context of that usage perhaps
supports the restoration here. At Pl. Mx. 247e248a, in the consolatory
section of that speech, Socrates describes a man who has everything
that contributes to happiness in his own hands . . . [who] is not joined
to other men as having the best prepared life and being moderate
(sphrn), brave and intelligent. Similarly in this passage, Hyperides
associates this adjective with the possession of everything . . . useful
for life. The adjectives sphrn and epieiks are frequently paired by
66 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [5]
later writers, e.g., Plut. TG. 14.5 and Cic. 38.3.
33 ]. Epieiks is usually dened as exible, reasonable, fair.
The moral concept is an important element in Athenian self-identity. It
describes the citys attitude toward suppliants and its ability to adjust
to a particular situation. Thus, at Gorg. fr. B6 285.1516 the Athenian
war dead preferred to , that is
sympathetic fairness in contrast to authoritative justice (reading
Spengels emendation of , gentle, for the manuscripts ,
present). Arist. EN 1137a311138a3 similarly considers epieikeia as
a type of moderate justice. As an illustration of this quality, at Soph.
OC 1127 the suppliant Oedipus praises Theseus and Athens for dis-
playing it ( ) toward him. Mills (1997, 7778) discusses the
concept of epieikeia in Athenian self-presentation. Her discussion is
supplemented by Gibert (1998). Lucas (1968, 140141) and Adkins
(1966, esp. 7980 and 9498) also consider the term, demonstrating
that the quality was especially prized in fourth-century Athens, where
it was considered to be an important aspect of individual virtue (aret).
See also the discussion of Dover (1974, 191).
Epieikeia also has a more specic legal sense, referring to the
judges consideration of extenuating circumstances in unusual cases.
On the legal doctrine of epieikeia, see Scafuro 1997, 5054, Brun-
schwig 1996 and especially Harris 2004c. The broad moral concept
is most relevant in the present passage, rather than the specic legal
usage, since Hyperides uses the adjective, not the noun, and seems to
link the quality with another abstract moral adjective, reasonable (if
the restoration [ is correct). Neither the noun epieikeia nor
the adjective epieiks occur elsewhere in the surviving epitaphioi.
3436 [ . . . ] [] []
. Although Hyperides is describing the sun here, in the midst
of this dense cluster of topics traditionally found in eulogies of Athens
the listener is reminded of the motif of the fertility of Attic soil and the
legend that Athens was the rst state to learn the science of agriculture.
The fruits of Athens were a traditional feature in praises of the city.
Sophocles Triptolemus (frr. 596617 Radt) popularized the story of
the Eleusinian princes teaching of agricultural skills, and Demeters
mysteries were celebrated by the Athenians at Eleusis. Similarly, Isoc.
4.28 tells the story of Demeters two gifts to Athens, agriculture and
the Mysteries, as a reward for the citys help in the goddess search for
her daughter Kore. The theme also appears elsewhere in the epitaphioi,
[5] Commentary 67
at Pl. Mx. 238a, where Athens is celebrated for rst mastering agricul-
ture (Tsitsiridis (1998, 213214 ad loc.) surveys the importance of the
Eleusinian Mysteries for the Athenians civic identity).
The products of Athens were also a special source of pride among
the natives (see Schroeder 1914, 2023 and Burgess 1902, 154 for par-
allels). The chorus of Sophocles Oedipus at Colonus gives much at-
tention to the most famous fruit of Athens in its eulogy of the city in
the second stasimon of that play (668719). That chorus praise cul-
minates in its description of the olive, an important symbol for Athens
and a characteristic attribute of its patron goddess Athena. See also
Eur. Tr. 801, Eur. Ion 14331436, and cf. the depiction of the olive
on the Athenian tetradrachms of the fth century (photos in Kraay
and Hirmer 1966, pl. 19 nos. 359363, with discussion at Kraay 1976,
6566). The olive was one of the few crops that ourished in Attica
(see Hanson 1983, especially 53, rewritten at Hanson 1998, 64, where
the Sophoclean choral ode is discussed), since the trees are resistant
to drought and adapt well to poor soil (for details see Foxhall 2007,
59). Sophocles describes the olive as self-planting () and
child-rearing (), thus connecting the fruits of Athens
with the themes of autochthony and agriculture as the basis of civiliza-
tion (cf. Foxhall (2007, 248249), who associates the latter adjective
with Athenian ideals of the long-term).
In fact, the rocky soil of Attica was not always able to produce
enough grain for the city, and cash crops such as olives helped fund
grain imports. Moreno (2007) has demonstrated that the Athenians de-
pended on imported grain and that their foreign policy in the fth and
fourth centuries was an integral part of a complex organized system
designed to ensure its supply. Taken as a group, the funeral orations
illustrate the tension that existed in classical Athens between pride in a
distinctiveAthenian character and the states self-sufciency on the one
hand, and, on the other hand, a cosmopolitan interest in, and real need
for, foreign artists and goods: this passage and other traditional eulo-
gies extol the independent ability of Athens to provide for itself, while
in contrast the Thucydidean funeral oration boasts of the diversity of
imported products available to the Athenians during the empire of the
fth century (Thuc. 2.38.2; the old oligarch, [Xen]. Ath 2.7, presents a
negative counterpoint).
More generally, praise for the fertility of a region is a recurring
motif in all types of Greek literature. Kienzle (1936, 3940) collects
relevant passages. As here, many other examples of this device specif-
68 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [5]
ically praise the karpos, fruit, of a locale.
3536 [] . The phrase is technical and ap-
pears in Democritean accounts of the origin of society. According to
that philosophers sociological theory, mankind formed social groups
in order to obtain the necessities for life (see Cole 1990, 131135).
Henrichs (1975, 107 n. 56) discusses the use of the specialized term
, material useful for life, in Prodicus and
collects numerous other examples of similar phrases.
3637 ] [. Athens punishment of wrongdo-
ers is a common theme in the epitaphioi. Sometimes they go unnamed
(Thuc. 2.42.4, Gorg. fr. B6 286.4, Lys. 2.19), as here. The orators have
in mind either the legend of the defeat of the Amazons (Lys. 2.6 and
Dem. 60.8), or the punishment of Eurystheus (Lys. 2.16), or the his-
toric victory over the Persians (Dem. 60.11, Pl. Mx. 240d). The leg-
endary king Theseus was often celebrated in classical Athens for the
former two deeds, and Schroeder (1914, 14) discusses two passages in
which a similar phrase specically refers to the accomplishments of
Theseus. At Eur. Supp. 341 Theseus boasts of being a punisher of the
wicked, (cf. also 253255), and in Eur. fr. 678
(Kannicht), Theseus murder of Sciron is described with the same for-
mulation found here, {} , to punish the wicked.
Loraux (1986, 6567) discusses the almost complete exclusion of
Theseus fromall the funeral orations. Instead of Theseus, it is the Athe-
nians who were glorious against the Amazons and recovered the bodies
of the seven chiefs before Thebes. Her thesis, that this replacement was
a reaction against the policy of the ostracized leader Cimon, who had
heralded Theseus as the city founder, is unpersuasive. She wants to
discern a democratic avor in support of her date for the institution of
the funeral oration in the 460s. Calame (1996, 416418) sensibly ar-
gues that the importance of Theseus in Athenian ideology cannot be
the result of any particular individuals advocacy for the hero. In any
case, the democracy of the late 460s and 450s continued to admire The-
seus. Walker (1995, 6466) refers to a number of state-commissioned
representations of Theseus in Athens at that time.
Theseus absence from the orations is not surprising, given the im-
mediate purpose of honoring all of the citys war casualties as a ho-
mogeneous body. In tragedy Theseus is a useful character who as an
individual can represent on stage values that might be ascribed to the
city as an abstract entity in nondramatic contexts such as the epitaphioi.
[5] Commentary 69
Thus Mills (1997, 5657) explains that the absence of Theseus fromthe
Eumenides of Aeschylus emphasizes the collective anonymity of the
plays Athenian court. Similarly, the epitaphioi celebrate the collective
unity of the civic community, and the absence of Theseus from the fu-
neral orations has nothing to do with any hypothetical rejection of the
policies of Cimon.
37 [. The catalogue of Athenian history that appears in other
epitaphioi tends to jump from the defeat of foreigners during mytho-
logical times to the Athenian role in the Persian Wars (for example,
Lys. 2.419 focuses on prehistoric exploits, and then 2047 immedi-
ately presents a long account of the Persian Wars). The verb kolazein,
to punish, links these mythological and historical events. It is used
both for the victories of Theseus (see previous note) and the defeat of
the Persians (Pl. Mx. 240d, discussed at Tsitsiridis 1998, 277). By using
this evocative verb here, Hyperides alludes to that traditional catalogue
of Athenian exploits, which he chooses to pass over in this simile so
that he can instead go on to provide a narrative of Leosthenes achieve-
ments. See p. 23 above for more parallels between Hyperides descrip-
tion of the conict with Macedon and others accounts of the Persian
Wars. For discussion of the catalogue of Athenian achievements that
appears in other funeral orations (most extensively in Lys. 2 and Platos
Menexenus) see Loraux 1986, 132171 and Thomas 1989, 196236.
37 ] [. Hyperides continues with his
condensed allusions to traditional themes in praise of Athens. The
aid given to the children of Heracles, the Seven against Thebes,
Orestes, Medea, Heracles, and Oedipus was the subject of numerous
fth-century tragedies in Athens. Surviving plays that treat the theme
of Athens help for those in need include Aeschylus Seven against
Thebes, Sophocles Oedipus at Colonus and Euripides Suppliants.
The theme is also common in funeral orations: Lys. 2.716, Pl. Mx.
239b, and Dem. 60.8 refer toAthenian aid for the Seven against Thebes
and the Heracleidae. Naiden (2006) has produced a comprehensive
study of ancient supplication (his detailed appendices of sources and
indexes can be used to locate discussion of these and numerous other
Athenian examples, both mythological and historical).
38 . All Athenian citizens shared equal political rights,
whether they were rich or poor, or whether they came from the
countryside of Attica or the city of Athens. Athenian political equality
is another common motif in the epitaphioi and elsewhere. There were
70 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [5]
various overlapping explanations for this equality: autochthony (Pl.
Mx. 239a connects , birth equality, and , political
equality), or the political settlement of Theseus (Dem. 60.28 praises
the , political equality, he created), or the Athenian political
system in the classical period (Lys. 2.56 presents as the goal
of the Delian League). On equality as an Athenian ideal, Schroeder
1914 also refers to Isoc. 7.20, 69 and Isoc. 12.178.
The Thucydidean funeral oration also celebrates the ideal of Athe-
nian equality (Thuc. 2.37.1). Harris (1992, 160162) has demonstrated
that Thucydides reference to , equality, refers to the equality
before the law all Athenian citizens enjoyed in judicial disputes. That
interpretation supports the reading of , injustice, here.
The substantive adjective , equality, may allude more
generally to the democratic ideal of isonomia, legal equality (as
argued by Gomme (1956, 109110); Ostwald (1969, 114 n. 3)
disagrees). Isonomia is regularly opposed to monarchia, or the rule
of one (Alcmaeon 4, Hdt. 3.142143, cf. also Hdt. 3.80.282, where
isonomia is an alternative to both monarchy and oligarchy). That
antithesis colors the usage here, where the sun, and Athens, provides
the opportunity for all the Greek states to be self-governing, instead
of being subject to an unjust tyrant. The brief allusion to equality and
the Athenian political system anticipates the more extensive contrast
between Athenian democracy and barbarian tyranny later in the speech
(2022).
38 ]. Harris interpretation of as referring to the
courts at Thuc. 2.37.1 (see previous note) supports Jensens restora-
tion. The remaining traces of ink and the size of the lacuna better suit
Jensens restoration than those of Babington and Colin (appendix B).
38 [. Kaibel preferred the reading [ ]
(instead of [greed]) and proposed [ (dispenses) to
continue the nancial metaphor. Although ] (injustice) is
preferable to ] (greed) the remaining ink traces better suit
[ (dispenses) than Blass [ (protects) and
the verb (to dispense) makes good sense even without
the reference to greed.
3840 ] [ . . . ]. Blass restoration
is based on the echo of Lycurg. 104, who describes the Greeks who
fought at Marathon:
, with their own risks they acquired shared security
[6] Commentary 71
for all the Greeks. On the repeated contrast between private risk and
public safety, see the note on 24 under . . . .
6, 41 [ . There is a small dot of ink at the top left of the
line before the lacuna. As Jensen observes, it is consistent with the top
bar of a pi, and not an alpha (as Blasss restoration of [ ]
requires). For the phrase , LSJ, s.v. I.2 cites Isoc.
15.117.
42 ] . is Mllers plausible
correction of the papyrus, whose nonsensical reading oXto is likely
due to the scribes misreading of his source. The phrase
(I will refrain from speaking) offers a pointed contrast
to (I will . . . focus my speech) in the next
clause and anticipates the praeteritio below (on this rhetorical device
see the note on this section under ). Paraleipein usually takes
an accusative object, but later writers offer a few parallels for the
rst-person future with an active innitive (Gal. 2.450: . . .
and, a closer parallel also introducing rhetorical praeteritio,
Lib. Or. 12.27: ). Others have suggested that the
scribe may have misread (both) in his exemplar and written
oXto, but this suggestion entails other drastic changes to the papyrus
text. Kayser (1868) accepts the reading (both), which then
requires a verb to govern the rst (as for) phrase. He assumes
the scribe omitted further material at the beginning of the sentence and
reconstructs the passage thus: [
] [ ], [,
] . . . , [Since I am unable to speak about these men
and all] the shared [accomplishments of the] city [at the same time, as
I should, and to praise] both. . . .
4344 ] . The explicit deliberation about the act of prais-
ing is characteristic of epideictic oratory; see Carey 2007a, 245. This
short section is full of rhetorical tropes: it begins and ends with prae-
teritio (see above on this section under ] and
below under ) and here Hyperides employs the rhetorical de-
vice of aporia by suggesting that there is an abundance of potential
material to praise (see Usher 1999, index s.v. aporia for many other
examples of this rhetorical trope, which is common in all types of or-
atory). It also employs hypophora, a series of rhetorical questions and
answers (Usher (1999, 336) comments on the unusual combination of
hypophora and aporia; on hypophora see the note on 30 under
72 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [6]
). Just as he passed over any lengthy praise of the
city in 5, Hyperides nowuses these various rhetorical devices to avoid
dwelling on the traditional themes of the genos (heritage) and the
paideia (upbringing) of the Athenians in 78 (on these typical sec-
tions in funeral orations see Ziolkowski 1981, 6465). Like the simile
in 5 that functions as a miniature epainos of the city, briey touching
upon many typical topics, here, too, Hyperides treatment of traditional
themes in his prooemium is highly abbreviated, allowing time for the
unusual extended narrative of the achievements of the dead that begins
in 9.
44 ]. For the innitive, Cobet compares Eur. Med. 475. The in-
nitive with the verb (to begin) implies that the speaker is
beginning to do something which will be continued, as opposed to the
supplementary participle, which is used when the speaker will then go
on to do something else (Smyth 2128). The parallels (Dem. 18.3 and
Dem. Ep. 1.1) adduced by Graindor in support of reading the noun -
(speech) do not exclude the use of the innitive.
44 . Here is a typical instance in which nineteenth-century edi-
tors erred in their efforts to bring Hyperides Greek into line with earlier
classical authors. The Dutch scholar Carel Gabriel Cobet (18131889)
perhaps best epitomizes this tendency. He made many brilliant restora-
tions in this speech, but he sometimes went too far, suggesting correc-
tions to accord with his idealized standards of classical Attic usage (von
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1998, 4041 discusses Cobet and his ideal
of das reine Attische; see also Babingtons (1859, 6) tribute to Co-
bets textual work on the Funeral Oration). Here he proposes the gen-
itive of the adjective, (appendix B). But the neuter accusative
adverb is perfectly intelligible and does not require correction. An ad-
verbial accusative may be used instead of the adjective when one ac-
tion is opposed to another in sequence (Smyth 1042N).
45 . On Hyperides usage of this verb, see the note on 9 under
. Praeteritio, or paraleipsis, is the rhetorical gure in which
the speaker states that he will not mention something, and in effect re-
minds his listeners of it with that denial. Hyperides puts special empha-
sis on this device by explicitly using the verb paraleipein (to refrain)
at the beginning of this section to close his brief praise of the city, and
here he uses the device again to bring up quickly and dismiss two of
the traditional themes of the funeral oration: the ancestors of the dead
and their noble and autochthonous origins, and the education of the
[7] Commentary 73
Athenians. In forensic cases litigants sometimes claim that constraints
of time prevent a detailed account of their opponents misdeeds; these
insinuating claims essentially functioned as accusations for which no
evidence was needed. Usher (1999, index s.v. paraleipsis) collects nu-
merous examples from the orators and tragedy.
4546 . See the note on 30 under
. . . on the frequent use of the particle (here no) in hypophora.
The avoidance here of the common theme of the genos is very
different from other funeral orators and particularly Demosthenes,
who discusses the Eponymous Heroes of the Athenian people at length
(Dem. 60.2731).
7, 5152 [] []
. Autochthony is employed in all the funeral orations
except the short fragment of Gorgias to emphasize the homogeneity
of the Athenian citizen body, because they were born from Attica and
have always dwelled there (Thuc. 2.36.1, Lys. 2.17, Pl. Mx. 237b,
Dem. 60.4; Ziolkowski 1981, 120121). Because the Athenians have
been settled in one place for longer than other peoples, they were
able to become civilized sooner and are thus superior. Hyperides
makes explicit contrast between the heterogeneity of other states
and Athenian unity, much like Dem. 60.4, who likens the citizens of
other states to adopted children. Loraux (2000, 1823) discusses these
passages and related ones from the epitaphioi and tragedy, highlighting
the discourse of exclusion (20) that distinguishes Athens from other
Greek cities. She also observes (21) that the myth of common origin
granted to all Athenians the aristocratic ideal of , noble
birth, and Connor (1994, 3538) similarly emphasizes that the myth
of autochthony glosses over social differences in order to celebrate
the anonymous collective excellence of Athens (38). The myth was
also hortative: Rosivach (1987, 303304) has shown that the concept
of autochthony developed along with the Athenian Empire in the fth
century and that the legend was used as a justication for Athenian
military activity.
Hyperides gives short shrift to many common topoi, but this one
in particular may seem a little out of place, since the orator will soon
praise the mercenary soldiers and foreign allies (11, 13) who helped
Athens. This tension between Athens exclusive pride in its homogene-
ity and dependence on foreign goods and specialists also appears at
Thuc. 2.38.2 (with discussion by Connor (1993, 120)).
74 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [7]
78, 5153 [] . . . []. A tiny fragment of the pa-
pyrus has been lost here. My text indicates the state of the manuscript as
seen by early editors, but the underlined material has now disappeared,
presumably because of the loss of a small piece of the papyrus. In the
edition of Babington that fragment is reported in this location without
comment, but it must have been separated by the time of the third edi-
tion of Blass, who incorrectly inserts the fragment in col. 1 lines 1922
(911). The fragment was lost by the time Jensen examined the papyrus.
8, 5355 [] . . . [. Loraux (1986,
109110) focuses on this passage as she argues that Hyperides, despite
the many innovations in this oration, here follows a time-honored de-
nition of aret as purely military excellence. She sees this narrow con-
ception of aret as a reaction against Dem. 60.17, and current trends
in civic epitaphs, in which aret is equated with other qualities, most
importantly sphrosyn, moderation. The war context of the speech
requires Hyperides to focus on Leosthenes military exploits in his
praise of the generals aret (1020), but his initial account of the
education of the commander and his men begins with a reminder of
the sphrosyn with which they were raised as children, before they
learned their military skills (8). The Athenian soldiers were rst ex-
posed to moderation (cf. Aesch. 1.67, where the speaker asserts that
sphrosyn was the primary focus in the education of young Atheni-
ans), and then they learned to be soldiers. The course of development is
parallel to Demosthenes denition of complete virtue consisting rst
of learning, and then of bravery (Dem. 60.17). Similarly, in 29, Hy-
perides states that the dead demonstrated their virtues both through a
great length of time and amidst many dangers. These two categories
correspond to the antithesis of his previous sentence: they were born
senseless and died as brave soldiers. As children they learned quali-
ties such as sphrosyn and dikaiosyn, justice, and then they went
to war, where they demonstrated their military skill. It is only to be
expected that Hyperides focuses on the apex of his subjects virtue,
their death in the eld, but this emphasis hardly constitutes an attack
on mistaken predecessors (Loraux 1986, 110). For all his attention to
the life of the deceased before going into battle (Dem. 60.1516), De-
mosthenes, too, as one must in an oration over the war dead, mainly
emphasizes their martial valor (Dem. 60.1824, aret in 23).
The special interest in the soldiers paideia in these two speeches is
perhaps reective of contemporary institutional reforms in Athens. In
335/334 the ephbeia was reformed, and male Athenian youths aged 18
[9] Commentary 75
to 20 participated in a systematic programof military and civic training.
For discussion of these reforms see Humphreys 2004, 8892, Fisher
2001, 6566, Rhodes 1993, 494495, and Faraguna 1992, 274280.
56 ]. A complementary innitive is needed with the verb -
, are accustomed. Sauppes restoration is too long for the la-
cuna, and [Fuhr]s (both in appendix B) is unlikely because the scribe
does not usually break a line after the rst consonant of a syllable. Hess
adduces Isoc. 5.4 ( , which some are accus-
tomed to do) as a parallel for Jensens supplement of , some.
Levis , others, would also ll the gap nicely and make good
sense. Hyperides briey refers to other orators at earlier burial cer-
emonies, but most of the epitaphioi begin with more explicit refer-
ence to earlier speakers (see note on 1 under [
] [ ).
5758 []. This honoric phrase is regularly
used in the funeral orations and other patriotic literature to describe sol-
diers death on the battleeld (see Loraux 1986, 99102 for discussion
and examples). Hyperides repeats the phrase again at 28 (cf. 1 and
34), and in both instances he contrasts the heroic death of the soldiers
with their childhood. He presents their voluntary death on the eld as
the singular dening moment of their adult lives. Rusten (1986, 7174)
observes that even without maintaining consistent and unchanging
goodness through a lifetime, but rather by performing a single appro-
priate action at the end of that life . . . one can earn the title
for eternity (72). The phrase (he was a brave
man) was used as a formula in Athenian honoric decrees specically
to praise valor in battle (Veligianni-Terzi (1997, 265267) collects ex-
amples and emphasizes the military associations of the phrase). By vol-
unteering to die the fallen attain the same status as these honorands. On
the related abstract quality of andragathia see the note on 40 under
.
9, 61 . Hyperides uses this verb in the aorist with the sense of
narrate individually here, and at 6 and probably at 4. The earlier
usages link the orators avoidance of standard treatments of the city (in
4) and of the genos (in 6). Hyperides began this paragraph by asking,
Should I discuss [their] ancestry? (6), a question that served as a
praeteritio allowing him to mention that topic only in passing (see the
note on 6 under ). Hyperides now repeats the same verb to
signal that he will focus on an alternative topic at unusual length: the
76 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [9]
achievements of the men on the battleeld. This verb could perhaps be
classied as nonforensic in the Hyperidean corpus (see above p. 26;
outside of this speech it appears only as a conjectural restoration at
Hyp. Dem. 8), but it is quite common in the court speeches of other
authors.
63 . Hyperides repeatedly emphasizes the panhel-
lenic alliance during the Lamian (or Hellenic) War. See the note on
16 under [ ] . Above, at 4, the orator
refrained from looking back to Athens previous benefactions to the
rest of Greece. Below, at 10 and 39, he highlights the current ac-
complishments of Athens and Leosthenes.
1012. For an outline of the events of the campaign, see pp. 1213. In
these sections Hyperides describes the events of late 323.
10, 66 . The verb is echoed below (see the note on 35
under ) to emphasize the change in circumstances as a re-
sult of the soldiers acts of valor.
6667 [] . The verb
drodokein, literally to receive gifts, always refers to bribes in
classical usage. The ambassadors to Philip and Alexander were
particularly susceptible to accusations of bribery and corruption,
(Harvey 1985, 8687 and 106107), since foreign kings would
commonly offer gifts to visiting ambassadors. But these accusations
of bribery in Athens usually arose in the midst of broader personal or
political feuds (see C. Taylor 2001, 6164 and 162163), and there is
no reason to believe that Athenian politicians were often persuaded
to serve the Macedonians against the interests of Athens (as Cargill
(1985) suggests).
Demosthenes, the most famous opponent of Macedon in the 340s,
laid charges of bribery against Aeschines in 343 to distance himself
from the embarrassing peace of Philocrates after Hyperides had suc-
cessfully prosecuted a similar case against Philocrates that same year
(see above pp. 34; Harris (1995, 116118) shows howweak the charge
of bribery was), and throughout his career he frequently referred to
Greeks who were corrupted by Philip (e.g., Dem. 18.295, now echoed
by Hyp. Dion. 176v/173r l. 32175r/174v l. 2; see also the passages
collected by Cargill (1985)). Just a year before the funeral oration was
delivered, Demosthenes became embroiled in scandal and was pros-
ecuted for accepting money from the Macedonian treasurer Harpalus
[12] Commentary 77
(see above p. 11). Hyperides was a prosecutor in that case and uses the
brutal verb drodokein to attack his former ally (see Whitehead 2000,
403 on this verb).
11, 72 . Leosthenes ferried a large body of merce-
naries from Asia to Cape Taenarum at the southern tip of the Pelopon-
nese, and probably maintained themthere until after Alexanders death,
whenAthens nally decided to initiate hostilities against Macedon. See
p. 12 of the introduction.
75 . After Alexander destroyed Thebes, in 335, he granted the
Thebans land to the neighboring Boeotians (see 17). Consequently,
the Boeotians sided with the Macedonians because they feared that the
Athenians would return that land to the Thebans if the Athenian cam-
paign was successful (Diod. Sic. 18.11.34).
75 . The Euboeans, under the leadership of Callias of Chalcis,
joined the Athenian alliance against Philip prior to the battle of
Chaeronea (Brunt (1969, 254264) gives a thorough analysis of why
and when Euboea shifted its alliances from Philip to Athens). After
Philips victory in 338 the pro-Athenian leaders of the Euboean League
went into exile and Philip installed sympathetic governments on the
island (Roebuck (1948, 82) provides more detail than Hammond et
al. (19721988, II: 615) on this point). Chalcis was the site of an
armed Macedonian garrison, one of the so-called fetters of Greece
(Plb. 18.11.5) that protected Macedonian interests (Hammond et al.
19721988, II: 612 n. 3). When Aristotle left Athens in 323 out of
anxiety over his Macedonian connections, he took refuge at Chalcis
(D.H. Amm. 1.5, D. L. 5.56, 5.10; Chroust (1966) emphasizes
political reasons for his move). Diod. Sic. 18.11.12 lists the Greek
allies in the Lamian War: from Euboea only the city of Carystus joined
the Greek alliance; the rest of the island sided with Macedon.
12, 77 . The pass of Thermopylae provides land access to
southern Greece from Thessaly, with steep mountains to the south and
the sea to the north. (Barrington atlas map 55 D3; the modern coast ex-
tends further north than it did in antiquity.) Leosthenes planned to con-
front the enemy here, and had already occupied the pass with that inten-
tion in mind (Diod. Sic. 18.11.5). Pritchett (1965, 7173) and MacKay
(1963) survey the present landscape and surviving remains in order to
make sense of ancient accounts of the area and correct modern misin-
terpretations of the difcult terrain. The latter provides a detailed map
78 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [12]
of the pass.
7879 [ ]
[]. The Greeks, under the leadership of the Spartan
Leonidas, were overcome by the Persian forces at the pass of
Thermopylae in the autumn of 480. See the vivid account of Hdt.
7.201233.
Compared to other funeral orators, Hyperides devotes very little at-
tention to the Persian Wars. He instead describes contemporary events
using the same terms that his predecessors used to describe the famous
war against the barbarians. See the notes on 5 under [, on
20 under , and on 37 under
.
8182 . After the defeat at Plataea the Mac-
edonian forces ed and took refuge at Lamia for the winter (Diod.
Sic. 18.11.5). Antipater was awaiting reinforcements fromCraterus and
Leonnatus (see above p. 13 and Habicht 1997, 38). Lamia is about 10
kilometers northwest of Thermopylae, in the region of Phthiotis, near
the Malian Gulf (Barrington atlas map 55 C3; see Bquignon 1937,
263278 on the site).
13, 8283 ] []
. Neither the order of Hyperides list nor its
position in his narrative is historically accurate. Diod. Sic. 17.111.3 re-
ports that Leosthenes was in contact with the Aetolians prior toAlexan-
ders death in June 323. Then, after the Aetolians agreed to join his
cause, he approached the Locrians and the Phocians and other nearby
peoples (Diod. Sic. 18.9.5). According to Diodorus account, all these
negotiations were conducted prior to the Athenian decree declaring
war. (Diod. Sic. 18.11.1 repeats that the Aetolians were the rst to join
the alliance.) Diodorus source for Greek events in books 18 to 20 was
Hieronymus, and his narrative is generally accepted as trustworthy (see
Hornblower 1981, 3240; Hamilton (1977) argues that Cleitarchus is
the source for Diodorus Greek narrative in book 17). Oikonomides
(1982, 124) dates IG II
2
367, which honors ambassadors sent from
Athens to conduct a treaty with the Phocians, to late October 323. The
alliance must have been forged within just a few months of Alexan-
ders death. (See also p. 12 of the introduction. The precise date of the
agreement with the Aetolians is not certain.)
Both Phocis and Thessaly had reason not to join the alliance in 323.
Phocis had received aid from Athens in the third Sacred War against
[13] Commentary 79
the Amphictyonic League a generation earlier, in the 350s, but in 346
the Phocian general Phalaecus broke off ties with Athens. At the end of
the war Phocis was severely punished by the Amphictyony for its war
against Thebes and Athens condoned that settlement (see Harris 1995,
81101).
Thessaly also had reason not to sympathize with the Greek revolt.
Although the koinon of Thessaly formed a short-lived alliance with
Athens in 361/360 (IG II
2
116 = Rhodes and Osborne 2003, no. 44;
see also Tracy 1995, 29), later internal strife provided an opportunity
for Philip to intervene in Thessalian politics in either 344 or 342, and
the Thessalian cavalry played an important role in Alexanders army
during his Asian campaign (Bosworth 1988, 264). Perhaps Alexanders
Exiles Decree in March 324 weakened the loyalty of the Thessalians
and contributed to their emerging antipathy toward the Macedonian
regime (Bosworth 1988, 227). Earlier, during the revolt of Agis in 331,
the Thessalians may have considered turning on Macedon, if we can
infer anything from an alleged boast of Demosthenes that he brought
about such a rebellion there (reported and rejected at Aesch. 3.167).
Hyperides does not specically mention the Locrians, who also
joined the Athenian alliance in 323. The Eastern Locrians must have
been especially valuable allies, since East Locris commands the ap-
proach to the pass at Thermopylae and isolates the Boeotians to the
south, who sided with the Macedonians.
Loraux (1986, 170) singles out Hyperides for breaking all the rules
of the funeral oration by naming Athens allies and describing some of
the nontraditional techniques employed by the hoplite forces during the
siege operation at Lamia. But Dem. 60.22 criticizes the Theban allies
by name for their share in the defeat at Chaeronea. Loraux makes an
unconvincing attempt to explain away Lys. 2.49, which refers to sieges
and names the Corinthian allies (cf. also Lys. 2.67). The point in listing
the allies here, after presenting a narrative of the battle season, is to
portray Athens and Leosthenes as liberators of greater Greece. Funeral
orations regularly boasted of Athens efforts to save the other Greeks
in the mythological past and during the Persian Wars (see above, on
5 under ] [), and here Hyperides appro-
priates that motif and applies it to the present campaign. He presents
Athens as the savior of Greece in the conclusion of this list of allies by
presenting the eagerness of the other Greeks to aid the Athenian cause
as a contrast to their previous submission to the Macedonians.
8486 . . . . These two clauses are closely parallel in rhythm
80 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [13]
and structure. Both begin with correlative genitives ( and )
and then continue with the two contrasted subjects, the Macedonians
and Leosthenes. The nal portions of the two clauses, beginning with
the antithetical rhyming adverbs (, against their will, and
, according to their will), are identical in syllabic length
(parisosis, see Volkmann 1885, 482 and Smyth 3038), which is em-
phasized by the repetition of (commanded) in
(command).
8485
. Lycurg. 41 uses the same verb, semnunein (to
be proud), to describe the pride Athens took in being free and
autochthonous before the defeat at Chaeronea. That passage of
Lycurgus speech is modeled after the state funeral orations and
praises those who died at Chaeronea. Hyperides may have known his
speech (see the note on 19 under [), and may
be deliberately emphasizing the change in Athens fortune since the
defeat at Chaeronea (cf. the note on the simile in 5 as an answer to
Demosthenes pessimism).
14, 90 [] . In early 322 the Greeks
abandoned the long siege of Lamia and engaged in battle with the
Macedonian general Leonnatus, who was coming to aid Antipater
in Lamia; see above p. 13. The Thessalian cavalry was particularly
effective in winning victory for the Greeks and killing Leonnatus
(Diod. Sic. 18.15.14). But despite their losses, the Macedonian troops
managed to reach Antipater and help him escape from the siege at
Lamia (Habicht 1997, 39). Hyperides speech was delivered early in
322 and he does not refer to the more signicant battles of Abydus and
Crannon that took place in July (on which see Habicht 1997, 3940).
15, 95 . This verb frequently refers to incorrect assumptions
(LSJ, s.v. III): Nobody should (wrongly) assume. . . .
Whitehead (2000, 450) collects parallel examples in the forensic
speeches of Hyperides.
97103 [] . . . . . . . . . [ . . . -
[]. Throughout this section Hyperides alternates between two
different types of praise: egkmion ( or , here
translated as eulogy) and epainos ( or , translated as
praise). Arist. Rh. 1367b 2832 distinguishes between these terms:
an epainos is praise for the quality of virtue (aret), while an egkmion
[17] Commentary 81
focuses on specic accomplishments. Hyperides usage is not so pre-
cise, in part because aret on the battleeld is exemplied in actual
deeds (see above on 3 under . . . ). Other funeral orations
refer to epainos ( or ) almost exclusively (
or occur elsewhere in the epitaphioi only at Pl. Mx. 235a,
237a and 241c). Hyperides repeated usage of egkmion (-
or at 7, 34 and probably 33) may be inuenced by
the development of the prose genre of encomia praising contemporary
individuals (see the note on 3 under . . .
).
101103 ] . . . []. Cobet suggests ] . . . -
[] (so as for me to praise), a consecutive clause with the in-
nitive (Smyth 2258). But the surviving trace of the rst letter after the
lacuna in line 30 of the papyrus (i.e., the last letter of [])
does not suit a nu.
16, 105106 [ ] . The slogan freedom for
the Greeks was a prominent rallying cry. Hyperides depicts the Greek
cooperation as a reincarnation of the alliance that defeated the Persians
in 480 and 479 (see the note on 12 under ) and
repeatedly links the concept of freedom with Athens leadership of a
panhellenic campaign in 323 (see 910 with the note on 9 under
; cf. also 10, 11, 16, 19, 24, 40). Lycurgus uses
similar language in 331 as he bemoans the loss of the freedom of the
Greeks at Chaeronea (Lycurg. 50). A later Athenian inscription also
refers to the war as an Athenian effort for the freedom of the Greeks
(IG II
2
467, ll.68). See also the note on 25 under .
17, 111112 ] . A revolt against Macedonian rule
erupted in Thebes in mid-335 when the city heard a rumor of Alexan-
ders death. Many Athenians, including Demosthenes, supported the
rebels. But Alexander reacted before Athenian support arrived. In late
summer of 335 he quickly marched his army from Illyria to central
Greece as reinforcement for the Macedonian garrison already stationed
at Thebes. The leaders of the rebellion were unbowed, and Alexan-
der reduced the city. For narratives see Arr. An. 1.6.710.6, Diod. Sic.
17.815, Plut. Alex. 1112, and Habicht 1997, 1415. Aesch. 3.133
laments the citys destruction, which he of course attributes to Demo-
sthenes failed policies.
The terms of punishment were determined by the synedrion of the
League of Corinth (under Alexanders leadership). Arr. An. 1.9.9 de-
82 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [17]
scribes four penalties: destruction of the city, the continued presence
of a Macedonian garrison at Thebes, enslavement of the Theban popu-
lation, and redistribution of Theban land to other Boeotians. The harsh
settlement was not dissimilar to Philips arrangements after the battle of
Chaeronea, when Theban prisoners were sold for ransom, other Boeo-
tian cities were restored, and the garrison was rst put in place (see
Roebuck 1948, 7780, Hammond et al. 19721988, II: 610611 and
Buckler 2003, 506507). Hyperides here specically indicates that all
four of the punishments of 335 were still in effect in 322 (cf. Bosworth
1980, 90).
112 ] . Babington compares Lys. 2.11 (
, after Heracles was obliterated
from human society) for his restoration. Isocrates provides two closer
parallels, in which he also uses a similar phrase with the perfect partici-
ple: Isoc. 5.108 and 8.113 ( . . . ,
the family was obliterated from human society in both). In both pas-
sages he refers to the overthrow of Greek tyrants. Hyperides alludes to
these passages to emphasize the despotic nature of a potential Mace-
donian rule over Greece. Hyperides reminds the Athenians, who are so
proud of having deposed their own tyrants in the late sixth century (see
the note on 39 under ), that they have
now been reduced to seeing one of their own allies destroyed by such
a ruler.
112113 [ ] [][]. After the battle of
Chaeronea, Philip created a permanent Macedonian military station at
Thebes to safeguard his arrangements in central Greece. Together with
the fetters of Greece (see above on 11 under ), these forts
secured Philips control of the entire Greek peninsula (on the forts
see Hammond et al. 19721988, II: 611613). As this passage shows,
these garrisons were maintained throughout the period of Alexanders
rule, and beyond. Sealey (1993, 207) suggests that the garrison at
Thebes was the primary deterrent to Athenian participation in Agis
revolt in 331 (on the revolt see also p. 8 above), but Cawkwell (1969,
179) and Worthington (2000, 110 n. 37) doubt that the garrisons
were a major factor in the Athenian response. Regardless of its actual
strength, Hyperides resents the garrison as a symbol of the loss of
Greek freedom (on which see below on 25 under ).
114 . War cap-
tives were often enslaved and might be released for ransom. Pritchett
[18] Commentary 83
(19711991, V: 223245) catalogues and discusses dozens of exam-
ples. Alexander spared only a few Thebans and enslaved some 30,000
captives, whomhe sold for 440 talents of silver; for sources and discus-
sion see Pritchett 19711991, V: 244 and Hammond et al. 19721988,
III: 65.
114115 . By supporting the other
states in Boeotia, Alexander weakened the inuence of Thebes and won
future allies in the Lamian War; see the note on 11 under .
18, 119 . On Hyperides fondness for this adjective see the note
on 40 under .
123124 . . . [ ] [. In late
346 Philip assumed a seat on the Amphictyonic Council, much to the
distress of anti-Macedonian politicians in Athens such as Demosthe-
nes and Hyperides (see above p. 4). Now Hyperides depicts the ght
against Macedon as a sacred war to expel the Macedonians from the
Amphictyony (for further discussion see Mari 2003, 8385).
Thermopylae was the original meeting place of the Delphic amph-
ictyony, as is indicated by the Greek terms for the meetings and the del-
egates, Pylaia and Pylagoroi ( and , Harp. s.v. ,
Dem. 18.147 and 151, IG II
2
1132.3 and 1163.2), and the geographic
distribution of the member states around Thermopylae (Lefvre 1998,
67 provides maps). The biannual meetings of the council began at the
shrines of Demeter and Amphictyon at Anthela, just west of the pass
at Thermopylae, and then changed venue to the sanctuary of Apollo
at Delphi (on the meeting location and schedule see Lefvre 1998,
193204). The Delphic amphictyony was the most important of many
such political and religious alliances in ancient Greece. The league may
have originally formed to safeguard access to the pass at Thermopylae,
which was of vital economic and strategic importance to all the sur-
rounding states. For a general discussion of these unions see Ehrenberg
1969, 108112. The early history of the amphictyony at Thermopylae
and then Delphi is discussed by Tausend (1992, 3443). Snchez (2001,
173268) provides a detailed institutional history of the amphictyony
during the period of Macedonian involvement.
124 . The word theros refers to the pilgrimage of state-sponsored
sacred delegates who invited guests to come to religious festivals or
sanctuaries, especially to Delphi or Delos, and also to those invited
guests who came to the festivals as spectators. Perlman (2001, 4551)
84 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [18]
gives a useful summary of the duties of the the theroi and their hosts
(therodokoi), based on abundant epigraphic evidence; she also pro-
vides a map of the routes the theroi from Delphi would follow in
Thessaly (76). Rutherford (2000, 133138) categorizes various usages
of theros and related terms. Hyperides uses this term here to refer
specically to the Greek delegates who attended the meetings of the
Delphic amphictyony. The usage reinforces the characterization of the
Lamian War as a sacred war (see previous note).
125127 . . . . . . . These two clauses
are closely linked by the homoioteleuton (Volkmann 1885, 483 and
Smyth 3026) of the two nal verbs and parisosis (cf. above on 13
under . . . ).
19, 129130 . . . .
Hyperides echoes Lycurgus description of the Athenian defeat at
Marathon: they made it clear that courage is superior to wealth and
virtue to number (Lycurg. 108:
). See the
following note for another link between these two speeches.
As is typical in the epitaphioi (see Walters 1980, 46), Hyperides
may be distorting the historical record by suggesting that the Greeks
were outnumbered. At the start of the war the Greek forces were
probably comparable to the Macedonians at sea. Although the
Persian battle eet of 240 ships outnumbered the Greeks, in 323
the majority of Persian ships were in Asia, and the Athenians were
optimisticunrealistically, as it turned outthat they could build
up a comparable force of 240 ships with allied contributions (Diod.
Sic. 18.10.13, 18.12.2, and 18.15.89, following the interpretation
of Morrison (1987)). The Greeks were superior in number on land at
the start of the war (Diod. Sic. 18.12.4: . . .
, The Greeks . . . who far outnumbered the
Macedonians; for further details, see Diod. Sic. 18.10.2 and 18.12.2)
until the Macedonian general Leonnatus arrived with reinforcements
during the winter (see Diod. Sic. 18.14.5 and cf. above p. 13).
Worthington (1999, 216) offers a detailed assessment of the forces on
each side at the beginning and end of the war (but his gure for the
Athenian naval force in 323 is too large: see Morrison 1987).
132133 [. Cf. Lycurg. 50: ,
crown of the fatherland. The evocative phrase appears only in these
two passages (in the TLG), and, given the parallel contexts, may sug-
[20] Commentary 85
gest that Hyperides knew Lycurgus work. The Lycurgan phrase comes
in the course of a mini-epitaphios in praise of those who sacriced their
lives for Greek freedom at Chaeronea. Because they risked their indi-
vidual lives for the sake of the common freedom of the Greeks, their
souls are a crown for their fatherland. Both passages feature the com-
mon antithesis of private sacrice for the public good, and Hyperides
, [they made] freedom a common possession,
echoes Lycurgus , common freedom. Maas (1928,
260) suggests that the Lycurgus passage echoes Dem. 60.23, where the
virtue of the fallen is praised as being the soul of Greece. Hyperides
uses the motif to underline the Lamian Wars goal of recovering from
the defeat at Chaeronea.
20, 134135 . The particle must modify the
innitive in the contrary-to-fact condition. The optative verbs here and
at 22 (, we judge) should be classied as potential opta-
tives, either with the particle modifying both the optative and the
innitive apo koinou, or with the nite optative verb standing alone
without the particle. But the context seems to require a more declarative
sense than potential optatives usually have, as is reected in the transla-
tion here (rather than what would we suppose would have happened
and in 22 we would judge these expectations would be). Graindor
(1898, 342) and Hess (1938, 65) list parallel examples of potential op-
tatives without , but Rennie (1940, 22) insists that those examples are
all scribal mistakes that have been rightly emended. Nevertheless, as
Graindor, Jensen, and Hess have concluded, these two occurrences of
the same syntactic phenomenon are unlikely to be scribal errors. Wor-
thington (1999, 216217) more sensibly suggests we retain the opta-
tive and regard the usage as a Hyperidean idiom. Elsewhere Hype-
rides uses a potential optative without (Hyp. Phil. 10,
; Why should you spare this man?, discussed by
Salvaneschi 1972, 150154), and Bers (1984, 134135) observes the
frequency of the construction in the koin dialect and suggests that it
was colloquial in the fourth century. In other regards Hyperides seems
to reect the emergence of koin; see belowon 34 under .
Cf. also the note on 35 under .
135 . The participle serves
as the protasis of a contrafactual condition. This vivid picture of
what might have happened to Greece is unparalleled in the epitaphioi
(but cf. Lycurg. 60). Homer commonly uses conditions of the type
86 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [20]
now X would have happened if Y had not intervened (e.g., Hom.
Il. 3.373382) as plot-changing devices and also to emphasize a
situation or make an editorial comment on a character (on Homers
contrafactuals see Louden 1993; Nesselrath (1992) studies this device
in epic poetry more generally). Hyperides usage here emphasizes the
heroic action of the fallen and their service to Greece.
135 . For this sense of the prepositional phrase see LSJ, s.v.
II.4.b.
138 . Or to put it briey. Hyperides is the rst to
use the accusative participle instead of the dative in this common idiom
(Pohle 1928, 93; LSJ s.v. I.2.b). Babington (appendix B) sug-
gests correcting the case to accord with earlier usage of the phrase, but
a similar phrase with the accusative at Hdt. 3.82.5 (
, to put it all together briey) justies retaining the
papyrus reading. Hyperides verbal usage is occasionally more similar
to later writers than earlier (cf. the note below on 34 under -
), and the idiom occurs regularly with the accusative in later writ-
ers, especially in scholia and commentaries (e.g., scholion ap. Hom.
Od. 13.429).
138 . Pl. Mx. 240d, describing the bat-
tle of Marathon, speaks of the insolence of all Asia (
). In this oration Hyperides avoids dwelling upon the Per-
sian Wars, so prominent in other epitaphioi, and assimilates the topoi
that recur in Athenian treatments of the Persian Wars to the present
conict with Macedon. For discussion, see above p. 23.
The term, insolence, here refers to the enemys over-
condence. In general the term expresses moral condemnation and is
often linked with hybris (MacDowell 1990, 302303 on Dem. 21.83).
Here there is also a sense of coercion, reinforced by , sub-
ject, and , forced in the previous sentence.
138139 . . . . . . . . . . This section of the
speech is especially full of pointed antitheses such as this. See below
on 24 under . . . .
138 . Macedonians, though native Greek speakers, were of-
ten characterized as foreign barbaroi by Demosthenes and his polit-
ical allies. Hall (2001) surveys the ancient and modern debate as to
whether the Macedonians were Greeks. He reasonably suggests that
in the fourth-century criteria such as language and genealogy mattered
[20] Commentary 87
less to the Greeks than cultural practice, and that these varied crite-
ria could be manipulated to argue that the Macedonians were or were
not Greek. Badian (1982) argues that Demosthenes characterization of
Philip as a barbarian (e.g., Dem. 3.17, 19.271) is an accurate reection
of the general Greek attitude at that time, and Borza (1996) has corrob-
orated his ndings with an analysis of how ancient writers distinguish
Macedonians from Greeks.
However he was perceived in Athens, Philip clearly wanted to be
thought of as a Greek, and by reviving earlier accounts that the Mac-
edonian kings descended from Argos, he provided genealogical evi-
dence for his claim. He also took advantage of his Olympic victory
of 356 to advertise his devotion to philhellenic culture, by building the
Philippeion in Olympia and minting a coin series featuring Zeus Olym-
pios and a victorious jockey (no. 16 in Yalouris et al. 1980). After the
battle of Chaeronea these Hellenic aspirations took on an increasing po-
litical signicance, when Philip formed the League of Corinth to sup-
port his planned panhellenic campaign against Persia (see above p. 7),
a plan that was carried out after his death by Alexander. By presenting
the Macedonians as barbarians in this speech (38), Hyperides justies
the Greek revolt in 323. The characterization is also rhetorically effec-
tive, since it allows the orator to mold his account of the Lamian War
after treatments of the great war against the Persian barbaroi.
140141 . . . . Sauppe keeps the papyrus reading of
ovtxXttt:ouc and prints . The adjective
is otherwise unattested, but it is easy to make sense of it meaning
lacking, as the opposite of , and it should be retained.
Other editors print , an adjective that is quite common
in post-classical Greek (and occasionally found in the classical
period: Alc. fr. 305.13 and Hecat. Abd. fr. 25.1360), but its meaning,
uninterrupted, is the opposite of what is required after the negative
conjunction . Those who prefer must also make
extensive, and unnecessary, emendations elsewhere in the clause (see
appendix B).
140141 . Hybris
can refer to a wide range of arrogant, offensive, or violent behavior
and attitudes. For general discussions see Fisher 1992 and MacDowell
1976.
It was regularly used as a term for sexual violence perpetrated with
the intent of humiliating victims and their families. Harris (2004b) ex-
88 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [20]
plains the differences between the ancient idea of hybris and the mod-
ern concept of rape: rape refers to the victims lack of consent, whereas
hybris looks partly at the intention of the aggressor, partly at the ef-
fect on the honor of the victim and her relatives (319). Violent sexual
assaults were considered typical behavior of a tyrant. At Hdt. 3.80.5
Otanes criticizes the institution of monarchy, because one character-
istic of a king is that he, among other things, forces women (-
). Several other passages are collected and discussed
by Fisher (1992, 104111) and Doblhofer (1994, 3440). The addi-
tion of , even every child, emphasizes the savage bru-
tality of the Macedonians, which is also attested elsewhere. Pritchett
(19711991, V: 238242) describes the types of suffering that befell
defeated women and children, with specic examples of Macedonian
treatment of the captives from Olynthus and Thebes (cf. Din. 1.2324
and Dem. 19.193198, 305306, 309).
Hyperides encourages his audience to support the war against Mac-
edon by warning them that the Macedonians have no respect for Greek
cultural norms (cf. Cohen (1991, 174175) on sexual violence as a
transgression of social norms perpetrated by a tyrant or an enemy at
war), whether sexual or religious (for the latter see Hyperides next
sentence with the following notes on 21). Hyperides again praises the
fallen for protecting the women of Greece in 36.
21, 142 . Hyperides refers to the unprecedented
honors bestowed upon Philip and Alexander throughout Greece (
, 20). Perhaps already in the early 350s Philip was being wor-
shiped in Amphipolis, as is stated by second-century AD orator Aelius
Aristides (38, p. 480), who says that there they sacriced to him as a
god ( ) at the time of Philips capture of that city in late
357 (Habicht 1970, 1213; Fredricksmeyer 1979, 5051). Later, an in-
scription of 332 from Eresus on Lesbos refers to altars of Zeus Philip-
pios, which were erected there, probably in 336 (Rhodes and Osborne
2003, no. 83 ii.45). But it is more likely that Philip was presented as
a mortal championed by Zeus, not as a divine manifestation of the god
(Badian 1996, 13; cf. Habicht 1970, 1415 and Fredricksmeyer 1979,
5152).
For Athens there is one late piece of evidence for the worship of
Philip. Clement of Alexandria, a second-century AD convert to Chris-
tianity, in a catalogue of deied mortals reports that the Athenians
voted to worship () Philip (Clem. Al. Protr. 4.54.5). The
source is unreliable: see Badian 1981, 6771.
[21] Commentary 89
We have contemporary evidence for the possibility of a cult of
Alexander in Athens. In the fall of 324, there was debate over whether
Alexander was to be declared a god. From Athenaeus (6.251b) we
hear that Demades brought such a proposal to the Athenian Assem-
bly. (There is no evidence that Alexander demanded divine orders: see
Badian 1996, 26.) Both of the surviving speeches prosecuting Demos-
thenes for his role in the Harpalus affair discuss the orators role in this
debate (Din. 1.94; Hyp. Dem. 31). Despite his objections Demosthe-
nes seems to have grudgingly acquiesced in the worship of Alexander,
but we should note the ironic tone in his famous remark that Alexan-
der could be called the son of Zeus and Poseidon too if he likes (Hyp.
Dem. 31). The debate is best discussed by Badian (1981, 5459) (whom
Parker 1996, 256258 follows), who points out that the cult of Alexan-
der, if it was in fact instituted in Athens, did not survive long enough
to leave any traces we could expect to recognize (55). Badian (1996,
2526) revisits the question and suggests that the Athenians set up
a portrait statue that depicted Alexander as a god, but they did not
adopt actual cult worship. Whitehead (2000, 455457) and Worthing-
ton (1992, 262264) summarize the large bibliography on this issue.
The present passage provides the most explicit indication of Hyperi-
des attitude to the worship of Alexander.
142 []. The initial letter is slightly more likely an epsilon than an eta,
and the lacuna is too large for [, already (Sauppe) or [ still
(Kayser). Only a small trace of the top of the nal character survives.
143144 [ ] . . . . The rites of the gods
are neglected, while Philip and Alexander improperly receive the at-
tentions that should rightfully be devoted to divinities. In a similar
vein, the orator Lycurgus accuses Leocrates of eeing fromAthens af-
ter Chaeronea as if he believed that the entire city had been abandoned
and the temples were empty (Lycurg. 38).
Hyperides terminology emphasizes that the Athenians were treat-
ing the Macedonians as immortal gods. Isoc. 9.57 describes the statues
of the Athenian general Conon and Evagoras, the king of Cyprus, as
eikones, which he contrasts with statues of Zeus Soter in the Agora
of Athens, which were agalmata. These agalmata, just like the altars
and temples mentioned here, should honor gods, not mortals (see Nock
1972, 241244). The linguistic distinction was carefully maintained.
In the literary and epigraphic testimonia from the agora, agalmata are
always divine gures. Conversely, honorary dedications (Price (1984,
90 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [21]
177) observes that the word eikon may refer to a statue, a bust, a tondo
or a painting) are never referred to with this term. Similarly, both Pau-
sanias and Athenian honorary decrees of all periods meticulously rec-
ognize this precise meaning of agalma (Stroud and Lewis 1979, 193;
cf. Rhodes and Osborne 2003, 54). Much later, when the Roman em-
perors came to be routinely deied, their statues were referred to as
agalmata (Price 1984, 176179).
Were the representations of Philip or Alexander in Athens con-
sidered to be agalmata or eikones? The evidence is not strong. Paus.
1.9.4 refers to statues of both in the Agora without using a specic
noun ( , Philip and
Alexander are placed . . . ). Clement of Alexandria (see previous note
on this section) refers to worship of Philip in the sanctuary of Heracles
at Cynosarges, south of the Athenian Acropolis, and Fredricksmeyer
(1979, 4950) suggests that an agalma of Philip was put on display
there as a , a partner of the god. But Badian (1981,
7071) more plausibly suggests that the statue was a common hon-
orary dedication and not an object of worship, and that it was likely the
same work that Pausanias later saw in the Agora.
Outside of Athens (Hyperides refers to all of Greece; 20: -
, Greece), of course, there is the famous Philippeion in the pan-
hellenic sanctuary for Zeus at Olympia, begun by Philip after the battle
of Chaeronea (Paus. 5.20.9) and completed by Alexander after his fa-
thers death in 336. This building featured statues not only of Philip
and Alexander, but also Philips parents and wife. Pausanias refers to
the images of Olympias and Eurydice in the Philippeion as eikones, but
does not explicitly label the statues of Philip, Alexander, and Amyntas
as either eikones or agalmata. Miller (1973, 191) reasonably interprets
the Philippeion as a sort of statue garden, rather than a hero shrine.
Fredricksmeyer (1979, 58) speculates that at the Philippeum Philip
suggested and approximated his deication but stopped just short of
actually introducing it formally as a cult. The statues were made of
gold and ivory, and are the earliest known use of chryselephantine ma-
terial for mortals, but Lapatin (2001, 117118) rightly cautions against
reading too much into this fact and adds that there is no evidence that
chryselephantine materials alone signied divinity.
To summarize, there is ample evidence that Philip and Alexander
hinted at their divinity and perhaps encouraged cultic worship, but it is
very unlikely that any formal cult existed in Athens in 322.
144 [ ] , [] . The an-
[23] Commentary 91
tithesis between gods and men is reinforced by repeated word endings
(homoioteleuton, Volkmann 1885, 483 and Smyth 3026) and sounds
(parechesis, Volkmann 1885, 515 and Smyth 3037; cf. above on 18
under . . . . . . ).
145146 [] . The most fa-
mous example of a divinely honored associate of the Macedonian rulers
was Alexanders closest companion, Hephaestion (discussed by Bick-
erman (1985, 473478) and Habicht (1970, 2934)). After his friends
death in Ecbatana in October 324 Alexander asked of the oracle of
Zeus Ammon in Siwah that Hephaestion be honored as a ,
literally cochair of the god, or a hero (Diod. Sic. 17.115.6, Arr. An.
7.23.6; Bickerman 1985, 481482). Hyperides description here con-
rms that Arrian was correct to describe the honors as hero worship,
and this passage also demonstrates that these honors spread quickly
in the Greek world (Treves 1939; Cawkwell (1994, 299300) explains
that the Greeks were inescapably obliged by ... religious attitudes
(300) to follow the oracle at Siwah, regardless of their attitude toward
Alexander). The reference to a member of the kings court as a slave
is typical of Greek views of the royal entourage at this time. The privi-
leged members of Alexanders court, who were often given heroic hon-
ors, were depicted as atterers, parasites, or sometimes even slaves, as
here (Price 1984, 3236). Not until the third century did these friends of
the court come to be identied by their titles instead of such pejorative
characterizations (Herman 19801981).
22, 146148 . . .
. Hyperides suggests that the decay in reli-
gious morality under Philip and Alexander would inevitably lead to
widespread social decay too. He has already forecast Macedonian dis-
ruption of Greek social norms with his warning regarding sexual vio-
lence in 21, and now he pairs human and divine morality in order to
emphasize that the Macedonians threaten all aspects of Greek culture.
On the close relationship between the laws of the gods and the laws of
men see Harris 2004a, 5156 and Parker 1983, 170.
150 . See above, on 20 under .
23, 153158 . . . . The various hardships the sol-
diers endured are summarized in an ascending tricolon in which each
of the three members expands upon its predecessor. The rst limb (
. . . , during which . . . go into battle every day) briey refers
92 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [23]
to their daily toils; the second ( . . . , ght more battles
. . . times gone by) emphasizes the continuous battles and invokes a
comparison with past campaigns; the third and longest limb (-
. . . , to endure harsh storms . . . ) praises
the mens tolerance and strength. The trials of the campaign are a com-
mon rhetorical trope (e.g., A. A. 559566 and Pl. Sym. 219e220b) for
praising soldiers.
24. Rusten (1986) analyzes a similar passage in Thucydides funeral
oration. In that passage (Thuc. 2.42.4) Rusten considers Thucydides
description of the progression of the soldiers decision. First they con-
sciously decided to enter battle, recognizing the glory to be won there
in victory. Then they put aside consideration of their own future and
devoted themselves wholly to the matter at hand. Finally they put more
importance on a glorious death than cowardly ight, and consented to
sacrice their lives. Here, the progression is not as detailed as at Thuc.
2.42.4, but nonetheless the same sequence of thought is apparent. The
citizens rst decided to submit (, to endure, cf. Thuc. loc.
cit. , endured) themselves to battle and then consciously
choose death to preserve Greek freedom. Dem. 60.26 also presents the
same sequence.
163164 . . . . The pair of clauses,
. . . (fortunate because of their display of virtue) and
. . . (unfortunate because of their loss of life), are balanced by
parallel structure (paromoiosis, see Volkmann 1885, 482, Smyth 3039).
Furthermore, the parallelism is reinforced by repetition of the prepo-
sition at the beginning of each clause, each of which governs a
rhyming abstract noun of identical length compounded with ; then
both clauses end with antithetical compound adjectives formed on the
same stem (see Fehling 1969, 243244 on this sentence with parallel
examples of repetitive compounds). This sort of stiff symmetry, with
its sometimes cloying gures, was characteristic of Gorgias, and the
epideictic genre in general. On Gorgias and Gorgianic encomia, see
Denniston 1952, 1012 and MacDowell 1982, 1719. Pritchett (1975,
98101) discusses and illustrates individual Gorgianic gures and Cole
(1991, 7174) provides a stylistic analysis of the extensive fragment of
Gorgias Funeral Oration (Gorg. fr. B6) that emphasizes its stiff for-
mality and balanced echoing sentence structure (73), stylistic ten-
dencies that are prominent in all of the surviving examples of the genre.
Bons (2007) provides a recent account of Gorgias role in the sophistic
[25] Commentary 93
movement, with a focus on argumentation rather than prose style.
166 . . . . This antithesis is common throughout the
epitaphioi (e.g., Thuc. 2.42.2, Pl. Mx. 236d, Lys. 2.44, Dem. 60.10).
In the Menexenus, where the pairing occurs most frequently, there is
a distinction in meaning between (1) Athens in contrast to the rest
of Greece and (2) the Athenian soldiers in contrast to their civilian
fellow-citizens (Tsitsiridis 1998, 181). In this speech both senses
are also present, with this passage distinguishing the soldiers from
the other Athenian citizens, while the adjectives are used in 5 and
19 to distinguish Athens as a collective whole from the rest of
Greece. Kemmer (1903, 121 and 170173) catalogues numerous
other Attic prose examples of the / (private/shared) and
/ (private/public) antitheses.
25, 168 . Hyperides next sentence makes it clear that au-
tonomia refers to the political constitution of Athens. In this context of
a war against external domination, eleutheria, freedom (see above on
16 under [ ] ) refers to freedom from ex-
ternal rule, while autonomia, independence is a subordinate concept
describing the citys ability to maintain its own internal government;
for discussion and further bibliography see Raaaub 2004, 156157.
As a koin eirn, the League of Corinth guaranteed freedom and au-
tonomy to member states (cf. Ryder 1965, 103 and 151, Rhodes and
Osborne 2003, 377), but with Alexander as the hgemn of the coun-
cil this provision was a dead letter (for a recent study of this issue see
Jehne 1994, 166197, who emphasizes the importance of the Persian
campaign for the emergence of Philip and Alexanders role as leaders
of the league). Dem. 17.8 provides an earlier parallel of an Athenian
advocate for rebellion decrying the loss of freedom and independence
under Alexander. That earlier complaint probably belongs to a debate
on Agis revolt in 331 (Sealey 1993, 240, Cawkwell 1961, 7475), and
may also have been written by Hyperides (Lib. Arg.D. or. 17). See also
the note on 16 under [ ] .
168 . The sentiment of
Hyp. fr. 214 =Rut. Lup. 2.6 is closely related: non enimsimile est vivere
in aequa civitate, ubi ius legibus valeat, et devenire sub unius tyranni
imperium, ubi singularis libido dominetur. Sed necesse est aut legibus
fretum meminisse libertatis, aut unius potestati traditum quotidianam
commentari servitutem, life in a just state, where the law prevails, is
not at all like submission to the rule of one ruler, where an individuals
94 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [25]
desire reigns. We must trust in the law and be mindful of our freedom,
or hand ourselves over to one mans command and complain of our
slavery every day. The pride in an aequa civitas, just state, is well
illustrated in the simile of 5. This passage of the funeral oration was
evidently often quoted: Stobaeus also cites it (see apparatus). Its neat
contrast between the rule of one and the rule of the lawis particularly at
home in this oration, in which Hyperides repeatedly characterizes the
Macedonian kings as tyrants (e.g., 20 and 40).
168172 . . . . The rule of law was a cen-
tral tenet in Athenian democratic ideology. The nomoi, laws, were
seen as a basic element of a free society. All Athenian men swore
the Ephebic oath as young men, in which they vowed to obey and de-
fend the laws of Athens (the oath is preserved in a mid-fourth-century
inscription, Rhodes and Osborne 2003, no. 88 i.520; a literary ver-
sion is quoted by Pollux and Stobaeus; Harding 1985, no. 109 trans-
lates all three), and citizen judges in the courts swore to vote in accor-
dance with established laws, which were more authoritative than the
orders of a single individual (And. 1.91; Harris (2004a, 5859) con-
trasts established laws with the orders of a tyrant). The rule of law
protected the people in a democracy, and the existence of law distin-
guished democracy from tyranny, where the , a mans
threat, held sway. The funeral orations regularly emphasize the im-
portance of law as a guarantor of democratic equality and the rights
of individuals (Thuc. 2.37.1, Lys. 2.1819; cf. Harris 2004a, 4142),
and in this speech the despotic rule of the Macedonians is pointedly
contrasted with the rule of law (here and 20; the same antithesis also
appears at Eur. Supp. 429437).
169171 . . . . , accusation, and ,
slander, are regularly linked (hendiadys), and the negative con-
notation of the latter rubs off on the former to give it the sense of
ungrounded accusation (Yunis 2001, 110111). Here that sense is
intensied by the contrast with , proof. Whitehead (2000,
396) notes other collocations of accusations and slanders in
Hyperides.
170 . Hyperides repeatedly uses this verb and the cog-
nate noun , attery, to denounce any advocate of Macedon
as a toady (see Whitehead 2000, 216217 on Hyp. Eux. 19; cf. also
Hyp. Eux. 20 and 23).
[27] Commentary 95
26, 173 . Polyptoton is the repetition of one word in
different cases. Usher (1999, 20) observes that this rhetorical gure
is more common in tragedy than prose, and Worthington (1999,
219220) compares Eur. And. 802803: , evil
after evil. Mastronarde (2002, 96) collects other tragic examples; see
Fehling 1969, 3739 for further discussion. Such poeticisms are at
home in epideictic poetry and are quite common in this speech (see the
note on the simile in 5 and on 40 under
).
27, 177179 . . . . Hyperides funeral oration is the
only one that refers to the family members of the deceased during the
epainos section of the oration. Others address the surviving family
members, usually at much greater length, at the end of the oration, in
the nal consolation (the , Thuc. 2.4445, Lys. 2.7576, Pl.
Mx. 246d249c, Dem. 60.3237). The failure to address the widows
in this speech is also unusual, and this passage is the only one in the
epitaphioi to refer to the subjects sisters.
177 . On this adjective see below on 40 under .
179 . The reference to lawful marriages is an emphatic contrast
with the sexual violence that Hyperides feared from Macedonian rulers
(see the note on 20 under -
).
179 . Literally means, provisions for a trip or journey. This is
a favorite metaphor of Hyperides (Whitehead (2000, 216) discusses
examples at Hyp. Eux. 19 and Hyp. Dem. 40; cf. also Hyp. fr. 219a)
and his usage anticipates a common idiom of the Hellenistic and Ro-
man periods. The meaning seems to be something like an asset for
a particular situation, or perhaps an introduction to something. The
earliest such usage is from the early fth century, in a fragment of the
comic poet Epicharmus: ,
a pious life is the greatest asset for mortals (Epich. fr. 261). Then the
metaphorical usage emerges again after 350, both in Hyperides and also
at Dem. 34.35. For later examples and further discussion, see Gromska
1927, 64 and Pohle 1928, 72.
180 []. Cobets restoration is likely correct, since Hyperides fre-
quently refers to the goodwill of the dmos (Hyp. Dem. 29, Hyp. Phil.
7 with Whitehead 2000, 5960). Eunoia regularly describes an indi-
viduals patriotic loyalty to the state and was a cardinal virtue in
96 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [27]
the fourth century (Whitehead 1993, 5254) and was often paired with
aret. The phrase (of the people) may echo fourth-
century honorary decrees: Veligianni-Terzi (1997, 218219) collects
examples of the phrase
(because of virtue and good will toward the Athenian
people) in Athenian inscriptions (e.g., IG II
2
448 = Schwenk 1985,
407418 no. 83 (lines 1314), from the same year as this speech). Here
and later in this speech (42) Hyperides describes a reciprocal obliga-
tion that the city owed the children of the dead because of their fathers
public contribution.
The Athenian state nancially supported war orphans (Lys. frr.
128129 (P. Hib. 14) and SEG 28.46 (Harding 1985, 1315 no. 8);
see also Thuc. 2.46.1, Pl. Mx. 249a, Arist. Ath. 24.3). The orphans
were displayed to the entire city at the beginning of the City Dionysia,
dressed in full armor as they undertook their Ephebic service. The
practice may have originated with Solon (D. L. 1.55 is followed by
Stroud (1971, 288)) and continued in the fourth century. Aeschines
describes this honorable custom as a thing of the past (Aesch.
3.154155; cf. Isoc. 8.82), which he contrasts with the proposed
crowning of Demosthenes at the Dionysia. But his rhetorical purpose
is to emphasize the inappropriate award for Demosthenes, and this
passage of the Funeral Oration (together with 42) suggests that state
support for war orphans continued at least until 322. For a discussion
of the evidence and the administration of the practice see Stroud 1971,
288290.
183 . The military metaphor describes the dead holding an eternal
post in the afterlife. Dem. 60.34 uses the same metaphor to describe
the dead among the islands of the blessed. The funeral orations min-
imize reference to immortality; see the note on 43 under . . .
.
28, 185 . The word archgos (foundation, cause, beginning)
is synonymous with archgets, a technical term for the founder of a
family or race. Here, before his unusual description of Leosthenes in the
afterworld (3540), Hyperides boldly describes the soldiers death as
a new birth. His use of archgos, with its connotations of origins and
foundations, reinforces that assertion.
187 . The phrase here has the sense of anew or again (LSJ,
s.v. notes only Ar. Pl. 221 for this meaning).
[30] Commentary 97
189 . On this phrase see the note on 8 under
[].
29, 190192 . . . . On the distinction between these
overlapping terms see the note on 40 under .
191 . The papyrus offers the senseless reading oo0ot, which
appears to be corrected from an original reading, also meaningless, of
oo0gv. Most editors have supplied an indicative verb to govern the in-
nitive (become). Cobets (they can im-
mediately) seems most elegant (for other suggestions see appendix B).
Alternatively, others have preferred to emend the corrupt form here to
an innitive, either (to begin) or (to deserve),
and then either emend to an indicative form (Babington), or
else posit a lacuna at the end of the sentence that could provide the main
verb for the sentence (Blass).
30, 193 . Hypophora is a rhetorical gure in which
the speaker asks a series of rhetorical questions and then provides an-
swers for them. Volkmann (1885, 492494) and Usher (1999, index s.v.
hypophora) note several examples from the orators. Hyperides is very
fond of the device and employs it above at 6 and 2023; cf. also
Hyp. Phil. 10. Here the rhetorical questions emphasize that the dead
will always be celebrated everywhere (cf. Lys. 2.74, a close parallel).
196198 . . . . . . . Denniston (1954, 1011) discusses the
use of the particle to introduce various alternatives as the speaker
holds a dialogue with himself. In 6 Hyperides used to introduce
the answer to his own question, but here it emphatically prefaces both
question and answer.
196198 . . . . The de-
scription of the private and public rewards for the city and its citizens
is unparalleled in the other epitaphioi. Thucydides describes the sacri-
ce of the fallen soldiers as an , contribution (Thuc. 2.43.1).
The reference to both public and private benets amplies the praise
at 26, , so that others could live well. The
substantive adjective is neuter here; forensic speeches regu-
larly use the phrase to refer to the prosperity
of the city (Lys. 12.47, Dem. 18.323 and 24.155, Din. 3.22).
199 . For the active usage of this verb see the note on
34 under . Hyperides uses several future active forms for
98 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [30]
verbs that are typically future deponents during the classical period.
3134. More than half of the right portion of the entire column is miss-
ing. The text cannot be recovered with any certainty; numerous recon-
structions by earlier editors are listed in the apparatus and appendix B.
We do not know how wide the column was, and the scribe writes much
more densely in the last columns of the manuscript. I have indicated
that about twelve characters are missing at the end of each line, but
even that assumption is highly uncertain. Much of the general sense
seems clear: Hyperides details the benets the fallen have bestowed
upon the Athenians, distinguishing the latter into age groups. First he
probably refers to the elder citizens and the secure life they will enjoy
(col. 11.16 =200202). Then he turns to the soldiers peers, who can live
without fear (611 = 202204), and the young Athenians, who will ben-
et from the good example set by the dead (1119 = 204207). Next the
orator probably refers to the praise the soldiers will receive in speeches
and songs (cf. Lys. 2.3 and Pl. Mx. 239c), which will be comparable
to the songs sung of the Trojan campaign (2030 = 207211). Finally the
speech emphasizes how pleasant and protable it will be to recall the
valor of the fallen (3012.6 = 211219).
31, 200 . . . [. The interrogative adjective and the fu-
ture tense continue the hypophora from the previous section.
200205 . . . [ . . . [. Again, the sense contin-
ues from the previous section. In section 30 the orator surveyed vari-
ous benets the dead provided to Greece and Athens. Now he divides
those who received these favors into age groups (cf. Lycurg. 144). At
col. 11.2 (201) editors plausibly restore [ (those older,
Sauppe), [ (the elders, Cobet) or [
(the aged, Babington) to complete the division into elders, peers, and
juniors. The remaining traces of the last letter of col. 11.2 (201) could
be read either as a gamma or a pi.
201 [
. . . . . . . . . . . .
] . Editors restore ] , their remain-
ing life, most with some form of the verb , to lead, to govern
it. For example: ] [ ] (Sauppe), They
[the elders?] will live the rest of their lives without fear as a result of
the sacrice of the fallen soldiers.
202 [
. . . . . . . . .
. The left half of the nal character of col. 11.5
(202) is curved, and well suits a sigma (Jensen, Blass), but not a mu
(Babington, Cobet) or a tau (Sauppe). The innitive should certainly
[32] Commentary 99
be read, probably with a verb to govern it in the following lacuna. For
example, Blass proposes [ , They [the elders?]
will be condent that [their life?] has been made ...
202203 ] [. The restoration of (among)
is based on col. 11.12 (200201), where the papyrus preserves the last
part of the preposition and the article in the parallel phrase among
their elders (whatever restoration is accepted for elders; see the note
above under . . . [ . . . [.
203
. . . . . . . . .
]
.
[
. . . . . . . . . . . .
. A relative or demonstrative pronoun
likely introduces a new clause here, connecting the dead to their peers
( ). The last character of col. 11.8 (203) is curved, pos-
sibly a phi (Radermacher), an alpha (Sitzler), a sigma (Kayser 1868),
or even an omega. The noun (death) may be followed by
another noun or adjective, but the participle (dying)
is equally possible. Some sort of verbal element, either the participle
(dying) or a nite verb with (death) as its
subject, may have preceded (nobly). Radermachers recon-
struction, which seems too long for the gap, may give the sense:
] [ ], The death of these men has
struck them [their peers] with envy . . . But any reconstruction here is
highly uncertain.
204
.
[
. . . . . . . . . .
] [. The reading [ (by
far) appears quite likely; the nal character of col. 11.10 (204) is not
a lambda (as Sitzlers restoration requires). Col. 11.11 (204) reads ,
not (Kayser). A perfect form of (to become), probably
nite, but perhaps a participle, is preceded either by an innitive or a
dative singular rst declension noun.
32, 204206 ] [ . . . ] [
. . . . . . . . . .
. For
the restoration of (among), see the note on 31 under
] [. The hypophora continues here with questions con-
cerning the last age group, those younger than the dead. An initial
question probably introduces the [ (the youth), with a new
clause adding additional queries. Blasss restoration is attractive: -
[ ; ] [ ] [
] [; What about their juniors and chil-
dren? Wont they envy their death and themselves strive to imitate it?
206 ]. See below on 34 under on the future
active usage of this verb.
100 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [32]
206207 ][ . . .
. . . . . . . .
]. Editors take as the termina-
tion of a third plural perfect verb, with the fallen soldiers as the subject.
Jensens restoration seems plausible: ][
] [ ], If they have handed down the
virtue of their lives as a model . . .
207 [
. . . . . . . . . . . .
] [
. . . . . . . .
]. An innitive ends in -,
and [ (them) is needed as the accusative subject. Editors treat
- as a dative singular rst declension ending (with the mute iota
omitted, as the scribe often does). Jensens restoration nicely captures
the likely sense: [ ] [
], must we not believe that they enjoy an immortal memorial
. . . For the phrase (immortal memorial), cf. Lys.
2.6 and 81.
33. Colin cautions that this section is the most uncertain part of the
entire column (incertissima pars totius columnae). The only clear
words refer to the Greeks ([) and the Phrygians ().
Pl. Mx. 239bc and Dem. 60.9 provide possible parallels. Both
passages refer to the mythical accomplishments of the Greeks that
were celebrated by the poets, and both also contrast the media of poets
and prose writers. Colins highly speculative restoration is preferable
to Blass (appendix B) for palaeographic reasons (explained in the
following note). Colin suggests: [ ]
[ ] [ ]
[ ;] [ ]
[ ] [; What writers
of poetry or prose among the Greeks will ever lack any praise for
the accomplishments of these men? Among whom will these deeds
not be praised more than that campaign that conquered the Trojans?
Kenyons restoration, equally uncertain, may provide some sense of
the rest of the section: ] [ ]
[] [ ] [,
Everywhere in Greece these accomplishments will be be praised by
all their descendents both in prose and in song.
208 [
. . . . .
. I follow Jensens reading of (but I see no sign of the
following iota he reports). Earlier editors read (and the hand-drawn
image in Babington 1858 reects that reading), but the papyrus is some-
what abraded on the right side of the letter in question. A round shape
is clearly visible, but it does not fully close on the right and there is a
trace of the cross stroke of an epsilon.
[34] Commentary 101
210 [
. . . . .
. This is quite likely a form of the noun or the
verb . See the note on 15 under [] . . . for the
sense.
34, 211213
. . . . . . .
] . . . [. Colin builds upon restora-
tions of Cobet, Sauppe and Kenyon: ] [ -
] [ ] []
[, For both these reasons it will be possible for them [later
writers] to praise the achievements of Leosthenes and those who have
died in this war. The general sense is appropriate, but much remains
uncertain. The reference of ] (for both these reasons)
is unclear, and (to praise) seems to leave out prose works
(cf. Thuc. 2.41.4, where the orator rejects the need for the praise of
poets like Homer).
213
. . . . . . . .
] . Cobets supplements are very attractive:
] [ ] [ ],
[ ] [ ] [ -
] [ ]; If they enjoy praising such
great endurance, what could be sweeter for the Greeks than praise of
those who acquired freedom from the Macedonians. All that remains
of the nal character in col. 11.40 (215216) is a small raised dot of ink,
most likely an upsilon, but a pi or tau is quite possible.
214 [ ]. The restoration is based on the same phrase
at 24. However, Cobets [ (such great) might better ll
the lacuna.
216 ]. Babingtons restoration perfectly ts the lacuna
and seems to be conrmed by the verb (confer . . . advan-
tage).
216 [
. . . . . . . . . . . .
]. Pl. Mx. 236e draws a relationship between the
logos of the funeral oration and a memorial () for the dead, which
Cobet echoes with his restoration of [ (such a memo-
rial). He has also proposed [ (such a recollec-
tion), which better ts the size of the gap.
217 . This is the earliest attested usage of an active form of
the future of the verb (to hear). Several classical future mid-
dle deponent verbs regularly occur in the active voice in koin Greek
(examples at Blass and Debrunner 1961, 42 no. 77; see also Browning
1983, 29) and this example is not a scribal accident (as Rennie (1940,
102 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [34]
22) supposed), as we can see from the similar examples of -
(30, will enjoy) and ] (32, will be eager)
earlier in the speech, both of which are also future middle deponents
in the classical period. Gromska (1927, 3637) and Pohle (1928, 21)
discuss this aspect of Hyperides and the emergence of the koin dialect.
218219 . On this phrase see the note on 8 under
[].
35, 220 . The particles mark a new point in the argument; for
examples (including this passage) and discussion see Denniston 1954,
344345. In this transitional sentence Hyperides summarizes his de-
scription of the glory of the dead among the living and then turns to
their reception in the underworld.
223 . The papyrus reads oot0o, which Shilleto
corrects to (we suppose), an easy visual confusion on the part
of the scribe. Levi proposes reading the optative , to accord
with the unusual usages of the optative in 20 and 22 (on which see
the note on 20 under ).
224225 -
[]. The papyrus reads (without any word divisions) 6tgyoptvov
xoXoutvouc :ouc ttt c:po:ttov c:pocov:[
.
]c. The rst two words
are plainly corrupt; Cobet compared Isoc. 4.84 and proposed reading
(of the so-called demi-gods, on which
Blass commented audacter, sed optima sententia). Babington had al-
ready emended (army) to (Troy). The correc-
tions are indeed bold, but the following material, specically the one
woman assaulted ([] [], 36), must refer to
the Trojan war. For the phrase (of the so-
called demi-gods) Jensen compares Hes. Op. 159160 and also Pl. Ap.
28c, which labels those who died at Troy as , demi-gods.
227 ]. Hyperides boldly asserts that Leosthenes excelled the
heroes of the past. His superiority is again emphasized in excelled
(, 38) and even greater ( , 39; cf. also 19 and
23). It was commonplace for writers of elegy or encomiumto compare
their subjects with the heroic past (e.g., Simonides fragments 1018
(West) on the battle of Plataea, with discussion on the epic comparisons
by Boedecker (1996, 229232)). But Hyperides, with his pronounced
emphasis on Leosthenes and his troops, goes much further than oth-
ers when he asserts that his subjects were superior to those who fought
[37] Commentary 103
at Troy and in the Persian Wars. Typically the dead are not elevated
above, but rather equated with, their illustrious ancestors. Thus, for
example, Lys. 2.6770 speaks of the dead in the same terms as their
ancestors earlier in the speech, as does Pl. Mx. 246a (see Ziolkowski
1981, 8083 on the motif; Plut. Per. 28.7 employs an argument similar
to Hyperides when he compares the Samian campaign of 440 and 439
with the Trojan War). Hyperides initial sidestepping of the traditional
themes of the prooemium allowed him to focus on the individual Leos-
thenes and the particular events of the rst season of the Lamian War.
That special emphasis in this speech culminates in this declaration of
superiority.
228 [] . In other epitaphioi this sort of
hyperbole is reserved for the battle of Marathon (Lys. 2.20 and Pl. Mx.
240c ignore Plataean aid in 490; see Schroeder 1914, 2930). Here,
Hyperides continues to assert the superiority of his subjects, despite
his own earlier account of the mercenary army and the Athenian allies
(11, 13).
228229 . The repeated contrast between one and many
is emphasized by this juxtaposition.
230 . In 10 the same verb was used to describe the weak-
ened condition of Greece before Leosthenes came along. Now the ta-
bles are turned and Leosthenes has conquered the conquerer.
36, 230231 ] []. On sexual violence as typical
behavior for a tyrant, see above, on 20 under
.
231232 [] . Other funeral orations describe
Athens as the savior of all of Greece during the Persian Wars (Lys.
2.20, Dem. 60.10). Once again, Hyperides adapts language usually
used of the Persian Wars to praise Leosthenes and his troops.
37, 235236 . Like Harmodius and Aristogi-
ton (see below on 39 under ), these two
generals of the Persian Wars were famed for saving Greece from a
despotic ruler (cf. Hdt. 6.109.3, where Miltiades asserts that a victory at
Marathon would surpass the deeds of the tyrant slayers). See above on
5 and 20 for other cases where Leosthenes and his men are implicitly
compared to the Greeks who warded off the Persians.
These two generals are singled out to represent the battles of
104 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [37]
Marathon and Salamis, the two most important victories for Athens
during the Persian Wars. Pl. Mx. 241bc well summarizes the typical
account in the funeral orations: The other Greeks were taught by the
men in the army at Marathon and those in the navy at Salamis. They
learned to become used to not fearing the barbarians on land or at
sea. Unlike other funeral orations, Hyperides singles out the generals
who led the campaigns in order to compare them with Leosthenes.
238 . See below on 40 under .
38, 239 . On this assertion see above on 35 under ].
239 . On this pairing, see the note on 3 under
[].
240 . The repetition of dynamis from
35, where it referred to the Trojans, reinforces the characterization
of the Macedonians as foreign barbarians. See the note on 20 under
.
241243 . . . . Hyperides refers to
the invasions of Attica during the Persian Wars. In autumn of 490 the
Persians landed at Marathon in northeast Attica (Hdt. 6.102103). In
autumn of 480 Xerxes invaded by land and burned the abandonedAthe-
nian acropolis prior to the battle of Salamis (Hdt. 8.5155). Again in
spring of 479 the Persian general Mardonius invaded (Hdt. 9.3). Hype-
rides contrasts these events with the Lamian War, in which the Atheni-
ans and their allies met the invaders in Boeotia and drove them north to
Thermopylae (1114). The Thucydidean funeral oration makes the
same point about the Athenian ability to defeat the enemy in hostile
territory (Thuc. 2.39.2).
39, 245246 . This is the only epitaphios lo-
gos that compares the war dead with Harmodius and Aristogiton. For
the story of the tyrant slayers who were credited with ending the rule
of the Pisistratids in the late sixth century, see Thuc. 6.5359 and Hdt.
5.5557. The famous tyrant slayers were celebrated for their efforts to
liberate Athens from the rule of the Pisistratidae, and here the compar-
ison contributes to the characterization of the Macedonians as tyrants.
They were also venerated as heroes (on their honors, see Dem. 19.280
with MacDowell (2000, 326) and Arist. Ath. 58.1 with Rhodes (1993,
651652)) and regular sacrices for these two heroes took place in con-
junction with the ceremony for the war dead (Currie 2005, 9596, Tay-
[40] Commentary 105
lor 1991, 78). These sacrices were conduced by the polemarch and
probably took place at their grave in the Ceramicus (Kearns 1989, 55
and 150). The emphasis in this passage on the close relation between
the war dead and Harmodius and Aristogiton suggests that the fallen
soldiers also received heroic honors; for further discussion of this point
see the note on 43 under . . .
.
246247 {} {} . The
papyrus reads, without word breaks, ou0tvouc ou:oc ou:otc
otxtto:tpouc uttv ttvot. The transmitted text is plainly corrupt
and various solutions have been proposed. I have followed Blass in
correcting ou0tvouc to (nobody), deleting uttv (to
you) and changing the adjective otxtto:tpouc from the comparative
to the positive degree. The rst change can be explained as a simple
morphological mistake on the part of the scribe, who confused the
accusative plural endings of the second and third declensions. The
insertion of is more difcult to explain, and its presence may
indicate more serious problems with the text here (those who keep
it change to ; e.g., Kenyon prints
, they are in no way closer to you [than Leosthenes
. . . ]). The positive adjective is restored because does not
regularly modify comparatives. The clause is an indirect statement
depending on (consider), and (to them) refers to
Harmodius and Aristogiton.
246 . The spelling , rst appears on Athenian in-
scriptions in 378/377 and completely replaces , by the end
of the fourth century, but forms of begin to reappear in the rst
century BC (Threatte 19801996, I: 472476). This is the only exam-
ple of the usage of by the scribe of this papyrus, but it may well
be the form Hyperides actually wrote.
250 . See the note on 35 under ].
40, 252253 . Exclamatory is
uncommon in Attic prose, especially introducing such a lengthy excla-
mation. The particle is only found twice elsewhere in the orators, both
times in an oath (by the gods, [] , Dem. 21.98, 166).
For other poetic usages in this speech see the note on 26 under
. Here the exclamations signal a shift in the speech. The orator
has nished his comparison of Leosthenes and his predecessors in the
106 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [40]
underworld, and now prepares to conclude the praise section (epainos)
of the speech. If indeed these exclamations mark the conclusion of Hy-
perides praise for the dead, there may be very little text missing be-
tween the end of fragment 1b (40) and fragment 2 (41), which comes
from the consolatory section (the paramythia) of the speech that typ-
ically immediately follows the end of the epainos (cf. Thuc. 2.4243,
Lys. 2.7677, Pl. Mx. 246ab, Dem. 60.3132; see also above p. 16).
253254 . Hyperides is especially fond of this adjective in this
speech. It does not occur in any of the other epitaphioi or elsewhere
in Hyperides. He uses it here to describe the generous contribution the
dead made to the state. Previously it was used to praise the victory in
Boeotia (18), the glory acquired by the fathers of the fallen (27), and
the achievement of the soldiers of the Persian Wars (37).
254 . For the sense of see
above on 1 under ][. On the soldiers decision to
volunteer their lives for Athens, see the note above on 24. On Hyperi-
des use of the noun in this speech, see the note on 3 under
[].
255 . Aesch. 3.42 and 49 suggests that these two
nouns were regularly paired in honoric decrees (for the epigraphic ev-
idence see Whitehead 1993, 49 n. 38 and Veligianni-Terzi 1997, 217).
Both abstract nouns refer to the qualities of an , a noble
man (for discussion see Veligianni-Terzi 1997, 270272 and Dover
1974, 164165), but they are not simple synonyms. Whitehead (1993,
5762) discusses the development of the concept of andragathia in the
late fth century. He distinguishes semantic differences between aret
and andragathia. Aret had a long-standing connection with heroic
death and the term carried an aristocratic avor. Andragathia was more
egalitarian and praised men for what they had done rather than who
they were (Whitehead 1993, 5762) and was often used generally to
describe military valor (see Pritchett 19711991, III: 280283 for ex-
amples) or more specically for death in the eld (see note on 1 under
[ ]). Hyperides also links the two terms above (29). An-
dragathia is also a very common term in decrees awarding Athenian
citizenship to foreigners; for discussion and references see Kapparis
1999, 364365.
4143. On the amount of material missing between 40 and 41, see
the note on 40 under . This
[41] Commentary 107
fragment is preserved in Stobaeus Anthology as an example of a conso-
latory () passage. He attributes the passage to Hyperides
without specifying a speech title. Babington (1859, 4648) assigned it
to the Funeral Oration, on the basis of several similarities to the epi-
logues of other epitaphioi (e.g., for . . . cf. Dem. 60.35
and Thuc. 2.44.2; on the adjective see the note below on
43 under ; see also the link between this pas-
sage and Dem. 60.34 discussed below in the note on 43 under
), and he is followed by all subsequent editors.
More information on the readings of individual manuscripts may be
found in Wachsmuth and Hense 18841912. The Anthology, probably
compiled in the fth century AD, catalogues literary quotations under
a number of such headings, but unfortunately it does not provide any
context or discussion of the individual quotations which it preserves.
This passage probably comprises the entirety of the consolation section
of the speech (), the brief conclusion addressed to the rela-
tives of the dead (cf. Thuc. 2.4345, Lys. 2.7780, Pl. Mx. 246b2249c,
Dem. 60.3237). D.H. Rh. 6.4 advises that the consolation not consist
of mourning and lamentation, since that would only increase the sur-
vivors sorrow. Rather, the paramythia should emphasize that the dead
fell quick and painlessly, and that they earned a glorious burial and
escaped the miseries of later illnesses. The surviving epitaphioi gener-
ally follow this pattern and emphasize that it is the idyllic state of the
dead in the afterlife that comforts the bereaved (further discussed by
Kassel (1958, 41)). This passage has a philosophical quality to it, with
its avoidance of direct address to the survivors and its emphasis on the
universal fate of all men, the freedom from mortal illness for the dead,
and the possibility that they may be enjoying a better existence after
death (discussed by Soffel (1974, 1419)).
41, 259261 . . . . . . . Sourvinou-Inwood (1995,
191195) nicely contrasts the attitudes toward the war dead as
displayed in fth-century public epitaphs with archaic epitaphs for
private individuals. Whereas private epitaphs present a negative
characterization of death that is often dominated by grief and
lament (192), the epitaphs for the war dead depict death as a positive
event, and emphatically eschew grief and lamentation. Here and in the
following sections, Hyperides reects that attitude as he systematically
compares the positive benets of dying for the city with the individual
losses of the men and their families.
108 Hyperides: Funeral Oration [41]
259 . The logos (speech) is the funeral oration
itself, the nomos (custom) is the entire ceremony (Thuc. 2.34.1: -
, ancestral custom), including the speech. See pp. 1415
for a description of the ceremony.
261 . This noun contributes to the philosophical tone. Aristotle
frequently uses it to dene terms (see LSJ s.v. II for examples).
42, 264267 . . . . The series of parallel clauses fea-
ture highly stylized rhetorical devices that signal the closure of the
speech. In the rst pair of clauses ( . . . , Although
their sufferings . . . great praises) the parallelism is reinforced by ho-
moioteleuton and the alliteration of the nal verbs ( and
). The second sentence ( . . . , Although
they did not live . . . in every respect) is a tricolon interlinked by rep-
etition of the - (age) stem and the two - compounds (glory
and blessed). See Denniston 1954, 1113 on the use of the particle
to mean on the other hand, still. For other examples of short
antithetical clauses such as these see the note on 24 under
. . . .
267269 . . . . These two alternative statements con-
tinue the Gorgianic antithesis. As in the previous section, these two
sentences have the same structure and are linked by repetition (chil-
dren: , , , ; them: , , -
; the - compounds in the second alternative). The parallel po-
sition, structure and sense of (the
praise of the Greeks) and (the good will of
their native city) further link the two alternatives.
269270 . . . . The state
supported the war orphans; see the note on 27 under []. On
the good will of their native city ( ) see the
note on 27 under [].
43, 271 . This rationalization of death is
rst found at Pl. Ap. 40c541c7, where Socrates suggests that death is
either like a dreamless sleep or else a migration to another place, and
appears as a regular theme in Greek and Roman consolation literature
(see Kassel 1958, 7677). Socrates muses at length about meeting the
heroes of old in Hades, just as Hyperides has done earlier in the speech
(3540). Dover (1974, 243246) conveniently collects the evidence
for Greek views on death. It was widely held that the dead did have
[43] Commentary 109
some perception of the world of the living, and that the living should
treat them respectfully. The development and practice of hero cult in
Greece also reects this sort of attitude toward the dead.
273274 . This view was more commonly
held than Hyperides alternative (see previous note). The same sen-
timent is expressed in very similar terms at Isoc. 19.42, Lycurg. 136
and Philem. fr. 118. Demosthenes similarly refers to the afterlife of the
fallen soldiers in the islands of the blessed (Dem. 60.34). Parker (2005,
364) discusses these and other examples as a clich of the culture re-
garding doubt about the afterlife. Sourvinou-Inwood (1995, 298302)
suggests that the concern for an individuals happy afterlife (299) de-
veloped as a cultural trend during the archaic period and the fth cen-
tury, and in these fourth-century passages we see a continued concern
with the fate of the dead.
275277 . . .
. The funeral orations typically focus on the eternally
glorious reputation of the dead among the living (e.g., Lys. 2.8081,
Pl. Mx. 243c-d, Dem. 60.27), and only hint at divine honors for
the war dead and an eternal afterlife as heroes in the most tentative
fashion (Dem. 60.34, 27). In this passage the restoration of , it
is likely, adds a similar note of caution. But the previous scene of
Leosthenes in the underworld (3540) is much more explicit in as-
sociating him with the heroes of the Trojan War and Athenians such as
Harmodius and Aristogiton, who were honored as heroes (see the note
on 39 under ). Parker (1996, 135137)
discusses the inconsistency of the treatment of the war dead in the
epitaphioi. He concludes that they received honors indistinguishable
from those of heroes and that they might eventually over time be
labeled as such. See also Currie 2005, 96, Loraux 1986, 3941, and
Versnel 1989, 169171.
275276 . Cf.
21 above on the impiety of the Macedonians.
Fragmentum dubium. Sauppe plausibly assigns the phrase -
, attributed by Pollux to Hyperides without a speech title,
to the Funeral Oration. The adjective is better suited to epideictic than
forensic oratory, and it appears elsewhere in this speech and the epi-
taphioi (42; Thuc. 2.43.2, 44.4, Lys. 2.79, Dem. 60.36). Dover (1968,
6567) categorizes the adjective as non-forensic (cf. above p. 26).
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Appendix A: Papyrological Notes
The scribe often makes obvious errors (some of which he corrects him-
self). These manuscript readings have been corrected without comment
in the text and critical apparatus. There is little reason for themto crowd
the apparatus, but they may be of interest to papyrologists and others,
and it may be useful to have them gathered together. References in this
appendix are to the columns and lines of the papyrus (for example, 6.3
= line 3 of column 6). For an explanation of the editorial symbols used
here, see pp. 3334.
1.14 t]o
.
poxt]vj 16 y]tytvvg 23 tXXo::[o 25 ytytvvg[ 29 uttv
.
33 ou:ot'c' 34 :]o
.
j'o'v ttvot'c
.
'
2.6 xoXXto t'v'o 16 tytv't' 18 toXtt:otc 21 xo0 corrected
from xo: 22 tpo:]tp]oj'o'v 28 :]oj'o'c 31 oxvgco
33 'g'Xtoctocovtocov
3.3 t]ptto'v' 4 xo0t]c:o'c' 56 t]t
.
tttxtct 1314 xoX'o'(o[uco
22 toX]to'c' 26 to0t'v' 31 't'tvot 32 :tvoc corrected from:tvouc
4.2 cuvcuv 5 o
.
v]:j'6'po 9 o
.
[u:o_]0oct'v' 2223 y[tvov]:ot
23 ytytvvg
.
[ 33 to:pt:t
5.2 6opo6ovouv:ov 67 oXXo[6o 13 toX't't:txgc 1920 o-
_otvo]ujc 22 xo:oXoXopov 33 cuo_ou'c' 36 tctvu'v'ov:o
38 cuv]
.
j'g'pg 40 xpo:gcot corrected from xpo:gcgc
6.1 ouy 33 :t]Xtu:gc
.
ov:]tj'o'c 34 tvo[u:o]v
.
, cf. col. 5.9
7.2 ou:o
.
7 ttopov 10 tou:gc 11 :o:t 2021 cuvptpgxtt
28 0topotytvgcov[:ot]xot]:gc:ouj, cf. col. 7.31 3031 op-
111
112 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
0potc0gcov:ot corrected from ov0potc0gcov:ot 34 xoXXttovov
38 coo:o'v' 39 xpttvov:tc 41 tu]:j'6'otov
8.34 oyovtocotvov 4 6'c't 7 :ou:ot 11 6uvottv 12 t:t
16 t:ov 1617 ovoyxo(otc0o 18 yt[tvo]
.
tvoc 19 topov
corrected fromtopoc 23 otxg:oc 25 tpo']uj'c octocorrected
from oto 27 ov0potou'c' 34 o6ttoyop]cj
9.23 topttopXgXu0o:t 4 ]tppuXoc 7 uttptvgxtvot
10
..
]o:tptoc 11 toXtt:oc 12 :otou:ot]cj 1314 cuvoyo-
vt'c':oc 15 opouou 23 ovtu:gcou:ovottvoc ov6'oc'p
26 the nal sigma is mistakenly written at the beginning of
10.29 29 toXtt:oc 37 :ou:ou:ouc 4142 t
.
o
.
:'6'tov
43 otoXoXo:o[v
10.6 oto[v]tov corrected from oto[v]ov 9 ovtt[o:]o
.
:oc
13 6txoto'v' 15 oXXo corrected from oX6o 16 xoXXtto
2728 vgovovtu:
.
ouc 33 tv:tto:o:ov 36 oyo'c'0otc
39 vgvgc 43 :o'v'
11.11 y]oj't'yov 20 g'g':tvt 38 g6tt[ov
12.1 yttvt:ot 5 :ou'c' 7 gttv 10 tvtpov 14 oot0o
15 o:ovXtoc0tvg with vX written over an erasure 16 0ouo(ov:o'c'
21 :o'v' 29 nal nu is a later addition 37 ov6po'v' 39 ytytvvg-
tvov corrected from ytytvvgtvouc 41 6totttpoytvo'v'
13.23 tv:ttov 6 ctotgcov 9 tttX0ouctv corrected from
tt0X0ouctv 1920 ptpoto:o:o corrected from 6tpoto:o:o
2122 opt:oytt]6j':'ovo 22 ou:o'c' 23 uttv 2425 Xtoc0tgxot
corrected from Xtoc0t
..
ot 28 o:outtxo:
.
31 tt(ov
39 tpocttXov:o
The scribe has inserted paragraphoi after the following lines: 3.11,
21, 26; 4.6, 13, 28, 34; 6.13, 26, 30; 7.18, 32; 8.1, 20; 9.14; 10.18, 29;
11.26; 12.9, 35; 13.17, 36.
The scribe occasionally uses an angular stroke to punctuate a stop
(here printed as ). These periods are sometimes accompanied by a
paragraphos: 3.21 co, 4.6 ytvtoXoyttv, 4.13 tyxoto(ttv, 4.28
cov, 4.34 Xgctv. More often the stops are unaccompanied by a
paragraphos: 3.2 _t:ot, 3.28 vgc0o, 4.19 ttv, 6.2 [c0ot], 8.4
tvov, 9.10 x]op:tptoc, 9.12 Xtoc0tvg, 10.25 ott6ttov,
10.35 to:tpov, 12.10 tc:tv, 12.43 to, 13.39 tpocttXov:o.
The scribe frequently uses a diairesis mark over iota: 3.6 xtct, 4.3
Appendix A: Papyrological Notes 113
6tov, 4.22 vo, 6.1 t
.
[op]tvgc, 6.27 uov, 7.34 c, 7.36 c_uv, 7.42
6tov, 8.11 c_uttv, 9.20 6tov, 10.6 c, 10.40 6totc.
Two breathings are indicated: 7.7 ttopov, 9.14 ou:ouc; and one
circumex accent: 10.12 toc.
Line llers, usually resembling a right angle bracket, but sometimes
a long dash, are used very frequently, especially toward the bottom of
columns.
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Appendix B: Critical Conjectures
Nb. For an explanation of what criteria determine whether restorations
are recorded here or in the main apparatus, see p. 32.
3 ] Babington.
56 Bcheler.
58
Sudhaus, -
; Schroeder.
6 Cobet.
6 : Kenyon.
79
Bcheler.
10 ] Sauppe, ] Bcheler.
10 Blass, van Herwerden.
11 : Babington.
1720 . . . corr. Volckmar.
25 Cobet.
26 [] Comparetti.
29 Desrousseaux, Babington, Sauppe.
30 Cobet.
3235 -
, ,
Jensen, xlvi.
34 Blass, [Fuhr].
38 : Colin, anon. apud Babing-
115
116 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
ton.
38 Blass.
39 : ] Cobet.
41 . . . Blass.
41 Fritzsche,
Sauppe.
4142 Kayser, {} Sauppe.
42 Bcheler.
4344 Sauppe et Shilleto.
44 : Sauppe, Caesar; Graindor.
44 Cobet.
45 Piccolomini.
49 p, Cobet.
50 Bursian.
56 [Fuhr], Sauppe.
56 Cobet.
58 Babington.
66 : Babington,
Sandys, . Maehly, . Cobet et Schenkl, -
. Piccolomini.
70 : Piccolomini.
71 Kayser.
73 : Kayser.
78 : Sandys ap. Blass.
89 : Jensen, Kayser, Sauppe.
90 : Babington.
91 Mller, . Maehly.
96 Cobet, Shilleto,
Babington.
98 Babington.
103 Stahl.
107 ]: Jensen.
108 Babington.
110 Babington.
111 Babington, Cobet.
111 Babington.
115 Cobet.
118 : Babington.
128 {} Cobet.
130 del. Mller.
Appendix B: Critical Conjectures 117
134135 Kayser.
138 Babington.
140141 ci. Tarrant; . . .
add. Colin; , Hess;
, Cobet;
, Kayser.
140 : Fritzsche; cf. Smyth 2949.
142 Tell.
142 : Cafaux, Babington.
148 Fritzsche.
150 Kayser.
155156
Blass, Maehly,
Colin.
165 Caesar.
165 Maehly.
167168 Weil;
Piccolomini; ,
Schenkl; aut -
Mller.
171172 Cobet.
180 Caesar.
183 Shilleto, . Cobet, . Fritzsche,
. Caesar.
184 Cobet.
191 Cobet.
191192 : Kenyon, Jensen, -
Colin, Thalheim, Comparetti,
Caesar, Blass leg. cum lacuna postea.
198 {} Cobet.
199 Sauppe.
200201 Blass, Babington,
Fritzsche.
201 ; Cobet, . ; Sauppe.
201202 -
Blass, Colin,
Sauppe,
-
Cobet,
118 Hyperides: Funeral Oration
Babington.
202203 Blass, -
Fritzsche, Babington.
203204
Kayser, -
-
Sitzler.
204205 Blass, ;
Fritzsche.
205 ; Jen-
sen, ;
Kayser.
205206 Babington, -
Kayser.
206207 , -
; Blass,
; Kayser.
207208
Kayser.
207 Blass,
; Babington.
208210 (aut )
;
; Blass.
209210 Sauppe.
210211 Blass,
-
Colin, Cobet, -
Babington,
Sitzler.
212 Cobet,
Kenyon, -
Babington,
Schroeder, -
Sauppe, -
Fritzsche.
212213 Sauppe,
Babington.
Appendix B: Critical Conjectures 119
213216 Blass, -
. . .
Sauppe.
216 Sauppe, Fritzsche.
223 Levi.
223224 Cobet.
224225 Schenkl,
Fritzsche, Post, Kenyon scribit
cum obelis .
225 Tell.
232233 Blass.
235 p et Cobet, Colin, Blass.
258 Maehly.
262 aut codd.
263264 Maehly.
276 Ruhnken leg. solum; cf. Phot. Bibl. codex 251
(463a.13f Bekker):
.
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General Index
abstract nouns, 63
Abydus, 13, 80
Aelius Aristides, 88
Aeschines, 46, 8, 9, 19, 59,
62, 74, 76, 79, 81, 96, 106
Aeschylus, 61, 69, 92
Aetolian League, 10, 12, 78
Agis, 8, 9, 18, 19, 79, 82, 93
Alcaeus, 87
Alcmaeon, 70
Alexander, 3, 512, 20, 24,
7679, 8183, 8791, 93
Alexander of Epirus, 61
Alexander of Pherae, 59
Amazons, 17, 68
Amorgus, 13
Amphictyony, 4, 21, 79, 83, 84
Amphipolis, 88
Amphissa, 4
Amyntas, 90
ancestors, 16, 17, 2022, 59,
62, 63, 72, 103
Andocides, 94
andragathia, 75, 106
Antipater, 8, 13, 14, 21, 78, 80
Antiphilus, 13
Areopagus, 11
aret, 63, 66, 74, 81, 84, 96,
106
aristocratic values, 15, 60, 73,
106
Aristophanes, 96
Aristotle, 60, 66, 77, 80, 96,
104, 108
Arrian, 7, 8, 81, 82, 91
Artemisium, 18
Athens
defense of Greece, 17, 19,
63, 79, 103
fertility, 6468
funeral orations, 1517
punishes injustice, 64, 65,
6870
rule of law, 23, 25, 70, 93,
94
state burials, 1415
Attalus, 6
autochthony, 16, 60, 67, 70,
7273, 80
Boeotia, 12, 13, 21, 26, 77, 79,
82, 83, 104, 106
141
142 General Index
bribes, 3, 4, 11, 24, 76
Byzantium, 4
Callias, 62
Callias of Chalcis, 77
Carystus, 77
Ceramicus, 14, 105
Chaeronea, 3, 59, 14, 1720,
22, 23, 62, 65, 77, 7982,
85, 87, 89, 90
Chalcis, 77
chryselephantine material, 90
Cimon, 6869
City Dionysia, 96
Cleitarchus, 78
Clement of Alexandria, 88, 90
Conon, 89
Corinthian War, 2022
Crannon, 14, 80
Craterus, 78
Q. Curtius Rufus, 8
death, views of, 108, 109
Delian League, 70
Delos, 83
Delphi, 8384
Demades, 68, 11, 14, 89
Democritus, 68
dmosion sma, 15, 58
Demosthenes, 422, 40, 58, 59,
6265, 6870, 7274, 76,
7981, 83, 8589, 92, 93,
9597, 100, 103107, 109
Dinarchus, 5, 10, 11, 88, 89,
97
Diodorus Siculus, 57, 1014,
58, 59, 77, 78, 80, 81, 84,
91
Diogenes Laertius, 77, 96
Diondas, 5, 7, 18
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 16,
17, 24, 77, 107
Ecbatana, 91
egkmion, 80, 81, 101
encomia in prose, 6162, 81,
92
epainos, 16, 26, 64, 72, 80, 81,
95, 106
ephbeia, 75
Ephebic oath, 94
Epicharmus, 95
epieikeia, 65, 66
Eponymous Heroes, 15, 17, 21,
73
equality, 64, 69, 70, 73, 94
Eresus, 88
Euboea, 4, 12, 77
Eumolpus, 17, 19
Euripides, 67, 68, 72, 94, 95
Eurydice, 90
Eurystheus, 68
Eusebius, 19
Euthycrates, 6
Evagoras, 61, 89
Exiles Decree, 10, 11, 79
family members, 95
freedom, 8, 17, 18, 20, 2224,
81, 82, 85, 9294, 101, 107
Galen, 71
genos, 72, 73, 75
Gorgias, 15, 64, 66, 68, 92, 93
Harmodius and Aristogiton, 21,
22, 103105, 109
Harpalus, 1012, 77, 89
Harpocration, 5, 44, 83
Hecataeus of Abdera, 87
Hephaestion, 11, 91
General Index 143
Heracles and the Heraclidae,
17, 69, 82, 90
hero cult, 24, 9091, 104105,
108, 109
Herodotus, 70, 78, 86, 88, 103,
104
Hesiod, 65, 102
Hieronymus, 78
Homer, 86
Hyacinthidae, 19
hybris, 8688
Hyperides, xi, xiii, xiv, 47,
1013, 15, 16, 18, 19,
2127, 2933, 40, 54,
5860, 6265, 7091, 9399,
101109, 125
Hyperides Funeral Oration
koin dialect, 85, 86, 98, 99,
101102
structure, 26
style, 2426, 6364, 7172,
80, 9293, 108, see also
rhetorical devices
superiority of Lamian War
soldiers, 2223, 59, 60,
102103
Illyria, 7, 81
Isocrates, 61, 66, 70, 71, 75,
82, 89, 96, 102, 109
Issus, 8
Justinus, 13, 58
koin eirn, 5, 93
Lamia, 13, 58, 7880
Lamian War, 3, 7, 11, 22, 23,
58, 65, 76, 77, 8385, 87,
103, 104
League of Corinth, 5, 6, 10,
17, 23, 82, 87, 93
Leocrates, 18, 19, 89
Leonidas, 78
Leonnatus, 13, 21, 78, 80, 84
Leosthenes, 12, 13, 2123, 25,
26, 58, 59, 61, 62, 64, 69,
74, 7680, 96, 101105, 109
Libanius, 8, 71, 93
Locris, 12, 78, 79
logos, 101, 108
Longinus, 24
Lucian, 5
Lycurgus, 8, 9, 18, 19, 22, 23,
6163, 70, 80, 81, 8486,
89, 98, 109
Lysias, 1517, 2022, 58, 59,
61, 64, 6870, 73, 79, 82,
9398, 100, 103, 106, 107,
109
Lysicles, 62
Macedon, 3, 4, 614, 18,
23, 25, 59, 63, 69, 7684,
8689, 91, 94, 101, 104, 109
Marathon, 17, 19, 20, 23, 70,
84, 86, 103, 104
Mardonius, 104
Maximus, 54
Medea, 69
Megalopolis, 8
megaloprepeia, 60, 106
Menander Rhetor, 16
mercenaries, 8, 10, 12, 73, 77,
103
Miltiades, 21, 23, 62, 103
Nicanor, 10
Oedipus, 66, 69
Oeniadae, 10
144 General Index
Olympia, 87, 90
Olympias, 90
Orestes, 69
orphans, 96, 108
paideia, 7274
paramythia, 16, 26, 107
Pausanias, 12, 58, 90
Peparethos, 59
Persia, 7, 8, 10, 84, 87
Persian Wars, 7, 14, 1623, 63,
68, 69, 78, 79, 81, 86, 103,
104, 106
Phalaecus, 79
Philemo, 109
Philip, 37, 9, 17, 19, 20, 24,
76, 77, 79, 82, 83, 8791
Philippeion, 87, 90
Philippides, 6, 7
Philiscus, 61
Philocrates, 3, 4, 76
Phocis, 4, 12, 78, 79
Photius, 119
Phrygians, 100
Pindar, 64
Pisistratids, 104
Plataea, 13, 23, 78, 102, 103
Plato, 6, 1517, 21, 23, 5861,
64, 65, 6770, 73, 81, 86,
92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 100104,
106109
Plutarch, 48, 1015, 54, 61,
66, 81, 103
Pollux, 54
Polyaenus, 62
Polybius, 77
Poseidon, 89
Potidaea, 62
Prodicus, 68
rape, see sexual violence
rhetorical devices
alliteration, 108
antithesis, 61, 70, 74, 80, 85,
86, 91, 93, 94, 108
aporia, 71
chiasmus, 60
exclamations, 25, 26, 105
homoioteleuton, 84, 91, 108
hyperbole, 22, 103
hypophora, 71, 73, 9799
juxtaposition, 103
metaphor, 70, 95, 96
parechesis, 91
parisosis, 25, 80, 84
paromoiosis, 92
polyptoton, 25, 95
praeteritio, 71, 72, 75
repetition, 80, 92, 95, 104,
108
simile, 21, 25, 64, 65, 69,
72, 80, 9395
tricolon, 91, 108
Rhodes, 4
P. Rutilius Lupus, 93
Sacred War, 4, 79, 8384
sacrice, 19, 24, 88, 104, 105
Salamis, 18, 19, 104
Samian War, 103
Samos, 10
sexual violence, 24, 8788, 91,
95, 102, 103
Simonides, 102
Siwah, 91
Solon, 96
Sophocles, 66, 67, 69
sphrosyn, 6566, 74
Stobaeus, 46, 52, 107
Stratocles, 62
suppliants, 17, 64, 66
General Index 145
Taenarum, 10, 12, 77
Thebes, 4, 5, 7, 8, 1719, 21,
68, 69, 77, 79, 8183
Themistocles, 21, 23, 62
Theodectes, 61
theros, 83
Thermopylae, 13, 23, 7779,
83, 104
Theseus, 17, 66, 6870
Thessaly, 13, 7780
Thucydides, 15, 16, 58, 6064,
67, 68, 70, 73, 9297, 101,
104, 106109
Trojan War, 21, 22, 98, 100,
102104, 109
tyranny, 21, 24, 60, 70, 82, 88,
93, 94, 103, 104
underworld, 21, 23, 26, 62,
102, 106, 108, 109
Xenophon, 61, 67
Xerxes, 104
Zeus, 8791
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Index of Greek Words
, 97
, 89, 90
, 26, 109
, 94
, 101
, 73, 97, 102, 108
, 85
, 106
, 62, 104
, 59, 75, 97, 102
, 87
, 97
, 63, 66, 74, 81, 84, 106
, 96
, 96
, 93
, 82 102
, 26
, 94
, 64, 75, 76
, 74
, 104
, 76, 77
, 80, 81, 101
, 89, 90
, 87
, 94
, 85, 93
, 26, 106
, 80, 81
, 65, 66
, 97
, 61
, 60, 73
, 63
, 95
, 95
, 26
, 102
, 83
, 71, 93
, 70
, 68
, 71, 93
, 69
, 94
, 61, 101, 108
, 60, 106
, 100, 101
, 60
, 108
, 105
147
148 Index of Greek Words
, 61
, 91
, 71
, 62, 106
, 5
, 88
, 80
, 99
, 84
, 86
, 6566, 74
, 96
, 76, 103
, 86
, 8688
, 86
, 80
, 64
, 71
, 68
, 105