GREECE AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

Women’s status in a struggling Greek

economy: the terrifying fall of a
society’s progress
Aliki Kosyfologou
 Contents

Ιntroduction 3

1. After the “bitter” Greek experience 5

2.1 Is the Greek economy really recovering? 5 / 2.2 The economic status of
Greek women: a brief overview 6

2. Addressing the social impact of a destructive economic

model on human rights and gender equality in reference to the
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination
against Women (1979), 25th anniversary of the Beijing Decla-
ration and Platform for Action (1995) and 2030 Sustainable
Development Agenda 10

3. Analysis and recommendations 18

a. Fiscal policies and structural inequalities 23 / b. A feminist-activist
approach 24

References 23

Biography 26
 Introduction 3

I
n the March 2019 issue of the IMF’s quarterly publication Finance &
Development, Christine Lagarde, the president of the European Central
Bank and former managing director of the IMF, characterises the em-
powerment of women status in the economy as “a global imperative”.1
However, this loud expression of commitment to the achievement of an
inclusive and gender-equitable global economy contradicts the rather un-
doubtedly negative impact of the IMF’s global financial policy on the fu-
ture of gender equality. Gender remains a crucial factor for an individual’s
status in the economy in both developing and developed economies.
The structural adjustments imposed by austerity policies across Eu-
rope, Asia, Africa and South America have resulted in unemployment, the
shrinking and privatisation of the welfare sector and, in many cases, dein-
dustrialisation.2 In this context, women and especially poor women bear
the disproportionate burden of the neoliberal deficit-centred economic
policies. According to the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) World
Employment Social Outlook, “working women are more likely than men to
be unemployed in large places in the world”3 and “working poverty is wide- AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
spread among both women and men”.4
In Greece, a country severely traumatised by the IMF’s lending
policies, the employment crisis and the devaluation of labour have been
major setbacks for the country’s development. As stated by the United

1 Christine Lagarde, “A global imperative: Empowering women is critical for the

world’s economy and people,” Finance & Development 56 (March 2019): 5
2 Gender Development Network, “Submission to the Independent Expert on
foreign debt and human rights on the links and the impact of economic reforms and austerity
measures on women’s human rights,” March 2018, p. 1
3 International Labour Office, World Employment Social Outlook: Trends for Women
(Geneva: ILO, 2018), https://www.ilo.org/global/research/global-reports/weso/trends-for-
women2018/WCMS_619577/lang--en/index.htm.
4 Ibid., p. 11
Nations Working Group on the Issue of Discrimination, notwithstand-
4
ing the strong legal and institutional framework for advancing gender
equality that Greece has established, “the loss of jobs and rise in precar-
ious work because of the financial crisis continue to disproportionately
affect women, rendering them more vulnerable to poverty”.5
In the light of the above, the 25th anniversary of the Beijing Decla-
ration and Platform for Action (1995) should become an occasion for re-
flection and political strategising rather than an opportunity for an over-
whelming celebration.6 This brief study aims to investigate the chasms
between international and national policies and legislation promoting
gender equality and the social reality in Greece. It uses as its main points of
reference and comparison the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms
of Violence against Women (1979), the 25th anniversary of the Beijing Dec-
laration and Platform for Action and the 2030 Sustainable Development
Agenda, all of which can be read as complementary documents.
The aim of this paper is not to robustly reject these documents
and the policies, but to contribute with constructive criticism to a bet-
ter understanding of the social background of the dominant uneven
gender regime. The main focus is placed on “women’s status in the
economy” (employment, access to economic resources, wages, etc.)
since it is a representative measure of their social status. This paper
could be considered a sequel to Gendered Aspects of the Austerity Regime
in Greece: 2010-2017, a study also published by Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung
(in Greek and English versions) in 2018.7 AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

5 “Currently, Greece has one of the lowest rates of women’s employment in the
European Union and is the lowest ranking country in the Gender Equality Index for EU countries.
The situation for marginalized groups, such as migrant and Roma women, is even worse.” Office
of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Greece must put gender equality at the heart of
economic and social recovery, say UN independent experts,” Geneva/Athens, April 2019, https://
www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=24480.
6 It is important to note that Greece has not yet submitted a comprehensive-level
review regarding the progress made in the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and
Platform for Action directives and goals.
7 This study was a part of the RLS project“When the belt can’t get any tighter: Mapping
the impacts of austerity on women’s lives across Europe” (2018), https://www.rosalux.de/en/
news/id/38926/when-the-belt-cant-get-any-tighter-1/. Some of the findings of the “austerity
studies” were presented and discussed on the commission on the status of women (csw63) in
2019 at an official side event organized by the RLS NYC. A podcast of the discussion is available at
http://www.rosalux-nyc.org/rls-nyc-at-the-commission-on-the-status-of-women-csw63/.
1 5

After the “bitter”

Greek experience

2.1 Is the Greek economy really recovering?

Although the narrative of the fiscal recovery of the Greek economy has
become increasingly dominant within the circles of the so-called troika
(European Commission, European Central Bank and the International
Monetary Fund) and of the right-wing (with extreme-right “overtones”)
Greek government, the reality of everyday life in Greece disproves it.
The country’s unemployment rate is still very high (16.6%) – although
it is considered to have the lowest jobless rate since 20118 – more than
87,500 small and medium businesses have folded since the beginning
of the fiscal crisis 11 years ago, and personal disposable income has
shrunk by 14.5%.9 Moreover, private banks – whose interests the 2010
“bailout” was designed to serve10 – are now threatening to seize the
homes of those who are unable to repay their loans.11
In addition to the above, the risk of impoverishment is a signif-
icant aspect of the ongoing social crisis in Greece, almost one-and-a-
half years since the Third Economic Adjustment Programme for Greece
(20 August 2018).12 According to the Hellenic Statistical Authority’s (El- AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

stat) 2018 “Survey on Income and Living Conditions of Households” (EU-

8 “Greece unemployment rate,” Trading Economics, https://tradingeconomics.

com/greece/unemployment-rate.
9 Antonis Galanopoulos and Sotiris Nikas, “What recovery? Distressed Greeks ask
as banks seize their homes,” Bloomberg, 3 May 2019, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/
articles/2019-05-03/distressed-greeks-say-what-recovery-as-banks-seize-homes.
10 Eric Toussaint, “Banks are responsible for the crisis in Greece: debts from Greece
are odious,” 9 January 2017, Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debt, http://www.
cadtm.org/Banks-are-responsible-for-the.
11 Galanopoulos and Nikas, “ What recovery?”
12 European Council. “Greece: The Third Economic Adjustment Programme,”
https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/financial-assistance-eurozone-members/
greece-programme/.
SILC) (reference period 2017), 18.5% of the total population is at risk of
6
poverty, something which amounts to “4,178 euros per person annually
and to 9,908 euros for households with two adults and two depend-
ent children under 14 years old”.13 It is also important to mention that
the rate of the at-risk-of-poverty population after all social transfers (in-
cluding social benefits, allowances, etc.) is 20.02%.14 While it used to be
slightly higher for women, the at-risk-of-poverty rate has been almost
equal for both genders since 2017.15
Another very important aspect indicated by the ESPN Thematic
Report on “In-Work poverty in Greece for 2019” is that, on the one hand,
the in-work poverty rate for both genders in Greece is one of the highest
in the EU (12.8% in 2017)16 and, on the other, that the slight decrease of
the in-work poverty rate during the period (from 15.1% in 2012 to 12.8%
in 2017) can be explained by the fact that many employed individuals
went from in in-work poverty to being unemployed.17

2.2 The economic status of Greek women: a brief overview

WOMEN’S EMPLOYMENT STATUS
According to Elstat, the seasonally adjusted unemployment rate in
October 2019 was 16.6%, compared to the downward revised 18.5% in
October 2018 and 16.8% in September 2019.18 As stated in the 2019 World
Employment Social Outlook, this drop in unemployment was “broad-
based across all countries”. However, it “was most marked in Greece
(-2.3 percentage points), Portugal (-2.0 percentage points) and Spain
(-1.7 percentage points), all three of which had unemployment rates AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

above the sub-regional average in 2017”.19 Furthermore, according to

13 Hellenic Statistical Authority. “Risk of poverty.” Income and Living Conditions (EU-
SILC) 2018, 21 June 2019, https://www.statistics.gr/en/statistics/-/publication/SFA10/2018.
14 Ibid., 4
15 Ibid., 5.
16 Dimitris Ziomas, Nikolaos Bouzas, Antoinetta Capella and Danai Konstantinidou,
In-work Poverty: Greece (Brussels: European Social Policy Network, 2019), p. 7, https://
ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=89&furtherNews=yes&langId=en&newsId=9378.
17 Ibid., 8.
18 Hellenic Statistical Authority, “Labour Force Survey: October 2019,” 9 January
2010, https://www.statistics.gr/documents/20181/a8c68f77-761f-f9f8-e474-02b610ef63a1.
19 International Labour Office, World Employment Social Outlook: Trends 2019 (Geneva:
ILO, 2019), p. 49, https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/---
publ/documents/publication/wcms_670542.pdf.
the Gender Equality Index 2019, Greece and Italy share the lowest em-
7
ployment rate for women (31%), while Greek women have poor access
to financing.20

THE GENDER GAP IN EMPLOYMENT AND WAGES

According to Eurostat gender pay gap statistics, the unadjusted gen-
der pay gap in Greece rate is 12.5%,21 which is lower than the average
gender pay gap in the European Union (16%). However, this rate should
be also evaluated in the context of the wide job losses in traditionally
male-dominated and higher-wage sectors such as construction and
skilled trades.22 It is noteworthy that since the beginning of the crisis,
male-dominated sectors contributed a 54% to the overall contraction
of employment in Greece.23 Nonetheless, the most alarming conclu-
sion of all is that any narrowing of the gender gap in employment and
in wages does not necessarily mean that women’s status in the work-
place is upgraded, but it reflects the actual worsening of the working
status of both women and men.

STATUS OF REFUGEE WOMEN

The living conditions in the Greek migrant hotspot in Moria, Lesvos –
which has been described as the worst “rights issue”24 in Greece and the
EU – reflect the significance of the human rights crisis Greece has faced
since the summer of 2015. According to Human Rights Watch, “women
and girls face relentless insecurity in Greece’s overcrowded Moria ‘hot-
spot’ for asylum seekers and migrants”. Hillary Margolis, senior wom- AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

20 “Greece last in gender equality 2017, report finds,” Ekathimerini, 15 October 2019,
http://www.ekathimerini.com/245538/article/ekathimerini/news/greece-last-in-eu-in-
gender-equality-in-2017-report-finds.
21 Eurostat, “Gender pay gap statistics: the unadjusted gender pay gap, 2017 (the
difference between average gross hourly of male and female employees as % of male gross
earnings),” February 2019, https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/
Gender_pay_gap_statistics.
22 European Federation of Public Service Unions, The Gender Pay Gap in Public
Services, Brussels, 2013, 5, https://www.epsu.org/sites/default/files/article/files/Gender_
pay_gap_FINAL_report.pdf.
23 Maria Karamessini and Franciscos Kountentakis, “Labour Market Flows and
Unemployment Dynamics by Sex in Greece During the Crisis,” Revue de l’OFCE, no. 133 (2014):
215–39.
24 Nikolaj Nielsen, “Greek migrant hotspot now EU’s worst right issue,” 7 November
2019, EUobserver, https://euobserver.com/migration/146541.
en’s rights researcher at Human Rights Watch, states “just going to the
8
bathroom feels too risky for women and girls in Moria … Their lives are
defined by fear, and that won’t change unless the Greek government
addresses the pervasive dangers they face.”25 Inevitably, these poor liv-
ing conditions and the continuous abuse of refugee women’s rights is
the main cause of their social marginalisation.26 In this regard, very lit-
tle or almost zero progress has been made in the process of integrating
refugee and asylum seekers women in the labour market.

FEMALE ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN GREECE

According to the 13th comprehensive e-bulletin of the Greek Observa-
tory of the General Secretariat for Gender Equality (GSGE) on female
entrepreneurship (December 2017), “29.50% of [the] total [of] working
women in Greece are self-employed, while the ratio of self-employed
women to the total [of] working women in the EU-28 is only 11.80%”.
Nevertheless, in the context of the permanent recession in
Greece, the entrepreneurial motivations vary. From this perspective,
in Greece the high unemployment rates, as well as the lack of perma-
nent and full-time employment, have made entrepreneurship the ulti-
mate survival option for many women and men. However, according
to GSGE data, the “necessity-driven entrepreneurship” of women turns
out to be only slightly higher than mens (24% compared to 21%).27 On
the other hand, it is notable that female early-stage entrepreneurship
levels remain very high (almost 42%) according to the Annual Entrepre-
neurship Report, 2016–2017, published by the Foundation for Economic
AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
and Industrial Research.28
Dating back the late 1950s, rural women cooperatives have
a long history in Greece and have significantly contributed to the in-

25 Human Rights Watch, “Greece: camp conditions endanger women and girls.
Asylum seekers lack access to food, water, health care,” 4 December 2019, https://www.hrw.
org/news/2019/12/04/greece-camp-conditions-endanger-women-girls.
26 “The abuse of refugee women’s rights is one of the basic underlying root causes
of their marginalization and violence in their countries of asylum.” Pearl K. Atuhaire and
Sylvia Kaye, “Through the Lens of Forced Displacement: Refugee Women’s Rights as Human
Rights,” International Journal of Business, Human and Social Sciences 10, no. 2 (2016): 454.
27 Ibid.
28 Aggelos Tsakanikas, Ioannis Giotopoulos, Sofia Stavraki, Evangelia Valavanioti,
Annual Entrepreneurship Report, 2016–2017: Early Stage Entrepreneurship Rates Decrease, Athens:
Foundation for Economic and Industrial Research, November 2017, 4.
crease in rural family incomes and rural women’s social status.29 How-
9
ever, in the context of the ongoing social crisis, due to bureaucracy,
lack of training in new technologies and traditional structures – many
of them operate as closed family businesses. As a result, small-scale
production cooperatives have not emerged as major alternatives to fe-
male unemployment in rural areas.

AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

29 Aikaterini Lassithiotaki and Argiro Roubakou, “Rural Women Cooperatives at

Greece: A Retrospective Study,” Open Journal of Business and Management 2, no. 2 (2014): 127–37.
doi:10.4236/ojbm.2014.22016.
2 10

Addressing the social impact of a

destructive economic model on
human rights and gender equality
in reference to the Convention on
the Elimination of all Forms of
Discrimination against Women
(1979), 25th anniversary of the
Beijing Declaration and Platform
for Action (1995) and 2030
Sustainable Development Agenda

a. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination

Against Women” (CEDAW)
Article 11 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrim-
ination Against Women (1979) explicitly describes the measures that all
state parties shall take to eliminate gender discrimination in the labour
market and to ensure the equal access to employment as an inalienable
human right.30 The article refers, among others, to the right to equal em- AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

ployment opportunities, equal pay, health and safety in work, access to

healthcare and social insurance, maternity leave and self-respect.
The majority of these directives were integrated in Greek labour
legislation in the early 1980s (Law 1411/1984). However, the fiscal crisis
functioned as a “convenient” excuse for major violations of the labour
legislation, especially in the private sector. Furthermore, the intro-
duction of forms of flexible and precarious employment in the public
sector has enhanced the phenomenon of gender discrimination. All

30 Article 11, Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against

Women, 18 December 1979, https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/cedaw.
aspx.
measures introduced to increase the “so-called” flexibility of the labour
11
market have undermined women’s employment status and challenged
the principal core of women’s equal rights in employment (for exam-
ple, measures enabling employers to unilaterally convert full-time con-
tracts into contracts for reduced term rotation work and the abolition
of maternity leave rights).31
Legislation reforms imposed by the economic adjustment agree-
ments have abolished some of the most significant aspects of labour
protection (for example, laws 3899/2010 and 4024/2011 amending col-
lective bargaining). Furthermore, precarious employment has become
a field for the reproduction of all forms of gender, racial and ableist dis-
crimination and of the violence of employer, and the list goes on.
Furthermore, New Democracy’s return to government in July
2019 has seen legislative setbacks regarding equality and gender jus-
tice in Greece. The proposed amendments of article 5.2 (“free devel-
opment of personality)32 of the Greek constitution to include gender,
gender identity and sexual orientation to the list of groups vulnerable
to discrimination and therefore worthy of constitutional protection33
were rejected by the Greek parliament. Finally, the Greek parliament
approved a government bill promoting a stricter asylum law, which in-
cludes the speeding up of asylum procedures.34

b. Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995) + 25

In 1995 the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BDPA) was in-
troduced as a roadmap to the eradication of gender inequality globally. AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

Twenty-five years later, this roadmap “remains undiminished”,35 as ac-

31 International Labour Office, Report on the High-Level Mission to Greece (Athens,

19–23 September 2011), 47.
32 Article 5.2 originally states that: “All persons living within the Greek territory
shall enjoy the full protection of their life, honour and liberty irrespective of nationality, race
or language and religious or political beliefs. Exceptions shall be permitted only in cases
provided by international law.” Constitution of Greece, as revised by the parliamentary
resolution of 27 May 2008 of the VIII Revisionary Parliament.
33 “New Democracy Parliamentary Majority Prevents Anti-Discrimination
Amendment From Inclusion in Greek Constitution,” Vouliwatch, 3 December 2019.
34 “Greek parliament approves stricter asylum law,” 1 November 2019, Ekathimerini.
com, http://www.ekathimerini.com/246031/article/ekathimerini/news/greek-parliament-
approves-stricter-asylum-law.
35 UN Women, Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action: Beijing+5 Political
knowledged by Ban Ki-moon in his foreword to its 2014 edition. Follow-
12
ing the declaration’s adoption by 189 countries (Greece among them),
progress has been very slow and unevenly distributed in all 12 critical
areas of concern identified in it.36
Ιn Greece, austerity policies have reversed the progress made
in the field of gender equality and of policies promoting equality. Es-
pecially, in the field of labour affairs (BDPA critical area of concern 6,
Women and the Economy) many of the gains for women were grad-
ually abolished through the practices that prevailed in precarious and
flexible forms employment. Likewise, the substantive role of the pro-
gressive legislation introduced in the first decade of this century – for
example, the legal framework addressing forms of sexual harassment
in the workplace (Law 3896/2010),37 parental leave for both genders in
the public sector (Law 4590/2019) etc. – was strongly undermined by
the reality of working conditions.
Despite the high levels of women’s integration in third-level educa-
tion in Greece, the business sector in Greece remains male dominated and
the labour market gender segregated. Gender stereotypes and the une-
ven distribution of caring duties continue to reproduce gender divisions
in employment. Female entrepreneurship (for example, cooperatives and
starts-up) has not emerged as a major trend or alternative to unemploy-
ment due to lack of capital, proper training and guidance (see section 2.2).
* The most recent national-level report on the progress on the imple-
mentation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in Greece was
AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
published in 2014.38

Declaration and Outcome (United Nations: New York, 2014), 1

36 The six critical areas identified are: 1. Women and poverty; 2. Education and
training of women; 3. Women and health; 4. Violence against women; 5. Women and
armed conflict; 6. Women and the economy; 7. Women in power and decision-making; 8.
Institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women; 9. Human rights of women; 10.
Women and the media; 11. Women and the environment; 12. The girl child.
37 “Application of the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment of
men and women in matters of employment and occupation – Harmonisation of existing
legislation with Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 5
July 2006 and other related provisions (Act 3896/2010),” Greece, Sexual Harassment, EIGE,
https://eige.europa.eu/gender-based-violence/regulatory-and-legal-framework/legal-
definitions-in-the-eu/greece-sexual-harassment.
38 National review on the Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform
for Action, Greece, 20 April 2014.
c. 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda (Goals 5 & 8)The lack
13
of opportunities for decent employment and the dominance of precar-
iousness in the Greek labour market are major setbacks to the reali-
sation of Goals 5 and 8 of the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda
regarding “gender equality … as a necessary foundation for a peaceful,
prosperous and sustainable world” and the promotion of “inclusive
and sustainable economic growth, employment and decent work for
all”.39 As outlined above in section 2.2, women in the workplace dispro-
portionately bear the negative impact of austerity: the significant job
loss in the public services sector – a sector that traditionally favoured
women’s status in the Greek labour market – the major cuts in public
spending, the legislative reforms on labour law and collective bargain-
ing pushed many women to the margins of the labour market and la-
bour force participation.
Moreover, major labour rights and human rights violations char-
acterise the domestic services sector in Greece. According to the Eu-
ropean Policy Brief (June 2016), domestic work in Greece is prevalent
within Greece’s migrant population – almost one in two migrant wom-
en in Greece work in the domestic and care sector.40 Despite the exist-
ence of a legislative framework which allows access to legal yet flexible
employment, the private care labour market in Greece has developed
as a shadowy sector, where uninsured work prevails.41
d. The interlinkages between the declarations and the overview
AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
of labour affairs and gender status in Greece could be also illustratively
depicted in the following table:

39 Sustainable goal 8, Decent work and economic growth for all, https://www.
un.org/sustainabledevelopment/economic-growth/.
40 European Commission, “Trafficking in Domestic Work in Greece: A Demand-side
Approach,” European Policy Brief, June 2016. 1, https://ec.europa.eu/research/social-sciences/
pdf/policy_briefs/demandat_policybrief_greece_dangeli.pdf.
41 Ibid., 2
 CONVENTION ON THE
BEIJING DECLARATION AND PLATFORM 2030 SUSTAINABLE
FOR
ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS
DEVELOPMENT AGENDA
14
OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST
ACTION
WOMEN

12. Women and the economy Article 14. Governments Goal 8. Promote sustained, inclusive
Strategic objectives should undertake to eliminate and sustainable economic growth
discrimination against women full and productive employment and
F1. Promote women’s economic rights in rural areas so that they may decent work for all.
and independence, including access participate in and benefit from
to employment, appropriate working rural development. (GR) The youth unemployment
conditions and control over economic
rate reached 35.6% in October
resources. (GR) The highest rate of 2019.
women’s unemployment Greece also has one of the
(GR) Unemployment is gendered in in rural areas in the EU can highest unemployment rates of
Greece. Women’s unemployment be found in rural areas in people with disabilities in the EU
rate is still considerably higher Greece.42 (approx. 37.2%).
than that of men (20.2% in October Although women are the In the domestic care sector,
2019). backbone of the rural uninsured work is prevalent (see
economy in Greece, they section 2.2).
still face many hardships
and have poor access to
decent income. Many of
them work as contributing
workers in informal
employment (38%). On
the other hand, the
legal context promoting
the founding of women
cooperatives since the
1980s has contributed
to the increase in rural
family income and the
empowerment of many
women living and working
in rural areas (women
head farms or agritourism
cooperatives)
However, due to the
peculiarities of this form of
female entrepreneurship
that emerged in rural
Greece (family business
type), it is difficult to AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
define their role in a rural
venture (for example, they
can be named as head
farmers or owners of 51%
of a rural business but do
not actually undertake
managerial tasks).43

42 European Parliament, “The professional status of rural women in Greece,” study

requested by the FEMM Committee, May 2019, 10.
43 Olga Iakovidou, Stavriani Koutsou, Maria Partalidou and Maria Emmanouilidou,
“Women Entrepreneurs in Rural Greece: Do they come from the same ‘neck of the woods’?
Locals, Daughters-in-law and Urban-newcomers,” New Medit 2 (2012): 58–64, here 58.
 CONVENTION ON THE
BEIJING DECLARATION AND PLATFORM 2030 SUSTAINABLE
FOR
ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS
DEVELOPMENT AGENDA
15
OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST
ACTION
WOMEN

F2. Facilitate women’s equal access to re- Article 11. Women have an Goal 9. Build resilient infrastructure,
sources, employment, markets, and trade. equal right to work with promote inclusive and sustainable
men, which includes pay, industrialisation and foster innovation.
(GR) Law 1414/1984 “applies promotions, training, health,
the principle of sex equality in and safety. (GR) After the crisis “crash” in the
employment relations, abolishes construction sector in Greece –
all forms of discrimination against (GR) The gender-pay-gap which was considered to be the
women and differentiation between rate in Greece is 12.5%. pillar of the country’s economic
male and female jobs”.44 development – tourism, shipping,
Healthcare and social food and beverages have emerged
The business sector in Greece is security: access to as the major industrial sectors.
gender segregated. Despite the high social insurance and
levels of integration of women in healthcare is connected In terms of contribution towards
the business sector, women are still to paid employment. the GDP, agriculture accounts for
underrepresented in administrative Therefore, with the 3.4%, industry 20.8% and services
boards and in the field of decision prevalence of precarious 75.8%.47
making (approx. 11.3% women are forms of employment,
members of administrative boards many women and men Employment in the tourism sector
and only 3.4% are chairwomen).45 have become long-term hit record numbers in August 2019
uninsured. (10.6% of the total workforce in
Gender parity legislation regulates Greece was engaged in tourism-
the participation of women in the Consequently, precarious related jobs).48
administrative boards of public female employees are
organisations. often deprived of access The majority of the jobs offered
to social insurance and in tourism are seasonal and
Also, new “substantive gender healthcare. precarious. Despite the existing
equality” legislation was introduced labour legislation, a huge number of
in 2019 by the former government, labour rights violations take place
according to which: every year, including the severe
exploitation of migrant workers.
“Public and private enterprises are
encouraged to draft and implement In 2018 Greece’s labour inspection
‘equality plans’ with specific targets, body “imposed fines worth over
strategies and practices and the two million euros to businesses
General Secretariat for Gender active in the tourism sector
Equality of the Ministry of Interior for violating the labour law”.49
can award ‘equality labels’ to them Examples of very common
as a reward for their engagement in violations in this formal and
favour of equal treatment and equal informal employment market are
opportunities for their male and continuous overtime work and the AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
female employees.”46 seven-day working week.

44 Davaki, Policy of Gender Equality, 6.

45 «Μόνο το 1/4 των επιχειρήσεων στην Ελλάδα διοικούνται από γυναίκες» [Only a quarter of
Greek businesses are run by women], 3point Magazine, 12 December 2019, https://3pointmagazine.
gr/mono-to-1-4-ton-epicheiriseon-stin-ellada-dioikoyntai-apo-gynaikes/.
46 “A new legislation by the Greek government on substantive gender equality
and SGBV,” 1 April 2019, https://eurogender.eige.europa.eu/posts/new-legislation-greek-
government-substantive-gender-equality-and-sgbv-athens-march-2019.
47 “EU-MERCI, “Analysis of the industrial sectors in different countries. WP4: Picture of
efficiency projects implemented by the Industry sector-by-sector and process-by-process,” 2017, 3.
48 Nick Kampouris, “Employment in tourism sector hits record numbers in Greece,”
Greek Reporter, 30 August 2019, https://greece.greekreporter.com/2019/08/30/employment-in-
tourism-sector-hits-record-numbers-in-greece/.
49 “SEPE: Greek Tourism Businesses Fined Over €2m for Labor Violations,” GTP, 6
 CONVENTION ON THE
BEIJING DECLARATION AND PLATFORM 2030 SUSTAINABLE
FOR
ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS
DEVELOPMENT AGENDA
16
OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST
ACTION
WOMEN

F3. Provide business services, training,

and access to markets, information, and
technology, particularly to low-income
women.

(GR) The level of participation in

education for both women and men
in Greece is high. Approximately
30–35% obtain a third-level degree.
Indeed, the field of knowledge
is the only one in which Greece
achieved an increased score (+8.5%)
according to the 2019 Gender
Equality Index.50

Third-level education remains

highly valued in Greece and
therefore vocational education is
seen as a last resort, especially by
youth.51

However, vocational education

and training is offered in a)
vocational training schools
(secondary), b) vocational post-
secondary institutions, c) tertiary
vocational education and training
programmes, and d) lifelong
educational programmes, which
are promoted through EU-funded
programmes.52 Continuous
vocational training is also provided
to public servants.

F4. Strengthen women’s economic

capacity and commercial networks. AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
(GR) The recession has rendered
women more vulnerable to poverty.
While it used to be slightly higher
for women (see section 1.1), the
at-risk-of-poverty rate has been
almost equal for both genders since
2017.53

August 2018, https://news.gtp.gr/2018/08/06/sepe-greek-tourism-businesses-fined-over-

e2m-labor-violations/.
50 European Institute for Gender Equality, Gender equality index 2019, https://eige.
europa.eu/gender-equality-index/2019/EL.
51 CEDEFOP, Vocational Education and Training in Greece (Luxembourg: Publications
Office of the European Union, 2014), 17
52 Ibid., 27–28.
53 Ibid., 5
 CONVENTION ON THE
BEIJING DECLARATION AND PLATFORM 2030 SUSTAINABLE
FOR
ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS
DEVELOPMENT AGENDA
17
OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST
ACTION
WOMEN

F5. Eliminate occupational segregation

and all forms of employment discrim-
ination.

(GR) The social crisis has not chal-

lenged the gender-segregated
structure of the labour market in
Greece. Although the high partici-
pation of women in third-level edu-
cation has created more opportuni-
ties for many to enter traditionally
male-dominated sectors (for ex-
ample, construction, marine, etc.),
gender stereotypes and hierarchies
still shape the labour market. The
loss of jobs in the public sector
during the recession (approx. 60%)
has affected women’s employment
status (approx. 40% loss in women’s
jobs) (see section 1.2).

F6. Promote harmonisation of work

and family responsibilities for women
and men.

(GR) With the dominance of pre-

carious of forms of employment,
women – again – are assumed to
undertake a disproportionate share
of caring duties. Also, in instances
where families see a reduction in
the family income, women often
take on increased amount of care
duties in the family.54

AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

54 Konstantina Davaki, The Policy of Gender Equality in Greece (Brussels: European

Parliament, 2013), 23.
3 18

Analysis
and recommendations

a. Fiscal policies and structural inequalities

The Greek experience is not unique but has taught us some very im-
portant lessons. The sharp budget cuts in times of financial recession
proved to be a very bad solution,42 or even worse a self-destructive
choice for an unstable economy. In Greece, the sovereign debt cri-
sis was treated as a crisis of public spending. As adeptly described by
Maria Karamessini, the implemented fiscal consolidation programme
took the form of a “shock therapy” for Greece. The excessive cuts in
public spending, the undervaluation of the welfare state and the over-
taxation of wage-earners caused a depression in economic activity,
dramatically increased unemployment and “fuelled a vicious circle of
austerity–recession–more austerity”.43
This path of authoritarian fiscal regulation proved to be destruc-
tive for the economy and the people’s wellbeing. It is worth mention-
AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
ing that during the crisis Greek society became extremely vulnerable
to energy poverty – “56% households are energy poor” and 75% house-
holds reduced other expenses to enjoy warmth.44 Moreover, the phe-

42 This criticism against the authoritarian fiscal consolidation programmes

implemented in Greece was common among various financial and political institutions
since the beginning of the crisis: Ana Fuentes, “The US fear of Europe’s austericide,” The
Corner, 22 November 2012, http://thecorner.eu/world-economy/the-us-fear-europes-
austericide/16642/.
43 Maria Karamessini,“Structural Crisis and Adjustment in Greece: Social Regression
and the Challenge to Gender Equality,” in The Economic Crisis and the Future of Gender Equality,
ed. Maria Karamessini and Jill Rubbery (New York: Routledge, 2015), 166.
44 Lefkothea Papada and Dimitris Kaliambakos, “Measuring Energy Poverty in
Greece.” Energy Policy 94 (July 2016): 157–65.
nomenon of emigration – the so-called “brain drain”45 – of young high-
19
ly skilled university graduates has increased dramatically during the
period of the crisis (it is estimated that at the beginning of the crisis,
9–11% of Greek university graduates were working in foreign labour
markets).46 Massive youth emigration is caused by the lack of suitable
jobs – or jobs in general – and it is considered to be a major obstacle to
the development and the prosperity of the country’s economy.47

b. A feminist-activist approach
We could convincingly argue that “it’s the neoliberalism, stupid!,” to
paraphrase the famous quote.48 And of course, neoliberalism is to
blame for the structural class, gender and racial inequality and the
exploitation of human labour and natural resources. Yet, the materi-
al background of poverty and gender injustice is acknowledged by the
abovementioned institutional texts and many other international in-
stitutions, such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.
However, the “adoption” of social justice notions in these docu-
ments has very little “material” impact on the content of global policies
imposed and implemented by these institutions. It also partially ex-
plains the chasm that lies between the written word and reality. Struc-
tural gender inequality impedes the realisation of the visionary goals
described in the abovementioned international texts. The radical ideas
remain unfulfilled because of a lack of political strategising and, main-
ly, of political will. Despite the noteworthy engagement of the institu-
tional discourses with equality, gender parity and sustainability, global
AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
politics remains a field of military competition as well as the exploita-
tion of natural assets and of human labour.

45 The writer uses this term solely as a common reference.

46 Dimitris Theodoropoulos, Argyris Kyridis, Christos Zagkos and Zoe
Konstantinidou, “‘Brain Drain’ Phenomenon in Greece: Young Greek Scientists on their Way
to Immigration, in an Era of ‘Crisis’: Attitudes, Opinions and Beliefs towards the Prospect of
Migration,” Journal of Education and Human Development December 3, no. 4 (2014): 231.
47 As quoted in famous Greek social song of the late 1970s, “migration is an answer
to your personal frustration, a desperate measure, mending your needs temporarily, while
your country is being damaged. It’s a solution on an individual level. «Η μετανάστευση»
[Migration], composed by Loukianos Kilaidonis, lyrics: Giannis Negrepontis, “Principals of the
Political Economy,” 1975.
48 “It’s the economy, stupid”: a quote originally coined by James Carville, a political
strategist for Bill Clinton in 1992.
 In the European countries affected by the financial policies of the
20
European institutions, the fiscal recession was used as the most con-
venient excuse for the reactionary reform of the labour market frame-
work and for an unequal redistribution of wealth. In Greece, the per-
manent austerity regime established since 2010 has literally destroyed
the country’s economy and radically transformed the legislative con-
text. Significant labour rights were compromised or even abolished.
Syriza’s failure to fulfil popular expectations – expectations expressed
in the most impressive majority of 63% in favour of a No vote in the 2015
Greek bailout referendum – had a destructive impact on both the polit-
ical and social level. The return of the right-wing New Democracy party
to government is one side of this hurtful story and the other is the total
rejection of the anti-austerity movement’s radical political demands.
Τhe societal frustration caused by these political developments and
the actual impact of the permanence of austerity in Greece has shaped
a future of insecurity for the majority of people in Greece, especially
of those of 20–40 age group that were most significantly affected by
the implemented fiscal policies and their impact on labour. The neo-
liberal reforms have transformed or eradicated many of the privileg-
es or welfare provisions that the former gen eration – the so-called
“Greek boomers”49 – in Greece enjoyed.50 In this framework, many of
the achievements of gender equality in Greece have been jeopardised.
However, even in this contradictory context, a new radical
feminist and LGBTQI movement is rising in Greece to challenge many
male-dominated aspects of leftist activism, left parties and political or- AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
ganisations in Greece. This positive impact of feminism on the political
discourse of the left should be used as a medium to shape new social

49 Τhe profile of the “Greek boomer” has its own peculiarities since she or he
grew up in the post-civil war Greek society and also experienced a seven-year dictatorship;
however, it could be said the “boomers” enjoyed some of the “privileges” of the uneven
economic development of the Greek 1960s and 1970s, for example, massive access to third-
level education and permanent employment.
50 Marine Moulineux refers to an international trend: “The world of young
feminists is, however, one marked by a high degree of insecurity: the liberal reforms that
have transformed labour markets and conditions, while removing many former securities
and welfare supports that their parents enjoyed if they worked in formal employment.”
Marine Moulineux, “The New Feminist Activism, 1970–2019: Intergenerational Perspectives,”
background paper prepared for UN Women Expert Group Meeting, 25–26 September 2019.
https://www.unwomen.org/en/csw/csw64-2020/preparations/expert-group-meeting.
struggles against the prevailing austerity regime. Nevertheless, no re-
21
versal of the uneven labour status in Greece can be achieved without
the restructuring of the “tired” and bureaucratised Greek tertiary trade
union movement, that has failed to address the needs and express the
demands of a large part of the workforce in both the private and public
sectors.
Neoliberalism impedes the realisation of gender justice in all
major sectors in the domestic sphere, in the economy and in politics.
The slogan “You are burning our future”, which is one of the most popu-
lar mottos in the protests against climate change and global warmth,
sounds realistic in a terrifying way, while the majority begins to ac-
knowledge that the mere “supremacy of finance”51 lies behind the cur-
rent global social and environmental crises. Likewise, the references
to social equity and sustainability in the official documents reflect at-
tempts to manipulate and institutionalise the movements and their
demands, which must be accompanied by strong commitments to
change the political regime. Partial reform measures are insufficient
and have failed to address the human impact of population displace-
ments due to war, political prosecution, climate change, the jump in
unemployment and of the abolition of social welfare in many countries.
Therefore, the chasms between reality and the documents could
be better explained if the internal contradiction of the policies of de-
velopment is readdressed. The radical feminist criticism of the 1990s of
the policies of gender development focused on the persistent consen-
AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
sus-seeking52 to build policies that partially alleviate gender inequali-
ties. Eventually, this consensus and “mainstreaming” served the de-
radicalisation of feminist discourse, while ignoring the political back-
ground of gender injustice. Empowerment, as a common reference in
policy documents, is perceived as an individual cause, whereas eman-
cipation describes the true complexities and the social background of
the struggles against patriarchy.
The new “face” of neoliberalism activates strategies to mitigate

51 The term “financial supremacy” was introduced Marina Durano and Nicole
Bidegain Ponte, “A Feminist Perspective on the Follow-Up Process for Financing for
Development,” Development 59, nos. 32–39 (2016).
52 Andrea Corwell, Jasmine Gideon and Calpana Wilson, “Introduction: Reclaiming
Feminism: Gender and Neoliberalism.” IDS Bulletin 39, no. 6 (December 2008), 7.
the impact of the implemented policies while isolating all cores of so-
22
cial struggles through state repression and international supervisory
mechanisms. This “new social consensus” emerges as a horrifying ver-
sion of the postwar New Deal, establishing an uneven and rigid system
of power relations.
To that end, leftists and feminists should not – again – abandon
the idea of social transformation, which can only be achieved through
collective resistance and political organisation. Acknowledging the
distance between institutional documents and reality is one thing, the
building of grassroots alliances and synergies challenging the domi-
nant system of political power is another. And it is hugely important.

AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

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 Biography 26

Aliki Kosyfologou lives in Athens. She has received a Doctoral Degree

in Political Science and Sociology (PhD) from the National Kapodistrian
University of Athens. She has an expertise in the area of gender rep-
resentation and ideology and in cultural politics. She has lectured sev-
eral social and cultural theory courses. She currently works as a social
researcher and social impact consultant. She is a founding member of
the feminist activist group Kiouri@.

AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM

 AUSTERITY, GENDER INEQUALITY AND FEMINISM
WOMEN’S STATUS IN A STRUGGLING
GREEK ECONOMY:
THE TERRIFYING FALL OF A SOCIETY’S PROGRESS

AUTHOR
Aliki Kosyfologou

PUBLISHER
Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, Franz-Mehring-Platz 1, 10243 Berlin, Germany

COPY EDITING
Damian Mac Con Uladh

LAYOUT / GRAPHIC
Erifili Arapoglou

Publishing Year: 2020 / ISBN: 978-618-5478-00-1

This publication was financed by the German Federal Foreign Office. This publication or parts of it
can be used by others for free as long as they provide a proper reference to the original publication.
The content of this publication does not necessarily reflect the official opinion of the Rosa-Luxem-
burg-Stiftung. Responsibility for the information and views expressed therein lies with the authors.