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Length and Intensity of Juvenile Offending 29
Age of Onset 29
Escalation of Offenses 29
Specialization of Offenses 30
Chronic Offending 31
Youth Crimes and Adult Criminality 31
Prevention and Control of Delinquency 32
THE CASE: The Life Course of Amy Watters, Age Eight 34
Summary and Key Concepts 35
PART 2 Causes of Delinquency 36
CHAPTER 3 Individual Causes of Delinquency 36

Can Names Cause Delinquency? 37
The Classical School and Juvenile Delinquency 37
Rationality and Delinquency 38
Rational Choice Theory 39
The Routine-Activities Approach 39
Rational Choice and Delinquency 39
Delinquency Prevention and the Philosophy of Punishment 40
Positivism and Delinquency 40
Biological and Psychological Positivism and Delinquency 41
Early Forms of Biological Positivism 41
Contemporary Biological Positivism: Sociobiology and Biosocial
Criminology 42
Twin and Adoption Studies 42
Intelligence 43
Neuropsychological Factors 43
Biochemical Factors 44
The Biosocial Perspective 45
Psychological Positivism 45
Developmental Theories of Delinquency 49
The Dunedin Longitudinal Study 49
Montreal Longitudinal Experimental Study 49
Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development 49
The Importance of Theory 50
Prevention and Control of Delinquency 50
THE CASE: The Life Course of Amy Watters, Age Nine 52
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CHAPTER 4 Social Structural and Social Process Theories
of Delinquency 56
Childhood Exposure to Violence 57
Social Disorganization Theory 57
Shaw and McKay 58
Cultural Deviance Theory and Delinquency 60
Miller’s Lower-Class Culture and Delinquent Values 60
Strain and Opportunity Theories of Delinquency 61
Merton’s Theory of Anomie 62
Institutional Anomie Theory 63
Evaluation of Merton’s Theory 63
Strain Theory and the Individual Level of Analysis 63
Cohen’s Theory of Delinquent Subcultures 64
Cloward and Ohlin’s Opportunity Theory 65
Differential Association Theory 66
Propositions of Differential Association Theory 66
Control Theory and Delinquent Behavior 67
Social Control Theory 67
Integrated Theories of Delinquency 68
Gottfredson and Hirschi’s General Theory of Crime 68
Elliott and Colleagues’ Integrated Social Process Theory 68
Thornberry’s Interactional Theory 69
Hawkins and Weis’s Social Development Model 70
Delinquency Across the life Course: Structural and Social Process Theories 70
Reduced Social Capital 71
Cumulative Disadvantage 71
Delinquency and Social Policy: PHDCN and Lafans 71
Early Findings from the PHDCN Study 72
THE CASE: The Life Course of Amy Watters, Age Ten 73
CHAPTER 5 Social Interactionist Theories of

Delinquency 77
Adolescent Bullying 78
Labeling Theory 78
Frank Tannenbaum: Dramatization of Evil 79
Edwin Lemert: Primary and Secondary Deviation 79
Howard Becker: Deviant Careers 79
The Juvenile Justice Process and Labeling 80
New Developments in Labeling Theory 80
Recent Applications of Labeling Theory 80
Evaluation of Labeling Theory 80
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Symbolic Interactionist Theory 81
Role Taking and Delinquency 81
Interactionist Perspectives on Gender, Race, and Delinquency 82
Evaluation of Symbolic Interactionist Theory 82
Conflict Theory 83
Dimensions of Conflict Criminology 83
Evaluation of Conflict Theory 85
The Social Context of Delinquency: Restorative Justice and Peacemaking 85
Community Conferencing and Sentencing Circles 86
Evaluation of Restorative Justice 86
Delinquency and Social Policy: The Conflict Perspective 86
THE CASE: The Life Course of Amy Watters, Age 11 88
PART 3 Environmental Influences on Delinquency 91
CHAPTER 6 Gender and Delinquency 91

Child Prostitution 92
The Gender Ratio in Offending 92
Social Context of Delinquency: Gender Roles and Delinquency 94
The Female Delinquent 95
Explanations of Female Delinquency 97
Biological and Constitutional Explanations 97
Psychological Explanations 97
Sociological Explanations 97
Evaluation of Explanations of Female Delinquency 98
Feminist Theories of Delinquency 99
Gender Bias and the Processing of Female Delinquents 100
Influence of Class 101
Racial Discrimination 102
The Whole Is Greater Than the Sum of Its Parts 102
Delinquency Across the Life Course: Gender and Delinquency 103
Delinquency and Social Policy: A Gender-Responsive Policy Approach 104
CHAPTER 7 Families and Delinquency 108

Learning Social Roles 109
Social Context of Delinquency: Impact of Families on Delinquency 109
Family Factors 109
Conclusions 110
Transitions and Delinquency 110
The Foster Family 113
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The Mass Media and Delinquent Behavior 114
Violent TV Programs and Movies 114
Violent Video Games 114
Internet-Initiated Crimes 114
Gangsta Rap 114
Neglect and Child Abuse 115
Extent and Nature of the Problem 117
Neglect 117
Child Abuse 118
Neglect, Child Abuse, and Delinquency 119
Child Abuse and the Juvenile Justice System 120
Identification 120
Reporting 120
Intake and Investigation 120
Assessment 121
Case Planning 121
Treatment 121
Evaluation of Family Progress 121
Case Closure 121
Involvement of Juvenile or Family Court 121
Termination of Parental Rights 121
Prosecution of Parents 121
Delinquency Across the Life Course: Family-Related Risk Factors for Delinquency 121
Prevention of Delinquency and Social Policy: Child Maltreatment 121
CHAPTER 8 Schools and Delinquency 128

School Delinquency 129
A Brief History of American Education 129
School Crime 130
Vandalism and Violence 131
School Bullying 131
Delinquency and School Failure 133
Achievement 133
Low Social Status 134
School Failure 134
Theoretical Perspectives on School and Delinquency 134
Students’ Rights 136
Procedural Due Process 136
Freedom of Expression 136
Hair and Dress Codes 136
School Searches 136
Safety 137
School Discipline 137
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Delinquency Across the Life Course: Factors Involved in Dropping Out of
School 139
Delinquency and Social Policy: Promising Interventions 139
Improving the Quality of the School Experience 139
Mentoring Relationships 139
Alternative Schools 140
Positive School–Community Relationships 140
Reduce High School Dropouts 140
Reduction of the Crime-Control Model in Public Schools 140
CHAPTER 9 Gangs and Delinquency 144

Flash Mobs 145
Street Gangs and Organized Crime 145
Nature and Extent of Gang Activity 145
Definitions of Gangs 146
Profiles of Gang Members 146
Law-Violating Behaviors and Gang Activities 149
Gangs in Small Communities 150
Racial and Ethnic Gangs 152
Female Delinquent Gangs 153
Theories of Gang Formation 154
Delinquency Across the Life Course: Gang Membership 155
Delinquency and Social Policy: Prevention and Control of Youth Gangs 155
CHAPTER 10 Drugs and Delinquency 159

Substance Abuse Among Adolescents 160
Drug Use Among Adolescents 160
Types of Drugs 162
Alcohol and Tobacco 162
Marijuana 162
Cocaine 162
Methamphetamine 163
Inhalants 163
Sedatives 163
Amphetamines 163
Hallucinogens 164
Anabolic Steroids 164
Heroin 164
Drug Use and Delinquency 165
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Explanations for the Onset of Drug Abuse 166
Cognitive-Affective Theories 166
Addictive Personality Theory 166
Stress Relief Theory 166
Social Learning Theory 167
Social Control Theories 167
Social Disorganization Theory 167
Integrated Theories 167
Delinquency Across the Life Course: Drug Use 167
Delinquency and Social Policy: Solutions to the Drug Problem 168
Prevention Programs 168
Treatment Interventions 169
Strict Enforcement 169
Harm Reduction 170
CHAPTER 10 Drugs and Delinquency 172
PART 4 The Juvenile Justice System 174
CHAPTER 11 An Overview of Juvenile Justice in

America 174
Risk Assessment and Juvenile Detention 175
Development of the Juvenile Justice System 175
Colonial Period (1636–1823) 175
Houses of Refuge 176
Origins of the Juvenile Court 176
Emergence of Community-Based Corrections 177
Development of Juvenile Institutions 178
Juvenile Prevention Programs 178
Promising Prevention Programs 178
Diversion From the Juvenile Justice System 179
Youth Courts 180
Juvenile Drug-Court Movement 180
Juvenile Justice System Today 181
Structure and Functions 181
Stages in the Juvenile Justice Process 182
Comparison of the Juvenile and Adult Justice Systems 183
Basic Correctional Models 184
Comparison of the Four Models 185
Emergent Approaches to Handling Youthful Offenders 186
Treatment in Juvenile Justice 186
Individual-Level Treatment Programs 187
Group Programs 187
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What Works for Whom and in What Context 188
Graduated Sanctions in Juvenile Justice 189
Race and Juvenile Justice 189
Disproportionate Minority Confinement 190
Prevention of Delinquency: Comprehensive Delinquency Prevention
Strategy 190
Trends for the Future 191
CHAPTER 12 Police and the Juvenile 196

Policing Children 197
Juveniles’ Attitudes Toward the Police 197
Processing of Juvenile Offenders 198
Factors Influencing Police Discretion 198
Informal and Formal Dispositions 200
Legal Rights of Juveniles 201
Search and Seizure 201
Interrogation Practices 201
Fingerprinting 203
Pretrial Identification Practices 203
Social Context of Delinquency: The Police and the Prevention of Juvenile
Offenses 204
Community-Based Interventions 204
School-Based Interventions 205
Delinquency Across the Life Course: Effects of Police Discretion 206
Delinquency and Social Policy: Project D.A.R.E. 206
CHAPTER 13 Juvenile Court 211

The Juvenile Court Ideal 212
Juvenile Court 212
Changes in Legal Norms 213
U.S. Supreme Court Decisions of Special Relevance 213
Pretrial Procedures 215
Detention Hearing 215
Intake Process 216
Juvenile Trial Proceedings 218
Adjudicatory Hearing 218
Disposition Hearing 219
Judicial Alternatives 220
Right to Appeal 220
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Juvenile Sentencing Structures 221
Delinquency Across the Life Course: the Impact of Transfer on Juveniles 222
Prevention of Delinquency and Social Policy: Excellence in Juvenile Courts 223
CHAPTER 14 Juvenile Corrections 228

Juvenile Incarceration 229
Probation 229
Operation of Probation Services 230
Intake 230
Investigation 230
Supervision 230
Risk Control and Crime Reduction 230
Volunteer Programs 232
Residential and Day Treatment 232
Types of Programs 232
Types of Institutional Placement 233
Reception and Diagnostic Centers 233
Forestry Camps and Ranches 233
Boot Camps 233
Public and Private Training Schools 234
Social Context: Training School Life 235
Training Schools for Boys 235
Training Schools for Girls and Coeducational Institutions 236
Rights of Confined Juveniles 236
U.S. Courts 236
CRIPA and Juvenile Correctional Facilities 236
Juvenile Aftercare 236
Administration and Operation of Aftercare Services 237
Risk Control and Crime Reduction 237
Juveniles in Adult Prisons 239
Delinquency Across the Life Course: Juvenile Institutionalization 239
Delinquency and Social Policy: How to Make Juvenile Facilities Better 240
GLOSSARY 245
REFERENCES 255
NAME INDEX 291
SUBJECT INDEX 295
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Preface
Introducing the Justice Series What’s New to this Edition
and instructional designers come together Chapter 1
When focused on one goal—to improve student • The chapter opening story describing the role of
best-selling performance across the criminal justice eurobiology in understanding behavioral development
n
authors (CJ) curriculum—they come away with a in adolescents is new.
groundbreaking new series of print and
digital content: the Justice Series. • The section on high risk behavior is reorganized.
Several years ago, we embarked on a journey to create af- • The section on the promise of Positive Youth Development
fordable texts that engage students without sacrificing aca- (PYD) is moved to a later chapter.
demic rigor. We tested this new format with Fagin’s CJ 2010 and • The definition of delinquency is new.
Schmalleger’s Criminology and received overwhelming support
from students and instructors. • A Deinstitutionalization of Status Offender (DSO) section
The Justice Series expands this format and philosophy to has been added.
more core CJ and criminology courses, providing affordable, • The section on Juvenile Court Jurisdiction Over Status
engaging instructor and student resources across the curricu- Offenders is expanded and rewritten.
lum. As you flip through the pages, you’ll notice that this book • The section on crossover youth is a new section.
doesn’t rely on distracting, overly used photos to add visual ap-
peal. Every piece of art serves a purpose—to help students learn. • The Three Themes section has been expanded and
Our authors and instructional designers worked tirelessly to rewritten.
build engaging infographics, flowcharts, pull-out statistics, and • The Delinquency Prevention section now has a new
other visuals that flow with the body of the text, provide context discussion on resilience.
and engagement, and promote recall and understanding. • The section on Delinquency and Social Policy is new and
We organized our content around key learning objectives now includes discussion of Evidence-Based Programs.
for each chapter and tied everything together in a new objective-
driven end-of-chapter layout. The content not only is engaging Chapter 2
to students, but also is easy to follow and focuses students on the • The chapter opening story describing Texan Ethan Couch
key learning objectives. is new.
Although brief, affordable, and visually engaging, the Justice
Series is no quick, cheap way to appeal to the lowest common
• The statistics in the Uniform Crime Reports, Juvenile
Court Statistics, and Victimization Surveys are updated,
denominator. It’s a series of texts and support tools that are in-
and new tables have been added.
structionally sound and student-approved.
• The studies in the Social Factors Related to Delinquency
Additional Highlights to the Author’s Approach section are updated.
• The lavish use of figures, charts, and line art visually
attracts readers to the subject matter of criminology, Chapter 3
making for ease of learning. • The section on Rationality and Delinquency is expanded.
• This book moves beyond the confusing terminology • The section on Delinquency Prevention and the
found in other criminology texts to provide students with Philosophy of Punishment, including General Deterrence,
straightforward explanations of Specific Deterrence, and Incapacita-
criminology’s important concepts When best-selling authors tion is new.
and most fascinating schools of and instructional designers
thought. Content is readily acces- • The sections on Biological Positiv-
sible through the use of plain lan- come together focused on ism, both early forms and contem-
guage and commonsense definitions one goal—to improve student porary Biological Positivism, have
of key terms. been expanded, with several new
performance across the CJ studies added.
• Cases in every chapter illustrate
the principles discussed and curriculum—they come away • Exhibit 3.1, “Functional Impairment
provide true-to-life stories of of Delinquent Youth,” is new.
with a groundbreaking new
criminal offenders. Thought-
series of print and digital
• The section on Psychological Posi-
provoking questions within the tivism has been expanded.
cases provide students with the content: the Justice Series. • There is a new discussion of Jean
opportunity to apply what they’ve Piaget under the section on Cogni-
learned. tive Theory.
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• The section on the Developmental Theories of Chapter 10
Delinquency has been revised and reorganized. • Updated drug national data.
Chapter 4
• New Evidence Based Programs Exhibit.
• The definition of the term “social structure” has been Chapter 11
revised. • A new section on “Treatment in Juvenile Justice” has
• The section describing strain theory and delinquency has been added. It includes discussion of Insight-Based
been expanded and updated. Therapy, Behavioral Therapy, Cognitive-Based Therapy,
Group Therapy, including Guided Group Interaction,
• The discussion of Albert K. Cohen’s theory has been Positive Peer Culture, and Drug and Alcohol Interventions.
expanded.
• The section on Delinquency and Social Policy has been • A new section, “What Works for Whom and in What
Context,” has been added.
significantly expanded and updated.
• The “Graduated Sanctions” section is new.
Chapter 5 • A new section on “Core Principles of a System of
• There is a new introduction to the material on suicide Graduated Sanctions” has been added to the chapter.
and bullying. • The section discussing race and juvenile justice has been
• Exhibit 5.1, “Peacemaking and Criminology,” is new. expanded.
• The material comprising the section on the “Prevention
Chapter 6 of Delinquency: Comprehensive Delinquency Prevention
• There is a new “Discuss” feature at the start of the Strategy” is new.
chapter.
Chapter 12
• The discussion of gender and delinquency has been • The “Discuss” feature at the start of the chapter has been
expanded. completely revised.
• Exhibit 6.1, “Differences between Girls’ and Boys’ • The section on juvenile attitudes toward the police has
Delinquency,” is new. been revised.
• The section on explanations of female delinquency has • Exhibit 12.1, “Building Connections between Officers and
been expanded. Baltimore City Youth,” is new.
• Material was added to the section on Gender Bias and • The “Informal and Formal Disposition” section has been
Delinquency. revised.
• The section on new programs involving Girls, Inc. • A portion of the “Legal Rights of Juveniles” section has
is new. been revised.
• The “School-Based Intervention” section has been updated
Chapter 7 and revised.
• The “Transitions and Delinquency” section has been
expanded. Chapter 13
• The section entitled “Other Expressions of Family Life” is • The data on the number of cases handled in juvenile court
new, and now includes discussion of the foster family and has been updated.
adopted children, children with lesbian, gay, bisexual, and • Information on the offense profile of delinquency cases has
transgender parents. been updated.
• The “Mass Media and Delinquency Behavior” section has • The results of a new study on the punishment of juveniles
been expanded. are now included.
• The table showing the minimum age for concurrent juris-
Chapter 8 diction has been brought up to date.
• The “Discuss” feature at the start of the chapter has been • A discussion of the U.S. Supreme Court case of J.D.B. v.
changed. North Carolina (2011), in which the court held that a
• The school crime section is updated. child’s age must be considered in assessing whether a
• The section on cyberbullying section is new. suspect is aware of his or her rights, has been added.
• The section on school discipline section is new, and Chapter 14
i ncludes a discussion of security measures, corporal pun- • Data on the institutional placement of juveniles has been
ishment, and out-of-school suspensions. updated.
Chapter 9
• The “Delinquency Across the Life Course” section has been
revised.
• The national gang data has been updated.
• The exhibit describing Father Greg Boyle, S.J., is new. • The section on “Delinquency and Social Policy” has been
expanded.
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▶ Instructor Supplements
Instructor’s Manual with Test Bank. To access supplementary materials online, instructors need to
Includes content outlines for classroom discussion, teaching sug- request an instructor access code. Go to www.pearsonhighered
gestions, and answers to selected end-of-chapter questions from the .com/irc, where you can register for an instructor access code.
text. This also contains a Word document version of the test bank. Within 48 hours after registering, you will receive a confirming
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Our presentations offer clear, straightforward outlines and notes print out reading assignments that incorporate lecture notes,
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▶ Acknowledgments
This book is the result of many individuals who have made in- Szirandi. At the University of Northern Iowa, we would like to ex-
valuable contributions to this text. Foremost, we would like to press our appreciation to Wayne Fauchier and Gloria Hadachek,
thank our significant others, Linda Dippolid Bartollas and Ellen who in various ways helped to keep the manuscript moving.
xvi Preface
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▶ About the Authors
Clemens Bartollas, Ph.D., is criminal justice courses at the University of North Carolina at
professor of sociology at the Pembroke; for the last 16 of those years, he chaired the univer-
University of Northern Iowa. sity’s Department of Sociology, Social Work, and Criminal Jus-
He holds a B.A. from Davis tice. The university named him Distinguished Professor in 1991.
and Elkins College, a B.D. Dr. Schmalleger has taught in the online graduate pro-
from Princeton Theological gram of the New School for Social Research, helping to build
Seminary, an S.T.M. from the world’s first electronic classrooms in support of distance
San Francisco Theological learning through computer telecommunications. As an ad-
Seminary, and a Ph.D. in so- junct professor with Webster University in St. Louis, Missouri,
ciology, with a special emphasis in criminology, from The Ohio Dr. Schmalleger helped develop the university’s graduate
State University. Dr. Bartollas taught at Pembroke State Univer- programs in administration of justice as well as security ad-
sity from 1973 to 1975, at Sangamon State University from 1975 ministration and loss prevention and taught courses in those
to 1980, and at the University of Northern Iowa from 1981 to the curricula for more than a decade. A strong advocate of Web-
present. He has received a number of honors at the University based instruction, Dr. Schmalleger is also the creator of numer-
of Northern Iowa, including Distinguished Scholar, the Donald ous award-winning websites.
McKay Research Award, and the Regents’ Award for Faculty Dr. Schmalleger is the author of numerous articles and
Excellence. Dr. Bartollas, like his coauthor, is also the author of more than 30 books, including the widely used Criminal Justice
numerous articles and more than 30 books, including previous Today (Prentice Hall, 2015), Criminal Justice: A Brief Introduc-
editions of Juvenile Delinquency (Allyn & Bacon, 2006), Juvenile tion (Prentice Hall, 2014), Criminology Today (Prentice Hall,
Justice in America (with Stuart J. Miller; Prentice Hall, 2011), and 2015), Criminology: A Brief Introduction (Prentice Hall, 2015),
Women and the Criminal Justice System (with K atherine Stuart Criminal Law Today (Prentice Hall, 2013), and Corrections in the
van Wormer; Prentice Hall, 2011). Twenty-First Century (with John Smykla; M cGraw-Hill, 2014).
He is also founding editor of the journal Criminal Justice Studies
Frank Schmalleger, Ph.D., is Distinguished and has served as imprint adviser for Greenwood Publishing
Professor Emeritus at the University of North Group’s criminal justice reference series. Visit the author’s web-
Carolina at Pembroke. He holds an under- site at www.schmalleger.com.
graduate degree from the University of Notre
Dame and both master’s (1970) and doctoral
(1974) degrees, with special emphasis in soci-
ology, from The Ohio State University. From
1976 to 1994, he taught criminology and
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1
“The future promise of any nation can be
directly measured by the present prospects
of its youth.”
—President John F. Kennedy, February 14, 1963
Adolescence
and Delinquency
1 Compare how society treats adolescents today

with how it handled them in the past.
2 Give examples of high-risk behaviors that

characterize contemporary adolescence.
3 Define delinquency and explain what the term

means in contemporary context.
4 Determine whether or not behaviors should be

classified as status offenses.
5 Summarize the contemporary treatment

of delinquents.
6 Summarize the three themes of this text.

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INTRO DEFENDING CHILDHOOD
Sixty-five years ago, J. D. Salinger penned a book with
plenty of staying power—one that’s still found on the
reading lists of high school students across the country.
That book, Catcher in the Rye, was intended for an adult
audience, but quickly became popular with teenagers.1
Catcher in the Rye was translated into all of the world’s
major languages, and has sold over 65 million copies
Purestock/Getty Images
since it was first published. The book focuses on the dif-
ficulties of growing up in mid-twentieth century America,
including issues of alienation, feelings of belonging, peer
influences, and identity development. It’s main character,
17-year-old Holden Caulfield, demonstrates many of the
same traits that define today’s adolescents. He’s impul-
sive and speaks and acts seemingly without thinking of
Teenagers riding a roller coaster. Thrill-seeking and risk-taking are
the consequences, then later regrets what he’s done. His common behaviors among young people, and scientific studies of
struggles with his own sexuality portray a young man with mental development show that there are fundamental differences
budding desires, but a lack of understanding about how between the brains of adults and children in their ability to assess
to fulfill them. His lack of academic focus and a reckless situations and to plan effectively.
tendency to get into fights with other boys results in his be-
ing suspended from school, and his frequent bouts with al- In 2010, in recognition of the fundamental differences
cohol and minor crimes highlight his apparent immaturity. between the brains of juveniles and adults, the U.S. Su-
Although Salinger’s novel dramatized adolescent devel- preme Court abolished life imprisonment without the
opment in post-World War II America, it also documented possibility of parole for persons who commit serious
seemingly timeless traits associated with teenagers ev- crimes (other than homicide) as teenagers. In that case,
erywhere. And although Salinger might not have been Graham v. Florida, the justices held that “developments
able to explain the emergence of those traits, recent in psychology and brain science continue to show fun-
studies in the fields of developmental psychology and damental differences between juvenile and adult minds.
neuroscience support the notion that the typical teenage For example, parts of the brain involved in behavior con-
brain is not mature, and that young people are routinely trol continue to mature through late adolescence. . . .
characterized by poor judgment and impulsivity. The lat- Juveniles are more capable of change than are adults,
est findings on human development, which come from and their actions are less likely to be evidence of ‘ir-
careful studies of human physiological development, retrievably depraved character’ than are the actions of
show that the frontal cortex—the part of the brain that is adults.”3 Two years later, in 2012, the Court reinforced
responsible for self-control, effective judgment, and sensi- that view by holding, in the case of Miller v. Alabama, that
ble planning—matures very slowly throughout childhood “mandatory life without parole for a juvenile precludes
and into early adulthood. Moreover, such studies show consideration of his chronological age and its hallmark
that the development of “adult” thought patterns and features—among them, immaturity, impetuosity, and fail-
self-control is perilously out of sync with the early devel- ure to appreciate risks and consequences.”4
opment of the emotional brain. As a result there is a gap
between early thrill-seeking and risk-taking on the one
hand, and self-discipline on the other. In short, as one How do the brains of children and
DISCUSS
writer puts it, “teenagers are attracted to novel and risky
activities, especially with peers, at a time when they lack adults differ? What implications
judgment and the ability to weigh future consequences.”2 do such differences hold for behavior?
Anyone with an interest in juveniles and juvenile misbehav- post-traumatic disorders; fail or have difficulty in school; and
ior could expand their examination beyond neuroscience to become delinquent and engage in criminal behavior. Accord-
include the social conditions that surround children through ing to researchers, a child’s exposure to one type of violence in-
their developmental years. One recent study funded by the U.S. creases the likelihood that the child will be exposed to other
Department of Justice (DOJ),5 for example, focused on child- types of violence and exposed multiple times. Children exposed
hood exposure to violence. It found that a majority of children to violence are at a higher risk of engaging in criminal behavior
in the United States have been exposed to violence, crime, or later in life and of becoming participants in a cycle of violence.6
abuse in their homes, schools, and communities. The study also
demonstrated that children’s exposure to violence, whether as We’ve got to break this cycle of violence.
victims or witnesses, is frequently associated with long-term Through enhanced prevention, intervention,
physical, psychological, and emotional harm. Finally, the study
found that children exposed to violence are more likely to and accountability efforts, I believe we can.
abuse drugs and alcohol; suffer from depression, anxiety, and —Attorney General Eric H. Holder, Jr.
2 Chapter 1 Adolescence and Delinquency
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▶ The Changing Treatment of Adolescents
LEARNING Compare how society The primary subject matter an identifiable and important stage of human growth and devel-
OUTCOMES treats adolescents of this text is juvenile delin- opment. Still, there is no agreed-on way to pinpoint this period
1 today with how it han-quency. A 2014 federal gov- chronologically or to restrict it within physiological boundaries.
dled them in the past.ernment report notes that For purposes of discussion in this chapter, however, adolescence
“Most people would say that a is considered to be the years between ages 12 and 18. Within
juvenile delinquent is a badly behaved teenager under age 18 this transitional period, youngsters experience many biological
who gets into trouble frequently—or, more precisely, one who changes and develop new attitudes, values, and skills that they
gets into trouble with police frequently. The image that comes will carry into their young adult years.
to mind is an adolescent who skips school, drinks alcohol, uses Delinquency and other problem behaviors increase during
illegal drugs, steals, is often belligerent, and may be prone to the adolescent years for several reasons. These years bring in-
violence. This popular notion of delinquency, however, is not an creasing freedom from parental scrutiny, and with this freedom
adequate definition for a discussion of juvenile justice practice come more opportunities to be involved in socially unaccept-
and policy. It is far too broad.”7 able behavior. Teenagers develop new, often expensive tastes for
Because juvenile delinquency is the focus of this text, it is such things as sound systems, clothing, automobiles, and alco-
important to develop a concise definition of the term at the start hol, yet legitimate means for satisfying these desires are often
of our discussion. Consequently, this text uses the following not available. The lengthening of adolescence in U.S. culture
definition for the term “juvenile delinquency”: An act commit- has further expanded the crises and struggles of this life pe-
ted by a minor that violates the penal code of the government riod, thereby increasing the chance of problems with the law, at
with authority over the area in which the act occurs. Likewise, school, and in the home. In addition, there is often a mismatch
“[i]t is important to understand, however, that a “law violation between adolescents’ needs and the opportunities provided to
by a young person is considered an act of juvenile delinquency them by their social environment.9 Finally, in some cases, the
only if the behavior meets all three of the following criteria: (1) unmet needs and frustrations of early childhood fester into so-
the act involved would be a criminal offense if it were commit- cially unacceptable behavior in later years.
ted by an adult; (2) the young person charged with committing Adolescence, as a term describing a particular stage of hu-
the act is below the age at which the criminal court traditionally man growth and development, evolved out of the modern no-
assumes jurisdiction; and (3) the juvenile is charged with an of- tion of childhood. The concept of childhood, as reflected in
fense that must be adjudicated in the juvenile court (or some today’s child-centered culture, is a relatively recent phenom-
other court with jurisdiction over noncriminal but illegal acts enon.10 Much of recorded history reveals tales of horrific child
of juveniles) or the prosecution and the juvenile court judge labor, abuse, and indifference to be the fate of many children.
exercise their discretion to lodge and retain jurisdiction in the Lloyd de Mause, an American social thinker known for his work
juvenile court.” in the field of psychohistory, described [t]he history of child-
To bring the subject of delinquency into clearer focus, this hood [as] a nightmare from which we have only recently begun
chapter places it in the broader context of adolescence and the to awaken.”11
narrow context of those adolescents who are youths at risk. The end of child labor was one of the watersheds in the de-
High-risk children can be further divided into delinquents and velopment of modern adolescence. Throughout history, chil-
status offenders, which is what is discussed next. The chapter dren have worked, but until the Industrial Revolution their
then examines how child delinquents have been handled from work was usually done within or around the house, often out-
the past to the present and concludes with presenting three doors. As work moved from the home to the factory, children
themes that will be examined throughout the text. were considered a source of cheap labor. Until the child labor
Adolescence is a term that refers to the life interval between laws were actually enforced, children as young as ages four and
childhood and adulthood. A 2014 publication by the National five worked in mines, mills, and factories. But with advancing
Academy of Science Press says that “[a]dolescence is a distinct, technology and mechanization, children and adolescents were
yet transient, period of development between childhood and no longer needed in the labor market, and by 1914, every state
adulthood characterized by increased experimentation and but one had passed laws prohibiting the employment in indus-
risk-taking, a tendency to discount long-term consequences, tries of children under a certain age, generally 14.12
and heightened sensitivity to peers and other social influences.”8 Another important stage in the development of modern
Prior to the 1930s, the concept of adolescence did not hold adolescence was compulsory public schooling. As Chapter 8
the meaning that it does today. Prior to the middle of the twen- discusses, nineteenth-century U.S. schools were violent and
tieth century, adolescents were seen as small versions of unem- chaotic places in which teachers attempted to maintain control
powered adults, lacking in social and economic status. Except over unmotivated and unruly children, sometimes using bru-
for children younger than the age of seven, little consideration tal disciplinary methods. The Progressive education movement
was given to what we now see as the special needs of children, arose partly because of the dissatisfaction of some elements
and most children were expected to possess self-control and of society with the schools. The influence of John Dewey and
abide by adult standards of behavior. Since at least the 1950s, other Progressive educators encouraged individualism and
however, the term adolescence has come to be seen as marking personal growth in the classroom. Compulsory education laws
The Changing Treatment of Adolescents 3
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also evolved from early-twentieth-century social and religious The end of child labor was one of the
views, which held that adolescents should be kept in school be-
cause they needed guidance and control.
watersheds in the development of modern
A further stage in the development of modern adolescence adolescence.
was the development in the twentieth century of the belief that
raising children had less to do with conquering their spirits than
social, and political forces in society. See Table 1–1 for a visual
with training and socializing them. Parents in the United States,
presentation regarding the treatment of adolescents in the past
especially since the 1940s, have emphasized a helping relation-
and in the present.
ship, attempting to meet their children’s expanding needs in a
democratic and supportive environment. An additional stage
in this development took place in the 1960s and 1970s when Youth Culture
special legal protections for juveniles were granted, highlight-
A youth culture, which has emerged in recent decades in the
ing the perception of adolescents as needing special attention,
United States and other nations, consists of the unique be-
guidance, and support. Psychologist Erik H. Erikson has ob-
liefs, behaviors, and symbols that represent young people in
served, “Childhood is the model of all oppression and enslave-
society. How, when, where, and with what and whom they in-
ment, a kind of inner colonization, which forces grown-ups to
teract with is part of this culture. A primary feature of youth
accept inner repression and self-restriction.” A chief reason for
culture is the incorporation of trends or fads.14 Youth culture
the repression of childhood, according to Erikson and others,
has distinctive clothing styles, hairstyles, behaviors, footwear,
is the lack of rights given to young people. The children’s rights
electronic devices, and interests. Vehicles such as cars, motor
movement, which encompasses a spectrum of approaches, be-
scooters, motorcycles, skateboards, and surfboards—as well
came popular in the 1970s as a means to compensate for young
as personal electronic devices and video games—have played
people’s lack of rights. Consensus also increased on what com-
central roles in the development of today’s youth culture. As
ponents are thought necessary for an adolescent to achieve re-
will be discussed in future chapters, there are various youth
sponsible adulthood.13
cultures, and the features of youth cultures vary by class, gen-
In sum, the concept of adolescence centers on a set of be-
der, race, and ethnicity.
liefs that emerged during the late nineteenth and early twentieth
Body piercing—often multiple piercings for both males
centuries. These beliefs have had the result of removing young
and females in literally every part of the body, including the
people from the world of employment and from the mainstream
tongue, eyebrows, lips, cheeks, navel, genitals, and breasts—and
of adult society. This process of lengthening childhood and de-
tattooing are widely found among some youth cultures today.
laying adult responsibilities was strongly influenced not only
Ritual scarification and 3D-art implants are popular, and so are
by humanitarian considerations but also by major economic,
stretching and cutting of the genitals, scrotal implants, transder-
mal implants, tooth art, and facial sculpture.15
Adolescence brings increasing freedom Adolescents have always been connected to their peers, but
from parental scrutiny. many are now connected at all times of the day, texting in class
TABLE 1–1 THE CHANGING TREATMENT OF ADOLESCENTS OVER TIME

Historical Treatment Present Treatment
Treated as small adults Adolescence is seen as preparation for adulthood.
Expected to work in the home or outside the home at a young age Employment takes place after school or on weekends and usually is seen
as making extra money.
Education was seen as of minor significance and usually lasted Compulsory education and increased emphasis is placed on attending
only a few years. college.
Adolescent girls were expected to marry and raise a family. Growing equality for female adolescents
Minimal emotional attachment to children because of high infant Emotional investment in children from birth
death rates
Children were punished like adults. Children, especially those who commit minor crimes, are protected by
the state and are placed in a separate system and are separated from
adults.
Children were seen as having few rights. Special legal protections were granted to juveniles beginning in the
final decades of the late nineteenth century, continuing throughout the
twentieth century and into today.
4 Chapter 1 Adolescence and Delinquency
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or messaging throughout the night. In addition to constant One in four adolescents in the United
communication, adolescents are joining online groups or com-
munities, posting numerous self-portraits (or selfies), and creat-
States today is at high risk of engaging
ing their own Facebook pages or InstaGram messages. in multiple problem behaviors.
Some people use the term Millennials to refer to people
born around the turn of the twenty-first century, and the
word can be applied to teenagers and young adults today.
Whatever term we use to describe today’s young people, it
is clear that most American youth have been strongly influ- ▶ Youth at Risk
enced by the media—especially social media; and that they The population of children in LEARNING Give examples of
are relatively adept at interacting with others through the the United States is increasing OUTCOMES high-risk behaviors that
use of ever-improving personal technologies. In 2014, the and becoming more racially 2 characterize contempo-
Pew Research Center, which notes that “generations, like and ethnically diverse. There rary adolescence.
people, have personalities,”16 released a report showing that are approximately 75.6 mil-
young Millennial adults are confident and open to change, lion children, ages newborn to 17 years, in the United States.
but largely “detached from institutions and networked with Although it may come as a surprise, there are approximately
friends.”17 Other researchers have found that today’s young equal numbers of children in each age group: 0–5 (25 million),
people are less interested in protection of the environment 6–11 (24 million), and 12–17 (25 million) years of age.19 Children
or developing a philosophy of life than their predecessors, represent 25 percent of the American population, which is down
and are significantly more narcissistic than earlier genera- from a peak of 36 percent at the end of the post-World War II
tions. Husband–wife author team William A. Draves and Julie baby boom in 1964.20 The population of juveniles, according to
Coates suggest that the behavior and values of young people a U.S. Census Bureau estimate, will increase 14 percent b etween
today who are living in first-world nations are significantly 2000 and 2025; by 2050 the juvenile population will be 36 percent
impacted by the economic and technological implications of larger than it was in 2000.21
the Internet and personal connectivity.18 As noted, diversity is increasing. In 2003, 60 percent of
our nation’s children were Caucasian, 16 percent were African
American, and 4 percent were Asian. Since then, the proportion
of Hispanic children has increased faster than those of the other
racial and ethnic groups; it grew from 9 percent of all children
Think About It… in 1980 to 24 percent in 2013.22
The Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statis-
Today’s youths are much more connected through the use of tics estimates that of the 25 million adolescents (ages 12 through
electronic social networking than members of any previous 17 years) living in the United States, approximately one in four
generation. What are the implications of such connectivity is at high risk of engaging in multiple problem behaviors. These
both for delinquency and delinquency prevention? behaviors, particularly committing delinquent acts and abusing
drugs and alcohol, quickly bring adolescents to the attention
of the juvenile justice system. Another 6 million youngsters,
making up 25 percent, engage in risky behavior, but to a lesser
degree and, consequently, are less likely to experience negative
consequences.23
The State of America’s Children 2014, a Children Defense
Fund (CDF) publication, notes that “Fifty years after President
Lyndon Johnson declared a War on Poverty, the United States
is still not a fair playing field for millions of children afflicted
by preventable poverty, hunger, homelessness, sickness, poor
education, and violence in the world’s richest economy with a
gross domestic product (GDP) of $15.7 trillion.”24 According to
the CDF, “The greatest threat to America’s economic, military
and national security comes from . . . our failure, unique among
high income nations, to invest adequately and fairly in the
health, education and sound development of all of our young.”25
CDF statistics show that every fifth child in the United States
© Tsiumpa/Fotolia
(16.1 million) is poor, and every tenth child (7.1 million) lives in
extreme poverty. Moreover, children are the poorest age group
in America and, on average, the younger they are the poorer
they are.26 Figure 1–1, which is indicative of the problem, shows
the number of homeless children enrolled in public schools
throughout the United States for the period 2006–2012.
Youth at Risk 5
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Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
Zohra, Beni, 289
Zomeil, 90
Zoroastrians, 72, 259, 260
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Manuscripts of the whole work have, however, been
procured, and are now being published on the Continent, but not
in time to be available for this work. They will serve hereafter to
correct, perhaps, some of the doubtful points of the history on
which, from the scantiness of the material, I may have gone
astray.
[2] Geschichte der Chalifen, 3 vols., Mannheim, 1846–1851.
[3] Culturgeschichte des Orients unter den Chalifen, Wien,
1875.
[4] The date ordinarily given as that of the Prophet’s death is
the 12th Rabi I. See note p. 280, Life of Mahomet, vol. iv.
For the term ‘Companion,’ technically used to signify all who
had a personal acquaintance with the Prophet, see ibid. p. 564.
The era of the Hegira was established by Omar, five or six
years after the Prophet’s death. The first Moharram of the first
year of the Hegira corresponds with 19th April, a.d. 622. The real
hegira, or flight of Mahomet from Mecca, took place two months
later (June 20). See ibid. p. 145, and C. de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 17.
[5] Al Siddîck; ibid. vol. ii. 102, 220. He was also called ‘the
Sighing one,’ from his compassionate nature.
[6] Meaning a palm-trunk left for the beasts to come and rub
themselves upon; a metaphor for a person much resorted to for
counsel. Hobâb was the chief whom Mahomet employed to
reconnoitre the enemy at Bedr.
[7] The Arabian mode of swearing fealty. The chief held out his
hand, and the people one by one struck their hand flat upon it as
they passed.
[8] It will be remembered that the native population of Medîna
was divided into the Aus and Khazraj, and Sád belonged to the
latter. Enmity and fighting had long prevailed between them
before Mahomet’s arrival (Life of Mahomet, p. 119).
[9] The followers of Mahomet were divided into the Muhâjerîn,
or Refugees from Mecca and elsewhere; and the Ansâr or
Helpers, the citizens of Medîna (Ibid. p. 189).
[10] The tradition regarding Zobeir and Talha, perhaps arose
from their attempt at the Caliphate, and refusal to acknowledge
Aly, five and twenty years afterwards. As to Aly himself, the
traditions vary. By some he is said to have been among the first to
swear fealty to Abu Bekr. But the more general tradition is that he
did not do so till Fâtima, who had a grudge against Abu Bekr for
her father’s patrimony, died (Life of Mahomet, p. 516). There are
other tales, but they all bear the stamp of Abbasside fabrication;
such as of Omar threatening to burn Aly’s house over his head;
Zobeir rushing out with a sword, &c. We are even told that Abu
Sofiân taunted Aly and Abbâs with allowing an insignificant
branch of the Coreish to seize the Caliphate from them; likened
them to a hungry donkey tethered up, or to a tent-peg made only
to be beaten; and offered to help them with horse and foot, but
that Aly declined his offer. These stories are childish and
apocryphal. There is absolutely nothing in the antecedents of Aly,
or his subsequent history, to render it in the least probable that
during the first two Caliphates, he advanced any claim whatever,
or indeed was in a position to do so. It was not till the reign of
Othmân that any idea arose of a superior right in virtue of his
having been the cousin of Mahomet and husband of Fâtima.
It is said that as the people crowded to the hall, where Sád lay
sick, to salute Abu Bekr, one cried out: ‘Have a care lest ye
trample upon Sád, and kill him under foot.’ ‘The Lord kill him, as
he deserveth!’ was the response of the heated Omar. ‘Softly,
Omar!’ interposed Abu Bekr, ‘blandness and courtesy are better
than curses and sharp words.’ Indeed, throughout this chapter
Abu Bekr appears to great advantage.
[11] See Life of Mahomet, p. 500.
[12] Life of Mahomet, p. 498.
[13] Some others of the chief Companions, Aly, Zobeir, &c.,
appear also to have remained behind; but they may possibly not
have originally formed a part of Osâma’s army ordered to
reassemble.
[14] The chronology at this period is uncertain, and the dates
only approximate. On the Prophet’s death we plunge at once from
light into obscurity. For the next two or three years we are left in
doubt, not only as to the period, but even as to the sequence of
important events and great battles. In the narrative of this
expedition, we only know that the army started soon after Abu
Bekr’s accession, but not before the spirit of rebellion had begun
to declare itself, which last, according to one tradition, was within
ten days of the Prophet’s death.
The length of the expedition varies, according to different
traditions, from 40 days to 70.
[15] See Life of Mahomet, chapter 32.
[16] Ibid. chapter xxx. Amru hastened home through Bahrein
immediately on hearing of Mahomet’s death. Corra ibn Hobeira,
Chief of the Beni Amir, took him aside, after a hospitable
entertainment, and advised, as the only way to avoid revolt, that
the tithe upon the Bedouins should be foregone. Amru stormed at
him for this; and subsequently, on Corra being brought in a
prisoner, advised his execution as an apostate.
On reaching Medîna, Amru made known the disheartening
news to his friends, who crowded round him. Omar coming up, all
were silent, but he divined what the subject of their converse was:
‘I think,’ he said, ‘that ye were speaking of what we have to fear
from the Arab tribes?’ On their confessing, he made them swear
that they would not discourage the people by letting the matter
spread, and added: ‘Fear ye not this thing; verily I fear far more
what the Arabs will suffer from you, than what ye will suffer from
them. Verily if a company of the Coreish were to enter into a cave
alone, the Bedouins would follow you into the same. They are a
servile crew: wherefore, fear the Lord, and fear not them.’
[17] Or Abrac. For the Beni Abs and Dzobiân, see Life of
Mahomet, vol. i. pp. ccxxiv. et seq.
[18] The riding camels had all been sent away with Osâma’s
army, and the only ones now available were those used to irrigate
the fields and palmgroves. The stratagem, was curious. The
Bedouins blew out their empty water-skins (mussucks), and when
thus buoyant and full of air, they kicked them (as you would a
foot-ball) in front of the Moslem camels, which, affrighted at the
strange sight, took to flight.
[19] The centre and wings were commanded by three sons of
Mocarran, a citizen of Medîna. These distinguished themselves
on many occasions in the Persian campaign. One of them,
Nomân, was killed ten years after in the decisive action of
Nehâwend.
[20] For the royal Fifth, see Sura, viii. 41.
[21] There is a tradition that when Abu Bekr issued, sword in
hand, to go to Dzul Cassa, Aly caught hold of his bridle,
exclaiming: ‘O Caliph, I say to thee what the Prophet said to thee
on the day of Ohod: Put up thy sword again and expose us not to
lose thee, for, by the Lord! if we were to lose thee, the prop of
Islam were gone.’ Whereupon Abu Bekr returned and went not
forth.
But this probably refers to the expeditions shortly after sent
out in all directions from Dzul Cassa, as narrated below, and to
Abu Bekr’s return to Medîna at that time.
[22] The notion given by tradition is that these eleven columns
were despatched on their several expeditions all at once from
Dzul Cassa, in presence of Abu Bekr. This of course is possible,
but it is very improbable. The arrangements could hardly have
been so speedily cut and dry as that supposes. It is enough to
know that, sooner or later, about this time, or shortly after, these
eleven expeditions started. Some of the eleven, as given by
tradition, seem hardly to have been separate commands.
[23] Meaning, no doubt, that as governors they would have
been immediately subordinate to himself, exposed to much
drudgery, and liable to be called to account for their stewardship.
[24] For an account of this marvellous system of oral tradition,
see the Essay in the Life of Mahomet on the Sources for the
Biography. The halo surrounding the Prophet casts something of
its brightness on the lives also of his chief Companions, whose
biographies are given by tradition in considerable detail; and from
them we can gather something of the early history incidentally.
[25] So uncertain is the chronology of this period, that Ibn
Ishâc makes the campaigns in Yemâma, Bahrein, and Yemen to
be in the twelfth year of the Hegira; whereas the received, and
manifestly correct, account, as ‘gathered from the learned of
Syria,’ is that the operations against the apostate tribes
throughout Arabia were brought practically to an end in the 11th
year of the Hegira. Only one exception is mentioned (and that
somewhat obscurely) of a campaign against Rabia, who was
beaten by Khâlid. Amongst the spoils of the expedition is
mentioned the daughter of Rabia, who, as a slave-girl, fell to the
lot of Aly.
[26] Life of Mahomet, p. 427.
[27] Ibid. p. 409.
[28] We have met Thâbit before as a poet of renown and a
chief of influence, especially among the Beni Khazraj (Ibid. p.
449).
The strength of Khâlid’s column is nowhere mentioned, but,
adverting to the great number slain at Yemâma (although he was
reinforced meanwhile from Medîna), it could hardly have been
less than twelve or fifteen hundred, besides the 1,000 men
contributed, as we shall see immediately, by the Beni Tay.
[29] Had there been anything else in Toleiha’s teaching, there
is no reason why we should not have heard of it, as Toleiha, when
he returned to the faith, became a distinguished champion of
Islam. There may, however, have been a disinclination on his part
to dwell on this chapter of his life. Al Kindy, the Christian, speaks
in his Apology with greater respect of Moseilama’s sayings as
calculated to draw off the followers of Mahomet. But I see no
evidence of this. See the Apology of Al Kindy, p. 31 (Smith &
Elder, 1881).
[30] A name familiar to us in the Life of Mahomet, see p. 323,
&c.
[31] The Beni Jadîla and Beni Ghauth.
[32] Abu Bekr means ‘Father of the young camel,’ and they
called him by the nickname Ab ul Fasîl, ‘Father of the foal.’ Adî
answered, ‘He is not Ab ul Fasîl, but, if you like it, Ab ul Fahl,’
‘Father of the stallion,’ i.e. endowed with power and vigour.
In the Persian version of Tabari, the surname is by a mistake
given as Ab ul Fadhl, ‘the Father of Excellence,’ and is applied to
Khâlid.
[33] Okkâsha was a warrior of renown and leader of some
expeditions in the time of Mahomet.
[34] The sub-tribe of the Beni Ghatafân to which Oyeina
belonged.
[35] Kahânat, the term used for the gift possessed by the
heathen soothsayers. The sayings ascribed to Toleiha are childish
in the extreme. For example: ‘I command that ye make a
millstone with a handle, and the Lord shall cast it on whom he
pleaseth;’ and again, ‘By the pigeons and the doves, and the
hungry falcons, I swear that our kingdom shall in a few years
reach to Irâc and Syria.’
[36] For the barbarous execution of Omm Kirfa, see Life of
Mahomet, chapter xviii. The malcontents here gathered together
were from all the tribes against which Khâlid had now been
engaged in warlike operations—the Ghatafân, Suleim, Hawâzin,
Tay, and Asad.
[37] It was a vain excuse, but was founded on the principle
that no bloodshed, treachery, sin, or excess of any sort, before
conversion, cast any blot on the believer; but that apostasy,
however, repented of, left a stigma which could never wholly be
effaced. At first the Caliph would receive no aid whatever from
any tribe or individual who had apostatised; and, though when
levies came to be needed urgently, the ban was taken off, still to
the end no apostate chief was allowed a large command, or put
over more than a hundred men.
Among the Beni Suleim was Abu Shajra, son of the famous
elegiac poetess, Al Khansa. A martial piece which he composed
in reference to an engagement at this time contains the verse:—
‘And I slaked my thirsty spear in the blood of Khâlid’s

troop.’
Some years after, he visited Medîna, while Omar was

distributing the tithe among the poor Arabs around the city: ‘Give
to me,’ said the stranger, ‘for I, too, am poor and needy.’ ‘And who
art thou?’ asked Omar. Being told his name, he cried out in anger:
‘Art not thou the same that said, I slaked my thirsty spear, &c.?’
and he beat him about the head with his whip till the poet was fain
to run off to his camel. A poem complaining of this treatment has
been preserved, in which he says:—
‘Abu Hafs (Omar) grudged me of his gifts,

Although every one that shaketh even a tree getteth at
least the leaves it sheddeth.’
Such poetical fragments, in the scantiness of the materials for

this early period, give at many points reality and fulness to the
story.
[38] The account as here given is from Abu Bekr’s own son.
According to other traditions, Fujâa employed the arms, &., which
he got from the Caliph, in attacking the loyal sections of his own
and neighbouring tribes, and was therefore a pure rebel. It is
more probable that he carried his marauding expeditions
indiscriminately against loyal and disloyal, wherever there was the
chance of plunder. Even in this view Fujâa deserved exemplary
punishment, had it been of a less barbarous kind.
[39] See Life of Mahomet, vol. i. chap. iii. Some of the sub-
tribes were great and powerful, as the Beni Hantzala, Mâlik,
Imrulcays, Dârim; and here the Beni Yerbóa.
[40] Ibid. ch. xxvii.
[41] The Beni Iyâdh, Namir, and Sheibân. We shall meet them
again in the Irâc campaign.
[42] Sajâh, it is said, lived quietly with her tribe after this in the
profession of Christianity, until with them she was converted to
Islam. There is a childish tale that on returning from the hasty
marriage, her army, scandalised that she had received no dower,
made her go back and ask Moseilama, who received her roughly,
refusing her admittance; but, in lieu of dower, agreed to remit two
of the daily prayers imposed by Mahomet.
By some of the historians the interview between Moseilama
and Sajâh is drawn (happily a rare case in these annals) in
language of gross indelicacy. The pruriency suggesting this, is the
more gratuitous, as we are told, almost in the same breath, that
Moseilama’s tenets were rather of an ascetic turn. His system
enjoined prayer and fasting, and prohibited (so the tradition runs)
cohabitation after the birth of a son, to be resumed only, if the
child died, till the birth of another. But our knowledge of the life
and doctrines of these pretenders to prophecy is really too scanty
to warrant us in pronouncing judgment upon them.
Belâdzori and Ibn Khaldûn are among the few who have here
kept their pages clean. Gibbon characteristically seizes on the
passage.
[43] In a passage of Tabari (vol. i. p. 188) it is stated that when
Amru passed through these regions with a column to clear the
roads, he and Mâlik had words with each other. It is possible,
therefore, that Khâlid may have had a stronger case against Mâlik
than appears.
[44] That is, the Ansârs, as opposed to the Refugees, i.e. the
men of Medîna, as opposed to the Coreish and men of Mecca.
[45] In the Kinânite.
[46] A full account of Mâlik and Motammim, with copious
extracts from their poetry, will be found in Nöldeke’s Poesie der
alten Araber, Hanover, 1864. Arab critics take Motammim as the
model of elegiac poets, both for beauty of expression and
intensity of feeling. For twenty years he had been blind of an eye,
and now he told Omar that grief for his brother’s cruel fate had
brought floods of tears from that eye, which all these years had
been bereft of moisture. ‘Verily this surpasseth all other grief!’ said
Omar. ‘Yes,’ replied Motammim, ‘it would have been a different
thing if my brother had died the death of thy brother Zeid upon the
field of battle.’ The noble mien and generosity of Mâlik are painted
in glowing colours. He used to kindle a great fire by his tent all
night until the day broke, in the hope of attracting travellers to his
hospitable home.
[47] The darker suspicion has been preserved by tradition,
both in prose and verse. See C. de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 368; and
Kitâb al Aghâny, vol. iii. p. 355. Leila, we are told, cast herself at
Khâlid’s feet, with hair dishevelled and unveiled face, imploring
mercy for her husband. The wretched man, noticing the admiring
look which the conqueror bestowed upon his wife, cried out, ‘Alas,
alas! here is the secret of my fate!’ ‘Not so,’ said Khâlid, as he
gave the sign for beheading him; ‘but it is thine own apostasy.’ All
the same, he took the wife straightway for his own. We may
dismiss the scene as unsupported by evidence. It is also
inconsistent with Abu Bekr’s treatment. His reproach of Khâlid
was based not on the impropriety of the act itself (which he could
hardly have avoided had the story been founded on fact), but on
its being at variance with the ideas of the Arabs to wed on the
field of battle. The example, however, was set by the Prophet
himself, who married Safia the night after the battle of Kheibar,
and at any rate it was not long in becoming a common practice.
Following the example of Khâlid (repeated by him again shortly
after), the Moslem warriors made no delay in the field to wed—or
rather, without wedding, to treat upon the spot as servile
concubines—the wives and daughters of their fallen foes. The
practice also now arose of taking their own families with them in
the field, and marriages were celebrated there among themselves
—on one occasion, we read, on the eve of an impending battle.
As to the tenor of tradition, there are two distinct versions of
the tragedy, one giving as its cause the misconception of Khâlid’s
order, the other Mâlik’s own disloyal speech. This last, taken
separately, is inconsistent with the admitted fact that Khâlid
justified himself before Abu Bekr by the former. In the text I have
endeavoured to combine the two narratives.
Mâlik had flowing locks, and (so runs the tradition) when the
skulls of the prisoners were cast into the fire under the cooking-
pots, his alone would not burn because of the mass of hair. The
story (true or false) shows the spirit of savagery rapidly fanned by
religious war.
I should perhaps mention that, though tradition is proud of
Khâlid’s heroism, he is not a special favourite with Abbasside
historians, as his son was afterwards a staunch supporter of the
Omeyyads.
[48] I.e. Shawwâl, or two months before the close of a.h. XI.
As already explained, the dates are arbitrarily assumed. The
Kâtib Wâckidi places the battle of Yemâma in a.h. XII. (which
begins March 18, a.d. 633), and even the engagement of
Bozâkha in the same year; but this would throw the campaign in
Irâc altogether too late. The cold which led Khâlid to order his
prisoners to be ‘wrapped,’ must have been on the approach of
winter, and corresponds with the chronology which I have been
obliged to assume on grounds admittedly vague.
[49] See Life of Mahomet, ch. xxxii. Moseilama is a diminutive
form of the adjective Moslem, and is supposed by some to be in
that sense a derisive epithet. He is described as of a contemptible
presence, a dark yellow complexion and a pug nose.
[50] Some say that he was deputed by Abu Bekr. He could
recite the whole of Sura Becr (s. ii.). Khâlid had not heard of his
defection, and looked for him to come out and join his army.
[51] The tales told of him are silly. He was desired to pray, as
Mahomet had done, for rain, but it only intensified the drought;
when he prayed for a blessing on young children, it made them
stammer, become bald, &c. He established a sanctuary, perhaps
in imitation of the Kâaba, but it became a mere rendezvous for
bandits. See also the ascetic doctrines ascribed to him, and the
opinion of Al Kindy, the Apologist, supra, pp. 23 & 32.
[52] Above, p. 18. Ikrima was the son of Abu Jahl, the arch-
enemy, cursed in the Corân by Mahomet, and himself an
inveterate opponent, until the taking of Mecca (Life of Mahomet,
ch. xxiv.). So completely was it all forgotten now under the new
dispensation of equality and brotherhood, that he had one of the
chief commands given him.
[53] If Ikrima and Shorahbîl were despatched from Dzul Cassa
at the general marshalling when Khâlid marched against Toleiha,
then Shorahbîl must have had long to wait. But it is probable (as
we have seen) that the popular tradition of the simultaneous
despatch of all the columns is a fiction, and that Khâlid’s
expedition preceded some of the others by a considerable
interval.
After finishing the Yemâma campaign, Shorahbîl’s original
orders were to join Amru in his proceedings against the Beni
Codhâa in the north.
[54] From the expression used, it would almost seem as if
Sâlim carried the Corân on the point of his flag-staff. This was a
common practice in after times, but the Corân was not yet
collected. Possibly some portion may have been thus borne aloft
by the leader, or the words may be metaphorical or anticipative.
[55] In some accounts of the battle, Khâlid is spoken of as
challenging his enemy to single combat, and slaying, one after
another, all who came out against him. But the circumstances
would hardly have admitted of this. These single combats are the
conventional drapery of all the early battles, and need not always
be taken as facts. Here they are specially introduced to give place
to an apocryphal story about Moseilama. He came forth to answer
the challenge of Khâlid, who, in reference to the offer made by
him to Mahomet, ironically asked whether he was now prepared
‘to share the Kingdom’; whereupon Moseilama turned aside ‘to
consult his dæmon.’ Khâlid then rushed at him, and he fled.
‘Where is that now which thou didst promise us?’ cried his
followers to the prophet, but all that he could reply was to bid
them fight for their honour and their families.
[56] The twelve Leaders at the Pledge of Acaba. Life of
Mahomet, ch. vi.
[57] It is said that 7,000 of the enemy were slain on each of
these occasions, but the statement is loose and, no doubt, vastly
exaggerated. One tradition gives the slain in the garden alone at
10,000.
[58] The greater loss among the men of Mecca and Medîna
was ascribed by themselves to their superior gallantry, but by the
Bedouins to their being raw and unused to fighting. We see
already the seed of the rivalry which afterwards broke out so
fatally between the Bedouins and the Coreish.
[59] The terms of the treaty, notwithstanding the alleged
artifice (which reads somewhat strangely) were sufficiently
severe. The Beni Hanîfa agreed to give up all their armour, their
silver and their gold; but they were allowed to retain half of their
slaves, and get back half of their own people taken prisoner.
Khâlid had already captured in the valleys and open villages so
many prisoners, that he had sent 500 to Abu Bekr as the royal
Fifth, implying a total number of 2,500. But Omar subsequently
freed all slaves of Arab blood.
Selma, one of the Hanîfa chiefs, sought to dissuade his
people from surrender, saying that the winter was not overpast,
and that the enemy must retire. Being overruled, he fled and
committed suicide.
[60] The sayings reported were such as these: ‘O croaking
frog, thou neither preventest the drinker, nor yet defilest the
water.’ ‘We shall have half the land and ye the other half; the
Coreish are an overbearing folk.’ But as I have said before, we
have not the materials for knowing what the real teaching of
Moseilama was, nor the secret of his influence.
[61] The Persian paraphrase of Tabari gives a highly coloured
version. Khâlid, it tells us, gave his bride the dower of a million
pieces out of the spoil, while on the marriage night the Moslem
warriors lay about hungry and in want. Verses banded about the
camp to this effect reached Omar, and put him in a towering
passion. He nearly persuaded Abu Bekr to recall Khâlid, but the
Caliph, reflecting that, after so great a victory, it would discourage
the army, contented himself with a reproachful letter. All this is
evidently gross exaggeration, founded probably on the dislike of
the Abbasside historians.
[62] See the previous history of the province, Life of Mahomet,
ch. xxx.
[63] The mission of Alâ must have been considerably later
than that of Khâlid. We have before seen reason to believe that
the various expeditions were not, as tradition represents,
despatched all at once from Dzul Cassa.
[64] The Beni Hanîfa, Moseilama’s tribe, was a branch of the
same Beni Bekr ibn Wail, mentioned in the text, as also the Beni
Temîm, who to this day (such is the tenacity with which the
Bedouins hold to their native soil) occupy the same pasture-lands.
Some details are given regarding the chiefs who had remained
tolerably loyal throughout. Thus Cays ibn Asim, Zibricân, &c., who
at first vacillated, though they kept aloof from Sajâh, now, as Alâ
drew near, came forth with the tithes which during the anarchy
had been kept in deposit, and fought upon his side.
We are also told of a staunch believer, Thomâma, who was
able to maintain his loyalty with a party of his tribe, until Alâ
appeared. He joined the force, but came to an untimely and
ignominious end. He was presented for his bravery with the spoils
taken from the person of Hotem (to be noticed below), and,
wearing them on a journey, was set upon by the people as
Hotem’s murderer and as such put to death.
[65] This is the solitary expedition since the death of Mahomet
around which tradition has gathered a halo of marvellous tales.
When they halted on that miserable night, the beasts of burden all
ran off wildly with their loads. Not one was left, and the army was
near perishing of hunger as well as thirst. In the morning, they
returned from all directions with their burdens, of their own
accord. The lake is likened to the water that flowed from the rock
in the wilderness when struck by Moses.
[66] Called Ebnâa. The traders from India settled (as they do
now) along the coast from the Euphrates to Aden, and so a
mongrel race sprang up.
[67] He bore the dynastic name of Mundzir, and, having been
freed at the instance of an Arab relative, embraced Islam. He had
the surname of Gharur (deceiver), but said that he ought rather to
have been called Maghrûr (deceived). The relations of these
tribes on the N.E. of Arabia, with Hîra and also with Persia, were
close and constant. Little more than twenty years before, the Beni
Bekr had beaten back the combined forces of Persia and Hîra.
The connection of the Arab tribes in this quarter with Persia
corresponded with that between the Syrian tribes and the Roman
empire. (Life of Mahomet, vol. i. p. clxxxii.)
[68] For the island Dârîn (or Dirîn) see an interesting article by
Sir H. Rawlinson, on the islands of Bahrein, Royal As. Society’s
Journal, vol. xii. p. 222, et seq. There were five bishops in this
province, and ‘the insular see is always named Dirîn.’ We have
here indirect evidence of the prevalence of the Christian faith in
northern Arabia, far down the shores of the Persian Gulf.
[69] Each horseman got 6,000 pieces. The tale is told with
such extravagances as we are accustomed to only in the life of
the Prophet, e.g. the strait was so broad that it took a day and a
night for a ship to cross, yet not the hoof of a camel was wetted. It
is remarkable that, with few exceptions, this expedition is the only
one, after the death of Mahomet, regarding which such childish
tales are told.
[70] There is a tradition that two chiefs Zibricân and Acra
obtained from Abu Bekr a patent appointing them collectors of
tithe in Bahrein, on condition that they made themselves
responsible for its loyalty. The document was shown to Omar,
who, angry apparently because Acra had been an apostate, tore it
up. Talha, who had negotiated the affair, went to Abu Bekr and
asked, ‘Art thou ruler, or is Omar?’ ‘Omar,’ he replied, ‘but
obedience is due to me.’ This (which illustrates the great influence
of Omar with the Caliph) may have referred to a part of the
Bahrein coast not under Alâ.
[71] He belonged to the Beni Shaybân, a sub-tribe of the Beni
Bekr.
[72] No dates are given. But as the battle which follows was
retrieved by reinforcements from the Beni Abd al Cays, and as
that tribe was only set free by the success of Alâ, the operations
in Omân must necessarily have been later than those in Bahrein.
[73] See Life of Mahomet, ch. xxx.
[74] They belonged to the great families of Azd and Himyar,
who inhabited that part of the Peninsula, and had therefore both
experience and local influence.
[75] Sohâr, still a mercantile port, lies above 100 miles west of
Maskat. The bazaar of Dabâ was probably near to it.
[76] Attâb had been governor ever since Mahomet appointed
him on the capture of Mecca. The rebels were headed by Jondob
of the Mudlij tribe. Penitential verses, recited by this rebel chief on
his submission, have been preserved (Tabari, i. p. 212). In the
paucity of trustworthy tradition at this period, such verses are
peculiarly valuable, amplifying as they do the meagre materials at
our command, and giving fixed and certain points.
[77] According to another account of this affair, Khâlid (who
had been appointed by Mahomet collector of tithes and resident
with the Beni Zobeid in the quarter south of Mecca), attacked Amr
ibn Mádekerib, and having taken his sister prisoner, obtained the
sword as her ransom. The sword came several years afterwards
into the possession of the Governor of Kûfa, who offered to give it
back to Amr; to show its marvellous temper, Amr took it, and at
one blow severed the pack on his mule’s back in two. Then he
returned it to the governor, saying that he could not retain a sword
of which he had once been despoiled. Among other poetry is
some by Amr himself:—‘The sword of the son of Dzu Cayfar (a.d.
475) was mine; its blade was tempered in the age of Ad. It hath a
grooved blade which cleaveth helmets, and the bodies of men, in
twain.’ See Caussin de Perceval, vol. i. p. 117; also Mr. C. J.
Lyall’s translations from the Hamasah. Journal As. Soc. of
Bengal, 1877, vol. xlvi. pp. 179, et seq. It is curious to remark how
many Arab warriors were also poets of renown.
[78] The tradition was preserved in the name of ‘the Villains’
(Akhabîth) road, by which this part of the coast was long known.
[79] Life of Mahomet, chap. xxxii.
[80] Yemen was, for a considerable period in the seventh
century, governed by a Satrap as a dependency of Persia; and
large numbers of Persians then settled in the country. These were
their descendants, and also the Ebnâa of mixed parentage. (Life
of Mahomet, vol. i., p. cxliv.)
[81] Dzul Kelâa and other semi-independent Himyar chiefs
occupying the neighbouring districts. Some of these remained
loyal, and distinguished themselves greatly in the Syrian
campaigns.
[82] Feroze was a poet, as well as a statesman; and his
verses lamenting the captivity of his family, and threatening
revenge, have been preserved. (Tabari i. p. 220.) Abd Yaghûth, or
servant of the idol of that name worshipped in the south of Arabia.
See Lyall’s translations from the Hamasah, quoted above. We
hear of him afterwards, but not much of Feroze.
[83] As usual, no date is given. But as only now he met Ikrima,
who had made a march of several weeks from Omân, after the
campaign in the East, the period must have been late in the year
a.h. XI., if not the beginning of a.h. XII. Tabari, as I have said
before, places the entire reduction of apostate Arabia within a.h.
XI.
Mohâjir was brother to Omm Salma, one of the Prophet’s
wives. He was one of the malingerers who absented himself from
the Tebûk campaign, and so incurred the displeasure of
Mahomet. (Life of Mahomet, chap. xxviii.) But Omm Salma, one
day, washing the Prophet’s head, made mention to him of her
brother, and, finding the opportunity favourable, called him in. His
excuse was accepted; and the government of Hadhramaut was
then and there conferred on him.
[84] The verses are quoted by Tabari, vol. i. p. 224. The Arabs,
and especially their poets, had the faculty of abusing one another
in the grossest manner. About the same time, lampoons were
bandied between Amr ibn Mádekerib and Farwa, a loyal chief of
the Beni Murâd, who maintained a constant check upon Amr’s
proceedings. As regards Farwa, we are told that when he first
presented himself to Mahomet, he explained how his tribe and the
Beni Hamdân had an idol which each kept alternately for a year.
The contested possession of this idol led in bygone time to the
famous battle of Al Razm.
[85] The Beni Sakûn were loyal throughout the rebellion, and
gave protection to the faithful refugees from other tribes. Among
others, Moâdz ibn Jabal, deputed by Mahomet to teach the tribes
of the south the Corân and the tenets of Islam (Life of Mahomet,
chap, xxx.), took refuge with them, and married a lady from
amongst them. He was so enamoured of this Sakûnite wife that it
used to be his constant prayer that in the resurrection he and she
might both be raised together. He died in the plague a.h. XVIII.
[86] See the account of their brilliant cavalcade and the
betrothal, Life of Mahomet, chap. xxx.
[87] A thousand women were captured in the fortress. They
called after Ashâth as he passed, ‘he smelleth of burning,’ i.e. he
is a recreant traitor.
[88] Her name was Omm Farwa. Their son Mohammed was
killed fighting in the army of Musáb against Mokhtâr. Some verses
by Ashâth lamenting the catastrophe of Nojeir have been
preserved by Tabari, vol. i. p. 248.
[89] She was the daughter of one Nomân, who, praising her
attractions to Mahomet, added, as the climax, that she never had
had sickness of any kind. After a private interview with her,
Mahomet sent her back to her home in the south, saying, ‘Had
the Lord seen anything good in her, it had not been thus.’
In the Life of Mahomet, I rejected as apocryphal this and other
accounts of the Prophet’s betrothal to certain females with whom
marriage was not consummated. In the present case, however,
the betrothal is certainly confirmed by the curious objection taken
by the army to Ikrima’s marriage on account of the inchoate
relation in which she at one time stood to the Prophet; and it is
therefore possible that other betrothals which at the time
appeared to me improbable may also be founded on fact. See
Life of Mahomet, chap, xxii., and Ibn Cotâba, p. 18.
It will be remembered that the widows of the Prophet, as
‘Mothers of the Faithful,’ were prohibited by the Corân from re-
marrying. Ibid. p. 303.
[90] See Life of Mahomet, chap. xxix.
[91] ‘The days of Ignorance,’ that is, the period preceding
Islam.
[92] Two such are named by Tabari, i. p. 248.
A light ransom was fixed for each Arab slave, namely seven
camels and six young ones. In the case of some tribes which had
suffered most severely (as the Beni Hanîfa, the Beni Kinda, and
the people of Omân discomfited at Dabâ), even this was remitted.
[93] Fadak was a Jewish settlement north of Medîna,
conquered by Mahomet at the same time as Kheibar. Portions of
both were retained by Mahomet for the support of his household.
(See Life of Mahomet, pp. 394 and 548.)
[94] According to most authorities she survived her father six
months; others say only three.
[95] Some say that Abu Bekr appointed Abd al Rahman to the
duty. The uncertainty on this (to the Moslem) most important point
is indicative of the confusion which still prevailed, and the
vagueness of tradition for the period immediately following
Mahomet’s death.
[96] Gibbon, chap. xlvi.
[97] Above, p. 50.
[98] By some accounts Mothanna appeared in person before
Abu Bekr and promised to engage the local tribes in carrying the
attack into the border lands of Irâc.
[99] Such are said to have been Abu Bekr’s orders; but
tradition here probably anticipates the march of events. It is very
doubtful whether he had yet the city of Hîra in view. The
campaign widened, and the aims of Khâlid became more definite
as his victories led him onwards.
[100] The pre-Islamite history of these Arab races is given in
the introductory chapters to the Life of Mahomet, vol. i.
[101] i.e. ‘Irâc of the Arabs’ as distinguished from Irâc Ajemy,
‘foreign’ or Persian Irâc.
[102] The mounds are, no doubt, not only the remains of
embankments but also of the clearances of silt, which (as we
know in India) become hillocks in the course of time.
[103] This, as well as the main stream, is sometimes called by
our historians Furât, or Euphrates; at other times by its proper
name of Bâdacla, and also Al Atîck, the ‘old’ or deserted channel;
but the streams have varied their course from age to age.
[104] The country suffers similarly in the present day at the
hands of the Turkish Government. A traveller writes regarding it:
‘From the most wanton and disgraceful neglect, the Tigris and
Euphrates, in the lower part of their course, are breaking from
their natural beds, forming vast marshes, turning fertile lands into
a wilderness,’ &c.
[105] These seem to have occupied a position similar to that
of the great Talookdars in Upper India.
[106] Beyond the general outline we must not look for much
trustworthy detail at the outset of these campaigns. The narrative
of them is brief and summary, often confused and contradictory.
For example, Hîra is said by some to have submitted at the outset
and agreed to pay tribute, which is inconsistent with the course of
the narrative. The summons to Hormuz as given in the text
savours too much of the set type of after days to be above
suspicion; so with the constant repetition of single combats,
without which the historians seem to think no Arab battle
complete.
There is one point of some importance. It is the call on
Hormuz to pay tribute. Now, tribute was permitted by Mahomet
only to ‘the people of the Book,’ that is, to Jews and Christians.
No such immunity was allowed to the heathen, who were to be
fought against to the bitter end. Zoroastrians (for such was
Hormuz) should strictly have been offered no terms but Islam.
They had not, however, yet been thought of, for they were
altogether beyond the limits and tribes of Arabia. Eventually,
Omar ruled that having ‘a Book’ or Revelation, they might be
admitted into the category of those to be spared on payment of
tribute. But, as I have said, the summons is no doubt cast in the
conventional mould of later days.
[107] Horsemen received three shares; the foot soldiers one.
This was the standing rule from the time of the Prophet. Two
shares were for the horse.
[108] The grade of Persian nobility was marked by the
costliness of the jewelled turban.
[109] No elephant had ever been seen before at Medîna, and
only one at Mecca—‘the year of the elephant’ marking the era of
Abraha’s attack (Life of Mahomet, p. xxvi.). The astonishment of
the women and children of Medîna was unbounded, and some
inquired in childish amazement whether it was an artificial thing,
or really was a work of nature.
[110] It is also called the battle of Kâtzima, a neighbouring
town reduced by Khâlid.
This tale of soldiers being chained together, or tied with ropes,
is commonly told both of Persian and Roman armies. How far it is
founded on fact it is difficult to say. We must ever remember that
the materials for our story are all one-sided, and that there is
much ignorance of their enemies displayed by the annalists, as
well as much contemptuous fiction regarding them.
[111] It will be more convenient hereafter (dropping the
Occidental forms of Ctesiphon and Seleucia) to speak of the
Persian capital by its Arabic name, Medâin.
[112] Cârin, they say, was the last noble of the first rank who
took the field against the Mussulmans. The slain are put at
30,000, besides those drowned in the canal. Such numbers,
always loose, are especially so in the traditions of this early
period. Among the prisoners was a Christian, father of the famous
jurisconsult Abul Hasan of Bussora (d. a.h. 110). Also Mâckia,
afterwards the freedman of Othmân, and Abu Ziâd, freedman of
Moghîra.
[113] Khâlid’s speech is quoted by Al Kindy the Christian
Apologist (Smith and Elder), p. 33.
[114] The iddat (or interval prescribed between divorce and re-
marriage, or before the cohabitation of a new master with his
slave-girl) is not observed in respect of women taken captive on
the field of battle. I can find no authority on the subject, but am
told by those versed in the law that the only exception is that of
women with child in which event cohabitation would be unlawful
till after delivery. In all other cases, in conformity with the
precedent of the Prophet’s marriage with Safia at Kheibar, the
captives, whether maid or matron, are lawful to the captors’
embrace upon the spot (Life of Mahomet, p. 391).
[115] Tabari tells us that every month it was the turn of a new
prince to rule as minister, and this was Bahmân’s month.
[116] The slain are given at the fabulous figure of 70,000. The
decapitation of the captives went on for a night and a day (so we
are told), and then they scoured the country for more. Cacâa, one
of the Arab captains, told Khâlid that ‘the Lord had forbidden the
earth to allow human blood to flow upon its face more than the
length of a man’s dress,’ and that it never would run in a stream
until water was turned on. Blood, as we know, soon thickens and
curdles of itself.
There is, presumably, great exaggeration in the story, and I
should willingly have put down the whole as a fiction growing out
of the name of the river; but the narrative unfortunately is in
keeping with the bloodthirstiness of the Arab crusaders, and
specially with the character of ‘the Sword of the Lord.’ The
tradition about the flour-mills comes from Moghîra, through one of
Tabari’s standing string of traditional authorities.
[117] She bore him children, or the circumstance would
probably have been too common to merit a place in tradition. Abu
Bekr was so charmed with his stalwart mien that he burst forth in
a martial couplet in the envoy’s praise.
[118] For the history of Hîra up to this time, see Life of
Mahomet, vol. i. introd. chap. iii. The Lakhmite dynasty sprang
from the southern branch of the Arabs, and, both on this account
and for the reasons stated in the text, their influence did not
penetrate deeply into the peninsula.
[119] Called also Manîshia. It never recovered the calamity; at
any rate we do not hear of it again.
[120] The escapes were opened perhaps as well to flood the
country and impede the enemy’s progress, as to lay the
navigating channel dry. These channels have greatly altered, so
that attempt at identification would be fruitless.
[121] The palace of Khawarnac was built 200 years before, by
Nomân I., for the reception of his pupil Bahrâm Gour, heir-

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(eBook PDF) Juvenile Delinquency (The

Justice Series) 2nd Edition by Clemens

PART 2 Causes of Delinquency 36

CHAPTER 3 Individual Causes of Delinquency 36

CHAPTER 5 Social Interactionist Theories of

PART 3 Environmental Influences on Delinquency 91

CHAPTER 6 Gender and Delinquency 91

CHAPTER 7 Families and Delinquency 108

CHAPTER 8 Schools and Delinquency 128

CHAPTER 9 Gangs and Delinquency 144

CHAPTER 10 Drugs and Delinquency 159

PART 4 The Juvenile Justice System 174

CHAPTER 11 An Overview of Juvenile Justice in

CHAPTER 12 Police and the Juvenile 196

CHAPTER 13 Juvenile Court 211

CHAPTER 14 Juvenile Corrections 228

1 Compare how society treats adolescents today

2 Give examples of high-risk behaviors that

3 Define delinquency and explain what the term

4 Determine whether or not behaviors should be

5 Summarize the contemporary treatment

6 Summarize the three themes of this text.

2 Chapter 1 Adolescence and Delinquency

The Changing Treatment of Adolescents 3

TABLE 1–1 THE CHANGING TREATMENT OF ADOLESCENTS OVER TIME

4 Chapter 1 Adolescence and Delinquency

‘And I slaked my thirsty spear in the blood of Khâlid’s

Some years after, he visited Medîna, while Omar was

‘Abu Hafs (Omar) grudged me of his gifts,

Such poetical fragments, in the scantiness of the materials for

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