Chemistry Structure and Properties 2Nd Edition Tro Test Bank Full Chapter PDF
Chemistry Structure and Properties 2Nd Edition Tro Test Bank Full Chapter PDF
Chemistry Structure and Properties 2Nd Edition Tro Test Bank Full Chapter PDF
6) Determine the name for TiCO3. Remember that titanium forms several ions.
A) titanium (II) carbonate
B) titanium carbide
C) titanium carbonite
D) titanium (II) carbonite
E) titanium (I) carbonate
Answer: A
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8) Write the name for Sn(SO4)2. Remember that Sn forms several ions.
A) tin (I) sulfite
B) tin (IV) sulfate
C) tin sulfide
D) tin (II) sulfite
E) tin (I) sulfate
Answer: B
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12) Give the formula for calcium bisulfate.
A) CaHSO4
B) Ca2(HSO4)2
C) Ca2HSO4
D) Ca(HSO4)2
Answer: D
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14) Determine the name for CoCl2∙6H2O. Remember that Co forms several ions.
A) cobalt chloride hydrate
B) cobalt (I) chloride heptahydrate
C) cobalt (II) chloride heptahydrate
D) cobalt (II) chloride hexahydrate
E) cobalt (I) chloride
Answer: D
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16) Write the formula for copper (II) sulfate pentahydrate.
A) Cu2SO3∙H5
B) Cu2S∙H2O
C) CuS∙5H2O
D) (CuSO4)5
E) CuSO4∙5H2O
Answer: E
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20) Give the name for HNO3.
A) nitric acid
B) nitrous acid
C) hydrogen nitrate
D) hydrogen nitrite
E) hydrogen nitride
Answer: A
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24) Calculate the molar mass of Al(C2H3O2)3.
A) 86.03 g/mol
B) 204.13 g/mol
C) 56.00 g/mol
D) 258.09 g/mol
E) 139.99 g/mol
Answer: B
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27) The molecular weight of urea ((NH2)2CO), a compound used as a nitrogen fertilizer, is
________ amu (rounded to one decimal place).
A) 44.0
B) 43.0
C) 60.1
D) 8.0
E) 32.0
Answer: C
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LO: 4.7
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28) How many millimoles of Ca(NO3)2 contain 4.78 × 1022 formula units of Ca(NO3)2? The
molar mass of Ca(NO3)2 is 164.10 g/mol.
A) 12.6 mmol Ca(NO3)2
B) 13.0 mmol Ca(NO3)2
C) 20.7 mmol Ca(NO3)2
D) 79.4 mmol Ca(NO3)2
E) 57.0 mmol Ca(NO3)2
Answer: D
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29) How many molecules of N2O4 are in 76.3 g N2O4? The molar mass of N2O4 is 92.02
g/mol.
A) 5.54 × 1025 N2O4 molecules
B) 7.26 × 1023 N2O4 molecules
C) 1.38 × 1024 N2O4 molecules
D) 4.59 × 1025 N2O4 molecules
E) 4.99 × 1023 N2O4 molecules
Answer: E
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30) How many moles of N2O4 are in 76.3 g N2O4? The molar mass of N2O4 is 92.02 g/mol.
A) 7.02 × 103 moles
B) 1.42 × 10-4 moles
C) 1.00 mole
D) 1.21 moles
E) 0.829 moles
Answer: E
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31) How many C2H4 molecules are contained in 45.8 mg of C2H4? The molar mass of C2H4 is
28.05 g/mol.
A) 9.83 × 1020 C2H4 molecules
B) 7.74 × 1026 C2H4 molecules
C) 2.71 × 1020 C2H4 molecules
D) 3.69 × 1023 C2H4 molecules
E) 4.69 × 1023 C2H4 molecules
Answer: A
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32) What is the mass (in kg) of 6.89 × 1025 molecules of CO2? The molar mass of CO2 is 44.01
g/mol.
A) 3.85 kg
B) 5.04 kg
C) 2.60 kg
D) 3.03 kg
E) 6.39 kg
Answer: B
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36) How many atoms of carbon are contained in 47.6 g of Al2(CO3)3? The molar mass of
Al2(CO3)3 is 233.99 g/mol.
A) 1.23 × 1023 C atoms
B) 2.96 × 1024 C atoms
C) 2.87 × 1025 C atoms
D) 1.10 × 1024 C atoms
E) 3.68 × 1023 C atoms
Answer: E
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37) How many sodium ions are contained in 99.6 mg of Na2SO3? The molar mass of Na2SO3 is
126.05 g/mol.
A) 1.52 × 1027 sodium ions
B) 4.76 × 1020 sodium ions
C) 2.10 × 1021 sodium ions
D) 1.05 × 1021 sodium ions
E) 9.52 × 1020 sodium ions
Answer: E
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38) How many SO32- ions are contained in 99.6 mg of Na2SO3? The molar mass of Na2SO3 is
126.05 g/mol.
A) 1.52 × 1027 SO32- ions
B) 4.76 × 1020 SO32- ions
C) 2.10 × 1021 SO32- ions
D) 1.05 × 1021 SO32- ions
E) 9.52 × 1020 SO32- ions
Answer: B
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39) Determine the volume of hexane that contains 5.33 × 1022 molecules of hexane. The density
of hexane is 0.6548 g/mL and its molar mass is 86.17 g/mol.
A) 8.59 mL
B) 13.5 mL
C) 7.40 mL
D) 12.4 mL
E) 11.6 mL
Answer: E
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40) How many molecules of butane are contained in 25.0 mL of butane? The density of butane is
0.6011 g/mL and the molar mass is 58.12 g/mol.
A) 2.59 × 1023 molecules butane
B) 1.46 × 1027 molecules butane
C) 6.87 × 1023 molecules butane
D) 1.56 × 1023 molecules butane
E) 7.14 × 1025 molecules butane
Answer: D
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41) Determine the molecular formula of a compound that has a molar mass of 183.2 g/mol and
an empirical formula of C2H5O2.
A) C2H5O2
B) C6H15O6
C) C3H7O3
D) C4H10O4
E) C8H20O8
Answer: B
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42) Determine the molecular formula of a compound that has a molar mass of 92.0 g/mol and an
empirical formula of NO2.
A) N2O3
B) N3O6
C) N2O4
D) NO2
E) N2O5
Answer: C
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43) Determine the empirical formula for a compound that is 36.86% N and 63.14% O by mass.
A) NO
B) N2O
C) NO2
D) N2O3
E) NO3
Answer: D
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44) Determine the empirical formula for a compound that is found to contain 10.15 mg P and
34.85 mg Cl.
A) P3Cl
B) PCl
C) PCl2
D) P2Cl3
E) PCl3
Answer: E
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45) Determine the empirical formula for a compound that contains C, H and O. It contains
52.14% C and 34.73% O by mass.
A) C2H6O
B) CHO
C) C4H13O2
D) CH4O3
E) CH3O
Answer: A
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LO: 4.12
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46) Determine the molecular formula for a compound that is 70.79% carbon, 8.91% hydrogen,
4.59% nitrogen, and 15.72% oxygen.
A) C18H27NO3
B) C18H27NO2
C) C17H27NO3
D) C17H26NO3
Answer: A
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47) Determine the molecular formula of a compound that is 49.48% carbon, 5.19% hydrogen,
28.85% nitrogen, and 16.48% oxygen. The molecular weight is 194.19 g/mol.
A) C8H12N4O2
B) C4H5N2O
C) C8H10N4O2
D) C8H10N2O
Answer: C
Diff: 5 Var: 1 Page Ref: 4.11
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48) Combustion analysis of 63.8 mg of a C, H and O containing compound produced 145.0 mg
of CO2 and 59.38 mg of H2O. What is the empirical formula for the compound?
A) C5H2O
B) CHO
C) C3H6O
D) C3H7O
E) C6HO3
Answer: C
Diff: 5 Var: 1 Page Ref: 4.11
LO: 4.14
Global: G4
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Paul, probably caused it to be put last of all his writings, when in the
course of time, it was at length allowed a place in the canon.
That epistle which the great majority of all modern critics consider
as the earliest of all those writings of Paul that are now preserved, is
the first to the Thessalonians. It is directed to them from Paul,
Silvanus, (or Silas,) and Timothy, which shows that it was written
after Paul had been joined by these two brethren, which was not until
some time after his arrival in Corinth. It appears by the second and
third chapters, that the apostle, having been hindered by some evil
agency of the wicked, from visiting Thessalonica, as he had
earnestly desired to do, had been obliged to content himself with
sending Timothy to the brethren there, to comfort them in their faith,
and to inquire whether they yet stood fast in their first honorable
profession; for he declares himself to have been anxious to know
whether by some means the tempter might not have tempted them,
and his labor have thus been in vain. But he now informs them how
he has lately been greatly comforted by the good news brought from
them by Timothy, who had assured the apostle of their faith and love,
and that they had great remembrance of him always, desiring much
to see him, as he them. Making known to them the great joy which
these tidings had caused in him, he now affectionately re-assures
them of his high and constant regard for them, and of his continued
remembrance of them in his prayers. He then proceeds briefly to
exhort them to a perseverance in the Christian course, in which they
had made so fair an outset, urging upon them more especially, those
virtues which were peculiarly rare among those with whom they were
daily brought in contact,――purity of life, rigid honesty in business
transactions, a charitable regard for the feelings of others, a quiet,
peaceable, inoffensive deportment, and other minuter counsels,
according to the peculiar circumstances of different persons among
them. The greater portion of this brief letter, indeed, is taken up with
these plain, practical matters, with no reference to any deep doctrinal
subjects, the whole being thus evidently well-suited to the condition
of believers who had but just begun the Christian course, and had
been in no way prepared to appreciate any learned discussion of
those obscure points which in later periods were the subject of so
much controversy among some of Paul’s converts. Their dangers
hitherto had also been mainly in the moral rather than in the doctrinal
way, and the only error of mere belief, to which he makes reference,
is one which has always been the occasion of a great deal of
harmless folly among the ignorant and the weak minded in the
Christian churches, from the apostolic age to this day. The evil
however, was considered by the apostle of so much importance, that
he thought it worth while to briefly expose its folly to the
Thessalonians, and he accordingly discourses to them of the day of
judgment, assuring them that those who might happen to be alive at
the moment of Christ’s coming, would derive no peculiar advantage
from that circumstance, because those who had died in Christ
should rise first, and the survivors be then caught up to meet the
Lord in the air. But as for “the times and the seasons,”――those
endless themes for the discursive nonsense of the visionary, even to
the present day and hour,――he assures them that there was no
need at all that he should write to them, because they already well
knew that the day of the Lord should come as a thief in the night,
according to the words of Jesus himself. The only practical benefit
which they could expect to derive then, from this part of their faith,
was the conviction of the necessity of constantly bearing in mind the
shortness and uncertainty of their earthly stay, and the importance of
watchfulness and sobriety. After several sententious moral
exhortations, he concludes with affectionate salutations, and with an
earnest, solemn charge, that the letter should be read to all the
brethren of the church.
For some time after the writing of the first epistle to the
Thessalonians, with these triumphs and other encouragements, Paul
and his faithful helpers appear to have gone on steadily in their
apostolic labors, with no special obstacle or difficulty, that is
commemorated in the sacred record. But at last their old difficulties
began to manifest themselves in the gradually awakened enmity of
the Jews, who, though at his first distinct public ministrations they
had expressed a decided and scornful opposition to the doctrine of a
crucified Savior, yet suffered the new teachers to go on, without
opposing them any farther than by scornful verbal hostility,
blasphemy and abuse. But when they saw the despised heresy
making such rapid advances, notwithstanding the contempt with
which it was visited, they immediately determined to let it no longer
take advantage of their inefficiency in resisting its progress. Of
course, deprived themselves, of all political power, they had not the
means of meeting the evil by physical violence, and they well knew
that any attempt on their part to raise an illegal commotion against
the strangers, would only bring down on the exciters of the
disturbance, the whole vengeance of their Roman rulers, who were
unsparing in their vengeance on those that undertook to defy the
forms of their laws, for the sake of persecution, or any private ends;
and least of all would a class of people so peculiar and so disliked as
the Jews, be allowed to take any such treasonable steps, without
insuring them a most dreadful punishment. These circumstances
therefore compelled them to proceed, as usual, under the forms of
law; and their first step against Paul therefore, was to apprehend
him, and take him, as a violator of religious order, before the highest
Roman tribunal,――that of the proconsul.
“The name of this proconsul was Marcus Annaeus Novatus, but being adopted by
Lucius Junius Gallio, he took the name of his adopted father; he was brother to the famous
Seneca, tutor to Nero. That philosopher dedicated to Gallio his book, ‘De Vita Beata.’ The
Roman historians concur in giving him the character of a sweet disposition, an enemy to all
vice, and particularly a hater of flattery. He was twice made proconsul of Achaia, first by
Claudius, and afterwards by Nero. As he was the sharer of his brother’s prosperity, so he
was of his misfortunes, when he fell under Nero’s displeasure, and was at length put to
death by the tyrant, as well as his brother.” (Calmet’s Commentary. Poole’s Annotations.
Williams on Pearson.)
“In Acts xviii. 12‒16, we find Paul is brought before Gallio by the Jews, but this
proconsul refused to judge any such matters, as not coming within his jurisdiction. The
character for justice, impartiality, prudence, and mildness of disposition, which this passage
gives to Gallio, is confirmed by Seneca, his brother, in these words:――Solebam tibi dicere,
Gallionem fratrem meum (quem nemo non parum amat, etiam qui amare plus non potest,)
alia vitia non nosse, hoc etiam, (i. e. adulationem,) odisse.――Nemo enim mortalium uni
tam dulcis est, quam hic omnibus. Hoc quoque loco blanditiis tuis restitit, ut exclamares
invenisse te inexpugnabilem virum adversus insidias, quas nemo non in sinum recipit.
(Lucius Annaeus Seneca, Natural Questions, lib. iv. in preface, op. tom. iv. p. 267, edited by
Bipont.) In our translation Gallio is styled the deputy, but the real Greek word is
Ανθυπατευοντος, proconsul. The accuracy of Luke in this instance is very remarkable. In the
partition of the provinces of the Roman empire, Macedonia and Achaia were assigned to
the people and Senate of Rome. In the reign of Tiberius they were, at their own request,
made over to the emperor. In the reign of Claudius, (A. U. C. 797. A. D. 44,) they were
again restored to the Senate, after which time proconsuls were sent into this country. Nero
afterwards made the Achaians a free people. The Senate therefore lost this province again.
However, that they might not be sufferers, the emperor gave them the island of Sardinia, in
the room of it. Vespasian made Achaia a province again. There is likewise a peculiar
propriety in the name of the province of which Gallio was proconsul. The country subject to
him was all Greece; but the proper name of the province among the Romans was Achaia,
as appears from various passages of the Roman historians, and especially from the
testimony of Pausanias. Καλουσι δε ουχ’ Ἑλλαδος, αλλα’ ♦ Αχαιας ἡγεμονα οἱ Ῥωμαιοι διοτι
εχειρωσαντο Ἑλληνας δε Αχαιων, τοτε του Ἑλληνικου προεστηκοτων. (Pausanias Description of
Greece. lib. vii. p. 563. Lardner’s Works, 4to. vol. I. p. 19.)
“‘Then all the Greeks took Sosthenes, the chief ruler of the synagogues.’ verse 17. In the
8th verse we read that Crispus was the chief ruler of the synagogue in Corinth. And from
this we may suppose that there were more than one synagogue in that city, or that there
might be more than one ruler in the same synagogue; or that Crispus, after his conversion
to Christianity, might have been succeeded by Sosthenes; but then we are at a loss to know
who the people are that thus beat and misused him; the Greek printed copies tell us that
they were the Gentiles; and those that read the text imagine, that when they perceived the
neglect and disregard wherewith the proconsul received the Jews, they, to insult them more,
fell upon the ruler of their synagogue, whether out of hatred to them, or friendship to St.
Paul, it makes no matter. But others think, that Sosthenes, however head of the synagogue,
was nevertheless the friend of St. Paul, and that the other Jews, seeing themselves slighted
by Gallio, might vent their malice upon him; for they suppose that this was the same
Sosthenes, whose name St. Paul, in the beginning of his first Epistle to the Corinthians,
written about three years after this time, joins with his own. This opinion, however, was not
universally received, since, in the time of Eusebius, it was thought the Sosthenes mentioned
in the epistle was one of the seventy disciples, and, consequently, could not be the chief of
the synagogue at Corinth, twenty years after the death of Jesus Christ.” (Beausobre’s
Annotations. Calmet’s Commentary and Dictionary.)
“‘xviii. 17. ἐπιλαβόμενοι δὲ πάντες οἱ Ἕλληνες There is here some variation of reading, and
no little question raised as to the true one; which consequently leaves the interpretation
unsettled. Two ancient MSS. and versions omit οἱ Ἕλληνες, and others read οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι. As
to the latter reading, it cannot be tolerated; for why should the Jews have beaten him?
Neither is it likely that they would have taken such a liberty before so solemn a tribunal. The
words οἱ Ἕλληνες are thought by many critics, as Grotius, Mill, Pierce, Bengel, and Kuinoel,
to be derived from the margin, like the last. Now those were Gentiles (say they) who beat
Sosthenes; and hence some one wrote οἱ Ἕλληνες. As to the reason for the beating, it was
to make the Jews go away the faster; and to this they were actuated partly by their hatred
towards the Jews, and partly by a desire to please the Procurator.’ But this appears to be
pressing too much on the word ἀπήλασεν, which has by no means any such meaning.
Besides, it is strange that the words Ἕλληνες should have crept into nearly all the MSS;
even into so many early ones. And, supposing Ἕλληνες to be removed, what sense is to be
given to παντες? None (I think) satisfactory, or agreeable to the style of the New Testament.
It must therefore be retained: and then the sense of πάντες will be as follows: ‘all the Greeks,
both Gentiles and Christians:’ which is so evident, that I am surprised the commentators
should not have seen it. Some explain it of the Gentiles, and others of the Gentile
Christians. Both indeed had reason to take umbrage at the intolerance and bitter animosity
of the Jews. It is not likely that any should have joined in the beating, merely to please the
Proconsul, who was not a man to be gratified by such a procedure. So that the gnomes
brought forward by Grotius on the base assentatio of courtiers, are not here applicable.
“By ἔτυπτον is merely to be understood beating, or thumping him with their fists, as he
passed along. Anything more than that, we cannot suppose they would have ventured
upon, or the Proconsul have tolerated.”
“By τούτων, (verse 17,) we may, I think, understand both the accusation brought forward,
and the cuffs which followed; to neither of which the Proconsul paid much attention; and this
from disgust at the litigious conduct of the Jews; as also from the custom, mentioned by
Pricaeus, of the Roman governors, to pass by any conduct which did not directly tend to
degrade the dignity of the Roman name, or weaken its influence, in order that the yoke
might be as easy as possible to the provincials.” (Bloomfield’s Annotations, Vol. IV. pp. 603‒
605.)
CORINTH――CENCHREA.
Romans xvi. 1. Acts xviii. 18.
His character having been thus vindicated, and his safety thus
assured him by the supreme civil authority, Paul resided for a long
time in Corinth, steadily pursuing his apostolic work, without any
direct hindrance or molestation from the Jews. There is no reason to
suppose that he confined all his labor entirely to the city; on the
contrary, it is quite certain, that the numerous smaller gospel fields
throughout the adjacent country, must have attracted his attention,
and it appears, from the commencement of his second epistle to the
Corinthians, that many throughout all Achaia had received the
gospel, and had been numbered among the saints. Corinth,
however, remained the great center of his operations in Greece, and
from this place he soon after directed another epistle to one of his
apostolic charges in Macedonia,――the church of Thessalonica.
Since his former epistle had been received by them, there had arisen
a new occasion for his anxious attention to their spiritual condition,
and in his second letter he alludes distinctly to the fact that there had
been misrepresentations of his opinion, and seems to imply that a
letter had been forged in his name, and presented to them, as
containing a new and more complete account of the exact time of the
expected coming of Christ, to which he had only vaguely alluded in
the first. In the second chapter of his second epistle, he renews his
warning against these delusions about the coming of Christ, alluding
to the fact, that they had been deceived and disturbed by
misstatements on this subject, and had been led into error, both by
those who pretended to be inspired, and by those who attempted to
show by prediction, that the coming of Christ was at hand, and also
by the forged epistle pretending to contain Paul’s own more decisive
opinions on the subject. He exhorts them to “let no man deceive
them by any of these means.” He warns them moreover, against any
that exalt themselves against the doctrines which he had taught
them, and denounces all false and presumptuous teachers in very
bitter terms. After various warnings against these and all disorderly
persons among them, he refers to his own behavior while with them,
as an example for them to follow, and reminds them how blamelessly
and honestly he behaved himself. He did not presume on his
apostolic office, to be an idler, or to eat any man’s bread for naught,
but steadily worked with his own hands, lest he should be
chargeable to any one of them; and this he did, not because his
apostolic office did not empower him to live without manual labor,
and to depend on those to whom he preached for his means of
subsistence, but because he wished to make himself, and his fellow-
laborers, Silas and Timothy, examples for their behavior after he was
gone. Yet it seemed that, notwithstanding the pains he had taken to
inculcate an honest and industrious course, several persons among
them had assumed the office of teaching and reproving, and had
considered themselves thereby excused from doing anything for
their own support. In the conclusion, he refers them distinctly to his
own signature and salutation, which authenticate every epistle which
he writes, and without which, no letter was to be esteemed genuine.
This he specifies, no doubt, for the sake of putting them on their
guard against the repetition of any such deception as had been lately
practised on them in his name.
“xviii. 22. Caesarea. A town on the sea-coast. [See the note on p. 173.] Ἀναβὰς, ‘and
having gone up.’ Whither? Some commentators, as Camerarius, De Dieu, Wolf, Calov.,
Heumann, Doddridge, Thaleman, Beck, and Kuinoel, refer it to Caesarea. But this requires
the confirmation of examples. And we must take for granted that the city was built high
above the port, (which is not likely,) or that the church was so situated; which would be
extremely frigid. Neither is it certain that there was a church. Besides, how can the
expression καταβαίνω be proper, as used of traveling from a seaport-town, like Caesarea, to
Antioch? I therefore prefer the mode of interpretation adopted by some ancient and many
modern commentators, as Beza, Grotius, Mor., Rosenmueller, Reichard, Schott, Heinrichs,
and others, who supply εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. This may indeed seem somewhat harsh; yet it must
be remembered that not a few things are so in the New Testament; and ἀναβαίνω is there
often used absolutely of going up to Jerusalem, and καταβαίνω of going from thence. Nor is
this unexampled in the classical writers. Xenophon uses the word in the very same sense,
of those going from Greece to the capital of Persia. See Anabasis 1, 1, 2. Hist. 2, 1. 9, 10.
Anabasis 1, 4, 12. Hist. 4, 1, 2. 1, 5, 1. 1, 4, 2. and many other passages referred to by
Sturz in his Lexicon Xenophon in voce. Besides, as the words εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα have just
preceded, it is not very harsh to repeat them. Kuinoel, indeed, and some others, treat those
words as not genuine; but their opinion rests on mere suspicion, unsupported by any proof.”
(Bloomfield Annotations. Vol. IV. p. 607.)
From the very brief and general manner in which the incidents of
this visit of Paul to the eastern continent are commemorated, the
apostolic historian is left to gather nothing but the most naked
circumstances, of the route pursued, and from the results, it is but
fair to conclude that nothing of consequence happened to the
apostle, as his duties consisted merely in a review and completion of
the work he had gone over before. Luke evidently did not
accompany Paul in this Asian journey, and he therefore only states
the general direction of the apostle’s course, without a single
particular. He says that Paul, after making ♦ some stay in
Antioch,――where, no doubt he greatly comforted the hearts of the
brethren, by the glad tidings of the triumphs of Christ in
Europe,――went in regular order over the regions of Galatia, and
Phrygia, everywhere confirming the disciples. Beyond this, no
incident whatever is preserved; yet here great amplification of the
sacred record might be made, from the amusing narrative of that
venerable monkish story-teller, who assumes the name of Abdias
Babylonius. But from the specimens of his narrative already given, in
the lives of Andrew and John, the reader will easily apprehend that
they contain nothing which deserves to be intruded into the midst of
the honest, authentic statements, of the original and genuine
apostolic history; and all these with many other similar inventions are
wholly dismissed from the life of Paul, of whose actions such ample
records have been left in the writings of himself and his companions,
that it is altogether more necessary for the biographer to condense
into a modernized form, with proper illustrations, the materials
presented on the authority of inspiration, than to prolong the
narrative with tedious inventions. In this part of the apostolic history,
all that Luke records is, that Paul, after the before-mentioned survey
of the inland countries of Asia Minor, came down to the western
shore, and visited Ephesus, according to the promise which ♠he had
made them at his farewell, a few months before. Since that hasty
visit made in passing, some events important to the gospel cause
had happened among them. An Alexandrine Jew named Apollos, a
man of great Biblical learning, (as many of the Jews of his native city
were,) and indued also with eloquence,――came to Ephesus, and
there soon distinguished himself as a religious teacher. Of the
doctrines of Jesus Christ and his apostles, indeed, he had never
heard; but he had somewhere been made acquainted with the
peculiar reforming principles of his great forerunner, John the
Baptist, and had been baptized, probably by some one of his
disciples. With great fervor and power, he discoursed learnedly of
the things of the Lord, in the synagogue at Ephesus, and of course,
was brought under the notice of Aquilas and Priscilla, whom Paul
had left to occupy that important field, while he was making his
southeastern tour. They took pains to draw Apollos into their
acquaintance, and found him, like every truly learned man, very
ready to learn, even from those who were his inferiors in most
departments of sacred knowledge. From them he heard with great
interest and satisfaction, the peculiar and striking truths revealed in
Jesus, and at once professing his faith in this new revelation, went
forth again among the Jews, replenished with a higher learning and
a diviner spirit. After teaching for some time in Ephesus, he was
disposed to try his new powers in some other field; and proposing to
journey into Achaia, his two Christian friends gave him letters of
introduction and recommendation to the brethren of the church in
Corinth. While he was there laboring with great efficiency in the
gospel cause, Paul returning from his great apostolic survey of the
inland and upper regions of Asia Minor, came to Ephesus. Entering
on this work of perfecting and uniting the results of the various
irregular efforts made by the different persons, who had before
labored there, he found, among those who professed to hold the
doctrines of a new revelation, about a dozen men, who knew very
little of the great doctrines which Paul had been in the habit of
preaching. One of his first questions to them, of course, was whether
they had yet received that usual convincing sign of the Christian
faith,――the Holy Spirit. To which they answered in some surprise,
that they had not yet heard that there was any Holy Spirit;――thus
evidently showing that they knew nothing about any such sign or its
effects. Paul, in his turn considerably surprised, at this remarkable
ignorance of a matter of such high importance, was naturally led to
ask what kind of initiation they had received into the new
dispensation; and learning from them, that they had only been
baptized according to the baptism of John,――instantly assured
them of the incompleteness of that revelation of the truth. “John truly
baptized with the baptism of repentance, telling the people that they
must believe on him that should come after him,――that is on Christ
Jesus.” Hearing this, they consented to receive from the apostle of
Jesus, the renewal of the sign of faith, which they had formerly
known as the token of that partial revelation made by John; and they
were therefore baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus,――a form of
words which of course had never been pronounced over them
before. Paul, then laying his hands on them, invoked the influence of
the Holy Spirit, which was then immediately manifested, by the usual
miraculous gifts which accompanied its effusion.
“xviii. 24. Apollos. A name contracted from Apollonius, (which is read in the Cod. Cant.)
as Epaphras from Epaphroditus, and Artemas from Artemonius. Of this Apollonius, mention
is also made in 1 Corinthians i. 12. iii. 5 seq. where Paul speaks of the labor he underwent
in the instruction of the Corinthians. (1 Corinthians iv. 6. xvi. 12.) Γένει, by birth, i. e. country;
as in 18, 2. The Jews of Alexandria were eminent for Biblical knowledge. That most
celebrated city of Egypt abounded with men of learning, both Jews and Gentiles.” Kuinoel.
(Bloomfield’s Annotations, Vol. IV. p. 608.)
“The Baptism of John is put, by synecdoche, for the whole of John’s ordinances. See the
note on Matthew xxi. 25. (Kuinoel.) It is generally supposed that he had been baptized by
John himself: but this must have been twenty years before; and it is not probable that during
that time he should have acquired no knowledge of Christianity. It should rather seem that
he had been baptized by one of John’s disciples; and perhaps not very long before the time
here spoken of.” (Bloomfield’s Annotations, Vol. IV. p. 610.)
“With respect to the letters here mentioned, they were written for the purpose of
encouraging Apollos, and recommending him to the brethren. This ancient ecclesiastical
custom of writing letters of recommendation, (which seems to have originated in the
necessary caution to be observed in times of persecution, and arose out of the interrupted
and tardy intercourse which, owing to their great distance from each other, subsisted
between the Christians,) has been well illustrated by a tract of Ferrarius de Epistolis
Ecclesiasticis, referred to by Wolf.” (Bloomfield. Vol. IV. p. 611.)
“Ephesus was the metropolis of proconsular Asia. It was situated at the mouth of the
river Cayster, on the shore of the Aegean sea, in that part anciently called Ionia, (but now
Natolir,) and was particularly celebrated for the temple of Diana, which had been erected at
the common expense of the inhabitants of Asia Proper, and was reputed one of the seven
wonders of the world. In the time of Paul, this city abounded with orators and philosophers;
and its inhabitants, in their gentile state, were celebrated for their idolatry and skill in magic,
as well as for their luxury and lasciviousness. Ephesus is now under the dominion of the
Turks, and is in a state of almost total ruin, being reduced to fifteen poor cottages, (not
erected exactly on its original site,) and its once flourishing church is now diminished to
three illiterate Greeks. (Revelation ii. 6.) In the time of the Romans, Ephesus was the
metropolis of Asia. The temple of Diana is said to have been four hundred and twenty-five
feet long, two hundred and twenty broad, and to have been supported by one hundred and
twenty-seven pillars of marble, seventy feet high, whereof twenty-seven were most
beautifully wrought, and all the rest polished. One Ctesiphon, a famous architect, planned it,
and with so much art and curiosity, that it took two hundred years to finish it. It was set on
fire seven times; once on the very same day that Socrates was poisoned, four hundred
years before Christ.” (Horne’s Introduction. Whitby’s Table. Wells’s Geography. Williams on
Pearson.)
“In Acts xx. 31, the apostle says, that for the space of three years he preached at
Ephesus. Grotius and Whitby hold that these three years are to be reckoned from his first
coming to Ephesus, xviii. 19; that he does not specify his being in any other city; and that
when it is said here, ‘So that all Asia heard the word,’ xix. 40, it arose from the concourse
that, on a religious account, continually assembled in that city. The Jews also, from different
parts of Asia, were induced by commerce, or obliged by the courts of judicature, to frequent
it. Other commentators contend that, as only two years, with three months in the
synagogue, are here mentioned, the remaining three-quarters of a year were partly
engaged in a progress through the neighboring provinces. (Elsley, from Lightfoot and
Doddridge.)
“While he was at Ephesus, ‘God wrought special miracles by the hands of Paul; so that
from his body were brought unto the sick, handkerchiefs or aprons,’ &c. &c. Acts ♦xix. 11,
12. Σιμικίνθιον, aprons, is slightly changed from the Latin semicinctum, which workmen put
before them when employed at their occupations, to keep their clothes from soiling. The
difference which Theophylact and Oecumenius make between these and σουδάρια, is, that
the latter are applied to the head, as a cap or veil, and the former to the hands as a
handkerchief. ‘They carry them,’ says Oecumenius, ‘in their hands, to wipe off moisture
from their face, as tears,’” &c. &c. (Calmet’s Commentary.)
“‘And they counted the price of them, [the books,] and found it to be fifty thousand pieces
of silver,’ verse 19――αργυριον is used generally in the Old Testament, LXX. for the shekel,
in value about 2s. 6d., or the total 6250l. as Numbers vii. 85. Deuteronomy xxii. 19. 2 Kings
xv. 20. Grotius. If it means the drachma, as more frequently used by the Greeks at 9d. each,
the sum will be 1875l.” [$9000.] Doddridge. Elsley’s Annotations. (Williams on Pearson, pp.
53‒55.)
There is hardly one of the writings of Paul, about the date of which
there has been so much discussion, or so many opinions as this; but
the results of all the elaborate investigations and argumentations of
the learned, still leave this interesting chronological point in such
doubt, that this must be pronounced about the most uncertain in
date, of all the Pauline epistles. It may however, without any
inconsistency with the historical narrative of the Acts, or with any
passages in the other epistles, be safely referred to the period of this
residence in Ephesus, probably to the later part of it. The epistle
itself contains no reference whatever, direct or indirect, to the place
in which he was occupied at the time of writing, and only bare
probabilities can therefore be stated on it,――nor can any decisive
objection be made to any one of six opinions which have been
strongly urged. Some pronounce it very decidedly to have been the
first of all the epistles written by Paul, and maintain that he wrote it
soon after his first visit to them, at some time during the interval
between Paul’s departure from Galatia, and his departure from
Thessalonica. Others date it at the time of his imprisonment in
Rome, according to the common subscription of the epistle. Against
this last may, however, perhaps be urged his reproof to the
Galatians, that they “were so soon removed from him that called
them to the grace of Christ,”――an expression nevertheless, too
vague to form any certain basis for a chronological conclusion. The
great majority of critics refer it to the period of his stay in
Ephesus,――a view which entirely accords with the idea, that it must
have been written soon after Paul had preached to them; for on his
last journey to Ephesus, he had passed through Galatia, as already
narrated, confirming the churches. Some time had, no doubt,
intervened since his preaching to them, sufficient at least to allow
many heresies and difficulties to arise among them, and to pervert
them from the purity of the truth, as taught to them by him. Certain
false teachers had been among them since his departure, inculcating
on all believers in Christ, the absolute necessity of a minute and rigid
observance of Mosaic forms, for their salvation. They also directly
attacked the apostolical character and authority of
Paul,――declaring his opinion to be of no weight whatever, and to
be opposed to that of the true original apostles of Jesus. These, Paul
meets with great force in the very beginning of the epistle, entering
at once into a particular account of the mode of his first entering the
apostleship,――showing that it was not derived from the other
apostles, but from the special commission of Christ himself,
miraculously given. He also shows that he had, on this very question
of Judaical rituals, conferred with the apostles at Jerusalem, and had
received the sanction of their approbation in that course of open
communion which he had before followed, on his own inspired
authority, and had ever since maintained, in the face of what he
deemed inconsistencies in the conduct of Peter. He then attacks the
Galatians themselves, in very violent terms, for their perversion of
that glorious freedom into which he had brought the Christian