Sentence Position and Syntactic Complexity of Stuttering in Early Childhood: A Longitudinal Study
Sentence Position and Syntactic Complexity of Stuttering in Early Childhood: A Longitudinal Study
Received 2 September 2008; received in revised form 6 August 2009; accepted 7 August 2009
Abstract
The purpose of the present investigation was to assess longitudinal word- and sentence-level measures of stuttering in young
children. Participants included 12 stuttering and non-stuttering children between 36 and 71 months of age at an initial visit
who exhibited a range of stuttering rates. Parent–child spontaneous speech samples were obtained over a period of two years at
six-month intervals. Each speech sample was transcribed, and both stuttering-like disfluencies (SLDs) and other disfluencies (ODs)
were coded. Word- and sentence-level measures of SLDs were used to assess linguistic characteristics of stuttering. Results of the
word-level analysis indicated that stuttering was most likely to occur at the sentence-initial position, and that a tendency to stutter
on function words was present only at the sentence-initial position. Results of the sentence-level analyses indicated that sentences
containing ODs and those containing SLDs were both significantly longer and more complex than fluent sentences, but did not
differ from each other. Word- and sentence-level measures also did not change across visits. Results were taken to suggest that
both SLDs and ODs originate during the same stage of sentence planning.
Educational objectives: The reader will be able to: (1) describe the importance of sentence position in the occurrence of speech
disfluencies, (2) describe the relation between sentence complexity and the occurrence of speech disfluencies, and (3) describe the
potential role of different aspects of sentence planning on the occurrence of speech disfluencies.
© 2009 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Stuttering; Linguistic; Sentence planning; Sentence position; Word class; Syntactic complexity; Longitudinal
1. Introduction
Linguistic characteristics of instances of stuttering have been examined at the word-level and at the sentence-level.
Spencer Brown first observed that instances of stuttering tend to occur on words at the beginning of sentences (Brown,
1938) and on content words such as nouns and verbs (Brown, 1937). One explanation for these findings was that
both content words and sentence-initial words hold greater communicative importance within a sentence (e.g., Brown,
1945; Eisenson & Horowitz, 1945; Quarrington, 1965; Trotter, 1956). It has also been argued that stuttering at the
0094-730X/$ – see front matter © 2009 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.jfludis.2009.08.001
156 A. Buhr, P. Zebrowski / Journal of Fluency Disorders 34 (2009) 155–172
beginning of a sentence is related to greater indecision or uncertainty associated with formulating an idea or sentence
construction (e.g., Soderberg, 1967; Taylor, 1966). Subsequent work has shown that children are more likely to stutter
on function words such as pronouns and conjunctions (Au-Yeung, Howell, & Pilgrim, 1998; Bloodstein & Gantwerk,
1967; Bloodstein & Grossman, 1981; Silverman, 1974; Williams, Silverman, & Kools, 1969), and that this may be
related to sentence position as well (e.g., Bloodstein & Gantwerk, 1967; Bloodstein & Grossman, 1981).
The finding that the occurrence of instances of stuttering is predictable (i.e., beginning of a sentence) was consistent
with psycholinguistic studies showing that other, more typical, disfluencies such as whole-word repetitions and pauses
are also more likely to occur at the beginning of a sentence (e.g., Boomer, 1965; Goldman-Eisler, 1958; Holmes, 1988;
Maclay & Osgood, 1959), for example, due to uncertainty associated with planning the sentence. Similarly, studies
examining stuttering in childhood have suggested that instances of stuttering at the beginning of a sentence are related
to aspects of sentence planning, such as integrating syntactic constituents (Bernstein, 1981; Wall, Starkweather, &
Cairns, 1981) or motor initiation/execution (Bloodstein & Grossman, 1981; Logan & LaSalle, 1999).
Linguistic factors related to instances of stuttering have also been examined at the sentence-level. A number of
studies have reported that utterances that are longer and/or more syntactically complex are more likely to be stuttered
(Gaines, Runyan, & Meyers, 1991; Logan & Conture, 1995, 1997; Logan & LaSalle, 1999; Sawyer, Chon, & Ambrose,
2008; Watkins, Yairi, & Ambrose, 1999; Weiss & Zebrowski, 1992; Yaruss, 1999; Zackheim & Conture, 2003). Studies
have also found evidence of a relation between sentence complexity and other types of disfluency such as interjections
and revisions (Bernstein Ratner & Sih, 1987; Rispoli & Hadley, 2001; Silverman & Bernstein Ratner, 1997).
Findings from studies examining word- and sentence-level measures of disfluency therefore seem to demonstrate
that both stuttered and other disfluencies (1) tend to be located at the beginning of an utterance, and (2) tend to occur
in longer and syntactically complex utterances. These findings suggest that the occurrence of both stuttering and other
types of disfluencies may be triggered by aspects of sentence planning, and that their manifestation in speech tends to
occur at the beginning of a planning unit (i.e., a clause). Thus, stuttering and other types of disfluency may both be
triggered by similar factors, and word- and sentence-level measures may each may tap into those factors.
Another way in which the relation between linguistic factors and instances of stuttering has been investigated is
in terms of development. In a cross-sectional study using five different age groups ranging from early childhood to
adulthood, Au-Yeung et al. (1998) reported that children stuttered on a significantly greater proportion of function
words, but that older children, teenagers, and adults as a group were significantly more likely to stutter on content
words. In particular, they found evidence of an exchange from stuttering on function words to stuttering on content
words at around age nine. To further explore the relation between stuttering and word class, Au-Yeung et al. (1998)
segmented utterances into phonological words. Selkirk (1984) has described phonological words as units of speech
consisting of a content word and any associated function words that modify the content word. For example, in the
sentence I looked after my nephew, phonological words would be formed by I looked after and my nephew, since I and
after both modify looked, and my modifies nephew. Au-Yeung et al. found that function words preceding content word
heads within phonological words were more likely to be stuttered than function words that followed content word heads.
Howell and colleagues (e.g., Howell, 2004; Howell, Au-Yeung, & Sackin, 1999) have hypothesized that function
words are stuttered as a delaying tactic for insufficiently planned content words that follow, and that the apparent word
class exchange was the result of attempting to execute insufficiently planned content words rather than stuttering on the
preceding function word. Au-Yeung et al. thus argued that function words are stuttered due to word external factors,
whereas content words are stuttered due word internal factors.
Two points can be taken away from the work of Howell and colleagues. First, the tendency to stutter on initial
function words within phonological words appears to be consistent with findings that stuttering tends to take place
at the beginning of a sentence. In other words, speech disfluencies may emerge due to difficulties or inefficiencies
associated with the planning of linguistic units, whether they are syntactic units or phonological word units. Consistent
with this speculation, Au-Yeung et al. (1998) also found that stuttering rate on function words was significantly higher
at the sentence-initial position than at other positions within a sentence. Thus, it does not appear to be function words
per se that are related to stuttering, but rather their position within a linguistic unit.
Second, the inference that a word class exchange takes place around nine years of age suggests that such an exchange
is not related to language development. While it may indeed be the case that a word class exchange involves a shifting
strategy in dealing with stuttering, this shift appears to take place at a later age than what would be expected if it were
to involve linguistic factors. As such, Au-Yeung et al. (1998) found evidence that the influence of utterance position
on stuttering becomes less marked as children get older, consistent with previous findings (e.g., Williams et al., 1969).
A. Buhr, P. Zebrowski / Journal of Fluency Disorders 34 (2009) 155–172 157
Table 1
Descriptive statistics for all participants at initial visit.
Participant Gender Age TELD PPVT EVT SLD rate OD rate
Note. TELD: Test of Early Language Development; PPVT: Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test; EVT: Expressive Vocabulary Test: DSS: Developmental
Sentence Score; Length: mean words per sentence.
Thus, to the extent that disfluency patterns change over language development (Hall, Wagovich, & Bernstein, 2007;
Rispoli & Hadley, 2001; Wijnen, 1990), the development of sentence planning may lead to instances of stuttering
becoming more evenly distributed throughout an utterance, resulting in a relatively greater proportion of stuttering on
content words. Whether a word class shift is related to language development can therefore be investigated by assessing
word- and sentence-level measures of stuttering during a period of time when language is developing.
To summarize, while it has been speculated that stuttering on function words is related to stuttering at the beginning
of an utterance (e.g., Bloodstein & Grossman, 1981; Wall et al., 1981), whether stuttering on function words is to
some extent an artifact of stuttering at the beginning of an utterance has not been empirically assessed. Furthermore,
while previous studies have interpreted word- and sentence-level measures of stuttering in terms of sentence planning
(e.g., Bernstein, 1981; Logan & LaSalle, 1999), these measures do not appear to have been extensively examined in
terms of a common underlying factor. Finally, word- and sentence-level measures of stuttering have not been examined
longitudinally within the same study, and to the extent that each relate to linguistic planning, any change may be
expected to occur during language development.
The purpose of the present investigation was therefore to assess word- and sentence-level measures of stuttering
longitudinally. First, the relation between word class and sentence position was investigated. It was predicted that if the
tendency to stutter on function words is due to their position in a sentence, then a tendency to stutter on function words
would only be apparent at the sentence-initial position. Second, the relation between sentence position and sentence
length and syntactic complexity was investigated. It was predicted that if each taps into similar aspects of sentence
planning, then both would be related to speech disfluencies within the same set of sentences. Third, the relation between
stuttering and language development was investigated. It was predicted that if linguistic factors do indeed contribute
to stuttering, then word- and sentence-level measures of stuttering would change during early childhood, the time at
which language is developing relatively rapidly.
2. Method
2.1. Participants
Participants consisted of 12 children who were between 3 and 5 years of age (36–71 months) at an initial visit (see
Table 1). The onset of stuttering is generally observed to occur within this age range (Yairi & Ambrose, 2005). Each
participant was part of a larger multi-site study directed by investigators at the University of Illinois (N. Ambrose, PI, E.
Yairi, former PI). This multi-site study was intended to investigate developmental subgroups of early childhood stutter-
ing and to identify predictive factors of persistence or recovery from stuttering. The focus of the present investigation,
however, was to examine linguistic factors associated with instances of stuttering during speech, which have been
158 A. Buhr, P. Zebrowski / Journal of Fluency Disorders 34 (2009) 155–172
observed to be present in the speech of all children, whether categorized as stuttering or non-stuttering (e.g., Au-Yeung
et al., 1998; Silverman, 1974; Williams et al., 1969). Thus, although developmental trajectories were identified (i.e.,
persistence, recovery, and normally-fluent) for the purposes of the larger study, developmental subgroup classifications
were not utilized in the present investigation.
Participants were recruited from various sources, such as from speech-language pathologists at the Wendell John-
son Speech and Hearing Clinic at the University of Iowa, day-care centers, and newspaper advertisements. Parents
of children who were classified as stuttering were provided information about stuttering development and received
professional clinical opinion about the likelihood of recovery. Although the study was not intended to provide clinical
services, parents were given the option of deciding whether their children would receive treatment for stuttering while
participating in the study (see Yairi & Ambrose, 1999). While three participants had received some form of speech
therapy prior to the initial visit, this was not assumed to have a significant influence on characteristics of instances of
stuttering. For each of the 12 participants, parents signed an informed consent. The protocol of the study was approved
by the Institutional Review Board at the University of Iowa.
Of the children who took part in the larger study, the first 12 who met selection criteria were retrospectively chosen for
the present study. First, participants had to score within normal limits in speech and language development as assessed
by the Test of Early Language Development (TELD; Hresko, Reid, & Hammill, 1991), the Hodson Assessment of
Phonologic Proficiency (HAPP; Hodson, 1986), the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (PPVT; Dunn & Dunn, 1997),
and the Expressive Vocabulary Test (EVT; Williams, 1997). Second, participants had to remain in the study for all
five visits for a two-year period of time, and complete parent–child conversational samples of speech at each visit.
Participants were considered to be stuttering at any visit if they (a) produced at least 3 stuttering-like disfluencies per
100 words, and (b) were perceived by their parents to be stuttering (Yairi & Ambrose, 1992, 1999).
The study period consisted of five visits (Visits I, II, III, IV, and V) across two years with a six-month interval
between visits. Two separate conversational speech samples were acquired on separate days at Visits I, III, and V
(Yairi & Ambrose, 1999). It has been argued that multiple samples provide a more representative sample of a child’s
speech (see Sawyer & Yairi, 2006, for more detailed discussion relating to variables involved with the collection of
conversational speech samples). Only one sample of speech was acquired at Visits II and IV as children only visited
the Stuttering Research Lab at the University of Iowa once on these visits. While all children exhibited trajectories
associated with specific developmental subtypes (e.g., persistent or recovered) during the study period, children were not
followed longitudinally for a long enough period of time to be assigned to developmental subgroups. Thus, “persistent”
and “recovered” subgroups were not used for the purposes of the present study.
Parent–child conversational samples were obtained at each of the five visits of the study. Children were seated at a
table with a parent, and provided a variety of materials (e.g., play-doh) to stimulate conversation. Parents were instructed
to avoid questions that prompted one-word answers, but to ask open-ended questions about the immediate play or other
topics related to home or school. If a study investigator thought that an insufficient amount of spontaneous speech was
being produced, he or she intervened to stimulate more conversation. Audio/video samples of each conversation were
recorded by placing a microphone on a table 18 inches away from the child’s mouth. A lapel microphone was also
clipped to the shirt of each child to compensate for noise from the table that obscured the audio signal. Video of each
conversational sample was recorded with a SONY (DCR-VX2000 NTSC) Digital Handycam onto a JVC (SR-VS30)
Mini DV recorder and a Panasonic (DMR-T2020) DVD recorder.
Parent–child conversations were recorded until approximately 1000 words had been acquired from the child. Samples
of this length are thought to increase measurement reliability and validity (Sawyer & Yairi, 2006; Yairi & Ambrose,
1999). At Visits I, III, and V, two separate parent–child conversational samples were collected for transcription,
and at Visits II and IV a single parent–child conversational speech sample was collected. A total of eight separate
conversational samples were therefore collected for each participant across the five visits (I–V). For all conversational
speech samples, every effort was made to get each child to produce at least 1000 words. Table 2 presents the raw
numbers of utterances and words that were acquired from participants across all five visits in the study.
A. Buhr, P. Zebrowski / Journal of Fluency Disorders 34 (2009) 155–172 159
Table 2
Data reduction resulting in number of utterances used for word- and sentence-based analysis across visits.
Visit Excluded speech Analyzed speech
Utterances elicited Utterance fragments Incomplete utterances Utterances SLD + OD Word-analysis set Sentence-analysis set
I 4477 2550 (57.0) 333 (7.4) 92 (2.1) 1594 (35.6) 1502 (33.5)
II 2280 1046 (45.9) 166 (7.3) 62 (2.7) 1068 (46.8) 1006 (44.1)
III 3638 1559 (42.8) 327 (9.0) 79 (2.2) 1752 (48.2) 1673 (46.0)
IV 2803 1192 (42.6) 231 (8.2) 48 (1.7) 1380 (49.2) 1332 (47.5)
V 3879 1518 (39.1) 277 (7.2) 71 (1.8) 2084 (53.7) 2013 (51.9)
Overall 17077 7865 (46.1) 1334 (7.8) 352 (2.0) 7878 (46.1) 7526 (44.1)
Note. (%): percent total number of elicited utterances; Utterance fragments: utterances without both subject and verb; Incomplete: unintelligible,
abandoned or interrupted utterance; Utterances SLD + OD: sentences containing both SLD and OD.
2.4.1. Transcriptions
Parent–child conversational samples of speech were first transcribed by a Master’s-level research assistant with
Systematic Analysis of Language Transcription software (SALT; Miller & Chapman, 1993). For transcriptions used
for reliability, the first author then made an independent transcription using SALT. For all other transcriptions, the
first author used the first pass by the Master’s-level student as a template from which to make necessary changes. To
arrive at a transcription to be used for final data analysis, several SALT conventions were applied. First, utterances
of a non-linguistic nature such as screams or cries were not transcribed. Second, unintelligible sequences of speech
were marked with a single “x” for each unintelligible syllable. Third, abandoned and interrupted utterances were
appropriately marked. Fourth, repeated segments of utterances such as revisions or phrase repetitions were placed
within parentheses so as not to be included in the linguistic analysis.
Fig. 1. Total disfluency (TD), stuttering-like disfluency (SLD), and other disfluency (OD) rates across all five visits.
160 A. Buhr, P. Zebrowski / Journal of Fluency Disorders 34 (2009) 155–172
of a child’s linguistic competence (Lee, 1974). Third, utterances that were unintelligible were eliminated from each
transcription (Yairi & Ambrose, 1999). In essence, only complete sentences in which all words could be reliability
identified were used for data analysis. This resulted in 7878 total sentences available for word-based analysis, or
approximately 46.1% of the original set of raw utterances (see Table 2).
For sentence-level analysis, sentences containing both an SLD and an OD were separated from those containing at
least one SLD and those containing at least one OD. This was done to avoid the possibility that their occurrence in overt
speech was not independent, as has been discussed in terms of disfluency clusters (LaSalle & Conture, 1995). Thus,
SLDs and ODs were each analyzed at the sentence-level without the potential influence of the other. The separation of
sentences containing both SLDs and ODs from the data set resulted in a total number of 7526 available for sentence-
level analysis, or approximately 44.1% of the original set of raw utterances (see Table 2). Despite the large number of
utterances eliminated during data reduction, the set of sentences remaining was sufficiently large to permit meaningful
assessment.
across all sentences within a conversational sample and divided by the total number of sentences (see Lee, 1974, for
description of scoring system). It is argued (e.g., Lee, 1974) that to obtain a valid measure of syntactic complexity, a
conversational sample should consist of least 50 utterances, with each utterance containing a subject and a predicate
(i.e., a sentence). Thus, all conversational samples analyzed in the present study consisted of at least 50 sentences, with
each sentence containing both a subject and a predicate.
For each participant, DSS was computed by hand for (1) the set of sentences that contained at least one SLD,
(2) the set of sentences that contained at least one OD, and (3) the set of sentences that did not contain either an
SLD or an OD. DSS was also computed for sentences that contained both an SLD and an OD, but this set was
not used for statistical analysis. Such sentences comprised approximately 2.1% of total sentences (see Table 2). It
should be noted that sentences that included multiple or adjacent SLDs (i.e., a stutter–stutter cluster) were not treated
differently from those that only contained one SLD. DSS measures for each participant were then used for statistical
analysis.
Fig. 2. Proportion of all words that were sentence-initial, and proportion of stuttered words that were sentence-initial.
less of subgroup classification (Au-Yeung et al., 1998; Silverman, 1974; Williams et al., 1969). In other words,
word class measures are assumed to be indicative of how SLDs occur in overt speech rather than how individuals
stutter.
3. Results
Table 3
Numbers of words and proportions of SLDs and ODs occurring at initial position of a sentence across visits.
Visit Words Initial Proportion SLDs (%) Initial Proportion ODs (%) Initial Proportion
I 8562 1594 0.19 334 (3.94) 167 0.50 152 (1.76) 119 0.78
II 6291 1068 0.17 197 (3.12) 121 0.61 121 (1.92) 88 0.73
III 10,750 1752 0.16 275 (2.56) 142 0.52 210 (1.95) 149 0.71
IV 8015 1380 0.17 162 (2.02) 75 0.46 135 (1.68) 96 0.71
V 12,395 2084 0.17 252 (2.03) 135 0.54 216 (1.74) 138 0.64
Overall 46,013 7878 0.17 1220 (2.65) 617 0.51 834 (1.81) 590 0.71
Table 4
Total numbers and proportions of function words stuttered according to sentence position across visits.
Visit Initial position Non-initial position
Total Function Proportion Total Function Proportion
I
Total 1594 1215 0.76 6968 3811 0.55
Stuttered 167 141 0.84 167 45 0.27
Proportion 0.11 0.12 – 0.02 0.01 –
II
Total 1068 838 0.79 5223 2855 0.54
Stuttered 98 83 0.85 98 38 0.39
Proportion 0.09 0.10 – 0.02 0.01 –
III
Total 1752 1396 0.80 8998 4910 0.55
Stuttered 142 116 0.82 133 53 0.40
Proportion 0.08 0.08 – 0.02 0.01 –
IV
Total 1380 1052 0.76 6635 3579 0.54
Stuttered 75 65 0.87 88 27 0.31
Proportion 0.05 0.06 – 0.01 0.01 –
V
Total 2084 1597 0.77 10,311 5599 0.54
Stuttered 135 110 0.82 117 44 0.38
Proportion 0.07 0.07 – 0.01 0.01 –
Overall
Total 7878 6098 0.77 38,135 20,754 0.54
Stuttered 617 515 0.84 603 207 0.34
Proportion 0.08 0.08 – 0.02 0.01 –
highly related to the sentence-initial position (Table 3). Results also showed that the proportion of ODs occurring at
the initial position of a sentence was well above 50% across all visits (Table 3). These results suggest that both SLDs
and ODs were highly likely to occur at the initial position of a sentence.
Fig. 3. Proportion of all sentence-initial words that were function words, and proportion of stuttered sentence-initial words that were function words.
p = 0.986. These results therefore showed that the tendencies to stutter on function words and at the sentence-initial
position did not change across the age range of children in the present study.
Of the 7526 sentences remaining across all visits after data reduction (see Table 2), 6125 (77.7%) were produced
fluently. Of the 1755 (22.3%) total sentences that were not fluent, 696 contained at least one SLD, 707 contained at
least one OD, and 352 contained both an SLD and an OD. As stated earlier, sentences containing both an SLD and an
OD were separated to permit examination of an SLD without the potential influence of an OD and vice versa (LaSalle
& Conture, 1995). Table 5 shows mean length and syntactic complexity of sentences containing at least one SLD
(without the presence of OD), those containing at least one OD (without the presence of SLD), those containing both
SLDs and ODs, and those produced fluently.
Fig. 4. Mean sentence length in words of fluent sentences and those containing SLDs and those containing ODs.
A. Buhr, P. Zebrowski / Journal of Fluency Disorders 34 (2009) 155–172 165
Table 5
Utterance length and complexity for sentence type across visits.
Visit Sentences Length Complexity
I
Fluent 1194 (74.9) 5.03 0.60 6.86 1.17
With OD 131 (8.2) 6.18 1.64 8.69 2.62
With SLD 177 (11.1) 6.35 1.22 9.01 3.56
OD and SLD 92 (5.8) 7.28 1.43 9.65 2.67
II
Fluent 736 (73.0) 5.52 0.69 7.85 1.37
With OD 104 (10.3) 6.63 1.34 10.26 5.64
With SLD 106 (10.5) 6.50 2.26 9.32 4.70
OD and SLD 62 (6.2) 8.37 2.12 11.33 3.81
III
Fluent 1349 (76.9) 5.57 0.56 7.94 0.89
With OD 172 (9.8) 6.93 1.31 9.86 2.54
With SLD 155 (8.8) 8.17 1.55 10.60 3.04
OD and SLD 79 (4.5) 8.83 1.61 11.55 3.81
IV
Fluent 1118 (80.9) 5.45 0.38 8.24 1.18
With OD 113 (8.2) 7.79 1.93 11.84 3.20
With SLD 102 (7.4) 6.57 1.83 9.82 1.90
OD and SLD 48 (3.5) 8.31 1.47 9.99 2.34
V
Fluent 1669 (80.1) 5.55 0.45 8.38 1.17
With OD 187 (9.0) 7.53 1.57 11.34 3.77
With SLD 156 (7.5) 7.25 1.27 8.88 3.12
OD and SLD 71 (3.4) 8.26 2.04 12.29 3.55
Overall
Fluent 6125 (77.7) 5.42 0.56 7.73 1.25
With OD 707 (9.0) 7.01 1.63 10.40 3.77
With SLD 696 (8.8) 6.97 1.75 10.05 3.31
OD and SLD 352 (4.5) 8.21 1.73 10.92 2.92
Note. Data based on conversational samples from 12 children; OD: contains at least one other disfluency; SLD: contains at least one stuttering-like
disfluency; Length; mean words per utterance; Complexity: Developmental Sentence Score.
syntactic complexity of fluent sentences changed across visits, F(4,55) = 3.134, p = 0.022 (see Table 5), but the length
of fluent sentences did not, F(4,55) = 2.019, p = 0.104. Post hoc comparisons with the alpha value set to 0.005 did
not show significant differences in syntactic complexity between any two pairs of visits. The length and syntactic
complexity of sentences containing SLDs and those containing ODs also did not significantly change across visits.
Fig. 5. Mean sentence complexity of fluent sentences and those containing SLDs and those containing ODs.
166 A. Buhr, P. Zebrowski / Journal of Fluency Disorders 34 (2009) 155–172
These results suggest that while evidence of syntactic development was present (Fig. 5), the relation between syntactic
complexity and both SLDs and ODs appeared to be stable across visits.
One-way ANOVAs with visit as the fixed factor were also used to longitudinally assess differences in the length
and syntactic complexity of sentences containing at least one OD and those containing at least one SLD versus fluent
sentences. For sentences containing at least one OD relative to fluent sentences, differences in length, F(4,55) = 1.747,
p = 0.153, and syntactic complexity, F(4,55) = 0.556, p = 0.695, were not found to change across visits. Similarly, for
sentences containing at least one SLD relative to fluent sentences, differences in length, F(4,55) = 2.453, p = 0.057, and
syntactic complexity, F(4,55) = 0.323, p = 0.861, were not found to change across visits. Thus, the relation between
sentence complexity and disfluency was stable across visits.
Word-level analyses indicated that (1) stuttering was most likely to occur at the sentence-initial position, but
that (2) a function word effect was found only at the sentence-initial position, and that (3) the tendency to stutter
at the sentence-initial position did not change across visits. Sentence-level analyses indicated that (1) sentences
containing ODs and those containing SLDs were both significantly longer and more complex than fluent sen-
tences, but that (2) these sentence types did not differ from each other, and (3) these results did change across
visits.
4. Discussion
Discussion of the present findings will be divided into four subsections. First, results of word-level analyses are
discussed in terms of how word class and sentence position may be explained by a common underlying factor. Second,
results of sentence-level analyses are discussed in terms of how the occurrence of SLDs and ODs may both be
related to similar aspects of sentence planning. Third, longitudinal analyses are discussed in terms of whether word-
and sentence-level measures of stuttering are related to language development. Finally, linguistic and non-linguistic
aspects of sentence planning and their potential roles in stuttering are discussed.
suggests that a tendency to stutter on function or content words may depend, to some extent, on the corpus of speech
used for analysis.
Second, one might argue that a few participants may have stuttered significantly more on content words, thereby
obscuring a tendency to stutter on function words by other participants. However, inspection of the data revealed that
6 of the 12 participants stuttered on a greater proportion of function words than what they produced overall. This
suggests that the absence of a tendency to stutter on function words was relatively common among the participants in
the study. Thus, the failure to detect a tendency to stutter on function words overall is likely due to the elimination of
sentence fragments.
The finding that the tendencies to stutter on function words and at the sentence-initial position did not significantly
differ across visits suggests that any word class exchange that may take place over childhood does not occur within
the age range of children in the present study. This is consistent with previous findings that children stutter on function
words until around nine years of age (Au-Yeung et al., 1998). To the extent that change from stuttering on function
words to stuttering on content words is related to attempting to execute insufficiently planned content words, as has
been suggested by Howell and colleagues (Howell, 2004; Howell et al., 1999), the precise factors that may instigate
such change are unknown.
As with word-level measures of stuttering, sentence-level measures did not significantly change across visits. This
suggests that those aspects of sentence planning that are related to syntactic complexity had a relatively stable influence
on the occurrence of speech disfluencies. While findings did show evidence that syntactic complexity increased from
the first to the fifth visits (Fig. 5), this was not accompanied by a change in the relation between syntactic complexity and
the occurrence of speech disfluencies. In other words, to the extent that language was developing for participants in the
present study, this did not appear to influence the essential relationship between sentence planning and the occurrence
of SLDs or ODs. Thus, longitudinal findings did not show evidence of a contribution of linguistic development to the
occurrence of speech disfluencies in overt speech, at least for children of the age ranges in the present study.
Present findings suggest that both word- and sentence-level measures of stuttering tap into sentence planning.
Specifically, utterances that pose a greater demand on sentence planning are more likely to be stuttered, and stuttering
is more likely to occur at the beginning of a sentence. However, longitudinal analyses of word- and sentence-level
measures of stuttering did not show evidence of a relation to language development. This begs the question whether
those aspects of sentence planning that are related to stuttering are necessarily linguistic in nature. To this end, it is
worth considering that evidence of linguistic and/or motor contributions to stuttering has often not been obtained from
stuttered speech.
For example, several reaction time (RT) studies examining linguistic processes have reported that children who do
and do not stutter may be different in terms of lexical retrieval (Anderson, 2008; Hartfield & Conture, 2007; Pellowski
& Conture, 2005), syntactic encoding (Anderson & Conture, 2004), and phonological encoding (Byrd, Conture, &
Ohde, 2007; Melnick, Conture, & Ohde, 2003). Furthermore, kinematic studies reporting between-group differences in
selected temporal measures within or across motor subsystems have often used fluent speech productions (e.g., Caruso,
Abbs, & Gracco, 1988; Max, Caruso, & Gracco, 2003; McClean, Tasko, & Runyan, 2004). Finally, between-group
differences in neural activity during fluent speech tasks have been interpreted in terms of language, motor, or timing
aberrancies for individuals who stutter (e.g., De Nil, Kroll, Kapur, & Houle, 2000; Foundas et al., 2004; Fox et al.,
2000; Giraud et al., 2008; Watkins, Smith, Davis, & Howell, 2008).
While such findings do demonstrate talker group differences in terms of various linguistic and/or motor processes,
they do not link such processes to specific instances of stuttering. Furthermore, to the extent that linguistic and motor
factors contribute to stuttering, one might expect stuttering frequency to be relatively stable over time. However,
stuttering frequency has generally been observed to be highly variable (Bloodstein & Bernstein Ratner, 2008). This
suggests that at least some factors that exert a causal influence on stuttering may be highly variable (Conture & Walden,
2009). In other words, “a varying effect may not be accounted for by reference to an unchanging cause” (Johnson &
Associates, 1959, p. 5).
It is therefore difficult to rule out the possibility that linguistic and/or motor aspects of stuttering are not merely
the overt manifestation of events that take place at prior stages of sentence planning. These events may only become
observable downstream in the form of vocal tract movements, and may be most easily characterized in terms of the
words or sentences in which they occur. For example, it has been posited that early in sentence planning speakers
formulate communicative intentions (Levelt, 1989; Levelt, Roelofs, & Meyers, 1999), which involves the integration
of multiple sources of information. One type of information is the relative degree of familiarity between a speaker
and an audience, also referred to as common ground (Horton & Gerrig, 2005). Thus, formulating a communicative
intention when there is relatively little common ground between a speaker and an audience may involve relatively
greater demand on sentence planning, leading to a greater likelihood of stuttering occurring in overt speech.
A. Buhr, P. Zebrowski / Journal of Fluency Disorders 34 (2009) 155–172 169
One might therefore speculate that instances of stuttering originate where the formulation of communicative inten-
tions meets the construction of the sentence itself. For example, increased demand on formulating a communicative
intention, such as making decisions about what to say or how to say it, may delay downstream linguistic and/or motor
processes, thereby creating natural opportunities for speech disfluencies to occur. Instances of stuttering may thus
emerge in overt speech due to the effort required to manage naturally occurring disfluencies. As speculated above,
managing naturally occurring disfluencies may be an important aspect of speech-language acquisition.
During social communication, a speaker must not only make decisions that accurately convey a communicative
intention, but must make such decisions in an appropriate amount of time given the dynamic social interaction. These
twin pressures would likely be most intense at the beginning of an utterance, and would most likely be experienced at
the initiation of speech. Efforts to manage such communicative pressures may be more demanding for some speakers,
potentially contributing to atypical speech-language development. In support of this notion, some evidence suggests
that children who stutter may be more susceptible to conversational pressures (e.g., Savelkoul, Zebrowski, Feldstein, &
Cole-Harding, 2007). Thus, demand on sentence planning may be greatest during dynamic social interaction, and may
be particularly problematic for timing the initiation of speech (see Packman, Code, & Onslow, 2007, for discussion of
syllable initiation in stuttering).
One limitation of the present study was that, although the acquisition of speech can take place over several years, the
data used in the present study covered a range of only two years. Thus, developmental subgroups such as “persistent”
and “recovered” (Yairi & Ambrose, 2005) were not addressed. Another limitation was that only 12 children participated
in the present study. While it would have been ideal to use additional children, the longitudinal design encompassing five
visits limited the number of participants for whom data could be collected and analyzed. A final limitation was that func-
tion and content words were not analyzed according to phonological word position. However, the present focus on sen-
tence position permitted investigation of similarities between SLDs and ODs, particularly in terms of sentence planning.
5. Conclusion
Results of the present investigation were taken to support the notion that word- and sentence-level measures of
stuttering may both tap into sentence planning. While both SLDs and ODs appear to originate at the same level of
sentence planning, they may differ in terms of their manifestation in overt speech. It was suggested that although both
SLDs and ODs may be most easily observed in linguistic terms, this does not entail that linguistic factors are causal
contributors to stuttering. Rather, one aspect of sentence planning that may be involved in stuttering is formulating
communicative intentions. In particular, the interface between intention formulation and linguistic aspects of sentence
planning may present opportunities for speech disfluencies to occur, and efforts to manage such disfluency may be
an important factor in stuttering, particularly for timing the initiation of speech. Finally, present findings point to
the importance of situational contributors to stuttering. However, further research is needed to identify the types of
situational contributors most relevant to dynamic social interaction as well as their potential impact on stuttering.
CONTINUING EDUCATION
Sentence position and syntactic complexity of stuttering in early childhood: A longitudinal study
QUESTIONS
Educational Objectives
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Dr. Carol Hubbard Seery at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Dr. Edward
Conture at Vanderbilt University, and Dr. Peter Howell at University College London, for editorial comments on earlier
versions of this manuscript. This research was partially supported by the National Institutes of Health, the National
Institute On Deafness and Other Communications Disorders, grant # RO1-DC 05210, principal investigators: Ehud
Yairi and Nicoline Ambrose. This research was also supported in part by grant # T32 HD07226 from the National
Institute of Child Health and Human Development to Vanderbilt University. The author opinions expressed in this
article do not necessarily reflect the position of the National Institutes of Health.
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Anthony P. Buhr, earned his PhD in Speech and Hearing Science from the University of Iowa in Iowa City in May, 2007. He is now a postdoctoral
research fellow at the Vanderbilt Kennedy Center and the Department of Hearing and Speech Sciences at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, TN.
Patricia M. Zebrowski, earned her PhD at Syracuse University and is currently a professor at the University of Iowa in Iowa City.