Ebook Sociology The Essentials PDF Full Chapter PDF
Ebook Sociology The Essentials PDF Full Chapter PDF
Ebook Sociology The Essentials PDF Full Chapter PDF
j ." SOCIOmGY
~ THE ESSENTIALS
.w J
Margaret L. Andersen
University of Delaware
Howard F. Taylor
Princeton University
~- tr~ CENGAGE
Sociology: The Essentials, Tenth Editio n 0 2020, 2017, Ceng ag e Learnin g, Inc.
Ma rg a re t L. An d e rsen an d H o w a rd F. Tayl o r
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11 Gender 268
12 Sexuality 298
2 wore a "UEOIl
Defining Culture 28 Theoretical Perspectives on Culture and the
The Power of Culture: Ethnocentrism, Media 51
Cultural Relativism, and Culture Culture and Group Solidarity 52
Shock 30 Culture, Power, and Social Conflict 53
Characteristics of Culture 32 Symbolic Interaction and the Study
The Elements of Culture 35 of Culture 54
Feminist Theory and Culture 54
Language 35
Norms 38 Cultural Chang e 55
Beliefs 39 Culture Lag 55
Values 39 Sources of Cultural Change 55
Cultural Diversity 41 Chapter Summary 57
Dominant Culture 41 Doing Sociological Research
Subcultures 43 Tattoos: Status Risk or Status Symbol? 34
Countercultures 44
The Globalization of Culture 44 Understanding Diversity
The Social Meaning of Language 39
The Mass Media and Popular Culture 45
A Sociological Eye on the Media
The Organization ofMass Media 48 Death of a Superstar 46
Race, Gender, and Class in the Media 49
-
€ontents -
Karl Marx: Class and Capitalism 195 What Would a Sociologist Say?
Max Weber: Class, Status, and Party 196 Social Class and Sports 177
Functionalism and Conflict Theory: The Understanding Diversity
Continuing Debate 197 The Student Debt Crisis 18 5
Poverty 198 Doing Sociological Research
Defining Poverty 199 The Fragile Mi ddle Class 18 6
Who Are the Poor? 199 A Sociological Eye On the Media
Causes of Poverty 202 Reproducin g Class Stereotypes 193
Welfare and Social Policy 204
Chapter Summary 206
Power and Militancy in the Movement for Racial Chapter Summary 267
Justice 264 Doing Sociological Research
#BlackLivesMatter 264 Halloween Costumes: Reproducing Racial
Strategies for Change: Race-Blind or Color-
Stereotypes 243
Conscious? 265
Where Do We Go From Here? 266
11 cender » h9£&@,
The Social Construction of Gender 270 Theories of Gender 289
Defining Sex and Gender 271 Feminist Theory and the Women's
Sex Differences: Nature or Nurture? 271 Movement 289
Gender Socialization 273 Gender in Global Perspective 292
The Formation ofGender Identity 274 Gender and Social Chang e 293
Sources ofGender Socialization 274
The Price ofConformity 277 Contemporary Attitudes 294
Gender Socialization and Homophobia 278 Legislative Change 294
Race, Gender, and Identity 279 Chapter Summary 296
The Institutional Basis ofGender 280
A Sociological Eye on the Media
Gender Stratification 281 Women in the Media: Where Are Women's
Sexism: The Biased Consequences ofBeliefs 282 Voices? 272
Women's Worth: Still Unequal 283 Doing Sociological Research
The Devaluation ofWomen's Work 288 Eating Disorders: Gender, Race, and
Balancing Work and Family 289 the Body 278
I understanding diversity
Become a Sociologist 12 Sexuality and Disability: Understanding "Marginalized"
The Social Meaning of Language 39 Masculinity 313
Internati onal Adopti on 81 Interracial Dating and Marriage 330
Whiteni ng Job Resumes 145 Social Class and the College Party Scene 367
The Student Debt Crisis 185 Diversity in the Power Elite 419
Refugee Women and the Intersection of Race and The Cosmopolitan Canopy 451
Gender 225
maps
Mapping America's Diversity Viewing Society in Global Perspective
MAP 1-1 A C h a n g in g Po p u latio n 11 MAP 3 -1 Human De ve lo p me nt In d e x 67
MAP 2 -1 En glish La n g u ag e No t Sp o ke n at Ho me 42 MAP 9 -1 The Wo rld Se en thro ug h th e Distrib utio n of
MAP 8 -1 Po vert y in th e Un ited State s 202 Wea lth 211
MAP 1O-1 Ame rican In d ia n and Ala ska Native Re sid e n ce 247 MAP 9 -2 Rich an d Po o r 212
MAP 1O-2 Foreign-Born Popula tion 250 MAP 9 -3 Migration 215
MAP 12 -1 Acce ss to Ab o rtio n Clin ics 316 MAP 9 -4 World Po verty 227
MAP 13 -2 Religio us D ive rsity in the Un ited State s 356 MAP 11-1 Where' s th e Best Place to Be a Woma n ? 292
MAPS 15 -1 and 15 -2 Ele ctoral Vo te by State an d Co u n ty 417 MAP 13 -1 World Relig io ns 355
MAP 15 -3 Wom en He ad s of State 418
MAP 16 -1 Global Warming : View ing the Earth's
Temp e rature 427
PREFACE
You might that think an author would get bored writing yet another edition of a book,
E but someone once said that if you truly understood the sociological perspective, you
. could never be bored.' For us as authors of this new edition, we are hardly bored by the
tenth edition of Sociology: The Essentials. Sociology is endlessly fascinating, and we
Ir are lucky to have the opportunity to revise this book every few years so we can capture
what is so compelling about the subject matter of sociology. With each new edition,
we are reminded of the ever-changing nature of society, the new challenges that come
from our nation's social issues, and the excitement of ongoing research on sociological
M subjects.
ye Sociology: The Essentials teaches students the basic concepts, theories, and insights
of the sociological perspective. With each new edition come different challenges: new
SL topics of study; new generations of students with different learning styles; increasing
diversity among those who will read this book; and new formats for delivering course
content to students. We know that how students learn and how they engage with
their course material comes increasingly in the form of electronic and online learning
resources.
Sociology: The Essentials, tenth edition, takes full advantage of these changes by
having a fully electronic version of the book available, allowing for personalized, fully
online digital learning. The platform of learning resources provided here engages
students in an interactive mode, while also offering instructors the opportunity to
make individualized configurations of course work. Those who want to enhance their
curriculum through online resources will also be able to utilize MindTap Sociology in the
way that best suits their course.
However the book is used, we have revised this edition to reflect the latest changes
in society and new work in sociological scholarship. We are somewhat amazed, even
as sociologists, to see how much change occurs, even in the relatively short period of
time between editions. Our book adapts to these changes with each new edition. In this
B edition, we have maintained and strengthened the themes that have been the book's
hallmark from the start: a focus on diversity in society, attention to society as both
enduring and changing, the significance of social context in explaining human behavior,
the increasing impact of globalization on all aspects of society, and a focus on critical
w thinking and an analysis of society fostered through sociological research and theory.
we know that studying sociology opens new ways of looking at the world. As we
teach our students, sociology is grounded in careful observation of social facts, as well
as in the analysis of how society operates. For students and faculty alike, studying
sociology can be exciting, interesting, and downnght fun, even though it also deals with
sobering social issues, such as the growing inequality, racism, and sexism that continue
to mark our time.
I
We try to capture the excitement of the sociological perspective, while introducing students to how
sociologists do research and how they theoretically approach their subject matter. We know that most
students in an introductory course will not become sociology majors, although we hope, of course, that
our book and their teacher will encourage them to do so. No matter their area of study, we want to give
students a way of thinking about the world that is not immediately apparent to them. We especially want
students to understand how sociology differs from the individualistic thinking that tends to predominate.
This is showcased in the box feature throughout the book entitled, "What Would a Sociologist Say?" Here,
we take a common topic and, with informal writing, briefly discuss how a sociologist would understand this
particular issue. We think this feature helps students see the unique ways that sociologists view everyday
topics- things as commonplace as finding a job or analyzing sports in popular culture. We want our book
to be engaging and accessible to undergraduate readers, while also preserving the integrity of sociological
research and theory. Our experience in teaching introductory students shows us that students can appreciate
the revelations of sociological research and theory if they are presented in an engaging way that connects to
their lives. We have kept this in mind throughout this revision and have focused on material that students can
understand and apply to their own social worlds.
A Focus on Diversity
When we first wrote this book, we did so because we wanted to integrate the then new scholarship on
race, gender, and class into the core of the sociological field. We continue to see race, class, and gender-
or, more broadly, the study of inequality- as one of the core insights of sociological research and theory.
With that in mind, diversity, and the inequality that sometimes results, is a central theme throughout this
book. A boxed theme, Understanding Diversity, highlights this feature, but you will find that the analysis
of inequality, especially by race, gender, and class, is woven throughout the book.
Preface
Social Change
'the sociological perspective helps students see society as characterized both by constant change and
social stability. Throughout this book, we analyze how society changes and how events, both dramatic
and subtle, influence change. We have added new material throughout the text that shows students how
sociological research can help them understand that social changes are influencing their lives, even if
students think of these changes as individual problems.
Global Perspective
One of the main things we hope students learn in an introductory course is how broad-scale conditions
influence their everyday lives. Understanding this idea is a cornerstone of the sociological perspective.
we use a global perspective to examine how global changes are affecting all parts of life within the United
States, as well as other parts of the world. This means more than including cross-cultural examples. It
means, for example, examining phenomena such as migration and immigration or helping students
understand that their own consumption habits are profoundly shaped by global interconnections.
The availability of jobs, too, is another way students can learn about the impact of an international
division of labor on work within the United States. Our global perspective is found in the research and
examples cited throughout the book, as well as in various chapters that directly focus on the influence of
globalization on particular topics, such as work, culture, and crime.
different types and tools of sociological research. <As in the previous edition, we place th h
. e c apter on
research methods after the chapter on culture as a way of capturing student interest
tio and1d th e Lifete C .ourse,"» contains material
"S ocialization
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1 Chapter 4,
early.
theory and , ,
. . . . research, including
agents of socialization such as the media, family, and peers. There is more focus on th 3
e influence of
Preface
social media. The chapter also emphasizes the importance of socialization in various transitions, such
as the transition to adulthood.
Chapter 5, "Social Structure and Social Interaction," emphasizes how changes in the macrostructure of
society influence the micro level of social interaction. We do this by focusing on technological changes that are
now part of students' everyday lives and making the connection between changes at the societal level in the
everyday realities of people's lives. The chapter includes material on social media, including how people create
identities online and use social media websites to interact with others.
In Chapter 6, "Groups and Organizations," we study social groups and bureaucratic organizations,
using sociology to understand the complex processes of group influence, organizational dynamics,
and the bureaucratization of society. The chapter includes a discussion of organizational culture,
McDonaldization, and the significance of social networks. Chapter 7, "Deviance and Crime," includes the
study of sociological theories and research on deviance and crime. The core material is illustrated with
contemporary events, such as police shootings of young, Black men and mass shootings. The chapter
has been updated to reflect the newest research on gender-based violence and hate crime. As in previous
edition, the chapter maintains a focus on race, class, and gender inequality in the criminal justice system,
including mass incarceration of Black Americans and Hispanics.
In Part m, "Social Inequalities," each chapter explores a particular dimension of stratification in
society. Beginning with the significance of class, Chapter 8, "Social Class and Social Stratification,"
provides an overview of basic concepts central to the study of class and social stratification. The chapter
has a substantial emphasis on growing inequality with the newest research and data on this topic. The
section on poverty reflects the latest research, as does material on social mobility. There is updated data
throughout and new data on the likelihood of social mobility in the United States compared to other
nations. Chapter 9, "Global Stratification," follows with a particular emphasis on understanding the
significance of global stratification, the inequality that has developed among, as well as within, various
nations. Data and examples are updated throughout, and the process of globalization is a central theme in
the chapter. Chapter 10, "Race and Ethnicity," is a comprehensive review of the significance of race and
ethnicity in society, an increasingly important topic. The chapter focuses on race as a social construction,
showing the institutional basis of racial inequality. Throughout, current examples and the most recent
data illustrate basic concepts about race, ethnicity, and immigration. Chapter 11, "Gender," focuses
on gender as a central concept in sociology closely linked to systems of stratification in society. The
chapter helps students understand the distinction in sex and gender, including the social construction of
gender. Research on LGBTQ people is included, as is discussion of transgender. Chapter 12, "Sexuality,"
treats sexuality as a social construction and a dimension of social stratification and inequality. We
have emphasized the influence of feminist theory on the study of sexuality. The chapter also explores
research on pornography and violence against women and the sexual double standard. There is new data
throughout on topics such as abortion rates, teen pregnancy, and contraception usage.
Part rv, "Social Institutions," includes three chapters, each focusing on basic institutions within society.
Chapter 13, "Families and Religion," maintains its inclusion of important topics in the study of families, such
as interracial dating, same-sex marriage, fatherhood, gender roles within families, and family violence. We
have updated material on marriage and divorce rates and also include a discussion of the impact of economic
stress on families. Chapter 14, "Education and Health Care," emphasizes inequality in these two important
institutions. There is discussion of school segregation and its consequences and the latest material on
health care, including details about the Affordable Care Act even while that is being debated in social policy.
Chapter 15, "Economy and Politics," analyzes the state, power, authority, and bureaucratic government. It
also contains a detailed discussion of theories of power. There is current research on LGBTQ experiences in
the workplace. The section on politics has been revised to show the influence of money in politics, and the
chapter includes the most recent available material on the demographics of voting behavior.
Part V, "Social Change," includes Chapter 16, "Environment, Population, and Social Change." This
chapter is framed by environmental sociology- a topic of great interest to today's students. The chapter
opens with a sociological analysis of environmental change, including sustainability and climate change.
There is a basic introduction to demography, as well as a discussion of the social dimensions of natural
disasters. The social movements section includes an illustration from the "Black Lives Matter" movement.
Preface
Chapter Outlines. A concise chapter outline at the beginning of each chapter provides students with an
overview of the major topics to be covered.
Key Terms. Key terms and major concepts appear in bold when first introduced in the chapter. A list of
the key terms is found at the end of the chapter, which makes study more effective. Definitions for, the
key terms are found in the glossary.
Theory Tables. Each chapter includes a table that summarizes different theoretical perspectives by com-
paring and contrasting how these theories illuminate different aspects of different subjects.
Chapter Summary in Question-and-Answer Format. Questions and answers highlight the major
points in each chapter and provide a quick review of major concepts and themes covered in the chapter.
A Glossary and complete References for the whole text are found at the back of the book.
Instructor Resources
Sociology: The Essentials, tenth edition, is accompanied by a wide array of supplements prepared to create
the best learning environment inside as well as 0utside the classroom for both instructors and students.
All the continuing supplements for Sociology: The Essentials, tenth edition, have been thoroughly revised
and updated. We invite you to take full advantage of the teaching and learning tools available to you.
Instructor's Resource Manual. This supplement offers instructors brief chapter outlines, student learn-
ing objectives, American Sociological Association recommendations, key terms and people, detailed
chapter lecture outlines, lecture/discussion suggestions, student activities, chapter worksheets, video
suggestions, video activities, and Internet exercises. The tenth edition also includes a syllabus to help
instructors easily organize learning t0ols and create lessen plans.
Cengage Learning Testing Powered by Cognero. This flexible, online system allows teachers to
author, edit, and manage test bank content from multiple Cengage Learning solutions, create multiple test
versions in an instant, and deliver tests from your LMs, your classroom, or wherever you want.
PowerPoint Slides. Preassembled Microsoft° PowerPoint lecture slides with graphics from the text
make it easy for you to assemble, edit, publish, and present custom lectures for your course.
Acknowledgments
We relied on the comments of many reviewers to improve the book, and we thank them for the time they
gave in developing very thoughtful comrnentar.ies on the different chapters.
We appreciate the efforts ofmany people who make this project possible. We are fortunate to be
working with a publishing team with great enthusiasm for this project. We thank all of the people at
Cengage Learning who have worked with us on this and other projects, especially Ava Fruin, who
shepherded this edition through important revisions. We were also fortunate to have the guidance of
Sarnen Iqbal, who oversaw the many aspects of production that are critical to the book's success. We
especially thank Laura Sanderson for her extraordinary and careful work in the production process.
Finally, our special thanks also go to our spouses Richard Morris Rosenfeld and Patricia Epps Taylor for
their ongoing love anti willingness to put up with us when we are frazzled by the project details!
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PERSPECTIVE
What Is Sociology? 2
The Sociological Perspective 4
The Significance of Diversity 10
The Development of Sociological Theory 14 I¥
Theoretical Frameworks in Sociology 19
Chapter Summary 25
Imagine you had been switched with another infant at birth. How different would your life be? What if
your accidental family was very poor...or very rich? How might this have affected the schools you
attended, the health care you received, and the possibilities for your future career? If you had been
raised in a different religion, would this have affected your beliefs, values, and attitudes? Taking a greater
leap, what if you had been born another sex or a different race? What would you be like now?
We are talking about changing the basic facts of your life- your famil y, social class, education, reli-
gion, sex, and race. Each has major consequences for who you are and how you wil l fare in life. These
factors play a major part in writing your life script. Your social location (meaning a person's place in soci-
ety) establishes the limits and possibilities of a life.
CHAPTER1 The Sociological Perspective
Consider this:
• The people least likely to attend college are those most likely to benefit from it (Brand and Xie 2010).
Neighborhoods with high concentration of African Americans and, to some extent, Latinos and
Asian Americans are less likely to include health-related businesses such as fresh food markets,
physical fitness facilities, and various health-providing social service organizations (Anderson 2017;
Walker, Reece, and Burke 2010).
• Sons who have sisters are less likely to provide elder care to their parents than are sons without
sisters. At the same time, daughters (who provide more elder care overall) provide more care to
mothers than they do for fathers (Grigoryeva 2017).
These conclusions, drawn from current sociological research, describe some consequences of your par-
ticular location in society. Although we may take our place in society for granted, our social location has a pro-
found effect on our chances in life. The power of sociology is that it teaches us to see how society influences
our lives and the lives of others, and it helps us explain the consequences of different social arrangements.
Sociology also has the power to help us understand the influence of major changes on people. Cur-
rently, rapidly developing technologies, increasing globalization, a more diverse population in the United
States, and growth in social inequality are affecting everyone, although in different ways. How are these
changes affecting your life? Perhaps you rely on social media to keep in touch with friends. Maybe your
school includes people speaking many different languages. Perhaps you see women and men in your
community finding it harder to make ends meet, while people with vast sums of money shape national
policy. All of these are issues that guide sociological questions. Sociology explains some of the causes and
consequences of ihese changes.
Although society is always changing, it is also remarkably stable. People generally follow established pat-
terns of human behavior, and you can often anticipate how people will behave in certain situations. You can
even anticipate how different social conditions will affect different groups of people in society. This is what
sociologists find so interesting: Society is marked by both change and stability. Societies continually evolve,
creating the need for people to adapt to change whil e still following generally established patterns of behavior.
What Is Sociology?
Sociology is the study of human behavior in society. Sociologists are interested in the study of people
and have learned a fundamental lesson: Human behavior, even when seemingly "natural" or taken
for granted, is shaped by social
structures- structures that have
their origins beyond the immedi-
ately visible behaviors of everyday
life. In other words, all human
behavior occurs in a social context.
That context-the institutions and
culture that surround us-shapes
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CHAPTER 1 Th e So cio lo g ica l Pe rsp e ctive -
observing people, but it goes far beyond casual observations. It builds from objective analyses that others
can validate as reliable.
Every day, the media in their various forms (television, film, video, digital, and print) bombard us
with social commentary. Media commentators provide endless opinions about the various and some-
times bizarre forms of behavior in society. Sociology is different. Sociologists often appear in the media,
and they study some of the same subjects that the media examine, such as crime, violence, or income
inequality, but sociologists use specific research techniques and well-tested theories to explain social
issues. Indeed, sociology can provide the tools for testing whether the things we hear about society are
actually true- an increasingly important contribution in an era where many think that the media pro-
mote so-called fake news- a phenomenon that itself has social causes and consequences. Learning how
to assess such claims is an important contribution of sociological research, as you will see in the feature
"Debunking Society's Myths" appearing throughout this book.
The subject matter of sociology is everywhere. This is why people sometimes wrongly believe that
sociology just explains the obvious. Sociologists bring a unique perspective to understanding social behav-
ior and social change. Even though sociologists often do research on familiar topics, such as youth cultures
or racial inequality, they do so using specific research tools and frames of analysis (known as sociologi-
cal theory). Psychologists, anthropologists, political scientists, economists, social workers, and others also
study social behavior, although each has a different perspective or "angle" on people in society.
How is sociology different from psychology? After all, both study people and both identify some of
the social forces that shape our lives. There is, however, a difference. Research in psychology can inform
some sociological analyses, but the focus in psychology is more on individuals-what makes individuals
do what they do and how individual minds and emotions work. Increasingly, psychology is also influ-
enced by the studies of the brain that are emerging from the techniques of neuroscience. Sociologists, on
As you build your sociological perspective, you must learn certain key concepts to begin understanding how
sociologists view human behavior. Social structure, social institutions, social change, and social interaction are
not the only sociological concepts, but they are fundamental to grasping the sociological perspective.
Social Interaction. Sociologists see social interaction as behavior between two or more people that is
given meaning. Through social interaction, people react and change, depending on the actions and reac-
tions of others. Because society changes as new forms of human behavior emerge, change is always
in the works.
Social Structure. We define social structure as the organized pattern of social relationships and social
institutions that together constitute society. Social structure is not a "thing," but refers to the fact that
social forces not always visible to the human eye guide and shape human behavior. Acknowledging that
social structure exists does not mean that humans have no choice in how they behave, only that those
choices are largely conditioned by one's location in society.
Social Institutions. In this book, you will also learn about the significance of social institutions, de-
fined as established and organized systems of social behavior with a particular and recognized purpose.
Family, religion, marriage, government, and the economy are examples of major social institutions. So-
cial institutions confront individuals at birth and transcend individual experience, but they still influence
individual behavior.
• Social Change. As you can tell, sociologists are also interested in the process of social change, the altera-
tion of society over time. As much as sociologists see society as producing certain outcomes, they do not
see society as fixed, nor do they see humans as passive recipients of social expectations. Sociologists view
society as stable but constantly changing.
As you read this book, you will see that these key concepts-social interaction, social structure, social insti-
tutions, and social change-are central to the sociological imagination.
CHAPTER1 The Sociological Perspective
the other hand, though they learn from psychological research, are more interested in the broad social
forces that shape society as a whole and the people within it (See the box "What Would a Sociologist
Say?2" for an example.) Together, these and other social sciences provide compelling, though different,
views of hum an behavior.
prememe
Getting Pregnant: A Very Social Act
When does a woman get pregnant? Simple, you might think--it's biological. Of course, you can think of preg-
nancy from a biological perspective, as resulting from the process of fertilization. Or, you might think of preg-
nancy from a psychological perspective, analyzing the desire to have a child as rootea in an individualdeci-
sion-making processes. You might even think about pregnancy from a Gross-culturral or historical perspective,
analyzing childbirth in different cultural contexts or analyzing historical changes in how pregnancy is managed
by the medical profession. What would a sociologist say about getting pregnant?
From a sociological perspective, pregnancy is deeply social behavior. There would be many sociological
angles for studying pregnancy. An example from recent research reveals the power of sociological thinking.
Sociological researchers have found that the likelihood of becoming pregnant increases significantly in the
two years following a friend's having had a child. As the researchers conclude, even such personaldecisions as
the decision to have a child result from the web of social relationships in which people are embedded (Balbo and
Barban 2014). Pregnancy may seem like a very personal decision, but it is fertile ground for sociological study.
What other social forces do you think might influence the likelihood of getting pregnant?
be thinner or curvier, your pants should be baggy or "skinny," women's breasts should be minimized or
maximized-either way, you need more products. Maybe you should have a complete makeover! Many
people go to great lengths to try to achieve a constantly changing beauty ideal, one that is probably not
even attainable (such as flawless skin, hair always in place, with perfectly proportioned body parts).
Sometimes trying to meet these ideals can even be hazardous to your physical and mental health. The
ideals also vary depending on your gender.
The point is that the alleged standards of beauty are produced by social forces that extend far beyond
an individual's concern with personal appearance. Appearance ideals, like other socially established
beliefs and practices, are produced in particular social and historical contexts. People may come up with
all kinds of personal strategies for achieving these ideals: They may buy more products, try to lose more
weight or get bulked up, possibly becoming depressed and anxious if they think their efforts are failing.
These personal behaviors may seem to be only individual issues, but they have basic social causes. The
sociological imagination permits us to see that something as seemingly personal as how you look arises
from a social context, not just individual behavior.
Sociologists are certainly concerned about individuals, but they are attuned to the social and histori-
cal context that shapes individual and group experiences. The sociological imagination distinguishes
between troubles and issues. Troubles are privately felt problems that spring from events or feelings in
a person's life. Issues affect large numbers of people and have their origins in the institutional arrange-
ments and history of a society (Mills 1959). This distinction is the crux of the difference between individual
experience and social structure, defined as the organized pattern of social relationships and social insti-
tutions that together constitute society. Issues shape the context within which troubles arise. Sociologists
employ the sociological perspective to understand how issues are shaped by social structures.
Mills used the example of unemployment to explain the meaning of troubles versus issues- an
example that still has resonance given people's concerns about finding work. When an individual per-
son becomes unemployed- or cannot find work- he or she has a personal trouble, such as the worry
that many college graduates have experienced in trying to find work following graduation. The personal
trouble unemployment brings may include financial problems as well as the person feeling a loss of
identity, becoming depressed, or having to uproot a family and move. College students may have to move
back home with parents after graduation.
The problem of unemployment, however, is deeper than the experience of any one person.
Unemployment is rooted in the structure of society- this is what interests sociologists. What societal
forces cause unemployment? Who is most likely to become unemployed at different times? How does
- €H:AP1iER 1 The Sociological Perspective
unemployment affect an entire community (for instance, when a large plant shuts down) or an entire
nation (such as when recessions hit)? Sociologists know that unemployment causes personal troubles,
but understanding unemployment is more than understanding one person's experience. It requires
understanding the social structural conditions that influence people's lives.
The specific task of sociology, according to Mills, is to comprehend the whole of human society-its
personal and public dimensions, historical and contemporary-and its influence on the lives of human
beings. Mills had an important point: Reople often feel that things are beyond their control, meaning that
people are shaped by social forces larger than their individual lives. Social forces influence our lives in
profound ways, even though we may not always know how. Consider this: Sociologists have noted a cur-
rent trend, popularly labeled "the boomerang generation" or "accordion families" (Newman 2012). These
terms refer to the pattern whereby many young people, after having left their family home to attend
college, are returning home after graduation. Although this may seem like an individual decision to save
money on housing or live "free" while paying off student loans, when a whole generation experiences
this living arrangement, there are social forces at work that extend beyond individual decisions. In other
words, people feel the impact of social forces in their personal lives, even though they may not always
know the full dimensions of those forces. This is where sociology comes into play- revealing the social
structures that shape the different dimensions of our day-to-day lives. Social structure is a lot like air: You
cannot directly "see" it, but it is essential to living our lives.
Sociologists see social structures through careful and systematic observation. This makes sociology
an empirical discipline. Empirical refers to careful observation, not just conjecture or opinion. In this
way, sociology is very different from common sense. For empirical observations to be useful to others,
they must be gathered and recorded rigorously. Sociologists are also obliged to reexamine their assump-
tions and conclusions constantly. Although the specific methods that sociologists use to examine differ-
ent problems vary, as we will see in Chapter 3 on sociological research methods the em . . b . f
J ' 'pIrca, 1 as1s O
sociology is what distinguishes it from mere opinion or other forms of social comment
ary.
120%
Bottom 90 Top 10
100%
80%
60%
40%
20% e-
0%
The number of women prisoners has increased at almost twice the rate of increase for men; two-
thirds of women and half of men in prison are parents (Carson and Anderson 2016; Glaze and
Maruschak 2008).
These facts provide unsettling evidence of persistent problems in the United States, problems that are
embedded in society, notjust in individual behavior. Sociologists try to reveal the social factors that shape
society and determine the chances of success for different groups. Some never get the chance to go to college;
others are unlikely to ever go to jail. These divisions persist because of people's placement within society.
A Figure 1-1 provides graphic evidence of how changes in society might determine the opportunities
for success of different groups. This image shows what percentage of income growth went to the top
10 percent and the bottom 90 percent of the U.S. population since World War II. This was a period of great
economic expansion in the United States. How was income growth distributed over this time period and
who benefitted? As you can see in this image, since 2000, the bottom 90 percent of the population has
experienced a dramatic decline in income growth. How does this affect opportunity for people like you?
Myth: Anyone who works hard enough in the United States can get ahead.
Sociological Research: There are periods in society when some groups are able to move ahead. As examples, the
Black middle class expanded following changes in civil rights laws in the 1960s; the White middle class also grew
in the post-World War l period as the result of such things as GI benefits for returning vets and government sup-
port for home ownership. However, although there are exceptions, most people do not change their social class
position from that in which they were born. As Figure 1.1 shows you, at times groups may even fall further behind
as the result of conditions in society (Pi ketty 2014; Noah 2013).
CHAPTER1 The Sociological Perspective
How might it help explain the growing concern with class inequality? We will discuss these changes more
in Chapter 8, but for now, perhaps you can begin to understand how sociologists study the broad social
forces that shape people's life chances. Something as simple as being born in a particular generation can
shape the course of your lifetime.
Sociologists study not just the disquieting side of society. Sociologists may also study questions
that affect everyday life, such as how children's play and sports aff ect their developing gender identities
(Messner and Musto 2016), worker--customer dynamics in nail salons (Kang 2010), or the expectations
that young women and men have for combining work and family life (Gerson 2010). There are also many
intriguing studies of unusual groups, such as cyberspace users (Turkel 2012), strip clubs and dancers
(Barton 2017), or competitive eaters (Ferguson 2014). The subject matter of sociology is vast. some
research illuminates odd corners of society; other studies address urgent problems of society that may
affect the lives of millions.
Debunking in Sociology
The power of sociological thinking is that it helps us see everyday life in new ways. Sociologists question
actions and ideas that are usually taken for granted. Peter Berger (1963) calls this process "debunking."
Debunking refers to looking behind the facades of everyday life-what Berger called the "unmasking
tendency" of sociology (1963: 38). In other words, sociologists look at the behind-the-scenes patterns and
processes that shape the behavior they observe in the social world.
Take schooling, for example: We can see how the sociological perspective debunks common
assumptions about education. Most people think that education is primarily a way to learn and get
ahead. Although this is true, a sociological perspective on education reveals something more. Sociolo-
gists have concluded that more than learning takes place in schools; other social processes are at work.
Social cliques are formed where some students are "insiders" and others are excluded "outsiders." Young
schoolchildren acquire not just formal knowledge but also the expectations of society and people's place
within it. Race and class conflicts are often played out in schools (Lewis and Diamond 2015). Poor children
seldom have the same resources in schools as middle-class or elite children, and they are often assumed
to be incapable of doing schoolwork and are treated accordingly. The somber reality is that schools often
stifle the opportunities of some children rather than launch all children toward success (Kozol 2012).
Cultural practices that seem bizarre to outsiders may be taken for granted or defined as appropriate by insiders.
CHAPTER 1 Th e So ci olo g ica l Pe rsp e ctive -
nae
Evicted
Research Question
Sociologist Matthew Desmond was curious about the character of poverty in the Uni ted States, but the more he
thought about it, the more he realized that people's housing arrangements were a critical part of this problem.
Specifically, he wanted to know more about housing eviction: How much does it happen? What are its conse-
quences? Who gets evicted and why? He soon realized that most studies of poverty and housing focused solely
on public housing, even though many of the poor are renters in the private market.
Research Method
He began his research by designing a survey of the private housing sector in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, then inter-
viewing 1100 tenants in their homes in households across the city to be as representative as possible (see Chap-
ter 3 for more details on research methods). At the same time, he lived in one of the city's trailer parks, taking
extensive and detailed notes that allowed him to understand housing eviction through the eyes of those affected
by it. His use of multiple methods, including his interviews, field notes, and formal records, provides a powerful
analysis of eviction and its consequences.
Research Results
His results were published in a Pulitzer prize winning book. His results are rich and detailed, by his following the
lives of some of the people he interviewed. Among other things, he found that almost half (48 percent) of forced
moves were "informal evictions"-that is, not processed through the courts, but just forced by a landlord. Eviction
resulted in many additional problems, including poor physical and mental health (especially for mothers), disrup-
tion in children's education, job loss, homelessness, declines in neighborhood quality, and a disruption of social
bonds that stable housing provides.
Questions to Consider
1. Were you to be evicted from where you live, what would be the consequences? How might they be affected
by your age, your race, and your family status?
2. Are there organizations in your community that assist people who need affordable housing? If so, who do
they support and how? If not, do you see a need for such assistance?
Source: Desmond, Matthew. 2016. Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City. New York: Crown Publishers.
Myth: Email scams promising to deliver a large sum of cash from some African bank if you contact the email
deliverer prey on people who are just stupid or old.
Sociological Research: Studies of these email scams indicate that Americans and Brits are especially susceptible
to such scams because they play on widely held cultural stereotypes about Africa (that these are economically
unsophisticated nations in which people are unable to manage money). These scams also exploit the American
cultural belief that it is possible to "get rich quick"reflecting a belief in individualism and the belief that anyone
who tries hard enough can get ahead (Smith 2009).
- •
when looking at a culture or society different from one's own.
stione in one society may seem positively bizarre to an out-
1
na, it was usual for the elite classes to bind the feet of young girls to
w :r- a practice allegedly derived from a mistress of the emperor. Bound
feet were a sign • 'icacy and vulnerability. A woman with large feet (defined as more than 4 inches
long! ) was thought to bring shame to her husband's household. 'the practice was supported by the
belief that men were highly aroused by small feet, even though men never actually saw the naked foot.
lf they had, they might have been repulsed, because a woman's actual foot was U-shaped and often rot-
ten and covered with dead skin (Blake 1994). Outside the social, cultural, and historical context in which
it was practiced, footbindin g seems bizarre, even dangerous. Feminists have pointed out that Chinese
women were crippled by this practice, making them unable to move about freely and more dependent
on men (Chang 1991).
This is an example of outsiders debunking a practice that was taken for granted by those within
the culture. Debunking can also call into question practices in one's own culture that may normally
go unexamined. Strange as the practice of Chinese footbinding may seem to you, how might some-
one from another culture view wearing shoes that make it difficult to walk? Or piercing one's tongue
or eyebrow? Many take these practices of contemporary U.S. culture for granted, just as they do
Chinese footbinding. Until tfiese cultural processes are debunked, seen as if for the first time, they
might seem normal.
0efihg iversiy
Today, the United Sates indudes peopl e from all nations and races. In 1900, one in eight Americans was
not White, day, racial an d ethnic minority groups (including African Americans, Hispanics, American
Indians, Native Hawaiians, Asian Americans, and people of more than one race) represent 23 percent of
Americans, and hat proporion is growing (see • Table 1-1and map1-1).
CHAPTER1 The Sociological P.er-spetti11e -
The nation is becoming increasingly diverse, but the distribution of minority groups differs in various regions of
the country. Looking at this map, what factors do you think influence the distribution of the population?
Percentage
50.0 or more
36.3 1o 49.9
25.0 to 36.2
10.0 to 24.9
Less than 10. a,
,o
Perhaps the most basic lesson of sociology is that people are shaped by the social context around
them. In the United States, with so much cultural diversity, people will share some experiences, but not
all. Experiences not held in common can include some of the most important influences on social devel-
opment, such as language, religion, and the traditions of family and community. Understanding diversity
means recognizing this diversity and making it central to sociological analyses.
CHAPTER 1 The Sociological Perspective
pa
Become a Sociologist
Individual biographies often have a great influence on the subjects sociologists choose to study. The authors of this
book are no exception. Margaret Andersen, a White woman, now studies the sociology of race and women's
studies. Howard Taylor, an African American man, studies race, social psychology, and especially race and intelligence
testing. Here, each of them writes about the influence of their early experiences on becoming a sociologist.
Margaret Andersen
As J was growing up in the 1950s and 1960s, my family moved from California to Georgia, then to Massachusetts
and then back to Georgia. Moving as we did from urban to small-t'own environments and in and out of regions '
of the country that were very different in their racial character, I probably could not help becoming fascinated
by the sociology of race. Oakland, California, where I was born, was highly diverse; my
neighborhood was mostly White and Asian American. When I moved to a small town
in Georgia in the 1950s, I was ten years old, but l was shocked by the racial norms I
encountered. I had always loved riding in the back of the bus-our major mode of
transportation in Oakland-and could not understand why this was no longer allowed.
labeled by my peers as an outsider because I was not southern, I painfully learned
I
...J
what it meant to feel excluded just because of "where you are from."
When I moved again to suburban Boston in the 1960s, I was defined by Bostonians
I
as a southerner and was ridiruled. Nicknamed "Dixie," I was teased for how I talked.
i
(continued)
CHAPTER 1 The Sociological Perspective -
Unlike in the South, where Black people were part of White peopl e's daily liv es despite stri ct racial segregation,
Black people in Boston were even less visibl e. In my high school of 2500 or so students, Black students were
rare. To me, the school seemed not much different from the strictly segregated schools I had attended in Georgi a.
My family soon returned to Georgia, where I was an outsider again; when I later returned to Massachusetts for
graduate school in the 1970s, I worri ed about how a southerner would be accepted in thi s "Yankee" environment.
Because I had acquired a southern accent, I think many of my teachers stereotyped me and thought I was not
as smart as the students from other places.
These early lessons, which I may have been unaware of at the time, must have kindled my interest in the
sociology of race relations. As I expl ored sociology, I wondered how the concepts and theories of race rela-
tions applied to women's lives. So much of what I had experienced growing up as a woman in thi s society was
completely unexamined in what I studied in school. As the women's movement developed in the 1970s, I found
sociology to be the framework that helped me understand the significance of gender and race in people's lives.
To this day, I wri te and teach about race and gender, using sociology to help students understand their signifi-
cance in society.
Howard Taylor
I grew up in Cleveland, Ohio, the son of African American professional parents. My mother, Murtis Taylor, was
a social worker and the founder and then president of a social work agency called the Murtis H. Taylor Human
Services Center in Cleveland, Ohio. She is well known for her contributions to
the city of Cleveland and was an earl y "superwoman," worki ng days and nights,
cooking, caring for her two sons, and being active in many professional and civic
activities. I think this gave me an early appreciation for the roles of women and
the place of gender in society, although I surely would not have articulated it as
such at the time.
My father was a businessman in a then all-Black life insurance company. He
was also a "closet scientist," always doing physics experiments, talking about sci-
entific studies, and bringing home scientific gadgets. He encouraged my brother
and me to engage in science, so we were always experimenting with scientific
studies in the basement of our house. In the summers, I worked for my mother in the social service agency
where she worked, as a camp counselor, and in other jobs. Early on, I contemplated becoming a social worker,
but I was also excited by science. As a young child, I acquired my father's love of science and my mother's
interest in society. In college, the one field that would gratify both sides of me, science and social work, was
sociology. I wanted to study human interaction, but I also wanted to be a scientist, so the appeal of sociology
was clear.
At the same time, growing up African American meant that I faced the consequences of race every day. It
was always there, and like other young African American children, I spent much of my childhood confronting
racism and prejudice. When I discovered sociology, in addition to bridging the scientific and humanistic parts
of my interests, I found a field that provided a framework for studying race and ethnic relations. The merging
of two ways of thinking, coupled with the analysis of race that sociology has long provided, made sociology
fascinating to me.
Today, my research on race, class, gender, and intelligence testing seems rooted in these early experiences.
I do quantitative research in sociology and see sociology as a science that reveals the workings of race, class, and
gender in society.
CHAPTER1 The Sociological Perspective
worldwide economic markets developed. The traditional ways of the past were giving way to a new social
order. The time was ripe for a new understanding.
Emile Durkheim
During the early academic career of the Frenchman Emile Durkheim (1858-1917), France was in the
throes of great political and religious upheaval. Anti-Semitism (hatred of Jews) was rampant. Durkheim,
himself Jewish, was fascinated by how the public degradation of Jews by non-Jews seemed to calm and
unify a large segment of the divided French public. Durkheim later wrote that public rituals have a spe-
cial purpose in society. Rituals create social solidarity, referring to the bonds that link the members of a
group. Some of Durkheim's most significant works explore what forces hold society together and make
it stable.
CHAPTER1 The Sociological Perspective
According to Durkheim, people in society are glued together by belief systems (Durkheim 1947/1912).
The rituals of religion and other institutions symbolize and reinforce the sense ofbelonging. Public cer-
emonies create a bond between people in a social unit. Durkheim thought that such rituals as publicly
punishing people sustain moral cohesion in society. Durkheim's views on this are further examined in
Chapter 7, which discusses deviant behavior.
Durkheim also viewed society as an entity larger than the sum ofits parts. He described this as soci-
ety sui generis (which translates as "thing in itself"), meaning that society is a subject to be studied sepa-
rately from the sum ofthe individuals who compose it. Society is external to individuals, yet its existence
is internalized in people's minds-that is, people come to believe what society expects them to believe.
Durkheim conceived of society as an integrated whole-each part contributing to the overall stability
of the system. His work is the basis forfunctionalism, an important theoretical perspective that we will
return to later in this chapter.
One contribution from Durkheim was his conceptualization ofthe social facts. Durkheim created the
term social facts to indicate those social patterns that are external to individuals. Things such as customs
and social values exist outside individuals, whereas psychological drives and motivation exist inside people.
Social facts, therefore, are the proper subject ofsociology; they are its reason for being.
A striking illustration ofthis principle was Durkheim's study of suicide (Durkheim 1951/1897). He
analyzed rates of suicide in a society, as opposed to looking at individual (psychological) causes of sui-
cide. He showed that suicide rates varied according to how clear the norms and customs of the society
were, whether the norms and customs were consistent with each other and not contradictory. Anomie (the
breakdown of social norms) exists where norms were either grossly unclear or contradictory; the suicide
rates were higher in such societies or such parts of a society. It is important to note that this condition
is in society-external to individuals, but felt by them (Puffer 2009). In this sense, such a condition is
truly societal.
Durkheim held that social facts, though they exist outside individuals, nonetheless pose constraints
on individual behavior. Durkheim's major contribution was the discovery ofthe social basis ofhuman
behavior. He proposed that society could be known through the discovery and analysis of social facts.
This is the central task of sociology (Coser 1977; Bellah 1973; Durkheim 1950/1938).
Karl Marx
It is hard to imagine another scholar who has had as much influence on intellectual history as has Karl
Marx (1818-1883). Along with his collaborator, Friedrich Engels, Marx not only changed intellectual history
but also world history.
Marx's work was devoted to explaining how capitalism shaped society. He argued that capitalism is
an economic system based on the pursuit ofprofit and the sanctity ofprivate property. Marx used a class
Max Weber
Max Weber (1864-1920; pronounced "vayber") was greatly influenced by and built upon Marx's work.
Whereas Marx saw economics as the basic organizing element of society, Weber theorized that society
had three basic dimensions: political, economic, and cultural. According to Weber, a complete sociologi-
cal analysis must recognize the interplay between economic, political, and cultural institutions (Parsons
1947). Weber is credited with developing a multidimensional analysis of society that goes beyond Marx's
more one-dimensional focus on economics.
Weber also theorized extensively about the relationship of sociology to social and political values.
He did not believe there could be a value-free sociology because values would always influence what
sociologists considered worthy of study. Weber thought sociologists should acknowledge the influence
of values so that ingrained beliefs would not interfere with objectivity. Weber professed that the task of
sociologists is to teach students the uncomfortable truth about the world. Faculty should not use their
positions to promote their political opinions, he felt; rather, they have a responsibility to examine all
opinions, including unpopular ones, and use the tools of rigorous sociological inquiry to understand why
people believe and behave as they do.
a CH:0.PT,ER ~ The Sociological Perspective
right to vote. She was so violently attacked-in writing and in actual threats-
that she often had to write under an assumed name. Until recently, her contri-
butions to the field of sociology have been largely unexamined. Interestingly,
her grandson, Troy Duster (b. 1936) is now a faculty member at New York
University and the University of California, Berkeley (Giddings 2008; Henry 2008;
Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley 1998).
W. E. B. DuBois (1868-1963; pronounced "due boys") was one of the most
important early sociological thinkers in the United States. DuBois was a promi-
nent Black scholar, a cofounder of the NAACP (National Association for the
I
Advancement of Colored People) in 1909, a prolific writer, and one of the best
American minds. He received the first Ph.D. ever awarded to a Black person in
any field (from Harvard University), and he studied for a time in Germany; hear-
ing several lectures by Max Weber (Morris 2015). Ida B. Wells-Barnett is now
DuBois was deeply troubled by the racial divisiveness in society, writing in well known for her brave
a classic essay published in 1901 that "the problem of the twentieth century is campaign against the
the problem of the color line" {DuBois 1901: 354). Like many of his women col- lynching of African Ameri-
leagues, he envisioned a community-based, activist profession committed to can people. Less known are
social justice (Deegan 1988); he was a friend and collaborator with Jane Addams. her early contributions to
He believed in the importance of a scientific approach to sociological questions, sociological thought.
but he also thought that convictions always directed one's studies. Were he alive
today, he might no doubt note that the problem of the color line persists well into the twenty-first century.
Much of DuBois's work focused on the social structure of Black communities, one of his classic stud-
ies being of the city of Philadelphia. His book, The Philadelphia Negro, published in 1899, remains a classic
study of African American urban life and its social institutions. One of the most lasting ideas from DuBois
is his concept of "dual (or double) consciousness." DuBois saw African Americans as always having to
see themselves through the eyes of others, a response that would be typical among any group oppressed
by others. For DuBois, this dual consciousness led African Americans to always be alert to how others
see them, and at the same time, to develop a strong collective identity of themselves as "Black" or, as we
would say now, African American (DuBois 1903).
Functionalism
Functionalism has its origins in the work of Durkheim, who you will recall was especially interested in
how social order is possible and how society remains relatively stable. Functionalism interprets each
part of society in terms of how it contributes to the stability of the whole. As Durkheim suggested,
~-
,
'"'"'" "'"'""''"'"'"''~'"
Classical Theorists Reflect on the Economic Inequality
An Applied Example:
Major Concepts What's the Big Idea? Economic Inequality
EMILE DURKHEIM Society sui generis Social structures produce In times of rising economic
(1858-1917)
Social solidarity social forces that impinge inequality, those who are
on individuals even when especially vulnerable tend
Social facts they are not immediately to blame others, such as
visible; social solidarity is immigrants or "foreigners ,"
produced through identify- for taking jobs from those
ing some as "other" or not perceived as more worthy.
belonging. This produces solidarity
among those who may
even act outside of their
own interests because
of their perception of
"others."
II
I - Manifest and Latent Functions: The Family
functionalism conceptualizes society as more than the sum of its component parts. Each part is "func-
tional" for society-that is, contributes to the stability of the whole. The different parts are primarily the
institutions of society, each of which is organized to fill different needs and each of which has particular
consequences for the form and shape of society. The parts each then depend on one another.
The family as an institution, for example, serves multiple functions. At its most basic level, the family
has a reproductive role. Within the family, infants receive protection and sustenance. As they grow older,
they are exposed to the patterns and expectations of their culture. Across generations, the family supplies
a broad unit of support and enriches individual experience with a sense of continuity with the past and
future. All these aspects of family can be assessed by how they contribute to the stability and prosperity
of society. The same is true for other institutions.
The functionalist framework emphasizes the consensus and order that exist in society, focusing
on social stability and shared public values. From a functionalist perspective, disorganization in the
system, such as an economic collapse, leads to change because societal components must adjust to
achieve stability. This is a key part of functionalist theory-that when one part of society is not working
(or is dysfunctional, as they would say), it affects all the other parts and creates social problems. Change
may be for better or worse. Changes for the worse stem from instability in the social system, such as a
breakdown in shared values or a social institution no longer meeting people's needs (Eitzen and Baca
Zinn 2012; Merton 1968).
Functionalism was a dominant theoretical perspective in sociology for many years, and one of its
major theorists was Talcott Parsons (1902-1979). In Parsons's view, all parts of a social system are inter-
related, with different parts of society having different basic functions. Functionalism was further devel-
oped by Robert Merton (1910--2003). Merton saw that social practices often have consequences for society
that are not immediately apparent. He suggested that human behavior has both manifest and latent func-
tions. ManifestJunctions are the stated and intended goals of social behavior. Latentfunctions are neither
stated nor intended. The family, for example, has both manifest and latent functions, as demonstrated
in! Table 1-3.
Critics of functionalism argue that its emphasis on social stability understates the roles of power and
conflict in society. Critics also disagree with the explanation of inequality offered by functionalism-that
it persists because social inequality creates a system for the fair and equitable distribution of societal
resources (discussed further in Chapter 8). Functionalists argue that it is fair and equitable that the higher
social classes earn more money because they are more important (functional) to society. Critics disagree,
saying that functionalism is too accepting of the status quo. From a functionalist perspective though,
inequality serves a purpose in society: It provides an incentive system for people to work and promotes
solidarity among groups linked by their common social standing.
Conflict Theory
Conti ict theory emphasizes the role of coercion and power in society and the ability of some to influence and
control others. It differs from functionalism, which emphasizes cohesion within society. Instead, conflict
CHAPTER 1 The Sociological Perspective
theoryemphasizes strif e and friction. Conflict theory pictures society as comprised of groups that com-
pete for social and economic resources. Social order is maintained not by consensus but by domina-
tion, with power in the hands of those with the greatest political, economic, and social resources. When
consensus exists, according to conflict theorists, it is attributable to people being united around common
interests, often in opposition to other groups (Dahrendorfl959; Mills 1956).
According to conflict theory, inequality exists because those in control of a disproportionate share of
society's resources actively defend their advantages. The masses are not bound to society by their shared
values but by coercion at the hands of the powerful. In conflict theory, the emphasis is on social control,
not on consensus and conformity. Those with the most resources exercise power over others; inequality
and power struggles are the result. Conflict theory gives great attention to class, race, gender, and sexual-
ity in society because these are seen as the grounds of the most pertinent and enduring struggles
in society.
Conflict theorists see inequality as inherently unfair, persisting only because groups who are eco-
nomically advantaged use their social position to their own betterment. Their dominance even extends
to the point of shaping the beliefs of other members of the society by controlling public information
and holding power in institutions such as education and religion that shape what people think and
know. From the conflict perspective, power struggles between conflicting groups are the source of social
change. those with the greatest power are typically able to maintain their advantage at the expense of
other groups.
Conflict theory has been criticized for neglecting the importance of shared values and public con-
sensus in society while overemphasizing inequality. Ll.ke functionalist theory, conflict theory finds the
origins of social behavior in the structure of society; but it differs from functionalism in emphasizing the
importance of power.
Symbolic Interaction
The third major framework of sociological theory is symbolic interaction. Instead of thinking of society
in terms of. abstract institutions, symbolic interaction emphasizes immediate social interaction as the
place where "society" exists. Because of the human capacity for reflection, people give meaning to their
behavior. The creation of meaning is how they interpret the different behaviors, events, or things that
happen in society.
As its name implies, symbolic interaction relies extensively on the symbolic meaning that people
develop and employ in the process of social interaction. Symbolic interaction theory emphasizes face-to-
face interaction and thus is a form of microsociology, whereas functionalism and conflict theory are more
macrosociological.
Derived from the work of the Chicago School, symbolic interaction theory analyzes society by
addressing the subjective meanings that people impose on objects, events, and behaviors. Subjective
Think about the example given about smoking, and using symbolic interaction, how would you explain other risky
behaviors, such as steroid use among athletes or eating disorders among young womem?
CHAPTER 1 Th e So cio lo gica l Pe rsp e ctive
« mm
Basic Questions
What is the
Comparing Sociological Theories
Functionalism
Individuals occupy
Conflict Theory,
Individuals are
Symbolic Interaction
Individuals and society
Feminist Theory
Women and men are
relationship fixed social roles. subordinated are interdependent. bound together in a system
ofindividuals to society. of gender relationships that
to society? shape identities andllbeliefs.
Why is there Inequality is Inequality results Inequality is demon- Inequality stems from the
inequality? inevitable and from a struggle strated through the im- matrix of domination that
functional for over scarce re- portance of symbols. links gender, race, class,
society. sources. and sexuality.
How is social Social order stems Social order Social order is sus- Patriarchal social orders are
order possible? from consensus is maintained tained through social maintained by the power
on public values. through power interaction and adher- that men hold over women.
and coercion. ence to social norms.
What is the source Society seeks Change comes Change develops from Social change comes from
ofsocial change? equilibrium when through the mobi- an ever-evolving set the mobilization of women
there is social lization of people of social relationships and their allies on behalf of
disorganization. struggling for and the creation of women's liberation.
resources. new meaning systems.
Major Criticisms
This is a conserva- The theory under- There is little analysis Feminist theory has too
tive view of society states the degree of inequality, and it often been anchored in
that underplays of cohesion and overstates the subjec- the experiences of White,
power differences stability in society. tive basis of society. middle-class women.
among and
between groups.
meanings are important because, according to symbolic interaction, people behave based on what they
believe, not just on what is objectively true. Symbolic interaction sees society as socially constructed
through human interpretation (Blumer 1969; Berger and Ludemann 1967; Shibutani 1961). Social meanings
are constantly modified through social interaction.
People interpret one another's behavior; these interpretations form social bonds. These interpreta-
tions are called the "definition of the situation." For example, why would young people smoke cigarettes
even though all objective medical evidence points to the danger of doing so? The answer is in the def-
nition of the situation that people create. Studies find that teenagers are well informed about the risks
of tobacco, but they also think that "smoking is cool," that they themselves will be safe from harm, and
that smoking projects an image- a positive identity for boys as a "tough guy" and for girls as fun-loving,
mature, and glamorous. Smoking is also defined by young women as keeping you thin-an ideal con-
structed through dominant images of beauty. In other words, the symbolic meaning of smoking overrides
the actual facts regarding smoking and risk.
Symbolic interaction interprets social order as constantly negotiated and created through the inter-
pretations people give to their behavior. In observing society, symbolic interactionists see not simply facts
but "social constructions," the meanings attached to things, whether those are concrete symbols (like a
certain way of dress or a tattoo) or nonverbal behaviors. In symbolic interaction theory, society is highly
subjective- existing in the minds of people, even though its effects are very real.
Feminist Theory
Contemporary sociological theory has been greatly influenced by the development of feminist theory.
Prior to the emergence of second-wave feminism (the feminist movement emerging in the 1960s and
1970s), women were largely absent and invisible within most sociological work-indeed, within most
academic work. When seen, they were strongly stereotyped in traditional roles as wives and mothers.
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especially the older and larger roots. Reputed to cure anything from
a cough to a boil to an internal disorder, it was also considered an
aphrodisiac and a source of rare, mystical properties. But scientific
research has never yielded any hard evidence of its medicinal worth.
Settlers used ginseng sparingly, for it brought a high price when sold
to herb-dealers for shipment to China. The main problem lay in
locating the five-leaved plants, which grew in the most secluded,
damp coves of the Smokies. Sometimes several members of a
family would wait until summer or early fall, then go out on extended
“sanging” expeditions.
The search was not easy. During some seasons, the plant might not
appear at all. When it did, its leaves yellowed and its berries
reddened for only a few days. But when a healthy “sang” plant was
finally found, and its long root carefully cleaned and dried, it could
yield great financial reward. Although the 5-year-old white root was
more common, a red-rooted plant needed a full decade to mature
and was therefore especially prized. Greed often led to wanton
destruction of the beds, with no seed-plants for future harvests.
Ginseng was almost impossible to cultivate.
Ginseng-hunting became a dangerous business. Although Daniel
Boone dug it and traded in it, later gatherers were sometimes killed
over it. One large Philadelphia dealer who came into Cataloochee in
the mid-1800s was murdered and robbed. Anyone trying to grow it,
even if he were successful, found that he would have to guard the
plants like water in a desert. Indeed, the rare, graceful ginseng
became a symbol for many in the mountains of all that was unique,
so readily destroyed, and eventually irreplaceable.
As much as the pioneers drew on Indian experience, they also
depended on their own resourcefulness. One skill which the early
settlers brought with them into the Smoky Mountains involved a
power unknown to the Cherokees. This was the power of the rifle:
both its manufacture and the knowledge of what the rifle could do.
The backwoods rifle was a product of the early American frontier.
Formally known as the “Pennsylvania-Kentucky” rifle, this long-
barreled innovation became a standby throughout the Appalachians.
To assure precise
workmanship, it was
made out of the
softest iron
available. The inside
of the barrel, or the
bore, was
painstakingly “rifled”
with spiralling
grooves. This
gradual twist made
the bullet fly harder
and aim straighter
toward its target.
The butt of the
weapon was
crescent-shaped to
keep the gun from
slipping. All shiny or
highly visible metal
was blackened, and
sometimes a
frontiersman would
rub his gun barrel
with a dulling stain or
crushed leaf.
But the trademark of
the “long rifle” was
Alan Rinehart just that: its length.
Weighing over 2.5
Aunt Sophie Campbell made clay kilograms (5.5
pipes at her place on Crockett pounds) and
Mountain and sold them to her measuring more
neighbors and to other folks in the than 1.2 meters (4
Gatlinburg area. feet), the barrel of
the backwoods rifle
could be unbalancing. Yet this drawback seemed minor compared to
the superior accuracy of the new gun. The heavy barrel could take a
much heavier powder charge than the lighter barrels, and this in turn
could, as an expert noted, “drive the bullet faster, lower the
trajectory, make the ball strike harder, and cause it to flatten out
more on impact. It does not cause inaccurate flight....”
The Pennsylvania-Kentucky rifle became defender, gatherer of food,
companion for thousands of husbands and fathers. Cradled on a
rack of whittled wooden pegs or a buck’s antlers, the “rifle-gun” hung
over the door or along the wall or above the “fire-board,” as the
mantel was called, within easy and ready reach. It was the
recognized symbol of the fact that each man’s cabin was his castle.
Equipped with a weapon such as this, pioneer Americans pushed
back the frontier. The fastnesses of the Great Smoky Mountains
gradually submitted to the probing and settling of the white man. The
fertile valleys were settled, the hidden coves were conquered. The
Oconaluftee Turnpike to the top of the Smokies was completed in
1839. And in that fateful year, disaster was stalking a people who
had known the high mountains but who had not known of the ways
of making a rifle.
Rifle Making