Barack Obama

First Presidential State of the Union Address

delivered 27 January 2010, Washington, D.C.

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[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]

Madame Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress,

distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give
to Congress information about the state of our union. For two hundred and
twenty years, our leaders [have] fulfilled this duty. They've done so during
periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of
war and depression -- at moments of great strife and great struggle.

It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our
progress was inevitable -- that America was always destined to succeed.
But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed
at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market
crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody
Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that
tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And
despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears,
America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, and
one people.

Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.

One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe
recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government
deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if
we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted --
immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm
has passed.

But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot find work.
Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns
and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who
had already known poverty, life's become that much harder.

And this recession has also compounded the burdens that America's
families have been dealing with for decades: the burden of working harder
and longer for less, of being unable to save enough to retire, or help kids
with college.

So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new.
These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are
what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg,
Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The
toughest to read are those written by children, asking why they have to
move from their home, asking or when their mom or dad will be able to go
back to work.

For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast
enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why
it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on
Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve
any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting
and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.

So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people
hope -- what they deserve -- is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans,
to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our
politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds,
different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same.
The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to
get ahead. Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.

And you know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in
the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history,
they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses, and
going back to school. They're coaching little league and helping their
neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but
hopeful, struggling but encouraged."

It's because of this spirit -- this great decency and great strength -- that I
have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight.

Despite -- Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up.
We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this
new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches
their decency, that embodies their strength. And tonight -- tonight I'd like
to talk about how, together, we can deliver on that promise.

It begins with our economy. Our most urgent -- Our most urgent task
upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this
crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified
Democrats and Republicans -- and everybody in between -- it's that we all
hated the bank bailout. I hated it -- I hated it -- I hated it. You hated it. It
was about as popular as a root canal.

But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was
popular -- I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the
meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it
is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would
have surely been lost. So I supported the last Administration's efforts to
create the financial rescue program. And when we took the program over,
we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the
markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we
spent on the banks.

Most, but not all. To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest
banks.

Now -- Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea, but if these firms
can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to
pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.

Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our
economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help
Americans who had become unemployed. That's why we extended or
increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans,
made health insurance 65% cheaper for families who get their coverage
through COBRA, and passed 25 different tax cuts.

Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes.

We cut taxes for 95% of working families.

We cut taxes for small businesses.

We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers.

We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children.

We cut taxes for eight million Americans paying for college.

(I thought I'd get some applause on that one.)

As a result -- As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas,

and food, and other necessities -- all of which helped businesses keep
more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a
single person. Not a single dime.

Now, because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans
working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in
construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education
workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first
responders. And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs
to this total by the end of the year.

The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs,
is the Recovery Act. That's right: the Recovery Act, also known as the
Stimulus Bill. Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped
saved jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it:
Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because
of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who
said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add
two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the
single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last
week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off
after all.

There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of
recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to
gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again,
and slowly [some] are starting to hire again.

But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories -- of men
and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their
next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week
and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number one
focus in 2010. And that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight!

Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be
America's businesses. (I agree. Absolutely). But government can create
the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.
We should start where most new jobs do -- in small businesses, companies
that begin when -- companies that begin when an entrepreneur -- when
an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides its time
she became her own boss.

Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered

the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small
business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio, you
find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're
mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small
business owners across the country -- even those that are making a profit.

So tonight, I'm proposing that we take 30 billion dollars of the money Wall
Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small
businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I'm also proposing a new
small business tax credit -- one that will go to over one million small
businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we're at it, let's
also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and
provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to
invest in new plants and equipment.

Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of

tomorrow. From -- From the first railroads to the interstate highway
system, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason
Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that
manufacture clean energy products.

Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground
on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are
projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help our
move our nation's goods, services, and information. We should put more
Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give -- and give
rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which
supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses
to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for
companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to
companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America.

Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps.
As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same --
and I know they will. They will. People are out of work. They're hurting.
And they need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.

But -- But the truth is, these steps still won't make up for the seven
million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move
to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic
growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have
confronted for years.

We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from
the last decade -- what some call the "lost decade" -- where jobs grew
more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the
average American household declined while the cost of health care and
tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing
bubble and financial speculation.

From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger
challenges is too ambitious. Such an effort would be too contentious. I've
been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should
just put things on hold for awhile. For those who make these claims, I
have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should
America put its future on hold?

You see -- You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades,
even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China's not waiting
to revamp its economy. Germany's not waiting. India's not waiting. These
nations are -- they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for
second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science.
They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments
in clean energy because they want those jobs.

Well, I do not accept second-place for the United States of America.

As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates

may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are
hampering our growth. Now, one place to start is serious financial reform.
Look, I am not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting
our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for
businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of
families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if
we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our
entire economy.

We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the

information they need to make financial decisions. We can't allow financial
institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that
threaten the whole economy. Now, the House has already passed financial
reform with many of these changes. And -- And the lobbyists are trying to
kill it. Well, we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up
on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until
we get it right. We've got to get it right.

Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the

largest investment in basic research funding in history, an investment --
an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or
treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And
no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the
results of last year's investment in clean energy in the North Carolina
company that will create 1200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced
batteries, or, in the California business that will put a thousand people to
work making solar panels.

But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production,
more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new
generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means
making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas
development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and
clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive
energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy
the profitable kind of energy in America.

I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. And this year --
this year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I
know there have been questions about whether we can afford such
changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree
with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But -- But --
Here -- Here's the thing: Even if you doubt the evidence, providing
incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do
for our future because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will
be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that
nation.

Third, we need to export more of our goods -- because the more products
we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here
in America. So -- So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our
exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million
jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export
Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their
exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security.

We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If

America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will
lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits
also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by
the rules. And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement
that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations
in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia.

Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.

Now, this year -- this year we've broken through the stalemate between
left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools.
And the idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward
success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform --
reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in math
and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too
many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city. In the
21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class
education. And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend
more on where they live than on their potential.

When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will

work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still, in this
economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. That's
why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will
revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the
children of so many working families.

To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted
taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take
that money and give families a 10,000 dollar tax credit for four years of
college and increase Pell Grants. And let's tell another one million students
that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of
their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after
20 years -- and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public
service, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke
because they chose to go to college.

And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about
cutting their own costs -- because they, too, have a responsibility to help
solve this problem.

Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the
middle-class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a
task force on Middle-Class Families. That's why we're nearly doubling the
child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving
access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit
for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value
of a family's single largest investment -- their home. The steps we took
last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of
Americans to take out new loans and save an average of 1500 dollars on
mortgage payments. This year, we will step up re-financing so that
homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. And -- And it is
precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need
health insurance reform. Yes, we do.

Now, let's clear a few things up. I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get
some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly
obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics. I
took on health care because [of] the stories I've heard from Americans
with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage;
patients who've been denied coverage; families -- even those with
insurance -- who are just one illness away from financial ruin.

After nearly a century of trying -- Democratic Administrations, Republican

Administrations -- we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the
lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect
every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It
would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose
an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require
every insurance plan to cover preventive care. And by the way, I want to
acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a
national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make
kids healthier. Thank you. She gets embarrassed.

Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance
to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums
for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional
Budget Office -- the independent organization that both parties have cited
as the official scorekeeper for Congress -- our approach would bring down
the deficit by as much as one trillion dollars over the next two decades.

Still, this is a complexed issue, and the longer it was debated, the more
skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it
more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying
and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "What's in
it for me?" But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm
finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health
insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will
go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners
will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these
Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber.

So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan
we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health
care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast
improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a
better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit,
cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance
company abuses, let me know. Let me know. Let me know. I'm eager to
see it.

Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not
now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and
finish the job for the American people. Let's get it done. Let's get it done.

Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough
to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a
challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's
been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of
government spending by setting the record straight.

At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget
surplus of over 200 billion dollars. By -- By the time I took office, we had a
one-year deficit of over one trillion dollars and projected deficits of eight
trillion dollars over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not
paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug
program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a three trillion
dollar hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in the door.

Now -- Now -- just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in
ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing
down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis. And our efforts to
prevent a second depression have added another one trillion dollars to our
national debt. That, too, is a fact.

I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across
the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The
federal government should do the same. So tonight, I'm proposing
specific steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the
economy last year. Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze
government spending for three years. Spending related to our national
security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But
all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped
family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and
sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I
will.

We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to

eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already
identified 20 billion dollars in savings for next year. To help working
families, we'll extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record
deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment
fund managers, and for those making over 250,000 dollars a year. We just
can't afford it.

Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the
massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of
Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's
why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal
by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can't be one of
those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The
commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain
deadline.

Now, yesterday the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this
commission. So I'll issue an executive order that will allow us to go
forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of
Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore
the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record
surpluses in the 1990s.

Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address
the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still
hurting. And I agree -- which is why this freeze won't take effect until next
year -- when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. But
understand -- understand if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our
debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and
jeopardize our recovery -- all of which would have an even worse effect on
our job growth and family incomes.

From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument -- that if
we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts including
those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain
the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is
that's what we did for eight years. That's what helped us into this
crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again.

Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington
for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people
without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to
the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense -- a novel concept.

Now, to do that we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of

dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust -- deep and corrosive doubts
about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close
that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania
Avenue -- to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work
openly; to give our people the government they deserve.

Now, that's what I came to Washington to do. That's why, for the first time
in history, my Administration posts on our White House visitors online.
That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs, or seats on
federal boards and commissions. But we can't stop there. It's time to
require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client
with my Administration or with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on
the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.

With all due deference to separation of powers, last week the Supreme
Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for
special interests -- including foreign corporations -- to spend without limit
in our elections. I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by
America's most powerful interests -- or worse, by foreign entities. They
should be decided by the American people. And I'd urge Democrats and
Republicans to pass a bill that helps to correct some of these problems.

I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform
-- Democrats and Republicans, Democrats and Republicans. Look...you've
trimmed some of this spending; you've embraced some meaningful
change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some
members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, I'm
calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site
before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their
money is being spent.

Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform
how we work with one another. Now, I'm not naïve. I never thought that
the mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony, and some
post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are
deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical
differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements,
about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and
our national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years. They're
the very essence of our democracy.

But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day
is "Election Day." We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal
is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about the other
side -- a belief that if you lose, I win.1 Neither party should delay or
obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of -- I'm
speaking to both parties now -- the confirmation of well-qualified public
servants shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few
individual senators.

Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no
matter how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of the game. But
it's precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the
American people. Worse yet -- Worse yet, it's sowing further division
among our citizens, further distrust in our government.

So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our politics. I
know it's an election year. And after last week, it's clear that campaign
fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern.

To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in
decades, and the people expect us to solve problems, not run for the
hills. And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that -- that 60
votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town -- a
supermajority -- then the responsibility to govern is now yours as
well. Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's
not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions.
So let's show the American people that we can do it together.

This week -- This week, I'll be meet -- addressing a meeting of the House
Republicans. I'd like to begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and
Republican leadership. I know you can't wait.

Now, throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than
our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has
dissipated. Now, we can argue all we want about who's to blame for this,
but I'm not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love
this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put aside the
schoolyard taunts about who is tough. Let's reject the false choice
between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's leave
behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and
forge a more hopeful future -- for America and for the world.

That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we've
renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We've made
substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that
threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps
revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and
swifter action on our intelligence. We've prohibited torture and
strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian
Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of al Qaeda's fighters and
affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed --
far more than in 2008.

And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan

security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our
troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance, work to
reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans -- men and
women alike. We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their
own commitments, and who will come together tomorrow in London to
reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am
absolutely confident we will succeed.

As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its

people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is
what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of
Iraq by the end of this August. We will support -- We will support the Iraqi
government -- We will support the Iraqi government as they hold
elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote
regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: This war is ending,
and all of our troops are coming home.

Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform -- in Iraq, in Afghanistan,

and around the world -- they have to know that we -- that...they have our
respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have the
resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them
when they come home. That's why we made the largest increase in
investments for veterans in decades last year. That's why we're building a
21st century VA. And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge
a national commitment to support military families.

Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps the
greatest danger to the American people -- the threat of nuclear weapons.
I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a
strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world
without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our
deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the
farthest-reachings arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And at
April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in
Washington, D.C. behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear
materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the
hands of terrorists.

Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing
with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in
pursuit of nuclear weapons. That's why North Korea now faces increased
isolation and stronger sanctions -- sanctions that are being vigorously
enforced. That's why the international community is more united and the
Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran's leaders continue to
ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: They, too, will face
growing consequences. That is a promise.

That's the leadership that we are providing -- engagement that advances

the common security and prosperity of all people. We're working through
the G20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We're working with Muslim
communities around the world to promote science and education and
innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against
climate change. We're helping developing countries to feed themselves,
and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new
initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more
effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease -- a plan that will
counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.

As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our
destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it
because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000
Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti
recover and rebuild. That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to
school in Afghanistan; why we support the human rights of the women
marching through the streets of Iran; why we advocate for the young man
denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on
the side of freedom and human dignity. Always.

Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our

ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity,
drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that
we're all created equal; that no matter who you are or what you look like,
if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our
common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.

We must continually renew this promise. My Administration has a Civil

Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and
employment discrimination. We finally strengthened -- We finally
strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year -
- This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the
law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love
because of who they are. It's the right thing to do.

We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws so that women
get equal pay for an equal day's work. And we should continue the work of
fixing our broken immigration system -- to secure our borders and enforce
our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute
to our economy and enrich our nations.

In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America -- values that
allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of
the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet
their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again,
they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They
take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren't
Republican values or Democratic values that they're living by; business
values or labor values. They're American values.

Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest
institutions -- our corporations, our media, and, yes, our government --
still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of
honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country
prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts
the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow. Each
time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead
of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce
serious debates to silly arguments, big issues into sound bites, our citizens
turn away.

No wonder there's so much cynicism out there. No wonder there's so much

disappointment.

I campaigned on the promise of change -- "Change we can believe in" --

the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who
aren't sure if they still believe we can change -- or that I can deliver it. But
remember this -- I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I
could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy
and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make
big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's just how it is.

Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe

and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We can do what's
necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next
election instead of doing what's best for the next generation.

But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago, or
100 years ago, or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The only
reason we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid to
do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was
uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for
their children and their grandchildren.

Our Administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of
them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are
nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have
faced this year. And what keeps me going, what keeps me fighting, is that
despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism, that
fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American
people -- that lives on.

It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his

company: "None of us," he said, "…are willing to consider, even slightly,
that we might fail."

It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors
have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong. We are resilient. We are
American."

It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his

allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti.

And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go

someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from
the rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!" when another life
was saved.

The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives
on in you, its people.

We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult

decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We
don't quit. I don't quit. Let's seize this moment -- to start anew, to carry
the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

Book/CDs by Michael E. Eidenmuller, Published by McGraw-Hill (2008)

1
An expression of the psychological concept zero-sum; also zero-sum game.

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