Kümmerling-Meibauer Meibauer - Picturebooks and Cognitive Studies
Kümmerling-Meibauer Meibauer - Picturebooks and Cognitive Studies
Kümmerling-Meibauer Meibauer - Picturebooks and Cognitive Studies
TO PICTUREBOOKS
Edited by
Bettina Kilmmerling-Meibauer
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Names: Keumrnerling-Meibauer,Bettina editor.
Title:The Routledge companion to picturebooks / edited by Bettina Keummerling-Meibauer.
Description: Milton Park,Abingdon,Oxon : New York : Routledge,2018. I Includes index.
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Subjects: LCSH: Children's literature-History and criticism. I Picture books for children-History. I
Picture books for children-Technique. I Picture books for children-Authorship. I
Children-Books and reading. I Narrative art. I Graphic novels-History and criticism. I
Illustrated books-History. I Young adult literature-History and criticism.
Classification: LCC PN1009.A1 R695 2018 I DDC 002--dc23
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37
PICTUREBOOKS AND
COGNITIVE STUDIES
Bettina Kummerling-Meibauer and Jorg Meibauer
Introduction
Picturebooks have mainly been studied as didactic instruments, as objects of art, or as a special book
type (a set of picture-text relations). These academic perspectives focus on the view of adults, namely,
how picturebooks can be used in education, how picturebooks are created, or how we can analyze
the special contributions of pictures and texts to a narrative. Sometimes, a historical perspective is
added to these questions. What has been widely neglected, however, is the perspective of the child
reader. How can children make sense of a picturebook?What can they learn from it?To answer these
questions, the study of picture books must take the developmental stages of children into account.
And it entails that picturebooks are studied as objects that are (a) accommodated to children's abilities
and interests and (b) a specific input to their overall development.
Let us take an example: when children look at the pictures in The Little House (1942) by Virginia
Lee Burton, they will realize that the main protagonist - the Little House - has a face: the two
windows with the curtains and open window frames represent the eyes, while the door stands for
the nose and the curbed doorstep for a smiling mouth. By listening to the story, children will also
experience that the Little House has feelings, similar to those expressed by humans. As for (a), we
may assume that children know a great deal about human faces from early on (Taylor, Batty and Itier
2004), and that they can use this knowledge in the interpretation of pictures.Yet, it is not part of their
general knowledge that houses have faces, let alone express emotions. Thus, with respect to (b), they
may learn that there are exceptions in fictional storyworlds.
To accept this exception is by all means not a simple task, since it requires that children are able to
understand that houses may share some human features.The animation of things marks a radical shift
from an object to a subject which holds the position of a character. Imputing animacy and agency to
things like houses, toys, and vehicles is a quite common practice in children's literature, which leads
to a process commonly known as anthropomorphization, that is, the attribution of human properties
and habits to animals, vehicles, and natural forces. How this process of understanding actually hap
pens is an important research question at the interfaces of picturebook theory and cognitive studies.
What do we understand by 'cognitive studies' ? Cognitive studies is an umbrella term for all the disci
plines that study (human) cognition. In general, cognition includes such phenomena as language and
communication, knowledge and memory, thinking and problem-solving, and the related processes
of production and comprehension.These cognitive processes are subject to constant changes, starting
in infancy and continuing in childhood, adolescence, and even beyond. Children's development is
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on the agenda of developmental psychology, but interfaces with other disciplines, such as linguistics
(e.g., language acquisition; O'Grady 2011), literacy studies (e.g., the acquisition of reading and writing;
Larson and Marsh 2012), epistemology (e.g., knowledge acquisition; Pinkham, Kaefer and Neuman
2012), and perception theory (e.g., the acquisition of picture understanding; Elkins 2007). Beyond these
disciplines, there are theories of the child's moral, social-cultural, and emotional development (Killen
and Smetana 2006; McCarthy and Philipps 2006), which are also important with respect to cognitive
studies in general and picturebook theory in particular.
Considering the broad topic and the comprehensive research, this chapter first explains how a
cognitive approach to picturebooks might look.A brief report on the actual state of the art follows in
relation to cognitive investigations of picturebooks.T he chapter then hones in on the crucial concept
of theory of mind and its tight connection with the depiction of characters in picturebooks as well
as the related ability of perspective-taking.
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mind, whose acquisition is vital for the understanding of characters and perspective-taking, which are
two important narrative concepts (Eder,Jannidis and Schneider 2010; Herman 2013). In this way, we
aim to connect developmental aspects with narratological aspects (for emotions in picturebooks, see
Chapter 11 in this volume).
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to a comprehensive understanding of picture book stories, which usually display the interaction of
characters whose emotions, desires, beliefs, and intentions propel the narrative both on the textual
and the visual level.
Characters in picturebooks
Picturebooks are teeming with characters, whether humans, animals, fantastic creatures, or animated
objects and vehicles, not to mention abstract entities such as colors and letters (Nikolajeva and
Scott 2001; Nikolajeva 2002; Kiimmerling-Meibauer and Meibauer 2014). These characters play a
significant role, as they drive the plot of the picturebook story and invite the child to identify or at
least feel empathy with them. Many scholars have laid the groundwork for an exploration of literary
characters and techniques of characterization. Understanding literary characters requires the ability
to attribute motivations and dispositions to them. This procedure encourages readers to form expec
tations about what these characters will do next and why they react in a specific manner, and, in a
next step, to emotionally react to them. This happens through a complex interaction of what the text
discloses about the characters and what the reader knows about the world in general, particularly
about people. On the visual as well as textual side, several sources of characterizing information are
discernible: (a) presentations of a character's features, verbal and nonverbal behavior, physiognomy,
and body language; (b) presentation of the character's mental and emotional state; (c) inferred char
acter traits mapped from the presentation of the fictional space to the character; and (d) presentation
of characters from different angles (Schneider 2001; Jannidis 2009). Children's engagement with
literary characters demands that they are able to transfer their prior knowledge about real people to
fictional beings and this cannot be taken for granted. What children first have to learn is the differ
ence between a person and a Oiterary) character. While the notion of'person' usually refers to real
people, the notion of'character' is allocated to fictional figures that appear in literature and other art
forms (Frow 2016).Yet, when reading a story about a character, children may accept that the char
acter represents a person, although the latter has a right of existence independently of the literary
text, while the former does not. Seen in this light, the crucial question then arises regarding in which
manner children may learn to"care about literary characters" (Vermeule 2010). This process is highly
relevant for an appreciation of literature per se, and it is evident that picture books play a significant
role in this respect.
Actual studies in (cognitive) narratology investigate in which way readers may feel empathy and
even identify with certain characters (Keen 2007; Izard 2009). Identification itself is a complex cog
nitive notion, yet there appear to be textual clues that support identification, for instance: (a)"sympa
thy with a character who is similar to the reader"; (b) "empathy for a character who is in a particular
situation"; and (c)"attraction to a character who is a role model for the reader" Gannidis 2009: 24).
The degree to which a child reader may identify or feel empathy with a literary character depends
on multiple conditions, such as the ability to take the character's perspective, to build up an affective
relation to the character, and to understand the societal, moral, and cultural reasons for a character's
specific behavior and thoughts (25). In this respect, characters whose appearance and demeanor devi
ates from common expectations represent a particular cognitive challenge, since they demand that
the reader bear in mind social, cultural, and moral values, as well as consider the specific character's
point of view.
Moreover, if a character in a picturebook is not a human, but a house - as in Burton's picturebook
- children may be confused in terms of their cognitive mapping. Houses usually do not fall under
the category of'character'; they are commonly categorized as 'buildings' or 'dwellings.' Since houses
are inanimate and conceived rather as objects than as individual beings, the ascription of emotions
and thoughts to a house potentially contradicts children's already acquired categorization schemata
(Rakison and Oakes 2003; Cohen and Lefebvre 2017). The switching from a house considered an
inanimate building to an animate picturebook character, however, is close to the child's ability of
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pretend or imaginative play, which is regarded as a precursor to theory of mind. According to stud
ies in developmental psychology, pretend play starts anytime from eleven to eighteen months. It
becomes very noticeable when children are three or four years old, because at this age children are
able to play out a play scene over a longer time period. Pretend play is a cognitive skill as it demands
the ability to (a) use objects and pretend that they are something else (for instance, a shoebox as a
bed for a doll), (b) attribute properties to objects (by pretending that a stuffed bear is sleeping), and
(c) refer to invisible objects (for example, an invisible dog as a companion) (Carlson and White 2013).
Under the condition that children have been schooled in pretend play they might be able to com
prehend that a house has something like a face and has humanlike properties. Given this observation,
it is only another small step to accord feelings to the Little House as the main character in Burton 's
picturebook. The changing appearance of the front of the house, whose door, windows, and door
steps represent facial features, perfectly matches with the house's alternating emotions, ranging from
happiness to astonishment, curiosity, and sadness. Hence, in accordance with the visuals, the story
invites the child to empathize with the Little House as the main character by recognizing certain
sirnjlarities that the house - due to its smallness and helplessness - shares with children.These aspects
are far from complete, but may suggest that the analysis of characters in picturebooks presents an
auspicious approach to analyzing children's developing appreciation of the cognitive and narrative
functions of characters in fictional texts.
Perspective-taking
Character, understood as a cognitive and narrative notion, also has to do with the perspectives that
matter in a story. In The Little House, the story is presented by a heterodiegetic narrator, who conveys
the feelings of the Little House: "The Little House was curious about the city and wondered what
it would be like to live there" (n. pag.). The story proceeds by showing rapid changes in the Little
House's surroundings. While the reader becomes aware that the Little House's curiosity is changing
to anxiety, there is no dialogue between the Little House and other characters. Yet there is speech
representation (McHale 2014), which establishes a frame for the story: "The man who built her so
well said, 'This Little House shall never be sold for gold or for silver and she will live to see our
great-great-grandchildren's great-great-grandchildren living in her."' (n. pag.). But no addressee is
mentioned. Later, the "great-great-granddaughter of the man who built the Little House" says to
her husband: "That Little House looks just like the Little House my grandmother lived in when she
was a little girl, only that Little House was way out in the country on a hill covered with daisies and
apple trees growing around." (n. pag.). When the house is moved again to the countryside and an
appropriate place is found, the great-great-granddaughter speaks again: "'There; said the great-great
granddaughter, 'that's just the place.' 'Yes, it is,' said the Little House to herself " (n. pag.).
While this is not a dialogue, children here realize for the first time that the Little House can
speak. It remains a flat character, but what is important from the perspective of the child reader is
that direct quotation is used to represent thoughts and attitudes of characters. While the verb say is
the typical verb of saying here, and direct speech is the first pattern of speech representation that
children usually acquire (Kotler 2013), it is obvious that the embedding of these speech representa
tions significantly contributes to the story. Hence, even a seemingly quite simple picturebook like
The Little House asks the child readers to take different perspectives, so that they gain access to the
beliefs, thoughts, and desires of fictional characters. They may also ascertain that these perspectives
may vary depending on the characters' world knowledge and their social and cultural positions.
These complex processes cannot be accessed without the acquisition of theory of mind as a precon
dition for the understanding of other people's or fictional characters' states of mind. Considering
this, a cognitive approach to the investigation of picturebooks might enhance our understanding of
how picturebooks work.
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