Kümmerling-Meibauer Meibauer - Picturebooks and Cognitive Studies

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THE ROUTLEDGE COMPANION

TO PICTUREBOOKS

Edited by
Bettina Kilmmerling-Meibauer

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First published 2018
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Names: Keumrnerling-Meibauer,Bettina editor.
Title:The Routledge companion to picturebooks / edited by Bettina Keummerling-Meibauer.
Description: Milton Park,Abingdon,Oxon : New York : Routledge,2018. I Includes index.
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Subjects: LCSH: Children's literature-History and criticism. I Picture books for children-History. I
Picture books for children-Technique. I Picture books for children-Authorship. I
Children-Books and reading. I Narrative art. I Graphic novels-History and criticism. I
Illustrated books-History. I Young adult literature-History and criticism.
Classification: LCC PN1009.A1 R695 2018 I DDC 002--dc23
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37
PICTUREBOOKS AND
COGNITIVE STUDIES
Bettina Kummerling-Meibauer and Jorg Meibauer

Introduction
Picturebooks have mainly been studied as didactic instruments, as objects of art, or as a special book
type (a set of picture-text relations). These academic perspectives focus on the view of adults, namely,
how picturebooks can be used in education, how picturebooks are created, or how we can analyze
the special contributions of pictures and texts to a narrative. Sometimes, a historical perspective is
added to these questions. What has been widely neglected, however, is the perspective of the child
reader. How can children make sense of a picturebook?What can they learn from it?To answer these
questions, the study of picture books must take the developmental stages of children into account.
And it entails that picturebooks are studied as objects that are (a) accommodated to children's abilities
and interests and (b) a specific input to their overall development.
Let us take an example: when children look at the pictures in The Little House (1942) by Virginia
Lee Burton, they will realize that the main protagonist - the Little House - has a face: the two
windows with the curtains and open window frames represent the eyes, while the door stands for
the nose and the curbed doorstep for a smiling mouth. By listening to the story, children will also
experience that the Little House has feelings, similar to those expressed by humans. As for (a), we
may assume that children know a great deal about human faces from early on (Taylor, Batty and Itier
2004), and that they can use this knowledge in the interpretation of pictures.Yet, it is not part of their
general knowledge that houses have faces, let alone express emotions. Thus, with respect to (b), they
may learn that there are exceptions in fictional storyworlds.
To accept this exception is by all means not a simple task, since it requires that children are able to
understand that houses may share some human features.The animation of things marks a radical shift
from an object to a subject which holds the position of a character. Imputing animacy and agency to
things like houses, toys, and vehicles is a quite common practice in children's literature, which leads
to a process commonly known as anthropomorphization, that is, the attribution of human properties
and habits to animals, vehicles, and natural forces. How this process of understanding actually hap­
pens is an important research question at the interfaces of picturebook theory and cognitive studies.
What do we understand by 'cognitive studies' ? Cognitive studies is an umbrella term for all the disci­
plines that study (human) cognition. In general, cognition includes such phenomena as language and
communication, knowledge and memory, thinking and problem-solving, and the related processes
of production and comprehension.These cognitive processes are subject to constant changes, starting
in infancy and continuing in childhood, adolescence, and even beyond. Children's development is

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on the agenda of developmental psychology, but interfaces with other disciplines, such as linguistics
(e.g., language acquisition; O'Grady 2011), literacy studies (e.g., the acquisition of reading and writing;
Larson and Marsh 2012), epistemology (e.g., knowledge acquisition; Pinkham, Kaefer and Neuman
2012), and perception theory (e.g., the acquisition of picture understanding; Elkins 2007). Beyond these
disciplines, there are theories of the child's moral, social-cultural, and emotional development (Killen
and Smetana 2006; McCarthy and Philipps 2006), which are also important with respect to cognitive
studies in general and picturebook theory in particular.
Considering the broad topic and the comprehensive research, this chapter first explains how a
cognitive approach to picturebooks might look.A brief report on the actual state of the art follows in
relation to cognitive investigations of picturebooks.T he chapter then hones in on the crucial concept
of theory of mind and its tight connection with the depiction of characters in picturebooks as well
as the related ability of perspective-taking.

A cognitive approach to picturebooks


Many 'cognitive' aspects of picturebooks have been discussed with respect to so-called literacy. One
way of sorting out the field is to distinguish several subfields of literacy, for example, linguistic literacy
(learning to read and write), visual literacy (learning to produce and interpret pictures), and literary
literacy (learning to tell and interpret narratives). Since picturebooks are essentially text-picture com­
binations, all of these 'literacies' matter: the child's ability to understand and to produce language,
the ability to understand and produce the visual codes of pictures, and the ability to produce and
comprehend the specific narrative qualities of literary texts. How these abilities are acquired and how
they interact when a child looks at a picturebook cannot be fully grasped without considering the
child's overall cognitive development.
T here are several frameworks on the market, such as cognitive critidsm, cognitive poetics, and cognitive
stylistics, which apply principles of cognitive studies to the interpretation of literary texts and other
medial forms by considering the context-related basis of artistic works. Topics addressed in cognitive
studies of literature are, for instance, deixis (indexicality), schemata, scripts, foregrounding, conceptual
metaphors, prototypes, and more broadly, cognitive narratology (Stockwell 2002). A further develop­
ment is the focus on personal and emotional investment in literary narratives, in the forms of projec­
tion, emotional response, and development of empathy (Zunshine 2006; Hogan 2011).
However, what those scholars working in the realm of cognitive poetics usually do not take into
consideration is the developmental dimension, that is, how humans acquire the specific cognitive
abilities that are necessary for a full understanding of literary works. Since they focus on highly
sophisticated literary texts and media to a greater or lesser extent, they completely disregard the
significance of children's literature, let alone picturebooks.
Yet there is much to gain from a cognitive approach to picturebooks: For instance, with respect
to The Little House, children have to understand that the alternations of the rural setting surrounding
the Little House are caused by the seasonal changes as well as the increasing intrusion of people who
want to live in the countryside. W hile this refers to the child's world knowledge about the seasons
and the effects of construction sites and road building, the specific representation of the space also
demands that children have already mastered an understanding of central perspective and the rather
abstractly drawn entities, which stand for trees, animals, and fences (Liben 1997; Newcombe and
Huttenlocher 2000; Uttal and Tan 2000).
In sum, a cognitive study of picturebooks has to consider children's cognitive development in
order to comprehend the multifarious challenges children face when they read picturebooks. In
this regard, particularly picturebooks are objects well-suited to the overall purpose of studying
the relation between general cognitive development, linguistic literacy, visual literacy, and literary
literacy, since they are usually the first books young children are familiar with - at least in Western
societies.

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Picturebooks and cognitive studies

The state of the art


Despite a wealth of empirical studies in these fields (Goswami 2008; Suggate and Reese 2012; Hall,
Cremin and Comber 2013), we do not know in detail how their findings can explain children's
understanding of v isuals and texts, let alone the complex text-picture relationship in picturebooks.
A prominent method in this regard is to interview children about their interpretations (see, for
instance,Arizpe and Styles 2003 [rev. 2016]; Evans 2009).This reader-response methodology, however, is
not sufficient to gain satisfactory insight into ongoing cognitive processes, since it is not empirically
validated.
In contrast, cognitive studies ofpicturebooks revolve around the crucial question ofwhat children
can learn from attentively looking at picturebooks (Kiimmerling-Meibauer 2011; Kiimmerling­
Meibauer et al. 2015; Meibauer 2015). In terms of the complex relationship between pictures and
texts three aspects are relevant: (a) on the pictorial level, the relationship between the pictures, and
(b) on the textual level, the relationship between the texts presented on each page (Kress and Van
Leeuwen 1996;Thomas et al. 2001). In a next step, (c) the close connection between the pictures
and the text has to be considered (Bateman 2014). While each picture refers to the text printed on
the same or the opposite page and v ice versa, thus building a thoroughly constructed picture-text
relationship, the sequence ofthese picture-text levels creates a narrative, whose structure is dominated
by the juxtaposition of verbal and visual information (Jones 1996; Nikolajeva 2003; Torr 2008). It
should be noted here that wordless picturebooks also constitute narratives, which rely primarily on
the picture sequence.The affordances of such a sophisticated work of art cannot be fully acknowl­
edged without a consideration of children's pragmatic abilities, that is, investigating the ways in which
a context (e.g., the reading situation) contributes to meaning (Meibauer 2017). Pragmatics as "the
study of the use oflanguage use in all its aspects" (Huang 2012: 9) refers, inter alia, to metalinguistic
devices, such as metaphor and irony (Winner 1988; Creusere 2007; Pouscoulous 2014). Without a
basic knowledge of metaphors, children may have problems understanding that the Little House in
Burton's picturebook metaphorically represents a person, since the little house is able to show emo­
tions as well as inner thoughts.
So far just a few articles by picturebook researchers have delineated the cognitive underpinning of
children's picturebook experience. Topics addressed are, among others, young children's conceptual
development (Kiimmerling-Meibauer and Meibauer 2005, 2011, 2015c), the challenge ofwimmel­
books (Remi 2011); the depiction ofemotions (Nikolajeva 2012, 2014; Kiimmerling-Meibauer and
Meibauer 2015b); the representation oflying in picturebooks (Kiimmerling-Meibauer and Meibauer
2013; Silva-Diaz 2015); the understanding of metaphor and irony (Kiimmerling-Meibauer 1999;
Kiimmerling-Meibauer and Meibauer 2017); and the significance ofmaps for the mental represehta­
tion of space and time (Kiimmerling-Meibauer and Meibauer 2015a, 2017).
There are innumerable cognitive issues that are closely connected to a fully fledged comprehen­
sion of picturebooks. In general, children have to master a couple of fundamental concepts in order
to make sense of their environment, such as character, emotion, perspective, and space. To begin
with, they have to learn the distinction between reality and fiction (Ganea, Pickard and DeLoache
2008), and in the case of picturebooks, the distinction between pictures and texts. This enumera­
tion is far from complete, but it already illustrates the numerous aspects that have to be considered
to gain insight into the cognitive dimensions of the picturebook. In this light, a future cognitive
theory of the picturebook is interested in two complementary issues. First, given that the creative
use of language and pictures results in the intricacies and complexities of picturebooks, what are
the unique cognitive processes which this complex use of language and pictures requires? Second,
given the fact that despite its complexity, the text and the pictures are in principle interpretable,
what are the general cognitive constraints, the adherence to which guarantees the understanding of
picturebooks (Kiimmerling-Meibauer and Meibauer 2013)? In order to illustrate the significance of
a cognitive approach to the investigation of picturebooks, the following sections focus on theory ef

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mind, whose acquisition is vital for the understanding of characters and perspective-taking, which are
two important narrative concepts (Eder,Jannidis and Schneider 2010; Herman 2013). In this way, we
aim to connect developmental aspects with narratological aspects (for emotions in picturebooks, see
Chapter 11 in this volume).

Picturebooks and theory of mind


Theory of mind - also coined 'mind-reading' - is the ability to attribute mental states, such as feel­
ings, desires, knowledge, and thoughts, to others and to understand that other people may have
beliefs, intentions, and feelings different to one's own (Doherty 2009; Marraffa 2011). Theory of
mind appears to be a potential ability that develops over childhood up to adolescence and beyond.
Precursors of the theory of mind are the imitation of intended actions at eighteen months of age, the
distinction between one's own and another's feelings or goals, and the onset of symbolic and fictional
play (Legerstee 2005). By age two, the ability to ascribe feelings and wishes to others (independently
of one's own feelings and wishes) has developed. A crucial watershed is the age of four, when chil­
dren usually acquire a basic understanding of theory of mind, as has been shown by innumerable
experimental studies and tests, whose design more or less goes back to the so-called false belief task,
developed by Heinz Wimmer and Josef Perner (1983). The basic idea of the false belief task, which is
considered a litmus test of theory of mind, consists in testing whether preschool children are able to
distinguish between the different perspectives of two persons.The results show that children typically
master this test at about four years. Usually a distinction between first-order beliefs and second-order
beliefs is made. First-order belief is related to the understanding that one can have a false belief about
reality (appearance-reality distinction) (at about three and a half to four years of age), while second­
order belief is connected to the understanding that one can have a false belief about the belief of
another person (by age six). The insight that different perspectives about a belief of another person
are possible is a late achievement in the development of children and young adults (between ages
twelve and seventeen).
This advanced form of theory of mind is related to the development of cognitive as well as social
abilities. If the focus shifts to older ages, the possibility - indeed the necessity - for integration is
essential, as it is evident that theory of mind cannot be strictly separated from other cognitive and
social concepts (Miller 2012). For instance, the cognitive and social concept of empathy is tightly
connected with theory of mind (Thompson and Lagattuta 2006). As the "ability to understand
another's perspective and to have a visceral or emotional reaction" (Hastings et al. 2006: 484),
empathy refers not only to the ability to understand other people's feelings and emotions, but also
to the aspect of one's own emotional reaction. Consequently, empathy connects affective, cognitive,
and physiological processes. An affective reaction usually elicits sympathy, while the possibility of
undertaking a change of perspective and understanding another's feelings and thoughts belongs to
the cognitive realm (Frijda 2007). Physiological processes are autonomous neural activities, such
as empathizing with another's pain, anxiety, and joy, which might even influence one's own bodily
perception. The concept of empathy plays an important role, since it influences the acquisition of
emotional competence, which encompasses four developmental stages, the two last being"empa­
thy for another's feelings" - often equated with theory of mind - and"empathy for another's life
condition;' which is typically acquired at the age of eleven or twelve. Case studies in the realm of
cognitive psychology have shown that children at four years of age develop"empathy for another's
feelings" (Hastings et al. 2006: 487). These studies also provide evidence that mastering of dif­
ferent aspects of emotion is spread across several years. Empathy and theory of mind go hand in
hand when it comes to the comprehension that different people may have different opinions and
feelings about the same thing (Pessoa 2008). Conceptual role-taking as the ability to understand
multiple perspectives as well as to imagine alternatives is a challenge children cannot cope with
before the age of nine or ten (Bosacki and Astington 1999). Consequently, theory of mind is key

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to a comprehensive understanding of picture book stories, which usually display the interaction of
characters whose emotions, desires, beliefs, and intentions propel the narrative both on the textual
and the visual level.

Characters in picturebooks
Picturebooks are teeming with characters, whether humans, animals, fantastic creatures, or animated
objects and vehicles, not to mention abstract entities such as colors and letters (Nikolajeva and
Scott 2001; Nikolajeva 2002; Kiimmerling-Meibauer and Meibauer 2014). These characters play a
significant role, as they drive the plot of the picturebook story and invite the child to identify or at
least feel empathy with them. Many scholars have laid the groundwork for an exploration of literary
characters and techniques of characterization. Understanding literary characters requires the ability
to attribute motivations and dispositions to them. This procedure encourages readers to form expec­
tations about what these characters will do next and why they react in a specific manner, and, in a
next step, to emotionally react to them. This happens through a complex interaction of what the text
discloses about the characters and what the reader knows about the world in general, particularly
about people. On the visual as well as textual side, several sources of characterizing information are
discernible: (a) presentations of a character's features, verbal and nonverbal behavior, physiognomy,
and body language; (b) presentation of the character's mental and emotional state; (c) inferred char­
acter traits mapped from the presentation of the fictional space to the character; and (d) presentation
of characters from different angles (Schneider 2001; Jannidis 2009). Children's engagement with
literary characters demands that they are able to transfer their prior knowledge about real people to
fictional beings and this cannot be taken for granted. What children first have to learn is the differ­
ence between a person and a Oiterary) character. While the notion of'person' usually refers to real
people, the notion of'character' is allocated to fictional figures that appear in literature and other art
forms (Frow 2016).Yet, when reading a story about a character, children may accept that the char­
acter represents a person, although the latter has a right of existence independently of the literary
text, while the former does not. Seen in this light, the crucial question then arises regarding in which
manner children may learn to"care about literary characters" (Vermeule 2010). This process is highly
relevant for an appreciation of literature per se, and it is evident that picture books play a significant
role in this respect.
Actual studies in (cognitive) narratology investigate in which way readers may feel empathy and
even identify with certain characters (Keen 2007; Izard 2009). Identification itself is a complex cog­
nitive notion, yet there appear to be textual clues that support identification, for instance: (a)"sympa­
thy with a character who is similar to the reader"; (b) "empathy for a character who is in a particular
situation"; and (c)"attraction to a character who is a role model for the reader" Gannidis 2009: 24).
The degree to which a child reader may identify or feel empathy with a literary character depends
on multiple conditions, such as the ability to take the character's perspective, to build up an affective
relation to the character, and to understand the societal, moral, and cultural reasons for a character's
specific behavior and thoughts (25). In this respect, characters whose appearance and demeanor devi­
ates from common expectations represent a particular cognitive challenge, since they demand that
the reader bear in mind social, cultural, and moral values, as well as consider the specific character's
point of view.
Moreover, if a character in a picturebook is not a human, but a house - as in Burton's picturebook
- children may be confused in terms of their cognitive mapping. Houses usually do not fall under
the category of'character'; they are commonly categorized as 'buildings' or 'dwellings.' Since houses
are inanimate and conceived rather as objects than as individual beings, the ascription of emotions
and thoughts to a house potentially contradicts children's already acquired categorization schemata
(Rakison and Oakes 2003; Cohen and Lefebvre 2017). The switching from a house considered an
inanimate building to an animate picturebook character, however, is close to the child's ability of

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pretend or imaginative play, which is regarded as a precursor to theory of mind. According to stud­
ies in developmental psychology, pretend play starts anytime from eleven to eighteen months. It
becomes very noticeable when children are three or four years old, because at this age children are
able to play out a play scene over a longer time period. Pretend play is a cognitive skill as it demands
the ability to (a) use objects and pretend that they are something else (for instance, a shoebox as a
bed for a doll), (b) attribute properties to objects (by pretending that a stuffed bear is sleeping), and
(c) refer to invisible objects (for example, an invisible dog as a companion) (Carlson and White 2013).
Under the condition that children have been schooled in pretend play they might be able to com­
prehend that a house has something like a face and has humanlike properties. Given this observation,
it is only another small step to accord feelings to the Little House as the main character in Burton 's
picturebook. The changing appearance of the front of the house, whose door, windows, and door­
steps represent facial features, perfectly matches with the house's alternating emotions, ranging from
happiness to astonishment, curiosity, and sadness. Hence, in accordance with the visuals, the story
invites the child to empathize with the Little House as the main character by recognizing certain
sirnjlarities that the house - due to its smallness and helplessness - shares with children.These aspects
are far from complete, but may suggest that the analysis of characters in picturebooks presents an
auspicious approach to analyzing children's developing appreciation of the cognitive and narrative
functions of characters in fictional texts.

Perspective-taking
Character, understood as a cognitive and narrative notion, also has to do with the perspectives that
matter in a story. In The Little House, the story is presented by a heterodiegetic narrator, who conveys
the feelings of the Little House: "The Little House was curious about the city and wondered what
it would be like to live there" (n. pag.). The story proceeds by showing rapid changes in the Little
House's surroundings. While the reader becomes aware that the Little House's curiosity is changing
to anxiety, there is no dialogue between the Little House and other characters. Yet there is speech
representation (McHale 2014), which establishes a frame for the story: "The man who built her so
well said, 'This Little House shall never be sold for gold or for silver and she will live to see our
great-great-grandchildren's great-great-grandchildren living in her."' (n. pag.). But no addressee is
mentioned. Later, the "great-great-granddaughter of the man who built the Little House" says to
her husband: "That Little House looks just like the Little House my grandmother lived in when she
was a little girl, only that Little House was way out in the country on a hill covered with daisies and
apple trees growing around." (n. pag.). When the house is moved again to the countryside and an
appropriate place is found, the great-great-granddaughter speaks again: "'There; said the great-great­
granddaughter, 'that's just the place.' 'Yes, it is,' said the Little House to herself " (n. pag.).
While this is not a dialogue, children here realize for the first time that the Little House can
speak. It remains a flat character, but what is important from the perspective of the child reader is
that direct quotation is used to represent thoughts and attitudes of characters. While the verb say is
the typical verb of saying here, and direct speech is the first pattern of speech representation that
children usually acquire (Kotler 2013), it is obvious that the embedding of these speech representa­
tions significantly contributes to the story. Hence, even a seemingly quite simple picturebook like
The Little House asks the child readers to take different perspectives, so that they gain access to the
beliefs, thoughts, and desires of fictional characters. They may also ascertain that these perspectives
may vary depending on the characters' world knowledge and their social and cultural positions.
These complex processes cannot be accessed without the acquisition of theory of mind as a precon­
dition for the understanding of other people's or fictional characters' states of mind. Considering
this, a cognitive approach to the investigation of picturebooks might enhance our understanding of
how picturebooks work.

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Picturebooks and cognitive studies

Conclusion: developing a cognitive theory of the picturebook


A cognitive theory of picturebooks should address the question of how language acquisition, visual
literacy, and literary literacy interact, and how these interactions may be related to other cognitive
processes, such as theory of mind or emotional and social development. It goes without saying that
this is a big task, demanding interdisciplinary cooperation and work for many years to come.
A first key issue is how best to foster genuine dialogue or interaction between scholarship on nar­
rative and the sciences of mind - as opposed to a unidirectional borrowing, by narrative scholars, of
ideas from the cognitive sciences. To this end, Herman (2013) proposes a "transdisciplinary" approach
to studying stories vis-a-vis the cognitive sciences. The argument is that the mind-narrative relation­
ship cannot be exhaustively characterized by the arts and humanities, by the social sciences, or by the
natural sciences taken alone; hence genuine dialogue and exchange across these fields of endeavor,
rather than unidirectional borrowing from a particular field that thereby becomes dominant, will
be required to address how mental states, capacities, and dispositions provide the foundation for or,
conversely, are grounded in narrative experiences. In reality, a cognitive study of picture books has to
address the mental processes involved in children's experience of multimodal art forms such as the
picturebook. The picturebook, which encapsulates the interface between the verbal and the visual,
does indeed pose a challenge to cognitive studies and may subsequently play a significant role in its
advancement.
The foremost goal of such an interdisciplinary critical synthesis of cognitive studies and pic­
turebook research consists in gaining a better awareness of what children may learn by looking at
picturebooks. Such a theoretical merger is, of course, exploratory and ambitious. At the heart of
all the disciplines involved are two shared goals: to uncover the structures of making sense within
picturebooks and to reveal their relationship to children's cognitive development. Crucially, this
approach primarily aims to explore multimodality in picturebooks from a cognitive-narratological
perspective, leading to greater understanding of the way in which children see, read, and make sense
of picturebook narratives. This approach may be regarded as a new gateway opening up the study of
the picturebook to the study of cognition and vice versa.

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