The Embodied Philosopher Living in Pursuit of Boundary Questions 1St Edition Konrad Werner Full Chapter
The Embodied Philosopher Living in Pursuit of Boundary Questions 1St Edition Konrad Werner Full Chapter
The Embodied Philosopher Living in Pursuit of Boundary Questions 1St Edition Konrad Werner Full Chapter
The
Embodied Philosopher
Living in Pursuit of Boundary Questions
Konrad Werner
New Directions in Philosophy and Cognitive
Science
Series Editor
Michelle Maiese
Admin 451, Emmanuel College
Boston, MA, USA
This series brings together work that takes cognitive science in new direc-
tions. For many years, philosophical contributions to the field of cogni-
tive science came primarily from theorists with commitments to physical
reductionism, neurocentrism, and a representationalist model of the
mind. However, over the last two decades, a rich literature that challenges
these traditional views has emerged. According to so-called ‘4E’
approaches, the mind is embodied, embedded, enactive, and extended.
Cognition, emotion, and consciousness are not best understood as com-
prised of brainbound representational mechanisms, but rather as
dynamic, embodied, action-oriented processes that sometimes extend
beyond the human body. Such work often draws from phenomenology
and dynamic systems theory to rethink the nature of cognition, charac-
terizing it in terms of the embodied activity of an affectively attuned
organism embedded in its social world. In recent years, theorists have
begun to utilize 4E approaches to investigate questions in philosophy of
psychiatry, moral psychology, ethics, and political philosophy. To foster
this growing interest in rethinking traditional philosophical notions of
cognition using phenomenology, dynamic systems theory, and 4E
approaches, we dedicate this series to “New Directions in Philosophy and
Cognitive Science.”
If you are interested in the series or wish to submit a proposal, please
contact Amy Invernizzi, [email protected].
The Embodied
Philosopher
Living in Pursuit of Boundary
Questions
Konrad Werner
Faculty of Philosophy
University of Warsaw
Warszawa, Poland
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar
or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Contents
v
vi Contents
Index217
1
Introduction: Philosophizing
as a Peculiar Pursuit
engaged in dealing with the needs they share with other living creatures,
thus in maintaining their precarious autonomy, is also engaged in the
pursuit of problematizing, including philosophical reflection. I mean
humans—one might add “of course” (“Humans, of course!”), but actu-
ally there is no reason to do that. In principle, this could have been any
lineage.
Now, crucially, this appeal to evolution, this talk of “living creatures,”
is by no means mere decorum, a fancy way of getting the reader inter-
ested. I mean it technically. The aim of this book is to set forth an account
of what the pursuit of problematizing in general, and the pursuit of phi-
losophizing in particular is, qua undertaken by a living system coupled
with its surroundings (this task is fulfilled in Chap. 5, following various
preparatory investigations). Living creatures do various things, not only
to survive, but also to make sense of the world they live in, as Francisco
Varela puts it, and some of them do philosophize. Why? How do they
manage it? How is this specific and quite peculiar endeavor related to the
way in which the world is experienced by them? What is it like to phi-
losophize? These are our concerns.
The concerns are meta-philosophical, yet in this book they are
approached from a perspective that might be called bottom-up, which
means that we shall try to reconstruct first how philosophizing emerges
from and finds itself within the actual experiences of conscious, self-
reflective subjects; and second, how the actual processes of maintaining
one’s precarious autonomy and one’s environmental interactions have
given rise to the peculiar intellectual endeavor called philosophy.
***
Philosophy is something that you really have to learn from other people. Here
the first person I need to thank is Jerzy Perzanowski, whom I knew just for two
or three years before he passed away in 2009, but it was enough to reset my
entire thinking about philosophy. Perzanowski is one of the greatest thinkers of
our times in the area of formal ontology and applications of logic to philosophy
in the first place, but what I remember most is his incredibly broad approach,
capable of taking in the whole intellectual tradition in a single synthetizing act
of the intellect.
I would like to thank my colleagues, particularly but not exclusively those
from the University of Warsaw, where I teach now and at Jagiellonian University,
where I received my original training in philosophy. I am especially grateful to
Józef Bremer, Katarzyna Paprzycka-Hausman, Mieszko Tałasiewicz, and Janusz
Sytnik-Czetwertyński, who helped me at various stages of my career.
All the mixed and mingled topics touched upon in this book reflect all of my
explorations over the last few years in various areas of philosophy, sometimes
clearly related to one another and sometimes maintaining a more intricate con-
nection. To list just two that have been most consequential, when it comes to
ontology, my gratitude goes especially to Achille Varzi. As for my venture into
the area of philosophy of biology, I am especially indebted to Colin Allen.
This book would not be possible without the help of Dominika Gajewska,
whose hard work on correcting my English over the course of many years must
have been a difficult task, to say the least.
Last but certainly not least, I want to thank the anonymous reviewers of this
book and the editors from Palgrave Macmillan for their hard work and
encouragement.
The preparation and writing of this book was generously supported by two
grants from the Polish National Science Center (Narodowe Centrum Nauki):
grant no 2016/20/S/HS1/00046. (2016–2019) and grant no 2019/33/B/
HS1/01764 (2020–2023).
It should also be noted that parts of Chap. 4 have already been published in
Werner (2020).
References
Cappelen, H. (2012). Philosophy Without Intuitions. Oxford University Press.
Danto, A. (1964). The Artworld. Journal of Philosophy, LXI, 571–584.
Dickie, G. (1974). Art and the Aesthetic: An Institutional Analysis. Cornell
University Press.
12 K. Werner
incomparable due to the fact that they stand as constituents of two entirely
different alternatives.
I shall base my argumentation on the following two theoretical posits
drawn from two entirely different contexts: firstly, on Kit Fine’s (1982)
theory of embodiment which makes deliberative use of “qua,” a tradi-
tional logical operator responsible for introducing or unveiling contexts,
contrasts, or aspects; and secondly, on the notion of contrastive knowl-
edge developed by Schaffer (2007), who makes the case that our knowl-
edge is populated by propositions (here beliefs) relative to fixed questions,
rather than isolated propositions on their own.
Therefore, the lesson we need to take away from these introductory
considerations is that when seeking to elucidate the status of philosophi-
cal competence, we need to begin by refocusing our attention—from
beliefs per se to the questions they answer. But are there any specifically
philosophical questions? From a different angle: are any philosophical
questions possible? The latter is the core puzzle which we shall arrive at in
Chaps. 4 and 5.
At some point in time, by, like, the year 2300, the medical and computer
sciences will be able to simulate the real world very convincingly (…) so
that the brain has experiences exactly as if it were a real person walking
around in a real world, talking to other people, and so on. And so the brain
2 Questioning the Comparability of (Philosophical) Beliefs 17
would believe it was a real person walking around in a real world, etc.,
except that it would be wrong (…). And here’s the thing: how could you
ever tell that it isn’t really the year 2300 now, and that you’re not really a
virtual-reality brain? If you were a virtual-reality brain, after all, everything
would look and feel exactly the same to you as it does now! (Nichols et al.,
2003/2011, p. 240)
After reading the vignette, the participants were asked to give their
assessment of George’s epistemic position and to decide whether he
REALLY KNOWS or ONLY BELIEVES that he is a real person. It
turned out that the “low philosophy” group, that is, participants lacking
philosophical competence (measured as the function of how many phi-
losophy courses they had taken), were more likely to choose REALLY
KNOWS (about 50 percent picked this option) than the group dubbed
“high philosophy” (only about 20 percent, while about 80 percent picked
ONLY BELIEVES).
Clearly, the answers provided by the “low philosophers” were targeted
along the very same lines as those given by the “high philosophers,”
meaning that the two groups of answers are such that, according to
Nichols et al. (2003), it makes sense to confront them and say something
like “look, the ‘high philosophers’ claim this, whereas the ‘low philoso-
phers’ claim that.”
Someone might argue that the confrontation in question makes sense
only if the two groups ascribe the same meanings to “REALLY KNOWS”
and “ONLY BELIEVES,” which is doubtful, taking into account pre-
cisely the differences in rates of philosophical study: what philosophers
mean by “REALLY KNOWS” and “ONLY BELIEVES” is loaded with
content that is not familiar to folk, and this fact amounts not only to a
difference in the degree of both groups’ familiarity with the said phrases,
but to the assignment of two genuinely different meanings to the phrases
in question.
Yet, as noted earlier, questioning comparability differs from the argu-
ment pertaining to alleged differences in meaning. Note that two (or
more) philosophers may also really differ when it comes to the meaning
they ascribe to “REALLY KNOWS” and “ONLY BELIEVES,” if, for
example, they subscribe to different philosophical traditions (e.g., one of
18 K. Werner
such stories are fated to have only limited access to information, we must
stick to W if anyone is supposed to know anything. Otherwise—Jane’s
argument concludes—“REALLY KNOWS” refers to some extramun-
dane ideal, useless in real-life situations and even in science which is also
unable to reach this extramundane perspective (noteworthily, we shall go
back to the issue raised by our fictional Jane in Chap. 4). So, Jane ends up
holding W, but a philosophically refined version of it, so to speak; hence
she ends up with Wp, to use the same convention.
What happens between Wn and Sp, and then between Sp and Wp?
Finally, what is the difference between Wn and Wp? It seems that there
must be a difference between the weak epistemic expectations of some-
one who has never reflected on knowledge (Wn), and the weak epistemic
expectations of someone who has gone through the whole history of phi-
losophy and decides to revert to the everyday naive perspective (e.g., in
step with Merleau-Ponty’s, 1962 postulate). Yet, Wn and Wp come up in
the guise of identical answers when we look through the standard tests
used by Nichols et al. (2003).
If the difference between Wn and Wp boils down to a difference of the
meanings attributed to “REALLY KNOWS” and “ONLY BELIEVES,”
then why are we not equally prone to say that Sp and Wp also differ with
respect to the meanings of the two phrases? After all, if the former employs
the God’s Eye perspective and the latter rejects it, there appears to be a
major difference between the meanings Sp and Wp attribute to “KNOWS”
and “BELIEVES.”
In my view, as I shall demonstrate below, drawing on Schaffer’s (2007)
account of contrastive knowledge, Sp and Wp place both answers “REALLY
KNOWS” and “ONLY BELIEVES” in, ceteris paribus, the same con-
trasts, which makes them comparable, and which may not be the case
when it comes to Wn. The contrast at stake can be represented as a set of
alternative answers to a given question. Hence, in short, Sp and Wp differ
as providers of answers to the same set of questions, but they do not differ
when it comes to the questions as such. Meanwhile, arguably, Wn—as
understood by a non-philosopher—may in fact be answering a different
question.
I shall develop the above comparability/incomparability issue in greater
detail in the next two sections and in Chap. 3.
20 K. Werner
Actually, there are some internal differences within the broader tent of
expertise defenders, aptly elaborated on by Machery, 2017, but let us
work with a somewhat simplified story here. This way or another, the
defenders cited by Nado (2014) try to make the case that the answers
2 Questioning the Comparability of (Philosophical) Beliefs 21
president is a mammal, this would be, I argue, incorrect despite the fact
that Trump is president, he is a mammal, and moreover, to my knowl-
edge, all presidents have been mammals so far. Admittedly, someone
might argue that the proposition is true, period: if Trump belongs to the
group of presidents (true), and the latter group is a subset of a larger
group of mammals (true), then “Trump qua president is a mammal” is
true. However, it may also be considered (which is the reading I support)
neither true nor false, but a nonsensical utterance. I propose that the
nonsense is due to the placement of Donald Trump inside two in princi-
ple different segments of the space of reasons, so to speak.
Now, once the conceptual scaffolding taken from Fine’s theory of
embodiment has been provisionally set up, we can make our first attempt
to characterize comparability in the relevant terms. Namely:
(1) Two beliefs p1 and p2 held by the subject s are comparable if there is
such φ that s qua φ believes that p1 and s qua φ believes that p2.
This means that two beliefs are comparable if they can be attributed to
a subject taken in the same capacity, thus to a single qua object based on
the subject. This basic intuition could be further developed so that we
have different subjects and—ceteris paribus—identical or analogous
glosses, which would make their views comparable.
That said, one way of arguing against the comparability thesis referring
to the philosophers vs. non-philosophers controversy in terms of qua objects
could be to say that there is a fundamental logical difference between
attributing beliefs to the subject in her capacity of being a philosopher
and attributing beliefs to the subject (even the same subject) in her capac-
ity of being a non-philosopher. Going back to the example rolled out
above, we can have:
Therefore, the strong incomparability thesis would insist that the “qua
philosopher” gloss signifies a different attitude toward judgments, beliefs,
or “cognitive projects,” as Rini (2015) puts it. The “qua philosopher”
gloss, therefore, implies that “x qua philosopher believes that p” has spe-
cific truth conditions that are fundamentally different from the truth
conditions attributable to “x qua non-philosopher believes that p.”
I will argue in the next section that there is a plausible idea laid down
in the expertise defense so unrolled, but unfortunately it is hardly
2 Questioning the Comparability of (Philosophical) Beliefs 25
turns out that the very capacity or role in which the subject acts can also
be unpacked in terms of qua objects based this time not on the subject,
but on her acts themselves.
To begin this part, I would like to bring up the second theoretical posit
that my argument is built upon, namely Schaffer’s (2007) idea of contras-
tive knowledge. At first glance it has nothing to do with the issue being
debated here, but I shall try to draw a clear connection shortly.
Schaffer starts by characterizing what he calls knowledge-wh, which
refers to cases such as my knowledge of who wrote “The Brothers
Karamazov,” whether Dostoyevsky or Gogol wrote “The Brothers
Karamazov,” what happened on September 1, 1939 in Europe, when the
Second World War started, where I parked my car, why the crisis of 2008
happened, and finally also (although it does not fit the wh template so well)
how the brain manages to combine data from two eyes. What is specific in
all of these examples is that the interrogative component, or, simply speak-
ing, the question that each of these knowledge ascriptions answers, is built
into the structure of the ascription. For example, when I say I know when
the Second World War started, the question was “When did WWII start?”
Now, the traditional distinction between knowledge-how and
knowledge-that, which we owe to Ryle (1949), appears much more
coarse-grained, and it is crucial to Schaffer not to reduce the variety of
knowledge-wh ascriptions to propositional knowledge-that. The reason
for the irreducibility of the former is precisely that they have the built-in
questions, whereas in knowledge-that the question “goes missing,” as
Schaffer (2007, p. 384) puts it. In other words, when we have the struc-
ture Ksp: “s knows that p,” there is no place for a reference to what ques-
tion p answers. Meanwhile, there could be situations in which the reference
helps us figure out what p actually says, thus what s actually knows.
To demonstrate his point, Schaffer proposes to consider the example
of p1 = “There is a goldfinch in the garden,” and therefore Ksp1 = “s knows
that there is a goldfinch in the garden.” Now, Ksp1 can be the answer to
more than one question. Just consider these:
Now, Schaffer points out that the two knowledge ascriptions built
upon Q1 and Q2 are nonequivalent:
The point is, therefore, that the Ksp scheme works well only in situa-
tions when people already know the appropriate interrogative context,
thus when the appropriate question is in the air, so to speak. But Ksp does
not make what is in the air explicit. Meanwhile, in order to articulate the
question as part of knowledge ascriptions Schaffer proposes his idea of
contrastive knowledge-wh:
(5) Two beliefs p1 and p2 are comparable if the set of contrast beliefs
attributable to p1, taken together with all its consequences (formally
speaking, closed under logical consequence) has a common element
with the set of contrast beliefs attributable to p2, also taken together
with all its consequences.
speak of the act of believing that p qua answering the question of whether
p or q, for example.
Putting Fine’s and Schaffer’s proposal together, we can unpack beliefs-
wh in terms of qua objects. For example: s’s act of believing that Prus
wrote “The Doll” qua answering the question of whether Prus or
Sienkiewicz wrote “The Doll,” differs from s’s act of believing that Prus
wrote “The Doll” qua answering the question of whether Prus or Joseph
Conrad wrote “The Doll.” Note that, just as it was the case in Schaffer’s
example of whether it was a goldfinch or a raven that was in the garden,
the first belief (act of believing) referring to Prus poses a relatively harder
task than the second if one is not that familiar with nineteenth-century
Polish literature. Note in this context that the contrastive approach makes
ample room for an account of expertise, as pointed out by Schaffer him-
self. He stressed that “who has evidence, expertise, and answers is a func-
tion of the question.” For example, if the question refers to a goldfinch or
a raven, “then the person with the evidence, expertise, and answer is the
person who can tell a goldfinch from a raven.” If the question is easier and
involves a raven versus a canary, “then the person with the evidence,
expertise, and answer is the person who can tell a goldfinch from a canary”
(ibid., p. 394).
So, based on Fine and Schaffer, we obtain something along the follow-
ing lines:
Note that if s1 = s2, we can speak of one and the same person having
beliefs that are embodied differently, thus are attributable to different
contrasts. This proves useful as we come back to the issue of the compa-
rability of philosophical and folk beliefs.
Noteworthily, Schaffer’s focus on questions harks back to the idea set
forth by Henryk Hiż, who was one of the thinkers who laid the
2 Questioning the Comparability of (Philosophical) Beliefs 35
(7) John believes that the chair in his office is real qua answering the
question of whether the chair is real or the product of
hallucination.
(8) John believes that the chair in his office is real qua answering the
question of whether the chair is real or a fake imitation made of paper.
(9) John believes that the chair in his office is real qua answering the
question of whether the chair is real or made up of sense-data.
(10) John believes that the chair in his office is real qua answering the
question of whether only physical particles are real or whether ordi-
nary things such as chairs are real, too.
For a while the horsemen had it all their own way, chiefly, as
Cortés observes, because the enemy consisted of such disorganized
masses as to prevent one another either from fighting or fleeing; but
as they became more used to the Spanish tactics they offered firmer
resistance. The horse of the general being so severely struck in the
mouth as to become unmanageable, Cortés dismounted and turned
it loose to seek another. The injured animal, seemingly imbued with
its master’s spirit, dashed at the enemy in mad career, creating quite
a panic in its course. The cavalry took advantage of the confusion to
follow, partly with a view to secure the animal; after regaining the
main body they indulged in a brief rest. The heat no less than the
fighting had tired out both men and horses; but there was for them
little respite, for no sooner had the foes observed their inaction than
they closed in round them with renewed courage. “Thrust well and
deep,” came the order to the soldiers, “for they are all chiefs!” And so
they seemed, from their rich dress, their elaborate devices, and their
glittering ornaments. Cortés now mounted a horse whose
viciousness had hitherto consigned him to the baggage department,
[883]and again the cavalry formed, this time in more compact order.
But the enemy, ever relieved by fresh men, maintained the firmness
with which they had begun the charge, and both horsemen and foot-
soldiers found the pressure becoming greater and the fight hotter.
Thus the battle continued during the greater part of the forenoon,
[884] the natives evidently as fresh as ever, and the Spaniards visibly
failing. “We thought surely that this was to be our last day,” writes
Cortés, “in view of the great strength of the Indians and the little
resistance they could find in us, tired as we were, and nearly all
wounded, and faint with hunger.”
A feeling of suffocation and deathly despair comes over the
Spaniards as the dusky host fold them in closer and yet fiercer
embrace. Hot falls the blood-reeking breath upon their faces, as,
flushed with success and sure of their victims, the foe lay hold of the
Spaniards to drag them away to the sacrifice. Rare offerings to the
gods, indeed, are these magnificent men! And such they will surely
become if Mary, Santiago, or the ready genius of Cortés appears not
quickly to the rescue! But how shall there be rescue? What rescue is
there to the sinking ship alone in mid-ocean? Can this Cortés for the
release of his comrades baffle death like Hercules for the release of
Alcestis?
So it would seem. Behold yonder grand personage, borne aloft
in open litter, high over the others, with plumed head-dress, and
above it the gold-net standard, the tlahuizmatlaxopilli, set with
precious feathers, and secured to his back by a staff, according to
custom.[885] This is the generalissimo of all the native forces there
gathered, and around him are the flower of the army in feathered
armor of rich designs, guarding with zealous care the banner, and
encouraging the rest to renewed efforts and brave deeds. Cortés
sees him, and his purpose for weal or woe is fixed almost before his
comrades are aware of the chieftain’s approach; for he comes as
captain of the hounds to be in at the death of these Spanish foxes.
Cortés is well aware of the importance attached by natives to the
person of the general, and to the safe-keeping of the standard. In
these centre all the hope of their armies: success is theirs so long as
they remain; but once brought low, and the Indian regards all as lost.
Even at this juncture Cortés does not fail to observe the increased
firmness and spirit among the warriors as the banner approaches.
Here, then, is the one chance more, which is all the brave man asks.
With a quick motion to his mounted followers, pointing to the sacred
insignia, and as if he would throw the whole might of Spain into his
brief words, Cortés cries out: “Señores, let us break with them! In the
name of God and St Peter, señores, let us close with them!” Not a
man there but knew that the next moment would determine all, would
determine the fate of every Spaniard in New Spain.
Throwing themselves with the compact force of one of their own
cannon-balls against the heaving mass, they mow an instant path to
the charmed centre. The wave of disorder strikes the sacred guard,
while the unruly horse of Cortés, bearing him unresistingly onward,
overturns the litter of the generalissimo, and hurls the bearers to the
ground. “Victory!” shouts Cortés, when he recovers his breath; and
“victory! victory!” echo his people, while Juan de Salamanca plunges
his lance into the body of the prostrate chief, and seizing the sacred
banner, presents it to the general as his rightful trophy.[886]
The welcome cry of Cortés electrified the whole Spanish line,
while the warriors lately so triumphant stood stupefied with dismay.
With the disappearance of the palladium their courage had fallen,
while the Spanish soldiers, with the confidence and strength of joy,
rushed from wing to wing upon them. The warriors wavered; then,
with one more searching glance in the direction of the guiding
emblem, they became convinced that their leader had indeed fallen.
Consternation followed; the panic from the centre overtook the more
distant, and valiantly as they had fought before, as cravenly did they
now flee.[887]
Forgetful of wounds and hunger, and regardless of the imminent
danger attending such a course, the Spaniards pursued the foolish
fugitives, thrusting and slashing at them until they had killed twenty
thousand—a round figure, truly, and one which accords well with the
estimates of the entire force. But after all, what the natives had
hitherto suffered must have been little compared with the present
slaughter, for their dead lay very thick along the line of retreat. Hardly
one among the Spaniards had come off scathless, while few of the
poor Tlascaltecs were left to share in the rich spoils.[888]
After recalling the troops from their bloody pursuit, the first care
of Cortés was to see that the wounded soldiers had rest and
refreshment. Then a solemn thanksgiving service was held, and right
earnestly did they all join in its offering. Cortés ascribed the victory to
St Peter, as with his name on his lips he had made the miraculous
charge. But Santiago was the soldiers’ favorite, as they declared he
was present and fought with them; and near the village of
Tenexcalco a chapel was afterward erected to commemorate his
appearance.[889]
Obviously this battle was the most important so far in the New
World; and it must ever be regarded as one of the most remarkable
in history. The natives were probably much less numerous than the
estimates of the boastful victors; still they were immensely superior
in number and condition to the Spaniards, enfeebled by recent
defeat, by wounds, and want. Further, the latter had no fire-arms
wherewith to terrify the natives, only swords and pikes. Their main
advantage lay in their horses, their discipline, and the genius of their
leader;[890] all strengthened by the enthusiasm born of a national
pride, and a certain knowledge that failure meant utter destruction.
Fatigued as all were, and weakened from battle, Cortés resolved
nevertheless to push on toward Tlascala the same day, fearing that
the enemy might be shamed into a rally, or receive such
reinforcements to their already immense numbers as to encourage
them to return. In this he was not mistaken, for Cuitlahuatzin had
ordered Tezcuco, Chalco, and neighboring districts to send larger
forces, and so insure an assumed victory for the Otumban army. The
reinforcements appear to have been already in motion when news
came of the defeat, accompanied by the rumor that a Tlascaltec
army was on the way to aid the Spaniards. The hasty march
eastward of the fugitives offered in itself sufficient encouragement for
straggling marauders from the surrounding villages to follow in their
wake and harass them with occasional missiles.[891]
FOOTNOTES
[845] ‘Esto despues lo declararon los mismos Indios.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt.
iii. 143. Nor do they omit the ever recurring story of the virgin image casting dust
into the eyes of the pursuers.
[846] The Tlascaltec and Cempoalan bodies were thrown among the reeds, and
the Spanish into deeper water. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 126-7.
[847] Duran and Ixtlilxochitl make the murders take place in the Spanish quarters,
as we have seen. Sahagun permits two of Montezuma’s sons to fall between the
last channel and Popotla, while guiding the fugitives. Hist. Conq., 33 (ed. 1840),
122. Gomara assumes also that the pursuers may have been content with the
injury inflicted, or cared not to renew the fight on more open ground. Hist. Mex.,
161. Solis attributes the respite wholly to the discovery of the bodies. Hist. Mex., ii.
185-6.
[848] ‘Llegado á la dicha ciudad de Tacuba, hallé toda la gente remolinada en una
plaza, que no sabían dónde ir.’ Cortés, Cartas, 136. ‘Hasta cerca de Tlacupan
hasta un lugar que se llama Tilihucan.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 33. ‘Tacuba ... is at
the present day chiefly noted for the large and noble church which was erected
there by Cortez.’ Latrobe’s Rambler, 128.
[849] Gomara assumes that the Tlacopan people were not aware of the broken
condition of the troops. Now they joined the 40,000 Mexicans who had set forth
prepared for pursuit. Hist. Mex., 161. ‘Yà auian venido de Mexico.... dar mandado
a Tacuba, y a Escapuçalco, y a Tenayuca, para que nos saliessen al encuentro.’
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 106. The Mexicans were disgusted with those of
Tlacopan for their neglect. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.
[850] ‘Un Angel de Guarda, ó San Pedro, como otros quieren, ó Santiago Apostol,’
observes the enthusiastic Lorenzana. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 145.
[852] ‘Una torre y aposento fuerte.’ Cortés, Cartas, 136. ‘Vnas caserias q̄ en vn
cerro estauan, y alli jũto a vn Cu, e adoratorio, y como fortaleza.’ Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 107. ‘A este templo llamaron de la Vitoria, y despues nuestra
Señora de los remedios.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Sahagun calls the rise
Acueco, and places upon it the Otomí village of Otoncapulco. Hist. Conq. (ed.
1840), 122. Vetancurt follows, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 143, while Camargo calls it
Tzacuyocan. The variations in Sahagun’s editions lead Torquemada to say that
the Spaniards moved the same day from Otoncalpulco pueblo to Acueco, an
Otomí village, i. 504-5. This, Brasseur de Bourbourg follows. The Spaniards may
have passed through it on departing, but would hardly move from a stronghold to a
probably open village while surrounded by enemies. If food was the object, the
able-bodied soldiers would have made a sally for it. It appears that the army
camped for the night on the hill now occupied by the Remedios shrine, and in the
fortress-like temple, to which a small village was attached. Alzate, however, who
took pains to inquire into the subject, found that the natives applied the name
Otoncapulco, not to the Remedios hill, but to the mountain, three fourths of a
league off. On this mountain he found the ruins of a strong building, and none on
the hill, whence he assumes that the camp was not made on the site of the shrine,
but on the mountain. Gacetas de Lit., ii. 457-9. Bustamante accepts this view, but
Archbishop Lorenzana, whose testimony in the matter must be reliable, says: ‘Se
conservan aun algunos vestigios de la antigua Fortaleza, y esta se ha convertido
dichosamente en el célebre Santuario de N. Sra. de los Remedios.’ Cortés, Hist.
N. España, p. xiii. He also intimates that the Otoncapulco name is misapplied.
Hence it may be assumed that the common application of Otoncapulco to this hill
is due to a misinterpretation of Sahagun’s versions, which have been greatly
tampered with, for that matter, and that the ruins mentioned by Lorenzana had
disappeared by the time Alzate examined the place.
[853] Cartas, 136; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 110. ‘Aqui se señalò mucho Gonçalo
Dominguez, hombre diestro y valiente.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Prescott
makes several blunders and omissions in connection with this day.
[854] A few stragglers managed to reach the camp, and among them one
Sopuerta, who had escaped death by feigning it. Herrera, ubi sup. Sahagun states
that Otomís from Teucalhuican, and from the immediate neighborhood, no doubt,
brought food, and invited the Spaniards to the former town, a few leagues from
there. Hist. Conq., 33. Torquemada follows him, but the story is probably an
exaggeration.
[855] It has been shown previously, by testimony not accessible till later years, that
the image placed in the great temple was a picture on a tablet, while that of
Remedios is a doll. But, of course, the image that could move through the air
could also transform its shape. Bernal Diaz assumes, as we have seen, that
Montezuma had ordered the image to be cared for; yet many believe that
Rodriguez secured it before or after the massacre, while the more pious prefer to
suppose that he could not find it, for want of time, perhaps, and that it moved
miraculously to the camp. Acosta, Hist. Ind., 524; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 302.
After the departure of the troops the image hid itself on the spot, or Rodriguez,
tired of the burden which had saved his life, ungratefully left it there. It is also
supposed to have been carried to Tlascala ere it reappeared on its later site.
Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 106 et seq.; Alaman, Disert., i. 122. Lorenzana accepts it
as the image from Mexico’s temple. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 138.
[856] It has frequently been brought to Mexico, and is still brought to avert
epidemics and other ills, to bring rain or other blessings. When detained it would
travel back of its own accord to the shrine, a proof of which was afforded by the
travel stains on the dress. One rainy night it arrived covered with mud. Latrobe’s
Rambler, 133. Thompson describes it as ‘a little alabaster doll, with the nose
broken, and the eye out ... about eight inches high.’ Her wardrobe and jewels are
valued at over $1,000,000. Recollections, 103-9. He gives an account of the
veneration for the image and its miraculous power. The history of its origin and
worship is to be found in a multitude of books, among which may be mentioned,
Medina, Chrón. S. Diego Mex., 30 et seq.; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 106 et seq.;
Bustamante, Mem. Piedad Mex., 1-52.
[857] Cortés prudently limits, and we must add untruthfully, the loss to 150 soldiers
and some 2000 allies. It is with a view to this estimate that he reduced the force
brought into Mexico to 570 men, to which must be added the 140 composing the
garrison. Deducting the 150 lost, 560 remain, and since he would hardly
overestimate the number, for obvious reasons, this figure is probably near the
truth. Bernal Diaz musters 1300 at Tlascala, and has 80 at Mexico. Deducting