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Africa’s Endangered Languages
DOCUMENTARY AND THEORETICAL APPROACHES
Edited by Jason Kandybowicz

and
Harold Torrence
1
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.
© Oxford University Press 2017
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.
You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Kandybowicz, Jason, editor. | Torrence, Harold, editor.
Title: Africa’s endangered languages : documentary and theoretical approaches/
edited by Jason Kandybowicz and Harold Torrence.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2017] |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016042230 (print) | LCCN 2017008543 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780190256340 (hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9780190256357 (pdf) |
ISBN 9780190256364 (online course)
Subjects: LCSH: Endangered languages—Africa. | Language
obsolescence—Africa. | Linguistic change—Africa. | Africa—Languages
Classification: LCC P40.5.E532 A37 2017 (print) | LCC P40.5.E532 (ebook) |
DDC 496—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016042230
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
We dedicate this volume to the memory and legacy of Russ Schuh (1941–2016),
a mentor, a colleague, and an inspiration.
CONTENTS
List of Contributors ix
1. Africa’s Endangered Languages: An Overview 1

Jason Kandybowicz and Harold Torrence
2. The Challenge of Documenting Africa’s Least-Known Languages 11

Bonny Sands
3. The Nata Documentation Project: An Overview 39

Joash J. Gambarage, Andrei Anghelescu, Strang Burton, Joel Dunham,
Erin Guntly, Hermann Keupdjio, Zoe Wai-M an Lam, Adriana Osa-G omez,
Douglas Pulleyblank, Dayanqi Si, Yoshiko Yoshino,
and Rose-M arie Déchaine
4. Tongue Root Harmony in Nata: An Allomorphy-based Account 57

Joash J. Gambarage and Douglas Pulleyblank
5. Nominal and Verbal Tone in Nata: An Allomorphy-based Account 87

Andrei Anghelescu, Joash J. Gambarage, Zoe Wai-M an Lam,
and Douglas Pulleyblank
6. Nata Deverbal Nominalizations 125

Rose-M arie Déchaine, Dayanqi Si, and Joash J. Gambarage
7. Busy Intersections: A Framework for Revitalization 145

G. Tucker Childs
8. Documenting Ekegusii: How Empowering Research Fulfills Community

and Academic Goals 165
Carlos M Nash
9. The Role of Theory in Documentation: Intervention Effects and

Missing Gaps in the Krachi Documentary Record 187
10. Documenting Raising and Control in Moro 207

Peter Jenks and Sharon Rose
11. The Linker in the Khoisan Languages 237

Chris Collins
viii Contents
12. Theory and Description: Understanding the Syntax of Eegimaa Verb

Stem Morphology 267
Mamadou Bassene and Ken Safir
13. On (Ir)realis in Seenku (Mande, Burkina Faso) 297

Laura McPherson
14. Contributions of Micro-comparative Research to Language

Documentation: Two Bantu Case Studies 321
Michael R. Marlo
15. Sebirwa in Contact with Setswana: A Natural Experiment in Learning

an Unnatural Alternation 343
Elizabeth C. Zsiga and One Tlale Boyer
16. Three Analyses of Underlying Plosives in Caning, a Nilo-Saharan

Language of Sudan 367
Timothy M. Stirtz
17. Exceptions to Hiatus Resolution in Mushunguli (Somali Chizigula) 411

Katherine Hout
18. Acoustic and Aerodynamic Data on Somali Chizigula Stops 427

Michal Temkin Martinez and Vanessa Rosenbaum
19. Unmasking the Bantu Orthographic Vowels: The Challenge for

Language Documentation and Description 449
Joash J. Gambarage
General Index 485

Author Index 493
Language Index 499
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Andrei Anghelescu is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Linguistics at the

University of British Columbia.
Mamadou Bassene is an independent researcher.
One Tlale Boyer is an independent researcher.
Strang Burton is Instructor in the Department of Linguistics at the University of
British Columbia.
G. Tucker Childs is Professor of Linguistics in the Department of Applied

Linguistics at Portland State University.
Chris Collins is Professor of Linguistics in the Department of Linguistics at
New York University.
Rose-Marie Déchaine is Associate Professor of Linguistics in the Department of
Linguistics at the University of British Columbia.
Joel Dunham is a postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Classics, Modern
Languages and Linguistics at Concordia University.
Joash J. Gambarage is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Linguistics at the
Erin Guntly is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Linguistics at the University
of British Columbia.
Katherine Hout is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Linguistics at the University
of California, San Diego.
Peter Jenks is Assistant Professor of Linguistics in the Department of Linguistics
at the University of California, Berkeley.
Jason Kandybowicz is Associate Professor of Linguistics in the Linguistics Program
at The Graduate Center, City University of New York.
Hermann Keupdjio is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Linguistics at the
Zoe Wai-Man Lam is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Linguistics at the
Michael R. Marlo is Associate Professor of Linguistics in the Department of
English at the University of Missouri.
Michal Temkin Martinez is Associate Professor of Linguistics in the Department of
English at Boise State University.
x List of Contributors
Laura McPherson is Assistant Professor of Linguistics in the Program in Linguistics

at Dartmouth College.
Carlos M Nash is Lecturer of Linguistics in the Department of Linguistics at the
University of California, Santa Barbara.
Adriana Osa-Gomez is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Linguistics at the
Douglas Pulleyblank is Professor of Linguistics in the Department of Linguistics at
the University of British Columbia.
Sharon Rose is Professor of Linguistics in the Department of Linguistics at the
University of California, San Diego.
Vanessa Rosenbaum was an undergraduate linguistics student at Boise State
University and now works in the private sector.
Ken Safir is Professor of Linguistics in the Department of Linguistics at Rutgers
University.
Bonny Sands is Adjunct Professor in the Department of English at Northern
Arizona University.
Dayanqi Si is a member of the Faculty of Information and Media Studies at the
University of Western Ontario.
Timothy M. Stirtz is Linguistics Coordinator and Linguistics Consultant at SIL
South Sudan.
Harold Torrence is Associate Professor of Linguistics in the Department of
Linguistics at the University of California, Los Angeles.
Yoshiko Yoshino was an undergraduate linguistics student at the University of
British Columbia and now works in the private sector.
Elizabeth C. Zsiga is Professor of Linguistics in the Department of Linguistics at
Georgetown University.
1

AN OVERVIEW
1.1. Language endangerment in Africa
Perhaps one of the most disturbing trends of our time is the accelerating rate of
language extinction and endangerment.* Most of today’s languages are struggling
to survive, clinging to life in a world of diminishing linguistic diversity. The phe-
nomenon is not relegated to the planet’s most remote linguistic outposts. Wherever
we find languages, we find language endangerment.
The African continent hosts roughly one-third of the world’s approximately
7,000 living languages. We might expect, therefore, to find a rich deposit of endan-
gered languages within its borders. But we would be wrong, according to some. Ever
since the late 1980s and early 1990s, the overall threat level of language endanger-
ment in sub-Saharan Africa has been characterized and widely accepted as “low”
(Sommer 1992; Brenzinger 1992, 1998; Wurm 1996; Anderson & Harrison 2006),
owing in all likelihood to misleadingly high population counts. In addition, it has
been claimed that the rate of language endangerment is significantly lower in sub-
Saharan Africa than in other parts of the world (Simons & Lewis 2013) owing to
diverse factors such as extensive multilingualism (Childs et al. 2014), urbanization
(Simons & Lewis 2013), and the effects of settlement colonization versus exploita-
tion colonization on language ecologies (Mufwene 2002). Consequently, research
on Africa’s endangered languages has lagged behind endangered language research
in other parts of the world.
Nonetheless, there have been some attempts to document the endangered lan-
guages of Africa, to ascertain their relative threat levels, and to catalogue the conti-
nent’s extinct languages. Among them are the Summer Institute of Linguistics’ (SIL)
2 Africa’s Endangered Languages
Ethnologue project (Lewis et al. 2015), the School of Oriental and African Studies’
(SOAS) Endangered Languages Documentation Program, Sommer’s (1992) survey,
the collection of articles in Brenzinger (1992, 1998), works such as Wurm (1996),
Haarmann (2001), and Batibo (2005), and the collection of Africa-specific articles
in Brenzinger (2007a), to name a few.1 Although they vary in the details, all such
projects paint a consistent picture with respect to the state of language endanger-
ment in sub-Saharan Africa. They note that threatened languages or families are
distributed across several geographically distinct regions of the continent, and that
internal pressures (e.g., regionally dominant languages and large-scale population
movements) rather than external factors (e.g., the influence of the languages of
former colonizers) drive and unify the pattern of African language endangerment.
As such, the state of language endangerment in sub-Saharan Africa is distinct from
that in much of the rest of the world.
Unlike Australia, northern Asia, and the Americas, where local languages are
threatened and replaced by the nationally dominant languages of colonizers, the
most immediate threats to minority African languages are posed by other local
or sub-national languages (Brenzinger et al. 1991), barring infrequent and excep-
tional cases like the threat posed by English in certain regions of Nigeria (Connell
2015) and by national languages like Swahili in Tanzania and Setswana in Botswana
(Brenzinger 2007b). Scotton (1982), for instance, concludes that less than 10% of
rural Africa has competence in an imported European language, and Traill (1995)
notes that the only documented instance of an African speech community aban-
doning its heritage language for the language of its former colonizers comes from
the Khoekoe shift to Dutch around 1700. Brenzinger (2007b) identifies mass migra-
tion and cyclic immigration as a second unique internal pressure driving the pat-
tern of language endangerment in Africa, predominantly in eastern Africa. The
bottom line is that external threats like colonization have not threatened African
minority languages in the way they have in most parts of the world (Grenoble &
Whaley 1998). Rather, internal pressures almost exclusively characterize the state of
language endangerment on the continent. Thus, because its pattern of endanger-
ment is unique, Africa represents a fertile landscape with great potential to provide
fresh perspectives on and valuable new insights into the causes, consequences, and
characteristics of human language endangerment.
1.2. Researching Africa’s endangered languages
Despite their great potential to fill gaps in our understanding of the inner work-
ings of language endangerment, Africa’s endangered languages pose several
unique challenges to documentation and revitalization efforts.2 For instance,
insufficient infrastructure, scarcity of resources, incomplete and/or inaccurate
information,3 and a general absence of public awareness (both locally and inter-
nationally) represent serious hurdles for the documentation and maintenance
Overview3
of threatened languages and cultures in most regions (Blench 2007; Connell

2007). In addition, because the general threat level of language endangerment
in Africa has been perennially characterized as low, research on and funding
opportunities for endangered African languages are often perceived as less than
urgent (Connell 2007). However, as Brenzinger (2007a:195) puts it, “The fact
that African languages replace other African languages does not mean that lan-
guage endangerment on the African continent is less severe than in other parts
of the world.” According to Batibo (2005), there are approximately 308 “highly
endangered” African languages (12.32% of all extant languages on the conti-
nent) and at least 201 extinct African languages, to say nothing of the countless
other less threatened but nonetheless vulnerable ones. This highlights the fact
that the state of language endangerment in sub-Saharan Africa is more serious
than it is typically perceived to be.
As a consequence of the challenges to documentation and revitalization outlined
above, as well as the perceived non-urgent threat level priority status of Africa’s
endangered languages, a disproportionately low amount of research and funding is
devoted to the study of these languages when compared to any other linguistically
threatened region in the world (Blench 2007). More regrettably, even less has been
done to create a community of Africanists and concerned linguists who might work
on these issues.4 This volume seeks to stimulate and enhance the visibility of endan-
gered African language research, in the hope of reversing this trend and bringing
the unique insights and perspectives afforded by African language endangerment to
bear on the burgeoning fields of language documentation and endangered language
research. By highlighting the contribution that Africa’s endangered languages have
on our understanding of natural language, we advertise their value and increase
their visibility in the scientific community.
In today’s climate of economic instability and ongoing regional conflict in many
parts of Africa, stimulating and enhancing the visibility of endangered African
language research is indeed a formidable task. We believe that one fruitful way to
achieve this goal is to promote mutually beneficial synergistic partnerships between
documentary and theoretical linguists researching endangered African languages.
1.3. The symbiotic nature of theory and documentation
Despite the fact that practitioners of language documentation and linguistic theory
are often perceived as opposing or getting in the way of one another, the symbi-
otic nature of the two disciplines has been widely recognized (e.g., Everett 2001;
Gil 2001; Hyman 2004, 2009; Mithun 2001; Rice 2001; Sells 2010, among others).
Linguistic theory informed by marginalized or under-represented languages cru-
cially draws on data unearthed by language documentation and could not proceed
without it, while theory in turn guides the documentation process by predetermin-
ing the issues investigated, the questions asked, and the data sought (Hyman 2009).
In some cases, awareness of and sensitivity to theoretical concerns can even reveal
missing gaps in the documentary record, for instance with research on logophoric
pronouns following the seminal work of Clements (1975). The two disciplines,
therefore, form a kind of “cycle” which drives linguistics forward. This cyclic inter-
play suggests that, at the very least, linguistic theory and language documentation
are interdependent. Some researchers, though, take an even stronger position,
claiming that the line between theory and documentation is a blurred one. Hyman
(2004), for instance, argues that description and documentation are essentially
indistinguishable from theory. When each is done right, they not only have the same
concerns, they have the same results: each mode of inquiry is a vehicle of discov-
ery. Matthewson’s semantic fieldwork methodology (Matthewson 2004; Bochnak
& Matthewson 2015) and Bruening’s (2008a,b) quantifier scope materials illustrate
the point nicely, demonstrating that theoretically oriented research can not only
yield novel descriptive discoveries but also effectively drive the development of
data-collecting techniques for both linguistic theory and language documentation.
If theory and documentation are indeed interconnected and complementary, then
partnerships between documentarians and theorists or projects that marry theory
with documentation are destined to be synergistic affairs. And synergistic affairs are
likely to be more visible and impactful than non-synergistic ones.
The keyword in the subtitle of this volume is therefore not “documentary” or
“theoretical,” but rather the word “and.” Our aim in this book is to bring together
both documentary and theoretical approaches to endangered African language
research in order to highlight the respects in which the two methodologies are
co-informing, mutually supportive, and equally essential to documentation and
preservation efforts. We believe that doing so will not only encourage increased
partnerships between these two types of linguists and consequently bolster the
net output of research on endangered African languages, but it will also greatly
improve the visibility, depth, breadth, and overall quality of that research.
1.4. A brief tour through this book
Many of the themes introduced in this chapter are taken up in greater detail in
chapter 2, where Sands discusses the challenges of documenting Africa’s least-
known languages and concludes that the level of language endangerment in Africa
has been grossly underestimated.
The next four chapters deal with the documentation and theoretical analysis of
Nata, an endangered Bantu language of northern Tanzania, by a team of researchers
at the University of British Columbia. Existing descriptions and analyses of Nata in
the literature are scarce, making the contributions in this book some of the first pub-
lished materials on the language. Chapter 3 provides an overview of both the language
and the Nata research project, outlining the broader issues connected to the interplay
Overview5
between language documentation and linguistic theory that unify the three subse-
quent articles. In these three chapters, both theory and documentation converge on a
robust partition between nouns and verbs in the language. In chapter 4, Gambarage
and Pulleyblank treat this partition by way of an investigation into tongue root vowel
harmony that depends crucially on the iterative cycle connecting language documen-
tation, language analysis, and theory development. Anghelescu and colleagues exam-
ine nominal and verbal tone in Nata in c hapter 5, while Déchaine and colleagues
document and analyze deverbal nominalization in chapter 6.
The two chapters that follow are concerned with community-based approaches
to African language documentation and revitalization. In c hapter 7, Childs dis-
cusses two pedagogical frameworks for language revitalization and, on the basis of
a case study of Mani, an endangered Atlantic language of Sierra Leone, concludes
that the so-called community-centric “busy intersections” model is best suited for
success in the African context. In c hapter 8, Nash explores a conflict that can arise
between the needs of the community and the goals of the researcher in language
documentation projects that have both documentary and theoretical aims. Drawing
on his experience working with the Ekegusii community of southwestern Kenya,
Nash advocates for collaborative community-based documentary research, arguing
that it is a pursuit in which community and academic goals are both complemen-
tary and mutually beneficial.
Chapters 9 through 13 focus on the interplay between the documentation
and theoretical analysis of syntax and morphology in endangered African lan-
guages. In c hapter 9, Kandybowicz and Torrence investigate intervention effects
on in-situ interrogative constructions in Krachi, an endangered Kwa language of
eastern Ghana. The significance of the project is that it represents an instance in
which the influence of linguistic theory on descriptive fieldwork leads to the dis-
covery (and subsequent remedy) of missing gaps in the documentary record of
a language. Jenks and Rose explore a similar theme in chapter 10. Focusing on
the documentation, analysis, and theoretical implications of raising and control
in the endangered Kordofanian language Moro of the Republic of Sudan, they
argue that fieldwork guided by linguistic theory yields insights that would be dif-
ficult to establish solely on the basis of the documentary practice of text collection
and analysis. They conclude that the documentation of endangered languages is
most effective when it has a solid foundation in linguistic theory. Collins echoes this
sentiment in c hapter 11, on the syntax of the “linker” in five critically endangered
non-central Khoisan languages of southern Africa. Collins reveals a number of
new and fascinating properties of linkers, particles that introduce or “link” a wide
range of expressions in the verb phrase. Because it is highly unlikely that a purely
documentary-based approach would have produced similar results, Collins makes
a strong case for the ability of formal/theoretical linguists to produce high-quality
descriptive work. Bassene and Safir’s contribution (chapter 12) makes a strong case
for this as well. In their analysis of verb stem structure in Eegimaa, an endangered
Atlantic language of southern Senegal, Bassene and Safir demonstrate that a set of
theoretical challenges posed by Eegimaa morphology led to a series of analytical
links which allowed the researchers to go beyond mere descriptions of facts and
uncover deeper underlying organizational principles. The value in such work is that
this deeper level of understanding can lead future Eegimaa researchers to discover
(and fill) hitherto unknown gaps in the documentation of the language’s grammar.
This is an excellent example of the cyclic interplay of documentation and linguistic
theory previously discussed, and it is the focus of McPherson’s contribution on
Seenku verbal morphology in c hapter 13. In her article, McPherson presents the
first published description of verbal morphology in Seenku, a threatened and pre-
viously undescribed Dogon language of Burkina Faso. McPherson explains how
the cyclic and symbiotic interplay of linguistic theory and documentation led to a
deeper account of the puzzling nature of verb forms in the language, which surpris-
ingly appear to have two stem forms.
The final six chapters address issues concerning the phonology and phonet-
ics of endangered African languages. In c hapter 14, Marlo discusses the symbi-
otic relationship between linguistic description and micro-comparative typological
research. His discussion proceeds by way of two case studies on tone and redu-
plication in the object-marking systems of Yao and Buguumbe Kuria, two Bantu
languages spoken in the Tanzania- Malawi- Mozambique region. Marlo shows
that in each case, knowing about analogous patterns in other languages informs
the description and analysis of the individual language. Furthermore, each case
expands knowledge of the typology of object-marking patterns in Bantu languages,
leading to improvements in the quality of descriptions of other languages. In this
way, he argues, theoretical approaches (broadly construed) can improve grammati-
cal description. Zsiga and Boyer’s contribution in c hapter 15 treads similar ground
by approaching the problem of the “unnatural” alternation of post-nasal devoicing
in Sebirwa, an endangered Bantu language of Botswana, from the vantage point
of a similar “unnatural” alternation in the related (yet phonologically distinct) lan-
guage Setswana. Once again, knowing about analogous patterns in other languages
informs the description and analysis of the individual language. In c hapter 16, Stirtz
discusses the phonology of plosives in Caning, an endangered Nilo-Saharan lan-
guage of the Republic of Sudan with a four-way plosive series. He examines three
analyses of the plosive system in great detail, but concludes that additional docu-
mentation is needed to furnish the missing decisive data. This conclusion resonates
strongly with the theme of this volume, for it underscores the symbiotic interplay
between language documentation and linguistic theory and analysis. In this case,
theoretical concerns (which were themselves a product of documentary efforts) will
play a catalyzing role in the future broadening of the Caning documentary record.
Chapters 17 and 18 investigate properties of the Somali Chizigula (Mushunguli)
sound system. Chapter 17 deals with hiatus resolution and its exceptions in the
language. Hout provides another striking example of how a project with humble
and purely descriptive origins can feed theoretical/analytical inquiry, which in turn
Overview7
gives way to deeper and more refined characterizations of the data. Hout’s article
thus embodies the cyclic interplay and symbiosis between language documentation
and linguistic theory that lies at the heart of this volume. In c hapter 18, Temkin
Martinez and Rosenbaum examine the acoustic and aerodynamic properties of
Chizigula stops in an effort to complement the description and documentation of
stops in the language. Although traditional language descriptions and revitaliza-
tion efforts have benefited from instrumental approaches utilized in other fields of
linguistics, the techniques of instrumental phonetics are infrequently applied to the
documentation and analysis of Africa’s endangered languages. Temkin Martinez
and Rosenbaum’s work thus joins a select and highly welcome body of research
that helps sharpen the description and documentation of Africa’s least studied lan-
guages. Chapter 19 closes the book with a critical look at the relationship between
orthography and language documentation, as informed by the endangered Bantu
languages Nata and Ikoma, as well as Swahili. Gambarage argues that orthogra-
phies are “masks” that disguise and often misrepresent the true phonetic qualities
of vowels. He discusses current vowel documentation methodologies and theoret-
ical approaches in the context of Bantu, arguing that revisiting the orthographic
analyses of the languages that preceded both modern linguistic theory and speech
analysis is essential to the documentation and description of endangered Bantu
languages. Because unmasking is ultimately a theoretical/analytical endeavor, we
are once again face to face with an instance in which the interplay between linguis-
tic theory and language documentation leads to synergistic results in the study of
Africa’s endangered languages.
Notes
*
The present collection of articles grew out of the workshop Africa’s Endangered
Languages: Documentary and Theoretical Approaches, which took place at the University of
Kansas on April 17–19, 2014, in conjunction with the 45th Annual Conference on African
Linguistics. We gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the National Science
Foundation (NSF-DEL grant 1360823) for making the workshop possible. Thanks also to the
University of Kansas Department of Linguistics for providing logistical support. We would
also like to thank our wonderful editors, Hallie Stebbins and Hannah Doyle for helpful feed-
back, support, and guidance along the way. Finally, we thank the following individuals who
served as reviewers for the articles submitted to this volume: Mark Baker, Herman Batibo,
Lee Bickmore, Robert Botne, Matthias Brenzinger, Leston Buell, Michael Cahill, Roderic
Casali, Anderson Chebanne, Bruce Connell, Laura Downing, James Essegbey, Colleen
Fitzgerald, Carol Genetti, Jeff Good, Christopher Green, Heidi Harley, K. David Harrison,
John Haviland, Brent Henderson, Larry Hyman, Peter Jenks, Allard Jongman, Raimund
Kastenholz, Michael Kenstowicz, Ruth Kramer, Nancy Kula, Fiona McLaughlin, Amanda
Miller, Scott Myers, David Odden, Mary Paster, Gérard Philippson, Keren Rice, Sharon Rose,
Bonny Sands, Russell Schuh, Anne Storch, Mauro Tosco, Susi Wurmbrand, and Jochen Zeller.
1. See Sands (this volume, chap. 2) for other notable projects.
2. See Sands (this volume, chap. 2) for an in-depth discussion of these unique challenges.
3. At the time of writing, Wikipedia’s list of endangered languages in Africa (https://
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_endangered_languages_in_Africa) is severely underpopu-
lated, containing a mere 210 sub-Saharan languages, whose threat levels range from “vul-
nerable” to “critically endangered.” By comparison, the figure reported in Ethnologue
(Lewis et al. 2013) is 346 (“at risk” languages) and Sands (this volume) estimates that a
more accurate figure is closer to 600. Many of the languages featured in this volume do
not appear on Wikipedia’s list, highlighting the dearth of accurate information publicly
available about Africa’s endangered languages.
4. Essegbey et al. (2015) represents a recent exception and, we believe, a step in the right
direction.
References
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extinction, biodiversity and the human knowledge base. Living Tongues Institute for
Endangered Languages Occasional Papers Series 1. Online: http://www.livingtongues.
org/docs/Hotspots_whitepaper%20copy.pdf. Salem, OR: Living Tongues Institute for
Endangered Languages.
Batibo, Herman. 2005. Language decline and death in Africa: Causes, consequences and
challenges. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters.
Blench, Roger. 2007. Endangered languages in West Africa. Language diversity endan-
gered, ed. by Matthias Brenzinger, 140–162. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Bochnak, M. Ryan, & Lisa Matthewson. 2015. Methodologies in semantic fieldwork.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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special reference to East Africa. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Brenzinger, Matthias. 1998. Endangered languages in Africa. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe.
Brenzinger, Matthias. 2007a. Language diversity endangered. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
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guistic perspective, ed. by Lisa Matthewson, 67–104. Bingley, UK: Emerald.
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scopeproject/scopeproject.html
Childs, G. Tucker, Jeff Good, & Alice Mitchell. 2014. Beyond the ancestral code:
Towards a model for sociolinguistic language documentation. Language Documentation
and Conservation 8.168–191.
Clements, George. 1975. The logophoric pronoun in Ewe: Its role in discourse. Journal of
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gered, ed. by Matthias Brenzinger, 163–178. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
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Henderson, & Fiona McLaughlin, 107–130. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
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tion and endangerment in Africa. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
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Newman & Martha Ratliff, 166–188. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
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2
The Challenge of Documenting Africa’s

Least-Known Languages
Bonny Sands
2.1. Introduction
As Africanist linguists, a major challenge ahead of us is the documentation of

endangered African languages.* Prioritizing the languages most in need of docu-
mentation is far from simple, since language vitality can be difficult to measure,
and criteria other than language vitality should be taken into account. Ethnologue’s
language vitality labels are one common measure of language endangerment, but
these labels may not always reflect a thorough evaluation of a language’s threat
level. Languages spoken by a marginalized community or by a small population
should also be considered potentially under threat. Isolate languages (including
sign languages) and languages from families that are sparsely documented should
be prioritized for documentation as well.
In documenting an African endangered language, researchers face many chal-
lenges. I will survey these challenges, and focus on a few that I think have not been
sufficiently emphasized in the recent literature on linguistic fieldwork. I will draw
examples from my own fieldwork on Hadza in Tanzania and ǂHoan in Botswana,
as well as from the experiences of others.1
The reasons for language shift in Africa are varied and have been discussed in a
number of publications:
Continent-
wide surveys: Batibo 2005, Brenzinger 1992, 1998a, 1998b,
Brenzinger et al. 1991, Brenzinger & Batibo 2010,
Dimmendaal & Voeltz 2007, Mous 2003, Sommer
1992, Tamanji 2008, Tourneux et al. 2000.
Central Africa: Anchimbe 2013, Connell 1998, 2007, Idiata 2009.
West Africa: Blench 2007a, Childs 2006, Haruna 2012.

Northern Africa: Brenzinger 2007a, Mezhoud & El Allame 2010,
Nyombe 1997, Savà & Tosco 2006.
Southern & Eastern Africa:
Brenzinger 2007b, Dimmendaal 1989, Savà &
Tosco 2006, Zelealem Leyew 2004.
Case studies of language shift in different parts of Africa include Kédrébéogo

(1996), Robson (2011), Sommer (1995), and Zelealem Leyew (2003).
2.2. Defining the challenge

2.2.1. THE MOST THREATENED LANGUAGES
Languages that are in urgent need of documentation include those that may not be
spoken by future generations. One way to measure this is by using a vitality scale such
as the Extended Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS) (Simons &
Lewis 2013)
The web edition of Ethnologue 17 (Lewis et al. 2013) uses EGIDS to label 346
African languages as “vital,” “in trouble,” or “dying,” as shown in Table 2.1. A lan-
guage is counted as “in trouble” if it falls under 6b or 7 in the EGIDS—that is, it
is known by the child-bearing generation but transmitted to only some or none of
youngest generation.
Most African languages fall into one of the three EGIDS categories: 6a “vigor-
ous,” 6b “threatened,” and 7 “shifting,” shown in Table 2.2.2 “Vigorous” languages
are those still being learned by children; “threatened” languages are passed on to
only some children; and “shifting” languages are no longer passed on to children
but are known by the child-bearing generation. A language is not considered “mor-
ibund” or “nearly extinct” until the only remaining speakers are of the grandparen-
tal generation.
Many languages labeled “vigorous” or “developing” actually show signs
of language shift, particularly as populations migrate to urban centers (e.g.
TABLE 2.1. Numbers of African languages at different risk levels (Lewis et al. 2013).
Region # of living languages Vital In trouble Dying
Middle Africa 677 555 77 45

Western Africa 889 794 49 46
Northern Africa 97 53 23 21
Eastern Africa 433 362 57 19
Southern Africa 50 41 3 6
total: 1805 209 137
Documenting Africa’s Least-Known Languages13
TABLE 2.2.Levels 6–7 of the Expanded GIDS (Simons & Lewis 2013), adapted
from Fishman (2001) (boldface added).
GIDS Level Label Description UNESCO
6a vigorous The language is used orally by all generations and safe

is being learned by children as their first language.
6b threatened The language is used orally by all generations vulnerable
but only some of the child-bearing generation are
transmitting it to their children.
7 shifting The child-bearing generation knows the language definitely
well enough to use it among themselves but none endangered
are transmitting it to their children.
Mugaddam 2012). For instance, even a large (7 million speakers) developing lan-
guage such as Gĩkũyũ is seeing language shift to Kiswahili (Orcutt-Gachiri 2013).
If only some of the child-bearing generation are transmitting it to their children,
then it would seem that Gĩkũyũ could be labeled “threatened.” One study of 800
Nigerians found that only 40% spoke to their children in their indigenous lan-
guage (Ohiri-Aniche 2008), but another study saw only 18% retention of mother
tongue among urban dwellers (Ndimele 2005). Major Nigerian languages such
as Yoruba and Igbo have begun to show signs of shift and attrition (Adéníyi &
Béllò 2009; Ugorji 2005; Fabunmi & Salawu 2005; Fabunmi 2005). Ethnologue
18 (Lewis et al. 2015) now defines a “vigorous” language as one “used for face-
to-face communication by all generations and the situation is sustainable.” It is
unclear how the term “sustainable” is applied; if a language consistently loses
speakers from one generation to the next, then its vitality level may not be sus-
tainable over time.3 The label “threatened” is not such a rare commodity that
only the most endangered of languages can be referred to in this way. Indeed,
even relatively “vigorous” languages that are losing speakers may benefit from
language maintenance and revitalization efforts.
Of course, the level of threat faced by Gĩkũyũ is not as high as it would be for
a language with a much smaller population, or for one losing a greater proportion
of speakers due to shift. If only 10% of the children of a language group with a
million speakers continue to use the language, that language would have 100,000
speakers in the youngest generation, and would therefore be less threatened than a
language with 1,000 speakers, whether undergoing some degree of language shift or
not. Though the absolute number of speakers and proportion of speakers within
a community are considered by UNESCO to be factors that affect language vital-
ity (UNESCO 2003), these criteria are not explicitly used in major publications
such as UNESCO’s Atlas of the world’s languages in danger (Moseley 2010) or in
Ethnologue 17. Ethnologue 18 (Lewis et al. 2015) does consider speaker population
and ethnic population in evaluating language endangerment.
The EGIDS label “shifting” is problematic because it is used to label languages

whose communities have already undergone the process of language shift. “Shifted”
might be a better label. One language labeled “shifting” is ǂHoan, a Kx’a language
spoken in Botswana. There are middle-aged speakers of the language and no trans-
mission to children, but the extremely small number of speakers of any age would
lead me to consider it not just as “in trouble,” but as a severely endangered lan-
guage. There are fewer than 50 speakers, and most are between 60 and 70 years old
(Gerlach & Berthold 2011).
During my own fieldwork, it was difficult to assemble a group of ǂHoan
speakers in order to do a phonetic study because there is not an actual com-
munity, but rather a few individuals in scattered locations. There were signifi-
cant differences in pronunciation between the older and younger generations of
speakers, with the pronunciations of the older generation more closely reflected
in previous work on the language (Gruber 1975). Had I not recorded a number
of older and younger speakers at the same time, I might not have even recognized
some words as being the same because the surface realizations were so different.
For instance, while some younger speakers typically pronounced the word /ŋǁó
ˤːŋǁòlò/‘ostrich feathers’ with barely audible clicks but with strong pharynge-
alization, some older speakers had strong clicks but barely audible pharynge-
alization. Some ǂHoan speakers seem to have phonological inventories that are
converging with the G|ui inventory (Gerlach 2015). Had researchers waited for
ǂHoan to be considered “dying” (i.e., spoken proficiently only by members of
the grandparental generation) before prioritizing it for fieldwork, then much of
the phonetic variability of the language would have vanished before it had been
recorded.
ǂHoan was formerly thought to be a dialect of a different language, !Xóõ, labeled
“vigorous” in Ethnologue 17. It was only following the targeted fieldwork on the
language, notably by Jeff Gruber (e.g. Gruber 1973, 1975; Collins & Gruber 2014;
cf. Traill 1973), that there were enough data on ǂHoan that it was recognized as not
only a distinct language from !Xóõ, but a member of a different language family
altogether (Westphal 1974; Heine & Honken 2010). In fact, ǂHoan, along with Sasí,
belongs to a cluster now known as ǂ’Amkoe (Collins & Gruber 2014; Güldemann
2014), which together with Ju (!Xuun) constitute the Kx’a family. !Xóõ, or !Xoon,
is considered to belong to the Taa language family.
Some languages labeled “extinct” may actually still be in use. I have done field-
work in South Africa with fluent speakers of N|uu (cf. Sands et al. 2007), a lan-
guage that had been considered extinct for several decades (cf. Traill 1999). Birgid
(Ethnologue code [brk]), a Nubian language of Sudan, was considered to be on
the verge of extinction in 1974 (Bell 2006), but in 2003, 29 years later, two elders
were found who could recall about 100 Birgid words (Edenmyr et al. 2011). Some
words of a language may live on in the memory of people long after the language
has ceased to be acquired as a mother tongue. For instance, Kwadi, a Khoe-Kwadi
Documenting Africa’s Least-Known Languages15
language of Angola long considered dead (Winter 1981), may instead be considered
“dormant.” As of 2014, it was still partially remembered by two people who had
used it as a secret language when they were children (Anne-Maria Fehn, personal
communication, March 7, 2014).
While Ethnologue identifies many threatened African languages, it does not accu-
rately identify all of them. The EGIDS labels cannot be blindly used to determine
the vitality of a language or to set language documentation priorities. An “extinct”
language may be extant, or a “vigorous”/“developing” language may already have
lost a significant number of speakers and shown signs of language obsolescence.
2.2.2. MARGINALIZED POPULATIONS
Some of the languages most under threat are those spoken by marginalized commu-
nities and/or by populations whose lifestyles are threatened. For instance, the G|ui
(Ethnologue code [gwi]) and G||ana [gnk] languages of Botswana are listed as “vig-
orous” in Ethnologue even though their populations are estimated to be only 2,500
and 2,000, respectively, and the actual numbers may be quite a bit lower; Brenzinger
(2013:19) cites figures of 1,470 |Gui and 1,030 G||ana, while Batibo (2001:315) gives
population figures of 500 and 800. Some 1,000 G|ui and G||ana lived by hunting and
gathering in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve (Tanaka & Sugawara 2010), but
evictions from the park have threatened the traditional linguistic ecology in which
the languages have been maintained. We are fortunate that a great deal of work
has been done on G|ui by Hirosi Nakagawa and others, and a dictionary of G|ui
is in progress (Nakagawa et al. 2013), but other languages spoken by marginalized
populations such as the ǂHaba, Shua and Cire-Cire have not been so well docu-
mented. We certainly cannot blindly follow the labels provided by Ethnologue 17 if
a language spoken by a thousand hunter-gatherers is not considered “threatened.”
Naro [nhr] is one of the most vital of the Khoe languages, being spoken by
some 14,000 speakers according to Ethnologue (Lewis et al. 2013), which lists it as
a “language of wider communication,” reflecting the fact that many ǂAu||eisi use
Naro in addition to their own Ju language. Ranking 3 on the GIDS scale, this lan-
guage might not seem to be in as desperate need of documentation as more threat-
ened languages, yet Naro, G|ui and other Remote Area Dwellers in Botswana lack
equal access to education (Hays 2004; Sekere 2011) and political representation,
and Naro is not what I would consider an entirely “safe” language.4 Furthermore,
although Naro is listed as having several dialects, none of these has been the subject
of a linguistic documentation project. Although a few Ts’aokhwe words have been
noted in the Naro dictionary (Visser 2001), the Ts’aokhwe reportedly “prefer to
see themselves as separate people from the Naro” (Barnard 1985:2). Kango [kzy], a
Bantu language of the Democratic Republic of Congo spoken by Pygmies, is listed
as “vigorous” in Ethnologue 17—with perhaps only 2,000 speakers; very little is
known about either dialect of this language.
Groups that tend to be marginalized and whose languages may therefore be

under threat include hunter-gatherers, special castes (blacksmiths, leatherworkers,
potters, etc.), refugee populations, and the Deaf. Marginalized groups may include
African populations that have been targeted for genocide in the 20th and 21st centu-
ries (Hitchcock & Koperski 2008:586), including some pastoralist groups. Some of
these groups may speak marginalized dialects of otherwise “vigorous” languages.
An example of a language spoken by blacksmiths is Sombə [kgt] (Connell 2010),
cited as having only three elderly speakers. The language of the Jeri leatherwork-
ers of Ivory Coast is only spoken in a few villages (Kastenholz 1998). Kastenholz
(1998:261) does not consider the Jɔgɔ [lig] language of blacksmiths in Ghana to be
endangered (population estimate, 19,000; Lewis et al. 2013), even though groups in
Ivory Coast have already undergone language shift.
Because marginalized populations typically have unequal access to educa-
tion, we generally see a lack of native-speaker linguists from these populations.
Languages spoken by very small populations are often not targeted for Bible trans-
lation efforts, linguistic surveys of them may be lacking, and distinct dialects and
languages may be unattested in the linguistic literature. Language development is
typically lacking for marginalized groups as well, with the exception of some sign
languages. State-funded or NGO-funded sign language development often comes
at the expense of local sign languages, however, some of which are severely threat-
ened (Brenzinger & Batibo 2010).
2.2.3. POPULATION SIZE
The size of a population that speaks a language may be one indicator of the lan-
guage’s vitality. Batibo (2005:69) suggests considering minority languages spoken
by fewer than 5,000 people to be endangered. Because downward population pres-
sures such as disease, climate change, and armed conflict may affect the number
of a language’s users suddenly (cf. Lüpke & Storch 2013), it would be prudent to
consider any language with a population under 5,000 to be threatened. Given the
often abrupt nature of language shift, it might be even more prudent to consider
languages with populations below 100,000 to be threatened. Certainly, outside
of Africa, languages with larger populations are classified as “threatened.” For
instance, Navajo is cited in Ethnologue as having a population of 171,000 (2010
census) and is considered “threatened.” Studies of language shift are not availa-
ble for many African language groups, yet we know that the trends of population
movement, urbanization, education policies, and so on are in the direction of more,
rather than less, language shift.
There is evidence that many of the languages labeled “vital” actually are threat-
ened by language shift. For one thing, many supposedly vital languages have small
populations. For another, languages labeled “vital” have actually appeared in the
literature as examples of language endangerment, obsolescence, or marginaliza-
tion. Examples include Qimant [ahg] (Zelealem Leyew 1998), Iko [iki] (Urua 2004),
Another random document with
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Camphorated Oil, nine drachms:
Mix for a Liniment. For an adult, four drachms of the former, and eight of
the latter, may be used. If the child be young, or if the skin be very tender, the
camphorated oil may be used without the turpentine.
259. Wilson, on Healthy Skin.
260. Rain water ought always to be used in the washing of a child; pump-
water is likely to chap the skin, and to make it both rough and irritable.
261. Sometimes, if the child’s skin be very irritable, the glycerin requires
diluting with water—say, two ounces of glycerin to be mixed in a bottle with four
ounces of spring water—the bottle to be well shaken just before using it.
262. One frequent, if not the most frequent, cause of tape-worm is the eating
of pork, more especially if it be underdone. Underdone pork is the most
unwholesome food that can be eaten, and is the most frequent cause of tape-worm
known. Underdone beef also gives tape-worm; let the meat, therefore, be well and
properly cooked. These facts ought to be borne in mind, as prevention is always
better than cure.
263. The Grocer.
264. Shakspeare.
265. Tennyson.
266. Every house where there are children ought to have one of these india-
rubber hot water bottles. It may be procured at any respectable vulcanized india-
rubber warehouse.
267. South’s Household Surgery.
268. “It has been computed that upwards of 1000 children are annually
burned to death by accident in England.”
269. The cotton wool here recommended is that purposely made for surgeons,
and is of a superior quality to that in general use.
270. If there be no other lard in the house but lard with salt, the salt may be
readily removed by washing the lard in cold water. Prepared lard—that is to say,
lard without salt—can, at any moment, be procured from the nearest druggist in
the neighborhood.
271. See the Lancet for October 10th, 17th, and 24th, 1840.
272. A stick of pointed nitrate of silver, in a case, ready for use, may be
procured of any respectable chemist.
273. Which may be instantly procured of a druggist, as he always keeps it
ready prepared.
274. A Bee-master. The Times, July 28, 1864.
275. Shaw’s Medical Remembrancer, by Hutchinson.
276. A tepid bath from 62 to 96 degrees of Fahrenheit.
277. A warm bath from 97 to 100 degrees of Fahrenheit.
278. Health. By John Brown, M.D. Edinburgh: Alexander Strahan & Co.
279. Several years ago, while prosecuting my anatomical studies in London
University College Dissecting-rooms, on opening a young woman, I discovered an
immense indentation of the liver large enough to admit a rolling-pin, entirely
produced by tight lacing!
280. Dryden.
281. Sir W. Temple.
282. Goldsmith’s Essays.
283. Geoffry Hamlyn. By H. Kingsley.
284. Proverbs, xx. 29.
285. “I would have given him, Captain Fleming, had he been my son,” quoth
old Pearson the elder, “such a good sound drubbing as he never would have
forgotten—never!”
“Pooh! pooh! my good sir. Don’t tell me. Never saw flogging in the navy do
good. Kept down brutes; never made a man yet.”—Dr. Norman Macleod in Good
Words, May, 1861.
286. The Birmingham Journal.
287. A Woman’s Thoughts about Women.
288. If a girl has an abundance of good nourishment, the school-mistress
must, of course, be remunerated for the necessary and costly expense; and how
this can be done on the paltry sum charged at cheap boarding-schools? It is utterly
impossible! The school-mistress will live, even if the girls be half-starved. And
what are we to expect from poor and insufficient nourishment to a fast-growing
girl, and at the time of life, remember, when she requires an extra quantity of good
sustaining, supporting food? A poor girl, from such treatment, becomes either
consumptive or broken down in constitution, and from which she never recovers,
but drags out a miserable existence. A cheap boarding-school is dear at any price.
289. A horse-hair mattress should always be preferred to a feather bed. It is
not only better for the health, but it improves the figure.
290. Spare Hours. By John Brown, M.D., F.R.S.E.
291. Household Verses on Health and Happiness. London: Jarrold and Sons.
292. Hurdis’s Village Curate.
293. Shakspeare.
294. Todd’s Student’s Guide.
295. Sir Astley Cooper’s Lectures on Scrofula.
296. I. Chronicles, xxi. 13.
297. A. K. H. B., Fraser’s Magazine, October, 1861.
298. Shakspeare.
299. The Times, May 16, 1867.
300. Winter in the South of Europe. By J. Henry Bennett. Third Edition.
London: Churchill and Sons, 1865.
301. A wineglassful of barm, a wineglassful of vinegar, and the remaining sage
tea, to make a half-pint bottle of gargle.
302. December 10, 1864.
303. Shakspeare knew the great importance of not crowding around a patient
who has fainted. He says:
“So play the foolish throngs with one that swoons;

Come all to help him, and so stop the air
By which he should revive.”
Measure for Measure, Act ii. sc. 4.
304. For the best way of stewing prunes, see page 1258.
305. Professor Trousseau in Medical Circular, Feb. 5, 1862.
306. Exodus, v. 12.
307. Wilson on Healthy Skin.
308. Four poppy-heads and four ounces of chamomile blows to be boiled in
four pints of water for half an hour, and then to be strained to make the
fomentation.
309. Cut a piece of bread, about the size of the little finger—without breaking
it into crumb—pour boiling hot milk upon it, cover it over, and let it stand for five
minutes, then apply the soaked bread over the gum-boil, letting it rest between the
cheek and the gum.
310. As long as fashion, instead of common sense, is followed in the making of
both boots and shoes, men and women will as a matter of course suffer from corns.
It has often struck me as singular, when all the professions and trades are so
overstocked, that there should be, as there is in every large town, such a want of
chiropodists (corn-cutters)—of respectable chiropodists—of men who would
charge a fixed sum for every visit the patient may make; for instance, to every
working-man a shilling, and to every gentleman half a crown or five shillings for
each sitting, and not for each corn (which latter system is a most unsatisfactory
way of doing business). I am quite sure that if such a plan were adopted, every
town of any size in the kingdom would employ regularly one chiropodist at least.
However we might dislike some few of the American customs, we may copy them
with advantage in this particular—namely, in having a regular staff of chiropodists
both in civil and in military life.
311. Youth—Ablution, page 1321.
312. A very small quantity of pure nitric acid—just a drain at the bottom of a
stoppered bottle—is all that is needed, and which may be procured of a chemist.
313. Dublin University Magazine.
314. The Round Table.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and
variations in spelling.
2. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings
as printed.
3. Reindexed footnotes using numbers and collected
together at the end of the last chapter.
4. Renumbered pages “Advice to a Mother” by adding
1000.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADVICE TO A
WIFE AND MOTHER IN TWO PARTS ***
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Textbook Africa S Endangered Languages Documentary and Theoretical Approaches 1St Edition Jason Kandybowicz Ebook All Chapter PDF

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Africa s endangered languages

documentary and theoretical

Digital Media and Documentary Antipodean Approaches 1st

Work Marxist and Systems Theoretical Approaches 1st

Cognitive Approaches to Specialist Languages 1st

Pluricentric Languages and Language Education :

Speech Perception Production and Acquisition

To World s Above 1st Edition Hamilton Jason

Addiction in South and East Africa Interdisciplinary

Minority Languages from Western Europe and Russia

Edited by Jason Kandybowicz

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

© Oxford University Press 2017

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

You must not circulate this work in any other form

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data

1. Africa’s Endangered Languages: An Overview 1

2. The Challenge of Documenting Africa’s Least-​Known Languages 11

3. The Nata Documentation Project: An Overview 39

4. Tongue Root Harmony in Nata: An Allomorphy-​based Account 57

5. Nominal and Verbal Tone in Nata: An Allomorphy-​based Account 87

6. Nata Deverbal Nominalizations 125

7. Busy Intersections: A Framework for Revitalization 145

8. Documenting Ekegusii: How Empowering Research Fulfills Community

9. The Role of Theory in Documentation: Intervention Effects and

10. Documenting Raising and Control in Moro 207

11. The Linker in the Khoisan Languages 237

12. Theory and Description: Understanding the Syntax of Eegimaa Verb

13. On (Ir)realis in Seenku (Mande, Burkina Faso) 297

14. Contributions of Micro-​comparative Research to Language

15. Sebirwa in Contact with Setswana: A Natural Experiment in Learning

16. Three Analyses of Underlying Plosives in Caning, a Nilo-​Saharan

17. Exceptions to Hiatus Resolution in Mushunguli (Somali Chizigula) 411

18. Acoustic and Aerodynamic Data on Somali Chizigula Stops 427

19. Unmasking the Bantu Orthographic Vowels: The Challenge for

General Index 485

Andrei Anghelescu is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Linguistics at the

G. Tucker Childs is Professor of Linguistics in the Department of Applied

Laura McPherson is Assistant Professor of Linguistics in the Program in Linguistics

Africa’s Endangered Languages

Jason Kandybowicz and Harold Torrence

1.1. Language endangerment in Africa

1.2. Researching Africa’s endangered languages

of threatened languages and cultures in most regions (Blench 2007; Connell

1.3. The symbiotic nature of theory and documentation

1.4. A brief tour through this book

The Challenge of Documenting Africa’s

As Africanist linguists, a major challenge ahead of us is the documentation of

West Africa: Blench 2007a, Childs 2006, Haruna 2012.

Case studies of language shift in different parts of Africa include Kédrébéogo

2.2. Defining the challenge

Middle Africa 677 555 77 45

6a vigorous The language is used orally by all generations and safe

The EGIDS label “shifting” is problematic because it is used to label languages

2.2.2. MARGINALIZED POPULATIONS

Groups that tend to be marginalized and whose languages may therefore be

2.2.3. POPULATION SIZE

“So play the foolish throngs with one that swoons;

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

2. The Challenge of Documenting Africa’s Least-Known Languages 11

4. Tongue Root Harmony in Nata: An Allomorphy-based Account 57

5. Nominal and Verbal Tone in Nata: An Allomorphy-based Account 87

14. Contributions of Micro-comparative Research to Language

16. Three Analyses of Underlying Plosives in Caning, a Nilo-Saharan