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Saudi Clerics and Shī‘a Islam
 SAUDI
CLERICS AND
SHĪ‘A ISLAM
z
RAIHAN ISMAIL

1
 1
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the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
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Press in the UK and certain other countries.

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You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Ismail, Raihan, author.
Saudi clerics and Shī‘a Islam / Raihan Ismail.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978–0–19–023331–0 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Sunnites—Relations—Shī‘ah. 2. Shī‘ah—
Relations—Sunnites. 3. Persian Gulf Region—Foreign relations—Saudi Arabia. 4. Saudi
Arabia—Foreign relations—Persian Gulf Region. I. Title.
BP194.16.I86 2016
297.8’04209538—dc23
2015030028

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Sheriden, USA
To Andrew and Laila for their love and support
 Contents

Acknowledgments  xi
A Note on Conventions  xiii
Nouns and Adjectives xv

Introduction 1
The ‘Ulamā’ and Shī‘a Islam  1
Religious Convictions   3
Political Circumstances   4
Categorizing the ‘Ulamā’   8
Outline of Chapters   11

1. The Saudi ‘Ulamā’  13

The Emergence of Wahhābism  13
The Relationship between the ‘Ulamā’ and the Ruling Family
(Umarā’): State Bureaucratization  15
Establishment ‘Ulamā’   18
Education   20
Interpreters of the Sharī‘ah  22
Regulators of Morality  25
Non-establishment ‘Ulamā’   26
Conclusion   30

2. The Sunni-Shī‘a Divide: A Historical Overview  32

Origins: The Shī‘a Faith   32
The Shī‘a during the Umayyad Caliphate   33
The Shī‘a during the ‘Abbasid Caliphate   35
viii Contents

The Shī‘a during the Ottoman Caliphate and the Rise of the Safavid
and Qajar Dynasties   37
Shī‘a Evolution and Sunni Scholars  39
Imām Mālik Ibn Anas: The Early Period of Shī‘a Evolution   41
Ibn Taymiyyah   45
Maḥmūd Shaltūt and Yūsuf al-Qarḍāwī   49
Conclusion   53

3. The Theological Convictions of the Saudi ‘Ulamā’ toward Shī‘īsm  54

Who Are the Rāfiḍah?   55
Shī‘a Religious Beliefs: The Interpretations of the Saudi
‘Ulamā’   65
The Shī‘a Imāmate and the Infallibility of the Shī‘a Imāms   80
Similarities between the Jews, the Christians, the Zoroastrians,
and the Shī‘a   81
The Twelvers Belief in the Twelve Imāms   83
The Shī‘a Belief in the Awaited Mahdī and the Return (al-Raj‘ah)
of the Shī‘a Imāms   84
Shī‘a Religious Practices   85
Shī‘a Prayers   93
Conclusion   94

4. The Saudi ‘Ulamā’ and the Internal Shī‘a Threat  96

The Treatment of Shī‘a in Saudi Arabia   97
The Road to Change: Myths and Realities   106
The Early ‘Ulamā’   108
The Saudi ‘Ulamā’ and Shī‘a Political Activism   110
Saudi ‘Ulamā’: Different Approaches and Methods   116
Population and Birth Rates   118
Saudi Shī‘a: Accusations of Disloyalty and Transnational
Affiliations   119
The Kingdom’s Other Shī‘a Communities: Differentiation
and Marginalization   125
Shī‘a Access to Saudi Education   126
The Perception of Shī‘a Economic Threat: The Saudi
Labor Market   128
Spreading Deviance: Saudi ‘Ulamā’ and Shī‘a
Religious Activities   131
 Contents ix

Counterattacks: When the Shī‘a Question the Saudi ‘Ulamā’   132

Conclusions   133

5. The Saudi ‘Ulamā’ and the External Shī‘a Threat: The Case of Iran  135
Saudi-Iranian Relations: Before the 1978–1979 Revolution   135
Saudi-Iranian Relations: After the 1978–1979 Iranian
Revolution   138
The Attitudes of the Early ‘Ulamā’ and Shī‘īsm in Persia   141
Contemporary Saudi ‘Ulamā’ and Iran   144
Khomeini and the Iranian Revolution   144
Perceptions of the Iranian Plot against Sunnis and Arabs   147
The Treatment of Sunnis in Iran   152
Iran’s Religious and Political Activities in the Muslim World   154
Hezbollah: Iran’s Protégé   157
The Syrian Regime   160
Saudi ‘Ulamā’: Iran’s Relations with the United States
and Israel   162
Conclusion   164

6. The Saudi ‘Ulamā’ and the External Shī‘a Threat: The Case
of Bahrain, Iraq, and Yemen  166
Bahrain   166
Iraq   177
Yemen   189
Conclusion   197

Conclusion—Shī‘a Theology: The Foundation of Animosity  199

Political Circumstances   202
The Internal Shī‘a Threat   202
The External Shī‘a Threat: Iran   205
Other External Threats: Bahrain, Iraq, and Yemen   207
Saudi Government and the ‘Ulamā’: Similarities
and Differences   210

Glossary  213
Notes  217
Bibliography  271
Index  293
 Acknowledgments

i would like to express my gratitude to the many people who assisted

me in completing this book. I was very fortunate to conduct my research
for the book at the Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies at the Australian
National University. The Centre’s Director, Professor Amin Saikal, has
provided me with mentorship and intellectual insight and has assisted
in reviewing and commenting on the book. His generosity has paved the
way for my intellectual growth and development. I am also grateful to
Professor James Piscatori, who inspired me to embark on this journey. His
expertise in the area is indispensable. He guided this project and provided
valuable advice with the contents, structure, and execution of the research.
This book benefited from the comments provided by the anonymous
examiners of my doctoral thesis, which was the foundation of this book.
I have been blessed by great friends and colleagues who have invested
their time to read sections of the book and provide valuable comments to
improve its quality. I extend my gratitude to Associate Professor Matthew
Gray, whose expertise on Gulf politics is invaluable. I also thank Professor
Robert Bowker, who has kindly shared his deep experience of Saudi Arabia
and the region.
I am thankful to Mr. Sebastian Klich and Ms. Jessie Moritz, who read
and commented on parts of the book to which their areas of expertise
are relevant. The reviewers commissioned by Oxford University Press
have also provided valuable advice and recommendations. I thank both
Ms. Cynthia Read and her assistant at OUP, Ms. Marcela Maxfield, for
their help throughout this process. But, of course, any errors or deficien-
cies are entirely my own.
My father, Ismail Din, a religious scholar who has guided me through
my research, and my mother, Iman El-Shenhab, who taught me the mean-
ing of perserverance, are both instrumental in their support and their
xii Acknowledgments

belief in my abilities. Their encouragement will not be forgotten, and

I thank them for their unyielding faith in me. Last but not least, I reserve
the greatest gratitude to my husband, Andrew. He has always been patient
with my erratic work schedule and overseas trips and motivated me to
complete this book. He is also a loving husband and a great father to our
daughter Laila, who is my biggest source of inspiration.
 A Note on Conventions

i have employed a system of markup in the transliteration of Arabic

terms into the Roman alphabet, following the International Journal of
Middle East Studies’ system of transliteration. I have used diacritical mark-
ings such as macrons and dots below certain letters, including “ḥ” for
the arabic letter “‫”ح‬. I have also added diacritical marks to quotations to
standardize the text in this thesis, noting the additions in the footnotes.
Exceptions to this rule include terms and names that are commonly found
in the English dictionary and non-Arabic sources. For example, Riyadh,
Mecca, and Medina are not transliterated, but Sayḥāt, Jalājil, and al-Aḥwāz
are. Similarly, some Arabic names are not transliterated, such as Saddam
Hussein (as opposed to “Ṣaddām Ḥusayn”), but the names of the Saudi
clerics consulted are transliterated.
 Nouns and Adjectives

i have employed the term “Shī‘a” liberally, without distinguishing

between the word as a noun (e.g., Iraqi Shī‘a) and an adjective (e.g., Shī‘a
transnationalism, instead of Shīʻī transnationalism). However, exceptions
are made in quotations to ensure that exact quotes are not misrepresented.
Saudi Clerics and Shī‘a Islam
 Introduction

The ‘Ulamā’ and Shī‘a Islam

On the eve of the Shī‘a festival of ‘Āshūrā’ in 2014, a group of Saudi men
went on a murderous rampage, firing machine guns at people leaving a
Shī‘a place of worship in Al-Aḥsā’ in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia.
The attack left five dead and nine others injured. More deadly attacks fol-
lowed in May 2015, targeting Shī‘a mosques in Qaṭīf and Dammām. The
Saudi grand muftī immediately condemned the 2014 killings, labeling
the perpetrators as “terrorists” and the incident as “an example of brutal
aggression and a great injustice.”1 He issued more statements condemn-
ing the attacks in May. Despite the grand muftī’s response, it would be
appropriate to question the extent to which the rhetoric of the clerical
establishment he leads contributes to sectarianism in Saudi Arabia and
the broader Middle East region. Their fatāwā2 and other publications
have, for decades, attacked Shī‘a beliefs, practices, and populations. These
attacks have tended to intensify at times of heightened political sectari-
anism, including the recent uprising and civil war in Syria. While many
Saudi ‘ulamā’ (learned scholars)3 have denounced IS (the self-declared
Islamic State), and this denunciation is genuine, the anti-Shī‘a rhetoric
propagated by IS is very similar to that espoused by many Saudi ‘ulamā’.
Since the 1978–1979 Iranian revolution, the Saudi ‘ulamā’ have assidu-
ously worked, with at least the silent backing of the Saudi ruling family, to
delegitimize the Iranian revolution, and to warn Sunni Muslims of what
they consider to be the danger of Shī‘a transnationalism.
The ‘ulamā’ have expressed highly critical views of Shī‘īsm since
Muḥammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb, who was the first prominent ‘ālim to
help legitimize the House of Saud and the founder of what has become
2 Introduction

known as Wahhābīsm.4 In contrast, the counterparts of the Saudi ‘ulamā’

in Egypt generally treat Shī‘īsm with more tolerance. For example, Shaykh
Maḥmūd Shaltūt, the rector of al-Azhar University from 1958 to 1963, intro-
duced to the university the teaching of the fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) of
the Zaydī and Twelver sects of Shī‘a Islam alongside the fiqh of the four
Sunni madhhabs.5 Of course, many Sunni ‘ulamā’, not just in Saudi Arabia
and not just those who might be classed as Wahhābīs, question the theo-
logical legitimacy of Shī‘īsm within Islam. However, what generally sets
the Saudi ‘ulamā’ apart is the stridency and consistency of their beliefs and
the extent to which they denounce Shī‘īsm publicly, for example, through
fatāwā, sermons, and other means.
There is very little literature exploring the nature of the attitudes of
the ‘ulamā’ toward the Shī‘a. It can be taken as fact that the Saudi ‘ulamā’
largely oppose Shī‘īsm. It can also be reasonably assumed that they con-
tribute to sectarian tension in the Muslim world. Vali Nasr argues that the
Wahhābī ‘ulamā’ are among the main propagators of sectarian conflict in
the region, and is highly critical of the role played by Wahhābī ‘ulamā’ in
promoting sectarian division.6 Similarly, Guido Steinberg states that “the
Saudi Arabian Wahhābī movement has been the main source of Salafī
anti Shī‘īsm today.”7 Given such claims about the influence of the Saudi
‘ulamā’, it is important to understand why they demonstrate such negative
attitudes toward Shī‘īsm.
The ‘ulamā’ are no relic of the past; their views, especially on sectarian
matters, are important and influential. Qasim Zaman notes that they have
responded to modernity by reasserting themselves and are becoming more
significant throughout the Muslim world. In his words: “‘Ulamā’ in Saudi
Arabia, in India, in Afghanistan, in the southern Philippines, and elsewhere
in the Muslim world are a crucial part of the changes sweeping through
these societies in increasingly significant, often unprecedented ways.”8
Of all the Sunni-majority countries in which ‘ulamā’ are influential,
Saudi Arabia is one of the most significant. The Saudi ‘ulamā’ enjoy more
power as religious authorities than the ‘ulamā’ of other Arab countries.
They have managed to maintain the religious outlook of Saudi Arabia and
are the authority on religious concerns within the kingdom. The very fact
that the ‘ulamā’ are highly regarded and are granted the power to influence
rulings on religious and social issues strengthens their position as agents
affecting social behavior in Saudi Arabia.9
The Saudi ‘ulamā’ are therefore a strong source of direction regard-
ing Shī‘īsm among the Saudi public. Many fatāwā directed against the
 Introduction 3

Shī‘a originate from questions asked by government officials, members

of the public, and occasionally, Muslims from other countries. The nature
of these questions—such as “Are all Shī‘a infidels?” and “Can one con-
sume meat slaughtered by those who excessively venerate Ḥassan and
Ḥusayn?”—suggests that the public seeks, and is reliant on, the judgment
of the Saudi ‘ulamā’ in relation to Shī‘īsm.10 Similarly, the Saudi ‘ulamā’
have arguably unrestricted capacity to educate the Saudi public about
religious matters. They regularly hold public lectures that are broadcast
through state television and private satellite channels. They can use Friday
sermons, at which attendance by adult males is mandatory, to reach mil-
lions of Saudis. Given their social influence, their positions need to be
understood.
The purpose of this book is to describe the nature of the attitudes of the
Saudi ‘ulamā’ toward the Shī‘a and, in doing so, to seek explanations as
to why they take the stances that they do. Broadly speaking, there are two
possible explanations: the religious convictions of the ulamā’, being fun-
damentally opposed to the doctrines and many practices of Shī‘īsm, and
political circumstances.

Religious Convictions
Officially, the Saudi ‘ulamā’ follow the Ḥanbalī school of Sunni Islam.
However, Muḥammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb strongly promoted the practice of
ijtihād (independent reasoning), a process by which scholars find law by the
interpretation of the revealed texts. Ijtihād allowed him to reinterpret the reli-
gious rulings of other scholars and to pursue his own interpretation of Islam.11
He was determined to cleanse Islam of what he saw as corrupt practices and
to eliminate what he considered to be deviant behavior. Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb’s
anti-Shī‘a rhetoric is similar to that of Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328), who was
one of the harshest opponents of Shī‘īsm. He is a source regularly cited by
traditionalist Saudi ‘ulamā’ today. Ibn Taymiyyah was a strong advocate of
the Islamic caliphate, publicly preaching the necessity of loving the Prophet
Muḥammad’s four successors. Ibn Taymiyyah thus furiously rejected the
Shī‘a claim that ‘Alī was the rightful immediate successor of Muḥammad.
He took the view that the “best men” of the Muslim world after Muḥammad
were Abū Bakr, then ‘Umar, then ‘Uthmān, then ‘Alī.12
Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb similarly rejected many aspects of the Shī‘a faith,
both directly and indirectly. His theological foundation was tawḥīd, the
4 Introduction

oneness of God in its absolute form, which in his view was inconsistent
with the practices of intercession, shrine visitations, and any form of inno-
vation that did not exist during the time of the Prophet and his compan-
ions. Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb’s religious messages were particularly hostile
toward those Ṣūfī and Shī‘a doctrines that permitted these kinds of prac-
tices. His teachings remain revered in Saudi Arabia. The Saudi ‘ulamā’
propagate them through mosques, religious classes, and public education
sponsored by the Saudi ruling family.13
This work does not set out to defend Shī‘a theology or rituals from
attack. It is an examination—hopefully as non-judgmental as reasonably
possible—of the attitudes of the Saudi ‘ulamā’ toward Shī‘īsm. It endeav-
ors to contextualize their discourse and understand their motivations.
Although at times this work will attempt to address some of the allegations
leveled at Shī‘a convictions, this is done in an effort to comprehend the
intensity of the uncompromising attitudes of the Saudi ‘ulamā’.

Political Circumstances
The anti-Shī‘a rhetoric of the Saudi ‘ulamā’ is on many occasions political,
not merely religious, in nature. As we shall see, the ‘ulamā’ often step out-
side their theological remits and venture into political matters. Fatāwā and
sermons that are directly targeted at Shī‘a leaders and Shī‘a political orga-
nizations are common. Moreover, regardless of the content of their rheto-
ric, that rhetoric often intensifies in response to political circumstances.
Those political circumstances can be internal or external.

Internal Political Circumstances

Saudi Arabia has historically opposed Shī‘īsm both religiously and politi-
cally. The Saudi state has been actively involved in curbing the influence
of Shī‘īsm within and outside the kingdom. Anti-Shī‘a opposition in Saudi
Arabia was initiated by Muḥammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb, who was appalled
by the theological practices of the Shī‘a community when he first visited
Baṣra. The veneration of the shrine of ‘Alī in Najaf and Ḥusayn’s tomb in
Karbalā’ prompted Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb to call for the reformation of the
Muslim world, which he deemed corrupt and declining. The ‘ulamā’ of Baṣra
and Karbalā’ rebuffed his proposal, and he was asked to leave the area.14
The Shī‘a communities of Saudi Arabia have long faced discrimina-
tion by the Saudi government. In 1913, Ibn Saud conquered the oil-rich
 Introduction 5

Eastern Province, where most Shī‘a, mainly “Twelvers,” live.15 These Shī‘a
were thereafter economically and politically marginalized. Shī‘a religious
observances were strictly constrained and, as a result, Shī‘a institutions
were severely weakened. Sunni ‘ulamā’ have contributed to the legitimiza-
tion of the discrimination against the Shī‘a community in Saudi Arabia.
Politically, the Shī‘a are viewed as traitors for not accepting the caliphates
of Abū Bakr, ‘Umar, and ‘Uthmān. The Shī‘a are also accused of being
responsible for the fall of the Islamic caliphate in Baghdad and the Mongol
invasion. For example, Shaykh Nāṣir al-‘Umar, a highly ranked contem-
porary ‘ālim, called the Shī‘a traitors, labeling their form of treachery as
being greater than any treachery committed by Jews.16
The 1979 Saudi Shī‘a revolt was the source of further suspicion of
the Shī‘a community in Saudi Arabia. In the early 1990s, Shī‘a leaders
changed the nature of their political struggle to a more peaceful approach
by seeking improved relations with the Saudi government. This move was
welcomed by the Saudi government and led to negotiations with Shī‘a lead-
ers.17 However, despite the diplomatic efforts displayed by the Saudi Shī‘a,
which were met with some degree of receptiveness by the Saudi ruling
family, the ‘ulamā’ remained apprehensive of the domestic Shī‘a commu-
nity. Fatāwā have been issued that aimed at alienating the Shī‘a in Saudi
Arabia economically and socially.
The Shī‘a in the province of Najrān, of Ismā‘īlī faith, have also struggled
to ensure that their rights are protected. Toby Jones argues that the Saudi
government has in the past not only responded to the Ismā‘īlīs violently,
but has discriminated systematically against them by expelling thou-
sands of their population from Najrān. Ismā‘īlī leaders have been arrested
without provocation, as in the case of Shaykh Aḥmad Ibn Muḥammad
al-Khayyāṭ, who was imprisoned in 2000 on charges of sorcery. Ismā‘īlīs
have claimed that the former governor of Najrān, Prince Mish‘al, flooded
Najrān with Sunni mosques and schools during his tenure. Saudi reli-
gious officials from the Permanent Committee for Scientific Research
and Opinion declared that the founder of the Ismā‘īlī belief was a magi-
cian and that his followers were corrupt infidels. On the other hand, in
2005, five Ismā‘īlī leaders from Najrān met with Crown Prince ‘Abdullah
to plead their case and express loyalty to the Saudi government. This effort
was positively received by the government.18
Similarly, the often overlooked Shī‘a communities of Medina, who
are Twelvers, also face some forms of political, economic, and religious
discrimination at the hands of the Saudi government. Because they are
6 Introduction

politically inactive and often refrain from associating themselves with

the broader Shī‘a struggle, their plight has been largely ignored. To some
extent, they have been shielded from repression by the Saudi govern-
ment and attacks from the Sunni ‘ulamā’.19 The Ḥanafī, Mālikī, and Shāfi‘ī
schools of Sunni Islam can also be found in Saudi Arabia, but they have
historically been unrecognized by the country’s religious institutions. It
was not until 2009 that non-Wahhabī Sunnis were, for the first time,
appointed to the Board of Senior ‘Ulamā’ (BSU).20 It must be noted that
Saudi religious institutions have traditionally been hostile to Ṣūfī prac-
tices.21 Saudi Ṣūfīs, who are mostly found in Ḥijāz, practice and organize
largely in secret.22
This work will examine the different Shī‘a communities in Saudi
Arabia and, more important, the attitudes of the Saudi ‘ulamā’ toward
these various groups.

External Political Circumstances

Post-revolutionary Iran quickly came to be perceived within Saudi Arabia
as a threat to Sunni dominance in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia has long
considered itself the leader of the Sunni Muslim world, yet the revolution
in 1978–1979 shifted the focus of Islamic resurgence to Iran. This event
aggravated suspicions toward the Shī‘a around the world, from Lebanon
to Iraq to Bahrain. The ‘ulamā’ responded to the revolution immediately.
Ibrahīm Sulaymān al-Jabhān’s 1980 book, Removing the Darkness and
Awakening to the Danger of Shī‘īsm to Muslims and Islam, was “licensed by
the office of the highest religious authority in Saudi Arabia.”23 Among the
many charges leveled at the Shī‘a after the Iranian revolution, detailed in
later chapters, the Saudi ‘ulamā’ have accused the Shī‘a of trying to convert
Sunni Muslims to Shī‘īsm.24 Similarly, Iran’s policies in the region contrib-
ute to increased hostility from the ‘ulamā’. One example is Shaykh Walīd
al-Rashūdī, who criticizes Iran for meddling in the affairs of Gulf coun-
tries and urges the Saudi government to actively curb Iran in the region
through a strategy of “taking advantage of Iran’s domestic tensions.”25
This work focuses on the reactions of the Saudi ‘ulamā’ to the Shī‘a
of four selected countries: Iran, Bahrain, Iraq, and Yemen. In the context
of Bahrain, the Saudi ruling family’s close relations with the Al Khalifa
family is applauded by the ‘ulamā’, who see a Sunni regime in Bahrain
as a bulwark protecting the Gulf from “the agents of Iran” in the likes of
the island’s Shī‘a population. Many clerics have questioned the loyalty of
 Introduction 7

Bahrain’s Shī‘a to the Al Khalifa regime, especially after the Arab Spring
uprisings.26
Iraqi Shī‘a are not exempt from the same kind of rhetoric. Since the
fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003, which improved the political position
of the Iraqi Shī‘a, they have been labeled as treacherous and oppressive
by a large number of ‘ulamā’. Shaykh ‘Abdullah Ibn Jibrīn, for example,
blamed the high level of sectarian violence from 2006 to 2007 on the
Shī‘a and refused to reflect on the involvement of Sunni militants in the
conflict.27
Although the Shī‘a in Yemen are Zaydīs not Twelvers, which make
them theologically distinct from the Iranian Shī‘a, their communities
have been scrutinized by the Saudi ‘ulamā’, especially following the rise of
the Ḥūthī movement. They are often accused of pledging loyalty to Iran.
The ‘ulamā’ have strongly endorsed the Saudi ruling family’s interven-
tions in Yemen to suppress the Ḥūthī movement. Saudi Arabia’s grand
muftī, Shaykh ‘Abd al-‘Azīz Ibn ‘Abdullah Ᾱl al-Shaykh, issued a fatwā in
2009 announcing jihād against the Ḥūthīs. Shaykh Nāṣir ‘Abd al-Raḥmān
al-Barrāk issued a similar fatwā in 2011.28
Studies of other countries, such as Syria and Lebanon, would also
make for interesting research, but a more selective approach has been
taken here because Bahrain, Iraq, and Yemen each border Saudi Arabia
and have peculiar demographic and political circumstances that make
them particularly important for a study of the attitudes of the Saudi
‘ulamā’ toward Shī‘īsm. The rhetoric of the ‘ulamā’ in relation to Syria
since 2011 cannot be ignored. This book deals with some of that rheto-
ric, but Syria does not have a discrete chapter or section. The reason is
that, while the post-2011 Syrian events are illuminating in terms of the
response of the ‘ulamā’ to political events, the ‘ulamā’ have only recently
demonstrated interest in dealing with the Alawites. Previously, the ‘ulamā’
discussed the Syrian regime largely within the framework of Syria’s coop-
eration with Iran. Concerns about Iran converting Sunnis to Shī‘īsm was
also evident in the rhetoric of the ‘ulamā’. But their criticisms were not of
the Alawites, but of Iranian Twelver influence in Syria.
This work does not purport to measure the extent of the clerical influ-
ence on the decision-making of the Saudi government. There is already
literature on the relationship between the Saudi ‘ulamā’ and the Saudi
state, and the influences that each has on the other. None of that literature
pertains specifically to Saudi policies with respect to the Shī‘a. But the gap
in the literature extends to more fundamental matters: there is very little
8 Introduction

literature concerning the Sunni ‘ulamā’ of Saudi Arabia with respect to

Shī‘īsm. Before studying the influence, if any, that the ‘ulamā’ have on the
ruling family in this sphere, we have to understand the positions that the
‘ulamā’ take. That is the question to which this work is directed.

Categorizing the ‘Ulamā’

This book analyses the fatāwā, sermons, lectures, and publications issued
by Saudi ‘ulamā’ who are identified, and their positions toward the Shī‘a
are discussed in their social and political contexts. This will provide a
focused understanding of the internal and external outlooks of the ‘ulamā’
toward Shī‘īsm in Saudi Arabia and abroad. It focuses in particular on the
‘ulamā’ of two eras: the early ‘ulamā’ and the contemporary ‘ulamā’. The
early ‘ulamā’ are those of the first, second, and early third Saudi states.
The contemporary ‘ulamā’ are those who witnessed the 1978–1979 Iranian
revolution and those subsequent to them.
Categorizations of Saudi clerics commonly used by scholars for other
purposes are not of great utility when analyzing the attitudes of the clerics
toward the various Shī‘a sects and groups. Typical categorizations of the
Saudi ‘ulamā’ are based on their political positions and activism within the
Saudi kingdom, and more precisely their relations with the ruling fam-
ily. Some scholars have described clerics co-opted by, or sympathetic to,
the government as “sanctioned clerics” or “establishment clerics,” while
those who oppose the government are identified as “non-sanctioned” or
“non-establishment” clerics.
This book proposes a new categorization. The contemporary ‘ulamā’ are
divided into two categories: traditionalists and progressives. Traditionalist
‘ulamā’ take an uncompromising approach when discussing the Shī‘a
sect. Among the traditionalists, there are “aggressive traditionalists” who
are intense in their rhetoric and who dedicate a substantial number of ser-
mons, lectures, and publications to discussing the Shī‘a. One prominent
‘ālim is Shaykh Nāṣir al-‘Umar, known for his fiery works against the Shī‘a.
Another is Rabī‘ al-Madkhalī, an avid government loyalist who strongly
criticizes Shī‘a theology. The fact that al-‘Umar, a non-establishment
cleric, and al-Madkhalī, an establishment cleric, are in lockstep when it
comes to the Shī‘a demonstrates the lack of utility of the establishment/
non-establishment categorization in sectarian matters.
There are also “mild traditionalists” who are not frequent polemicists
but who hold essentially the same views as the aggressive traditionalists.
 Introduction 9

Shaykh ‘Abd al-‘Azīz Ibn Bāz is one cleric who takes a similar theologi-
cal position to that of Shaykh Nāṣir al-‘Umar, albeit not with the same
fervor. Although he is less active in denouncing the sect, the Shaykh
has endorsed the works of aggressive traditionalists. Clerics like Ibn
Bāz often direct readers and questioners to the works of aggressive
traditionalists.
The progressive ‘ulamā’, on the other hand, promote rapprochement
efforts and are more accommodating toward some Shī‘a communities.
They also tend to refrain from producing anti-Shī‘a materials, includ-
ing those that are theological in nature. Shaykh ‘Awaḍ al-Qarnī is one.
He demonstrates great caution in his discussions of sectarian politics,
avoiding demonizing the Shī‘a doctrines and followers. This is not to
say that al-Qarnī is not concerned about Shī‘a transnational activities or
Iran’s active participation in the region; it is simply that he refuses, in
most cases, to employ sectarian dogma when dealing with the Shī‘a. This
kind of approach is discernible in a handful of other Saudi ‘ulamā’, includ-
ing Shaykh Salmān al-‘Awdah. However, as will be discussed throughout
the book, these progressive ‘ulamā’ are insignificant in number and, more
important, are unwilling to directly challenge the dominant anti-Shī‘a nar-
rative advocated by their traditionalist colleagues.
This book will analyze particular fatāwā, following the approaches of
other scholars in their analyses of fatāwā on a range of topics. Kate Zebiri
has analyzed the works of Maḥmūd Shaltūt by examining his employment
of the Qur’ān, the Sunnah, and the classical sources of fiqh. She also exam-
ined his practice of ijtihād (independent reasoning) and ijmā‘ (consensus).29
According to Skovgaard-Petersen, the work of Andreas Kemke, who has
studied the fatāwā issued by Muḥammad ‘Abduh on awqāf (endowments),
is similar to the method used by Zebiri but focused solely on one muftī,
one subject matter, and within a six-year period.30
Similarly, Muhammad Al Atawneh has studied the fatāwā and publi-
cations issued by Dār al-Iftā’ in Saudi Arabia, specifically examining the
research conducted by the BSU and the CRLO. He categorized the fatāwā
according to their content; “(1) traditional social and religious norms;
and (2) modern innovations.” He then goes on to examine the applica-
tion of the Qur’ān and the Sunnah, the classical texts, and other sources,
including ijmā‘. More significantly, he critically analyzed the sociopoliti-
cal context in which these fatāwā were issued. As he argues, “texts have
no inherent meaning in and of themselves, but must be approached in
context, in light of the ongoing ideological debate.”31 This approach was
10 Introduction

initially used by Skovgaard-Petersen in his study of Dār al-Iftā’ in Egypt,

with an emphasis on contextualizing the fatāwā. He further outlined other
factors that should be taken into consideration when analyzing a fatwā,
including the particular cleric’s worldview, intentions, methods, and the
pressure imposed on him by various actors.32
The methods used by Al Atawneh and Skovgaard-Petersen are also
employed in this study. However, it must be acknowledged that these
scholars studied Dār al-Iftā’ in general in Saudi Arabia and Egypt, respec-
tively, and their studies involve fatāwā of various subjects. Therefore, their
methodology does not include the selection of relevant fatāwā and how
they were made. On this issue, a different approach is taken. The primary
sources (compiled publications and fatāwā only) of the early ‘ulamā’, espe-
cially from the first two Saudi states, are examined thoroughly, and ref-
erences that are relevant to Shī‘īsm are identified and analyzed. This is
because the compiled works are less precise, and their titles are broad in
nature. The primary sources of the contemporary Saudi ‘ulamā’ (inclu-
sive of fatāwā, publications, sermons, and lectures) are selected based
on the title and relevance to the research, such as Hadhihi Naṣīḥatī ilā
Kull Shī‘ī [This is My Advice to All Shī‘a] and Manāhij wa Ahdāf al-Shī‘a
fī al-Minṭaqah al-Sharqiyyah [Methods and Objectives of the Shī‘a in the
Eastern Province].
The sources are first classified by their subject matter: (1) theological
positions in relation to Shī‘īsm, and (2) political positions. This will be
accompanied by identifying the positions and arguments of the particu-
lar ‘ālim in the context of Shī‘īsm. The reasons outlined by the ‘ulamā’
explaining their positions are explored and assessed. To the extent pos-
sible, the similarities and differences among the ‘ulamā’, based on the
various sources consulted, are noted where relevant. The sources are
examined in their sociopolitical context, particularly when it comes to
sources that are political in nature. However, unlike previous studies
of fatāwā, there is no analysis herein of the technical elements of the
sources. Zebiri, Atawneh, and Skovgaard have all critically discussed this
dynamic, looking at the utilization of the Qur’ān, the Sunnah, the Ijmā’,
and so on, in informing fatāwā judgments. This study strictly focuses
on the content of the sources, with brief elaboration of the evidence or
material used by the ‘ulamā’ to justify them. This research is a survey
of the clergy’s views on a particular area—seeking above all to examine
sectarianism from a political sociological approach—rather than a deep
theological analysis of particular fatāwā.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Cambridge natural
history, Vol. 02 (of 10)
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever.
You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project
Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If
you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: The Cambridge natural history, Vol. 02 (of 10)

Author: Frank E. Beddard

W. B. Benham
F. W. Gamble
Marcus Hartog
Lilian Sheldon

Editor: S. F. Harmer
Sir A. E. Shipley

Release date: October 16, 2023 [eBook #71891]

Language: English

Original publication: New York: MacMillan and Co, 1901

Credits: Keith Edkins, Peter Becker and the Online Distributed Proofreading
Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CAMBRIDGE

NATURAL HISTORY, VOL. 02 (OF 10) ***
 THE

CAMBRIDGE NATURAL HISTORY

EDITED BY

S. F. HARMER, M.A., Fellow of King's College, Cambridge; Superintendent of the

University Museum of Zoology

AND

A. E. SHIPLEY, M.A., Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge; University Lecturer on

the Morphology of Invertebrates

VOLUME II

FLATWORMS AND MESOZOA

By F. W. Gamble, M.Sc. (Vict.), Owens College

NEMERTINES
By Miss L. Sheldon, Newnham College, Cambridge

THREAD-WORMS AND SAGITTA

By A. E. Shipley, M.A., Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge

ROTIFERS
By Marcus Hartog, M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge (D.Sc. Lond.), Professor of Natural
History in the Queen's College, Cork

POLYCHAET WORMS
By W. Blaxland Benham, D.Sc. (Lond.), Hon. M.A. (Oxon.), Aldrichian Demonstrator of
Comparative Anatomy in the University of Oxford

EARTHWORMS AND LEECHES

By F. E. Beddard, M.A. (Oxon.), F.R.S., Prosector to the Zoological Society, London

GEPHYREA AND PHORONIS

By A. E. Shipley, M.A., Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge

POLYZOA
By S. F. Harmer, M.A., Fellow of King's College, Cambridge

London
MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited
NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1901

All rights reserved

'Nous allons faire des vers ensemble'

André de Chénier

First Edition 1896. Reprinted 1901

 CONTENTS

PAGE
Scheme of the Classification adopted in this Book ix

PLATYHELMINTHES AND MESOZOA

CHAPTER I
TURBELLARIA
Introduction—description of the Polyclad Leptoplana
tremellaris—Appearance—Habits—Structure: Polycladida—
Classification—Habits—Anatomy—Development: Tricladida—
Occurrence—Structure—Classification: Rhabdocoelida—
Occurrence—Habits—Reproduction—Classification 3
CHAPTER II
TREMATODA
Characters of Trematodes—Habits and Structure of Trematoda
Ectoparasitica (Monogenea)—Life-Histories of Polystomum
integerrimum, Diplozoon paradoxum, and Gyrodactylus
elegans—Trematoda Endoparasitica (Digenea)—Occurrence
and Habits of Digenea—Life-History of Distomum
macrostomum—Distomum hepaticum and its Effects—Bilharzia
haematobia—Bisexual Trematodes—Table of Hosts—
Classification 51
CHAPTER III
CESTODA
Introduction—Nature of Cestodes—Occurrence of Cestodes—
The Tape-Worms of Man and Domestic Animals—Table of Life-
Histories of Principal Cestodes of Man and Domestic Animals
—Structure and Development of Cestodes—Table for the
Discrimination of the More Usual Cestodes of Man and
Domestic Animals—Classification 74
CHAPTER IV
MESOZOA
Dicyemidae—Structure—Reproduction—Occurrence:
Orthonectidae—Occurrence—Structure: Trichoplax:
Salinella 92

NEMERTINEA
 CHAPTER V
NEMERTINEA
Introductory—External Characters—Anatomy—Classification—
Development—Habits—Regeneration—Breeding—
Geographical Distribution—Land, Fresh-Water, and Parasitic
Forms—Affinities 99

NEMATHELMINTHES AND CHAETOGNATHA

CHAPTER VI
NEMATHELMINTHES
Introduction—Nematoda—Anatomy—Embryology—Classification
—Ascaridae—Strongylidae—Trichotrachelidae—Filariidae—
Mermithidae—Anguillulidae—Enoplidae—Parasitism:
Nematomorpha—Anatomy—Classification—Life-History:
Acanthocephala—Anatomy—Embryology—Classification 123
CHAPTER VII
CHAETOGNATHA
Structure—Reproduction—Habits—Food—Classification—Table
of Identification [see also p. 534] 186

ROTIFERA, GASTROTRICHA, AND KINORHYNCHA

CHAPTER VIII
ROTIFERA, GASTROTRICHA, AND KINORHYNCHA
Rotifera—History—External Features—Movements—Anatomy—
Reproduction—Embryology—Classification—Distribution—
Affinities: Gastrotricha: Kinorhyncha 197

ARCHIANNELIDA, POLYCHAETA, AND MYZOSTOMARIA

CHAPTER IX
The Chaetopodous Worms—The Archiannelida—Anatomy of
Nereis, as Typical of the Polychaeta 241
CHAPTER X
Classification of the Polychaeta—Shape—Head—Parapodia—
Chaetae—Gills—Internal Organs—Jaws—Sense Organs—
Reproduction—Larval Forms—Budding—Fission—Branching—
Regeneration 257
CHAPTER XI
Natural History of Polychaetes—General Habits—Character of 284
 Tube and its Formation—Colouring—Protective and Mimetic
Devices—Phosphorescence—Food—Uses—Associated Worms
—Worms as Hosts—Distribution—Fossil Remains
CHAPTER XII
Characters of the Sub-Orders of Polychaetes—Characters of
the Families—Description of British Genera and Species: the
Myzostomaria 303

OLIGOCHAETA (EARTHWORMS, ETC.), AND HIRUDINEA

(LEECHES)
CHAPTER XIII
OLIGOCHAETA (EARTHWORMS AND THEIR ALLIES)
Introduction—Anatomy—Reproduction—Bionomics—Distribution
—Classification—Microdrili and Megadrili 347
CHAPTER XIV
HIRUDINEA (LEECHES)
Introduction—Anatomy—Reproduction—Classification—
Rhynchobdellae and Gnathobdellae 392

GEPHYREA AND PHORONIS

CHAPTER XV
GEPHYREA
Introduction—Anatomy—Development—Sipunculoidea—
Priapuloidea—Echiuroidea—Epithetosomatoidea—Affinities of
the Group 411
CHAPTER XVI
PHORONIS
History—Habits—Structure—Reproduction—Larva—
Metamorphosis—List of Species and Localities—Systematic
Position 450

POLYZOA
CHAPTER XVII
POLYZOA
Introduction—General Characters and Terminology—Brown
Bodies—History—Outlines of Classification—Marine Polyzoa
—Occurrence—Forms of Colony and of Zooecia—Ovicells—
Avicularia—Vibracula—Entoprocta 465
 CHAPTER XVIII
POLYZOA—continued
Fresh-water Polyzoa—Phylactolaemata—Occurrence—Structure
of Cristatella—Division of Colony—Movements of Colony—
Retraction And Protrusion of Polypides in Polyzoa—
Statoblasts—Table for Determination of Genera of Fresh-
water Polyzoa—Reproductive Processes of Polyzoa—
Development—Affinities—Metamorphosis—Budding 492
CHAPTER XIX
POLYZOA—continued
Classification—Geographical Distribution—Palaeontology—
Methods for the Examination of Specific Characters—
Terminology—Key for the Determination of the Genera of
British Marine Polyzoa 515
Addendum to Chaetognatha 534
Index 535
 SCHEME OF THE CLASSIFICATION ADOPTED IN THIS BOOK

PLATYHELMINTHES (p. 3)
Family.
TURBELLARIA Planoceridae
(p. 3) (p. 19).
Leptoplanidae
Acotylea (p. 16) (p. 19).
Cestoplanidae
(p. 19).
Polycladida
Enantiidae (p. 19).
(p. 7)
Anonymidae (p. 19)
Pseudoceridae
(p. 19).
Cotylea
Euryleptidae (p. 19).
Prosthiostomatidae
(p. 19).
Paludicola
Planariidae (p. 42).
(p. 30)
Procerodidae
Maricola (p. 42).
Tricladida (pp. 30, 32) = Gundidae.
(p. 30) Bdellouridae (p. 42).
Bipaliidae (p. 42).
Terricola Geoplanidae (p. 42).
(pp. 30, 33) Rhynchodemidae
(p. 42).
Rhabdocoelida Proporidae (p. 49).
(p. 42) Acoela (p. 42) Aphanostomatidae
(p. 49).
Macrostomatidae
(p. 49).
Microstomatidae
(p. 49).
Prorhynchidae
Rhabdocoela (p. 49).
(p. 43) Mesostomatidae
(p. 49).
Proboscidae (p. 49).
Vorticidae (p. 50).
Solenopharyngidae
(p. 50).
 Alloeocoela Plagiostomatidae
(p. 43) (p. 50).
Bothrioplanidae
(p. 50).
Monotidae (p. 50).

Temnocephalidae
(pp. 53, 73).
Tristomatidae
(pp. 53, 73).
Monogenea (pp. 5, 52)
Polystomatidae
= Heterocotylea + Aspidocotylea
(pp. 53, 73).
(p. 73)
Gyrodactylidae
(pp. 53, 61).
Aspidobothridae
(p. 73).
TREMATODA Holostomatidae
(pp. 3, 51) (p. 73).
Amphistomatidae
(p. 73).
Distomatidae
Digenea (pp. 5, 52) = Malacocotylea (p. 73).
(p. 73) Gasterostomatidae
(p. 73).
Didymozoontidae
(p. 73).
Monostomatidae
(p. 73).

Cestodariidae
= Monozoa (p. 91).
Bothriocephalidae
(p. 91).
CESTODA (pp. 3, 74) Tetrarhynchidae
(p. 91).
Tetraphyllidae
(p. 91).
Taeniidae (p. 91).

MESOZOA
Dicyemidae (p. 93).
MESOZOA (pp. 3, 92) Orthonectida
(p. 94).
 NEMERTINEA (p. 99)
HOPLONEMERTEA (p. 110) = Metanemertini (p. 112).
SCHIZONEMERTEA (p. 111) = Heteronemertini (ex parte) (p. 113).
PALAEONEMERTEA (p. 111) = Protonemertini (p. 112). + Mesonemertini
(p. 112). + Heteronemertini (ex parte) (p. 113).

NEMATHELMINTHES (p. 123)

Ascaridae (p. 138).
Strongylidae
(p. 142).
Trichotrachelidae
(p. 144).
Filariidae (p. 147).
Mermithidae
NEMATODA (pp. 123, 124) (p. 150).
Anguillulidae
(p. 154).
Enoplidae (p. 157).
Chaetosomatidae
(p. 158).
Desmoscolecidae
(p. 159).

NEMATOMORPHA (pp. 123, 164) Gordiidae (p. 164).

Echinorhynchidae
(p. 182)
Gigantorhynchidae
(p. 183).
ACANTHOCEPHALA (pp. 123, 174)
Neorhynchidae
(p. 184).
Arhynchidae
(p. 185).

CHAETOGNATHA (p. 186)

ROTIFERA (p. 197)

FLOSCULARIACEAE (p. 220) Flosculariidae
(p. 221).
Apsilidae (p. 221).

Melicertidae
(p. 221).
MELICERTACEAE (p. 221)
Trochosphaeridae
(p. 221).

Philodinidae
BDELLOIDA (p. 222)
(p. 222).

Asplanchnidae
ASPLANCHNACEAE (p. 222)
(p. 223).

Pedalionidae
SCIRTOPODA (p. 223)
(p. 223).

Microcodonidae
(p. 224).
Rhinopidae (p. 224).
Hydatinidae
(p. 224).
Synchaetidae
Illoricata (p. 223)
(p. 224).
Notommatidae
(p. 224).
Drilophagidae
(p. 224).
Triarthridae (p. 224).
Rattulidae (p. 225).
PLOIMA (p. 223)
Dinocharididae
(p. 225).
Salpinidae (p. 225).
Euchlanididae
(p. 225).
Cathypnidae
Loricata (p. 224)
(p. 225).
Coluridae (p. 225).
Pterodinidae
(p. 225).
Brachionidae
(p. 225).
Anuraeidae (p. 225).
SEISONACEAE (p. 225) Seisonidae (p. 226).

GASTROTRICHA
GASTROTRICHA Euichthydina (p. 235)
(p. 231). Apodina (p. 235)

KINORHYNCHA (p. 236)

CHAETOPODA (p. 241)

ARCHIANNELIDA (p. 241)

POLYCHAETA Phanerocephala Syllidae (p. 306).

(pp. 241, 245) (p. 303) Hesionidae (p. 308).
Aphroditidae
(p. 309).
Phyllodocidae
(p. 313).
Tomopteridae
(p. 315).
Nereidae (p. 315).
Nereidiformia Nephthydidae
(p. 303) (p. 317).
Amphinomidae
(p. 318).
Eunicidae (p. 318).
Glyceridae (p. 320).
Sphaerodoridae
(p. 320).
Ariciidae (p. 321).
Typhloscolecidae
(p. 321).
Spionidae (p. 321).
Polydoridae
(p. 323).
Spioniformia Chaetopteridae
(p. 304) (p. 323).
Magelonidae (325.
Ammocharidae
(p. 325).
 Terebelliformia Cirratulidae (p. 325).
(p. 304) Terebellidae
(p. 327).
Ampharetidae
(p. 330).
Amphictenidae
(p. 330).
Capitelliformia Capitellidae
(p. 305) (p. 331).
Opheliidae (p. 331).
Maldanidae
(p. 332).
Arenicolidae
(p. 333).
Scoleciformia
Scalibregmidae
(p. 305)
(p. 334).
Chlorhaemidae
(p. 334).
Sternaspidae
(p. 335).
Sabellidae (p. 336).
Eriographidae
Sabelliformia (p. 338).
Cryptocephala (p. 305) Amphicorinidae
(p. 303) (p. 339).
Serpulidae (p. 339).
Hermelliformia Hermellidae
(p. 306) (p. 341).

MYZOSTOMARIA (pp. 241, 341)

OLIGOCHAETA Microdrili (p. 373) Aphaneura (p. 374).

(pp. 241, 347) Enchytraeidae
(p. 375).
Discodrilidae
(p. 376).
Phreoryctidae
(p. 376).
Naidomorpha
(p. 377).
Tubificidae (p. 378).
Lumbriculidae
(p. 379).
 Moniligastridae
(p. 380).
Perichaetidae
(p. 380).
Cryptodrilidae
(p. 382).
Acanthodrilidae
Megadrili (pp. 373, 374). (p. 384).
Eudrilidae (p. 385).
Geoscolicidae
(p. 386).
Lumbricidae
(p. 388).

HIRUDINEA (p. 392)

Ichthyobdellidae
(p. 406).
RHYNCHOBDELLAE (p. 405)
Glossiphoniidae
(p. 406).

Gnathobdellidae
(p. 407).
GNATHOBDELLAE (p. 407)
Herpobdellidae
(p. 407).

GEPHYREA (p. 411)

SIPUNCULOIDEA (pp. 412, 420).
PRIAPULOIDEA (pp. 412, 430).
ECHIUROIDEA (pp. 412, 434).
EPITHETOSOMATOIDEA (pp. 412, 444).

PHORONIS (p. 450)

POLYZOA (p. 465)

ENTOPROCTA (pp. 475, 487)

ECTOPROCTA Gymnolaemata Cyclostomata Articulata (p. 517).

(p. 475) (p. 476) (p. 477) Inarticulata (p. 517).
 Cheilostomata Cellularina (p. 518).
(p. 477) Flustrina (p. 518).
Escharina (p. 518).
Alcyonellea (p. 518).
Ctenostomata
Vesicularina
(p. 477)
(p. 518).
Phylactolaemata (pp. 476, 493)
 PLATYHELMINTHES AND MESOZOA

BY

F. W. GAMBLE, M.Sc. (Vict.)

Demonstrator and Assistant-Lecturer in Zoology in the Owens College, Manchester.

CHAPTER I

TURBELLARIA

INTRODUCTION: DESCRIPTION OF THE POLYCLAD LEPTOPLANA TREMELLARIS—

APPEARANCE—HABITS—STRUCTURE: POLYCLADIDA—CLASSIFICATION—HABITS—
ANATOMY—DEVELOPMENT: TRICLADIDA—OCCURRENCE—STRUCTURE—
CLASSIFICATION: RHABDOCOELIDA—OCCURRENCE—HABITS—REPRODUCTION—
CLASSIFICATION.

The Platyhelminthes, or Flat Worms, form a natural assemblage of animals, the

members of which, however widely they may differ in appearance, habits, or life-
history, exhibit a fundamental similarity of organisation which justifies their
separation from other classes of worms, and their union into a distinct phylum.
Excluding the leeches (Hirudinea), and the long sea-worms (Nemertinea)—which,
though formerly included, are now treated independently—the Platyhelminthes
may be divided into three branches: (1) Turbellaria (including the Planarians), (2)
Trematoda (including the liver-flukes), and (3) Cestoda (tape-worms). The
Mesozoa will be treated as an appendix to the Platyhelminthes.

The Turbellaria were so called by Ehrenberg[1] (1831) on account of the cilia or

vibratile processes with which these aquatic animals are covered, causing by their
incessant action, tiny currents ("turbellae," disturbances) in the surrounding water.
The ciliary covering distinguishes this free-living group from the parasitic
Trematodes and Cestodes, some of which possess such an investment, but only
during their early free larval stage, for the short period when they have left the
parental host and are seeking another (Figs. 26, 27, 42).

Some Turbellaria (Rhabdocoelida) resemble Infusoria in their minute size, shape,

and movements. Nevertheless they possess an organisation of considerable
complexity. The fresh-water Planarians (Fig. 14), abounding in ponds and streams,
vary from a quarter to half an inch in length, and are elongated and flattened. Their
body is soft, and progresses by a characteristic, even, gliding motion like a snail.
The marine Planarians or Polyclads (Fig. 8) are usually broad and leaf-like,
sometimes attaining a length of six inches, and swim or creep in a most graceful
way. Land Planarians occur in this country (Fig. 15), but far more abundantly in
tropical and sub-tropical districts, in moist places, venturing abroad at night in
pursuit of prey. They are elongated and cylindrical, in some cases measuring,
when fully extended, a foot or more in length, and are often ornamented with
brilliantly coloured, longitudinal bands.

Turbellaria are carnivorous, overpowering their prey by peculiar cutaneous

offensive weapons, and then sucking out the contents of the victim by the
"pharynx." Land Planarians feed on earthworms, molluscs, and wood-lice; fresh-
water Planarians on Oligochaet worms, water-snails, and water-beetles; marine
forms devour Polychaet worms and molluscs. Some Turbellaria seem to prefer
freshly-killed or weakly examples of animals too large to be overpowered when
fully active. Certain Rhabdocoelida are messmates of Molluscs and Echinoderms,
and a few others are truly parasitic—a mode of life adopted by all Trematodes save
Temnocephala.

The Trematodes[2] may be divided into those living on the outer surface of various
aquatic animals, usually fish (Ectoparasites); and those which penetrate more or
less deeply into the alimentary canal or the associated organs of the host
(Endoparasites). They are oval, flattened Platyhelminthes ranging from a
microscopic size to a length of three feet (Nematobothrium, Fig. 22), and are
provided with organs of adhesion by which they cling to the outer surface, or to the
interior, of the animals they inhabit. Trematodes occur parasitically in all groups of
Vertebrates, but, with the exception of the liver-flukes of the sheep (Distomum
hepaticum and D. magnum), and of Bilharzia haematobia found in man (in the
blood-vessels of the urinary bladder) over the greater part of Africa, their attacks
are not usually of a serious nature. Ectoparasitic Trematodes are Monogenetic;
that is, their larvae grow up directly into mature forms. The Endoparasitic species,
however, are usually Digenetic. Their larvae enter an Invertebrate and produce a
new generation of different larvae, and these another. The last are immature
flukes. They enter a second host, which is swallowed by the final Vertebrate host in
which they become mature.

The Cestodes or Tape-worms have undergone more profound modifications both in

structure and in mode of development. They are all endoparasitic, and, with one
exception (Archigetes), attain maturity solely within the alimentary canal of
Vertebrates. In length they range from a few millimetres to several metres, but this
great size is attained from the need for the rapid production and accumulation of
enormous numbers of eggs. The "head" or "scolex" is attached to the mucous
membrane of the host by suckers or hooks, but there is no mouth nor any certain