Revista Universitară de Sociologie. Year XVII, Issue 1/2021 www.sociologiecraiova.

ro

THE AWAKENING OF NATIONALISM OF THE CAMEROON CLERGE

OF THE AMERICAN PRESBYTERIAN MISSION (MPA)
(1940-1957)
Moïse Valère EBENDENG ONDO

Assistant, University of Douala (Cameroon); Email: [email protected]

Abstract: Its area of evangelization of South Cameroon, missionaries of the MPA had introduced
the ideas of freedom and autonomy among his flock to fight against French colonization and allow
the political and social empowerment of black people. However, after the Second World War, while
political leaders molded in schools of the MPA were fighting for the independence of Cameroon,
African employees the Mission and trained to the awakening of consciousness began to assert their
masters, the improvement of working conditions and the handling of the management of the
heritage of the Mission. The pressure of the black clergy had pushed the MPA to grant
independence to the missionary field giving birth, December 11 th, 1957, in the Cameroonian
Presbyterian Church (EPC). With the withdrawal of the American missionaries, the problem of the
management of an important heritage designed since the end of the 19e century arose, because
pastors African, few in number, but avid authority, had not received the training required to ensure
the relay of these Apostles of good new and well trained to the task to ensure the technical work
in different medical institutions, schools, agricultural. So far, the problem remains real in this
church, the opposite of self-propagating who brought the early Church to create more than 500
parishes in fifty years of independence.

Key words: presbyterian; church; heritage; missionaries; nationalism.

1. Introduction
The forest south of Cameroon has been a favorable area for the apostolic work of the
MPA. From the locality of Grand Batang where they have been established since 1866 from
Gabon where they are driven out by the French colonial administration, they create, from the
coast towards the interior of the country, in Boulou and Bassa countries, nineteen and establish
a real Mission in the territory (AMAL, 2012: 30). In its apostolate, and in order to facilitate the
autonomy of the Church born of my mission, the MPA remains faithful to the principle of the
ideology of Protestantism which aims to make the missionary, a free being, capable of self-
government (self goverming), to be self-supporting (self-supporting) and to continue to spread
the good news (self-propagating). To do this and to facilitate the conversion of the neophyte,
the MPA has developed an important socio-economic work in its area of influence
(Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1935: 2). These missionaries also train their followers in
free expression and in awareness and awareness raising. Against the colonial administration in
Cameroon under French administration. However, after the Second World War, the MPA will be
within it, itself a victim of the awakening of nationalism manifested by demands for autonomy
and independence of the missionary field of Cameroon, because of the treatment reserved for
the native prelate. As we will see later. 1943 is the year in which the MPA grants internal
autonomy to the missionary field of Cameroon by including certain blacks in the management
of Church affairs. 1957 is the year of the birth of a local Church under the embers of the push of
the demands of the local clergy, in a context marked by the hasty pressure of the nationalists for
the accession of Cameroon to independence. The purpose of this article is to understand how
the awakening spirit of black clergy nationalism took shape within the MPA. How the
missionaries reacted to the multiple claims of the African clergy. To do this, we will first see how
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the Black clergy feared the preponderance of White Missionary Pastors. Then we will see from
the unhealthy climate that reigned within the Mission between the Whites and the Blacks how
the local Church was born. Finally understand in what context the passage of the witness took
place between Cameroonians and Americans.

2. The dissidence of the African clerge from the mission

The important event which marks the decolonization of the MPA's missionary field in
Cameroon is the dissent of the Cameroonian clergy who claim the right of equality and
consideration within the Mission. Their leader is Pastor Akoa Abomo (Akoa Mongo, 2011: 3),
the only one who, at the time, could read and write English the basic language on which the texts
in force in the missionary field of Cameroon were translated. To understand the motives of these
demands, it seemed important to us to take an interest first in the situation of these Black
workers within the Mission (Cameroonian Prebyterian Church, 1940: 4).

2.1. The precarious situation of the African clergy of the MPA

The Black collaborators in general and the African pastors in particular had a
precarious situation within the Mission. The latter had no power. Pastors missionaries were
both station leaders and patrons of African pastors. Pastor Bolivard Ondo emphasizes in this
regard that, the Black Pastors lived with bitterness. Their role was secondary. Moreover, they
realized that their assignments did not come under their jurisdiction which is the consistory,
but of the goodwill of the missionaries, even if these are very young compared to the old black
servants (National Archives of Yaounde, 1AC, 3523, 1953: 3).
Missionaries were superintendents responsible for overseeing a group of parishes at
the stations, while the role of black pastors was limited to looking after individual parishes.
However, the Board noted the progress made by the MPA in Cameroon and recommended the
establishment of a committee that prepares the principles of transfer of powers to blacks to
prepare them for the establishment of a responsible indigenous Church (AMAL, 2012: 33).
Unfortunately, this action of the Board in New York remained underground and unknown to
black pastors apart from a few unofficial indiscretions since the Cameroonian leaders were
unaware of the action of the missionaries at the level of the direction in New York, where all the
major decisions concerning the Cameroon missionary field were taken (National Archives of
Yaounde, 1AC 1914, 1940: 2). These indiscretions led black pastors to make their voices heard
through petitions. But on the whole, Cameroonian pastors, unlike politicians trained in MPA
schools, had chosen the path of reason. These demands began with the advent of new
jurisdictions within the Mission to prepare for the establishment of a local Church
(Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1940: 5). The establishment of the courts was also
consecutive to the creation of several parishes. The table below shows the evolution of the
creation of parishes of the MPA in Cameroon, in relation to the number of faithful.

Table no. 1: Statistics of the evolution of the evangelization of the MPA in Cameroon
1929-1957
Years Number of
Number Number
Numbers of Number Missionary Number of Total number of
parishes of
Consistories of synods pastors national communicating
Stations
pastors members
1929 52 14 01 0 22 22 31130
1936 52 14 01 1 28 49 38000
1946 64 19 03 01 28 60 46278
1952 86 19 08 01 21 71 74411
1955 155 19 10 03 20 86 75179
1957 195 19 10 03 23 90 76000
Source: AEPC. Minutes of the Mission Meetings from 1929 to 1957.

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This allows us to notice that the number of Cameroonian pastors doubled from 1929 to
1936, that is to say in 7 years, going from 22 to 49 and doubled 21 years later. It must still be
recognized that if this number experienced this slowed evolution between 1936 and 1957, it is
because of the schism in the missionary field of the MPA, which gave birth in 1934 to the African
Protestant Church (EPA) (Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1935: 6). On the other hand, the
number of missionary pastors has remained almost static. At the request of the missionaries to
create the Cameroon Synod to integrate blacks in the government of the Mission, the Board
agreed. The condition for this jurisdiction to be created in Cameroon was to divide the
Presbytery Corisco into three distinct jurisdictions. This is what was done during the Assizes of
the Corisco Presbytery meeting in Sakbayémé from February 25 to 26, 1935 (Cameroonian
Presbyterian Church, 1935: 7). This division was effective in 1936 and the three new
jurisdictions which integrated the native pastors into the government were as follows:
The Corisco Presbytery:
• Moderator: Eduma Musambani;
• Secretary: A.I Good;
• 5 stations: Bénito, Batanga, Efoulan, Elat, Lolodorf (Bibia): 33 parishes with 17 national
pastors and 05 missionaries.
The Presbytery Metet:
• Moderator: W.C. Johnston;
• Secretary: F.O. Emerson;
• 5 stations: Foulassi, Metet, Yaoundé, Bafia, Nkolmvolan: 19 parishes with 11 national
pastors and 09 missionaries.
The Sanaga Presbytery:
• Moderator: L. Paul Moore;
• Secretary: Gustave Essombé;
• 2 stations in Edea and Sakbayeme: 03 national pastors and 04 missionaries
(Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1935: 8).

These jurisdictions constituted frameworks of mixed exchange where dialogue was

possible between the missionaries and the native prelate. The advent of the Cameroon synod
had first led to the creation of a committee to integrate Africans into the decision-making circle,
called the Synod Mission, which was a kind of board of directors (Cameroonian Presbyterian
Church, 1937: 10). But in reality, this structure remained subordinate to the Mission Meeting
which is mandated to administer the field on behalf of the New York Board. Then the increase
of mixed discussion frames from consistories where whites and blacks meet and discuss
problems from the church. Finally, the opening of a path towards the independence of the
Church, with the increase of the faithful, pastors, consistories and a demand for the division of
the synod, for a more rational organization of work. Already, in 1934, the assizes of the
Consistory Corisco at the Olama Station had brought an evolution on the direction of the parish
councils and the assignment of the national pastors who received their assignment according to
the attachment towards the missionary. The custom of having whites as heads of local churches
and black pastors as auxiliaries was opposed by the latter. With the spirit of independence
which animated the consistories, the missionaries instituted in 1938, the mixed conferences
which were not jurisdictions as such, but frameworks of incubation of the Blacks with the
financial management and the administration (Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1938: 16).
General of the Church. This conference brought together all the missionaries and all the black
leaders of the evangelization zone. The object was to deal with special topics on the problems
which could lead the natives to autonomy and independence. With the push for freedom and
independence, the missionaries did not realize that they had not prepared enough Africans to
administer themselves in the event of a possible departure of the missionaries. Certainly they
had taught the gospel, but they themselves were omniscient and omnipotent in administrative
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and financial management. The first such conference was held at the Elat station to discuss the
accountability of blacks in managing the financial affairs of the Church (Cameroonian
Presbyterian Church, 1938:17).
However, such conferences could not fail to reinforce the animosity and the spirit of
protest which materialized and manifested itself publicly at the assizes of the Cameroon synod
convened at Bibia Station by Lolodorf in 1940.

2.2. The protest of the black pastors at the Synod of Bibia

Discontent was becoming significant and visible among the African pastors of the MPA.
The latter decided to openly let their colleagues know their thoughts white. It was therefore
necessary to seek a means at the Cameroon Synod which was to be held at the Bibia station from
November 25 to December 1, 1940. The black pastors wanted to hold a preliminary meeting
two days before the meeting. Pastor Akoa Abomo, one of the most enlightened, having
presented this proposal to the moderating pastor of the place was disappointed by the latter's
categorical refusal. Pastor Etundi Essam, originally from the village of Melangue located 15 km
from the Bibia station, invited his counterparts to hold the consultation in his village. The
invitations having been sent, all 32 black pastors were at Mélangue's meeting. During the
consultation, Pastor Akoa Abomo brought out the constitution of the American Presbyterian
Church which stipulated that: All the ministers of the Word and of the Sacraments of the
Reformed Churches are equal. They may have different levels of intellectual training, but they
have the same rights in the exercise of the pastoral ministry to preach the Word of God and
administer the sacraments, to be moderator of the session without needing assistance or the
supervision of another minister (DEFAP, 1957:14).
The Black pastors seized these provisions to peel together all that prevented the frank
collaboration between their Western colleagues and them. At the end of two days of reflection,
they signed a 15-point petition, written in Bulu and English, by Pastor Akoa Abomo, and
addressed to the Cameroon Synod whose work was to begin at the Mac Clean Station in Bibia
(DEFAP, 1957:15). These 15 points simply summarized the involvement of black pastors in the
management of the missionary heritage as early as 1940 and for missionaries to become fathers
and counselors. In the petition it is clearly stated that:
Our Church is Presbyterian in name, but episcopal in many aspects, when the laws of
the Presbyterian Church say that all pastors are equal in order of work, but may differ in wealth
and wisdom (Essono Essono, 2014: 7). The missionary is the director of national pastors; he has
the power to remove or accept those he likes. We are tired of being your workers with joy in
our hearts, we are tired of following your plans doing only that the things you tell us every year,
you received your honors when you were before us, now please place us before our people this
year, and allow us to appear as co-workers of God in his Church (Eyezo’o Salvador. 2012:22).
Be moderators of the Church of the stations and leave us those of the countryside. The spirit of
the petition simply translates that the leadership of the Church was to be handed over to the
Black Pastors at the end of 1941(Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1941: 8). This transfer was
not to wait any longer. The rush was clear and the emergency signaled. This request marks the
recognition of black pastors to missionaries as sages and founders of the Mission, who deserve
the role of pillars and counselors.
On reading it, the missionaries deemed the request worthy of attention and the
following recommendations were adopted by the Mission Meeting held in Elat in 1941:
• The creation of financial committees in synods, consistories and stations; -Presidency
of parish sessions by Black pastors, provided that they have experience acquired over
three years with an elder;
• This plan, once adopted by the Mission, will be presented to the Cameroon Synod as the
response to the request of the indigenous pastors;
• The unification of evangelical action through the creation of a joint committee;
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• Recognize Black leaders as spiritual guides of the Church, for any other subject besides
finances. Missionaries stand behind as father and teacher. They help black leaders in
areas where there are still difficulties, for example in relations with the Government
(DEFAP, 1957:22). But the withdrawal of missionaries from the Cameroon field had to
be prepared. At the Cameroon Synod meeting held at the Sakbayémé Station the same
year, it was decided that the handing over of responsibilities to blacks would be done
gradually and gradually as the African pastors became more and more capable through
a specific plan that inaugurated the era of the internal autonomy of the Church.

3. The internal autonomy of the church and the progressive integration of blacks
in the management of the missionary heritage of the MPA (1943-1957)
With the recognition of the authority of the Black pastors, it was necessary for the
missionaries to make arrangements and give new directions for the effective integration of the
Black pastors in the management of the affairs of the Mission. From 1943, the latter could
become moderator of parish councils without reservation. In stations, where there is a
missionary pastor and a Black pastor, rotation was recommended according to the Church
Constitution. From then on, a new spirit entered the missionary field of Cameroon. The response
from America contained a whole specific plan of action for evangelical work in Cameroon
(Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1935:8).

3.1. The integration of black pastors in the management of Church affairs

The year 1943 marked the evolution of the missionary field of Cameroon, in particular
the change of the name of the Mission (Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1943: 2). Instead of
the American Protestant Mission (MPA), the name of the Mission became, "the Cameroonian
Presbyterian Mission". Presbyterian because all ministers were now equal. From now on, it was
obvious that the Black pastors were really integrated in the management of the missionary
heritage. This suggested that a path was opening for the independence of the missionary field
of Cameroon. It was for this reason that the MPA had undertaken a hasty formation without any
real solid basis. Integration was gradual and responded to a general plan that the missionaries
had set up from 1943. (DEFAP, 1957:22) This plan dealt with all the aspects of the Church:
finances, offices, administration. He gives details of the organization of the parish as follows:
Black pastors can become moderators of parish councils without reserve. In stations where
there is a missionary pastor and a native pastor, they rotate in moderation according to the
Constitution of the American Presbytery Church. At the level of each jurisdiction (parish,
presbytery, synod) various committees (finance, education and evangelization) were organized
(DEFAP, 1957:23).
This plan was received with relief by African pastors. He clearly showed that the
authority to lead the Church was ceded to the nationals. A decisive step was taken in 1943 with
the election of Blacks as executive secretaries. Here are the first elected in the different
jurisdictions:
• Corisco Consistory: Pastor Akoa Abomo François;
• Sanaga Consistory: Pastor Seigfreid Dibong;
• Metet Consistory: Pastor Atouba;
• Cameroon Synod: Pastor Akoa Abomo François;
• Secretary of the Church: A / E Avebe Okono;
• Treasurer of the Church: the nurse and Elder of the Church Bula Mfum (Cameroonian
Presbyterian Church, 1938:10)

The time had come for the Mission to prepare for some time the future leaders of the
Church, that is, the higher-level executives who could also represent the Church at the
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international level. It was from 1945 that the decision was taken to carry out the time had come
for the Mission to prepare for some time the future leaders of the Church, that is, the higher level
executives who could also represent the Church at the international level. It was from 1945 that
the decision was taken to carry out such training (Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1938:11).
The departure of these Church executives for training began with Pastors Akoa Abomo François
and Tjéga Joseph who were chosen for higher studies at Princeton Theologocal Semirary in the
USA between 1947 and 1948. Pastor Meye Me Nkwele was sent to Mc Cornick Semirary in the
USA for one year. Pastor Mandeng David will spend two years at Lincoln University in the USA
and six months in Switzerland. Pastor Mvondo Atsam went to a conference in the USA in 1952.
Pastor Biyong André and Andjongo Jean went to Aix – En – Provence in France for a year and
returned in 1952 (Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1952:23). Pastor Abed Nego Makon and
Mumbok went to France and America to learn the work of youth supervision. Pastors Awumu
Jean and Bell Luc went to Switzerland to Neuchatel. Pastor Abengoyap and his wife went to
Lincoln in 1958. Madam Oko Rebeca from Spanish Guinea was sent to the women of America to
learn about the organization of women's movements within the Church. There were also laymen
including dental technicians from Enongal who went to France for laboratory work (
Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1955:23).
However, it is important to stress that these short-term training courses were
insufficient to take charge of such an important work, the management of which was ensured
by well-equipped and well-trained experts in the large Western universities. In most cases,
these training courses did not lead to a university degree. This means that they were basically
internships or seminars for a time and not training courses pursuing a normal course
(Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1935: 9). It would therefore not be surprising to see the
slippages in the management of the Church's heritage from the start. First decade preceding
independence, because the first cadres likely to bear the weight of the new Church received
hasty and superficial training during this period of internal autonomy. With the exception of
Pastor Tjéga, dental assistants and laboratory nurses who returned from abroad after the
training and who have become executives, pastors who went abroad received no executive
training. They returned without being useful to the Church or to the Mission. These are the
people who were the actors of the transition and the first people in charge within the EPC.
Therefore, the transition to the evolving changes that were looming in the Mission was not on
solid foundations (Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1941:8). On the ground, ten years after
the declaration of internal autonomy in 1943 following the demand of blacks, one of the voices
of involvement of Africans was the constitutional evolution of the Mission, in particular the
creation of a second Synod. In 1953, by the division of the Sanaga Consistory into three. It is the
Bassa-Cameroon Synod with the following presbyteries: Babimbi; Eseka and Sanaga
(Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1941:9).
The creation of two Synods within the missionary field was to lead to the coexistence
of two structures. On the one hand, the Mission, which held the movable and immovable
property, the finances from overseas (Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1941:10). On the
other hand, the Native Church, with its system of government and its finances coming from
contributions from the faithful. This second frank of the Church was only a Church-worship.
This therefore instigated the struggle for the autonomy of the Church with the integration of the
Mission into the Church.The independent development of the two Synods within the Church had
posed a constitutional problem because two Synods could not come together to form a General
Assembly (GA) which has at least three Synods (Bokagne, J.R.B, 1982:9). Therefore, each
jurisdiction was evolving on its own. Added to this legal twist was the language barrier between
the two jurisdictions: on the other hand, the predominantly Bulu Synod of Cameroon and on the
other hand the predominantly low-level Bassa Synod. This predominance will prevail until the
emergence of other ethnic groups such as the Ntumu of the far south Cameroon, the Ngumba of
the Ocean, the Bafia of the Center and the Makia of the East. The third problem that was posed

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with the creation of two Synods was the jurisdictional absence at the top, because each Synod
evolved on its own (Rev Ako’o Daniel Ndong Metet 02 May 2012).
In view of this situation, a committee called the Mission-Synod Committee was created
which brought together the two tendencies: missionaries and nationals of the two synods. It
was chaired by Dr L.K. Anderson, Director of the MPA in Cameroon (Cameroonian Presbyterian
Church, 1941:12). The role of this committee was to deal both with issues that affected the two
jurisdictions and to take care of the relationship between Church, Government and financial
matters. The delegates appointed by the two jurisdictions and the Mission constituted the
members of this committee which could take some decisions concerning the two synods.
However, the MPA still had all the powers, so it was obvious that the chairman of the said
committee was the Director of the Mission in Cameroon. (Rev Ondo Obiang Bolivar Ma’an
November 21, 2011).
However, officials did not realize the fatigue created by this internal organization of the
Church between the bassa on one side and the bulu on the other. Because of the linguistic border
between these two peoples (the Bassa and the Bulu) and customs, this division into two synods
had accentuated and worsened internal conflicts with consequences on the ground (
Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1955:7). But also the frustrations orchestrated during this
moment stimulated the spirits to agree on the need to have a General Assembly to resolve the
ethnic problem within the missionary field of the MPA in Cameroon and to move towards the
creation of a third Synod. (DEFAP, 1957:18) Thus, the Cameroon Synod reunited in Dan by Bafia
from November 29 to December 5, 1955 formulated a request which received a favorable
response from America and on December 8, 1956, the Cameroon Synod was divided during its
meetings in the parish of Monekoo by Sangmélima thus giving birth to the East Cameroon Synod
which extended from Sangmelima to Bafia and Akonolinga in Yokadouma with the following
Presbyteries: Yaoundé; Nkolmvolan; Metet (Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1951:5).

3.2. The establishment of a General Assembly and the taking in May of the destiny
of the young Church by the nationals
With the creation of this third synod, the establishment of a GA was evident, both among
missionaries and nationals. The Cameroon Synod also changed its name and was henceforth
called MUNICAM, having within it a Consistory whose powers extended to Spanish Guinea. The
table below shows us the jurisdictional configuration of the Church in 1956 (Cameroonian
Presbyterian Church, 1956:11).

Table no. 2: The jurisdictions of the Church in 1956.

Synods Consistories Number of Pastors

07
Ambam
Corisco Rio Muni (Spanish Guinea) 05
Synod MUNICAM
Ntem 16
Corisco Kribi 15
Babimbi 09
Synod Bassa Eseka 13
Sanaga 08
Metet 12
Synod East Kadey 09
Cameroun
Yaounde 08
Source: Table produced from the AEPC.

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This table shows us that it was time for the Mission to prepare a cession of the
missionary field to nationals already in sufficient number with the necessary jurisdictions with
03 Synods, 10 consistories and 101 local pastors to constitute a GA chaired by a Cameroonian
(DEFAP, 1957:19). Taking into account the crisis which prevailed in the whole of the territory
and the idea of independence which already animates the two parts, the Presbyterian Church
of the USA, in its 196th GA had approved the establishment of a GA in within the Cameroonian
Presbyterian Church in December 1957 Taking into account the changes which were to take
place in the passage from the Mission to the Church, certain terminologies had been modified
as follows:
• The EPC replaces the MPA;
• The term missionary is replaced by that of fraternal collaborator;
• The term Presbytery is replaced by that of Consistory (Cameroonian Presbyterian
Church, 1941:20).
To this was added the Africanization of executives at the level of the management of
institutions and the active participation of blacks in medical and agro-pastoral work and in the
management of land rights that the MPA was to transfer to the EPC from the start. Establishment
of the GA in 1957 (Eyezo’o, Salvador. 2012:30), But what was the level of education of the
executives who were to succeed these doctors and engineers in the various institutions? On
December 11, 1957, the first GA of the EPC opened in the temple of Elat in Ebolowa, with Pastor
Mvondo Atsam Simon of the Consistory Ntem as the first Moderator, Synod MUNICAM, elected
by 112 votes against 88 votes for its competitor Essomé Gustave of the Sanaga Consistory, Bassa
Synod. Pastor Akoa Abomo of the Consistory Corisco Kribi, MUNICAM Synod was elected first
Secretary General of the Church with 144 votes against 58 for Pastor Menye me Mkwele of the
Ntem Consistory, MUNICAM Synod. As a transfer of the powers and the patrimony of the Church,
Dr. Eugene Blake, representative of the Board handed the Secretary General elect the book of
the Constitution of the Church (Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1941:19). Thus began a new
era for the history of Presbyterianism in Cameroon based on the teachings received, but without
a solid foundation for ensuring the succession of missionaries. The presence of colonial
authorities, Cameroonians and other religious denominations in Elat the day of zthe
proclamation of the independence of the EPC, testifies to the importance and the influence that
the MPA had in Cameroon and the responsibility that awaited the nascent Church with officials
little equipped to manage the big structures created by missionaries with funds from overseas
(Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1941:21).
In short, the EPC, like the other Churches born from the missionary fields in Cameroon,
had its independence at the end of the nationalist movements due to the multiple demands of
the Cameroonian pastors to manage the heritage: finances, institutions and evangelization. This
is what was done during the GA held in Elat from December 11, 1957. However, the question
arises as to whether Africans were prepared to manage this heritage from another civilization
with regard to their level of training. For from the Melangue meeting in 1940 to the holding of
the first GA in 1957, there are only 17 years in which no emphasis has been placed on the
formation and management of the Church. (Cameroonian Presbyterian Church, 1955:18). So it
goes without saying that with the transfer of the patrimony of the Mission to the Church, the
limits of management and management and the struggles for leadership are evident to this day.
This poses the obvious problem of autochthony and autonomy of the Churches resulting from
the Western Missions in Africa in general and in Cameroon in particular.

References:

1. AMAL, (2012). The plan of administration of the Church of Jesus Christ in Cameroon, 1943.
Unpublished.

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2. DEFAP, (1957). ‘Minutes of the EPC General Assembly, Elat.

3. National Archives of Yaounde (ANY), 1AC, 3523, (1953). The MPA from 1889 to 1953,
Yaoundé. October 6.
4. National Archives of Yaounde (ANY), 1AC 19 (14), (1940). ‘UPC File. Communism.
Protestant missionary judges communism. EPC, letter from the national pastors to the
Cameroon synod from November 25 to December 1, to Bibia.
5. EPC, F. Akoa Abomo, n.y. African History: The Mission and the Presbyterian Church to
Cameroon, unpublished.
6. Cameroonian Presbyterian Church (EPC), (1940). Letter from national pastors to the synod
of Cameroon from November 25 to December 1.
7. Cameroonian Presbyterian Church ‘EPC), (1935, 1938, 1941, 1942, 1944, 1951, 1953, 1956,
1957). Minutes Mission Meeting,
8. Cameroonian Presbyterian Church (EPC), F. Akoa Abomo, African History: The Mission and
the Presbyterian Church to Cameroon, unpublished.
9. Cameroonian Presbyterian Church (EPC), (2011). Biography of François Akoa Abomo.
10. Cameroonian Presbyterian Church (EPC), (1951). EPC Manoah Parish Minutes.
11. Cameroonian Presbyterian Church (EPC), (1955). Minutes Synode Cameroun, Dang- Bafia,
November 29, December 04.
12. Cameroonian Presbyterian Church (EPC), Moubitan in Mepuoi, Actor and witness of 50
years of evangelization, Unpublished.
13. DEFAP, (1957). The Reports of the Representative Conference of the Church at the
Presbyterian Mission.
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