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An Introduction to Human–Animal
Relationships
Clive R. Hollin
First published 2021
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2021 Clive R. Hollin
The right of Clive R. Hollin to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by
him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents
Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any
form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks,
and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Hollin, Clive R., author.
Title: An introduction to human-animal relationships : a psychological perspective /
Clive R. Hollin.
Description: New York : Routledge, 2021. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020049706 (print) |
LCCN 2020049707 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780367277598 (paperback) |
ISBN 9780367277574 (hardback) |
ISBN 9780429297731 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Human-animal relationships. | Human-animal
relationships--Psychological aspects.
Classification: LCC QL85 .H654 2021 (print) | LCC QL85 (ebook) |
DDC 590--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020049706
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020049707
Typeset in Bembo
by MPS Limited, Dehradun
For
Acknowledgements viii
Preface ix
Introduction 1
PART I
Animals and psychology 3
PART II
Mainly of cats and dogs 23
2 Animals as companions 25
3 Pet problems: Aggression 51
4 Pet problems: Anxiety 73
5 Solving pet problems 81
PART III
Humans and animals: Friend or foe? 113
Epilogue 191
Index 193
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Flick for her forbearing every time I said “Do you know what I’ve
read today?” as I prepared to deliver another animal-related snippet. Of which there
were many. Thanks to Eva for the heads up on various topics, including the
Anthropocene, and to Gregory for several helpful tips. Thanks also to Leo for
granting writing-free Tuesday and to TG (see Epilogue) just for being around. I’d
like to thank the good folk at Taylor and Francis for taking a punt on this book which is
a change from my traditional fare. In particular, the editorial team of Lucy McClune and
Akshita Pattiyani gave help and encouragement and for that I’m grateful.
Clive Hollin,
Leicester
Preface
At first glance, this book may appear to be a radical departure from my usual topic of
psychology and crime. However, there is rather more of an overlap than might first meet
the eye. I became interested in the interplay between psychology and animals when
writing about interpersonal violence. Violence is a relatively stable behaviour over time
and is directed towards a range of victims. It is therefore not a coincidence that people
who act violently towards people are also likely to mistreat animals. I wondered if there
anything remarkable about victimisation of animals or whether they are just another
casualty of the ubiquitous belligerence characteristic of our species? From here, I started
thinking about the wider role that animals have played in psychology and, indeed, in our
everyday lives. The list of potential topics in my notes collected under the broad rubric
“psychology and animals” grew longer and longer until a template for this book was
formed. There’s little doubt that I’ll have forgotten something along the way, but I hope
the contents are at least informative.
A second strand feeding into writing this book came from taking over the teaching of
a first-year undergraduate course called Approaches to Psychology. In 1972, when I was a
first-year undergraduate, this course would have been called History and Theory. When
preparing my course, I was reminded that animals of various kinds played a pivotal role
in the work of several of the great figures in the history of psychology. In contemporary
psychology, the use of animals in mainstream psychology has rather gone out of fashion
although, of course, the more biologically inclined psychologists conduct some of their
work on rodents and other animals.
Finally, a third strand is a highly personal one: as a child I was brought up in a family
that did not embrace the idea of keeping pets. (I had an otherwise wonderful
childhood, as you ask.) However, my partner’s family had dogs (and ponies) and so
she has a view of animals as an integral part of everyday life. As soon as it was
practically feasible, we had our first dog, Ebony, and we have never been without one
since. As parents, we had a highly permissive policy on pets so that both our children
were allowed as many pets as they could take responsibility for: over time, their
inventory expanded to include stick insects, mice, guinea pigs, rabbits, tropical fish,
lizards, a gecko (called Monty who my son acquired when he was about 10 years old
and who passed away with much sadness when I was writing this book), and,
inevitably, dogs, ponies, and horses. (A line would have been drawn at birds in cages
x Preface
but the need for that discussion never arose.) As adults, they both have pets so
childhood experience must count for something!
In terms of nomenclature, throughout the text I use the term “human” to distinguish
Homo sapiens from other types of animals. This is simply a convenience for ease of
reading and should not be taken to imply anthropocentric leanings or some esoteric
distinction, such as the presence of a soul, between human and non-human animals on
my behalf.
Introduction
The study of animal behaviour, ethology, has a long history and some ethological studies
have become extremely well known. The Dutch biologist Nikolaas Tinbergen
(1907–1988) was concerned with the instinctual way that animals organise their beha-
vioural patterns. In his studies with sticklebacks, he explored the propensity of the male
three-spined stickleback (a small, highly territorial, freshwater fish) to attack and defend
its territory at the sight of another male. In an elegant series of experiments, Tinbergen
demonstrated that the colour red was the instinctual trigger or stimulus for attack: if the
underside of a wooden model of a stickleback was redder than that of the real fish, the
model would be attacked with greater aggression than a real male (Tinbergen, 1952).
The Austrian ethologist Konrad Zacharias Lorenz (1903–1989) investigated the nat-
ural phenomenon of imprinting. He showed how, in a critical 13- to 16-hour period after
hatching, goslings would imprint on the first moving stimulus they saw. In the natural
course of events, this would be the mother duck but Lorenz contrived that he would be
the first moving object seen by a clutch of goslings. There are photographs of him being
faithfully followed by a gaggle of geese who have imprinted on him. Lorenz shared the
1973 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine with Nikolaas Tinbergen and Karl von
Frisch. (Karl von Frisch (1886–1982) was an Austrian ethologist who studied bees and his
major work was the translation of the honeybee’s waggle dance, which bees use to
transmit information to other bees about distant sources of food.)
The writer Paul Theroux (2019) describes the emotional rollercoaster of his re-
lationship with a Muscovy duck, which he called Willy. Theroux states that he was the
first moving creature Willy saw and from then on their fate was entwined. Imprinting is
indeed a powerful element of nature.
The findings of the early ethologists were seen at the time as potentially being important
for understanding human parental behaviour and child development (Vicedo, 2009;
Zetterström, 2007). The merging of biology and ethnology with psychology was evident
by the 1960s, as illustrated by the work of Wladyslaw Sluckin (1919–1985) on imprinting
(Sluckin, 1964), informing an ethologically informed analysis of mother-infant bonding
(Herbert, Sluckin, & Sluckin, 1982). This style of translational research, extrapolating from
animals to humans, has now faded from fashion. The students who arrive each year at
university fresh to the study of psychology will now read a contemporary literature, both
theoretical and empirical, which is mainly concerned with people. These new students will
focus on people: how we develop from infancy to adulthood, how we interact socially, the
intricacies of our personalities, the relationship between brain and behaviour, the mysteries
of cognition, and the application of psychology to areas as diverse as anti-social behaviour,
the world of work, and mental and physical health.
2 Introduction
Nonetheless, at the beginning of psychology as an academic discipline a great deal of
pioneering research was conducted with non-human animals. The first section of this
book picks out a small number of these classic experimental studies and considers their
contribution to psychology.
The second section considers the diversity of relationships we humans have with our
fellow creatures. These relationships are not best studied within the narrow confines of
the psychological laboratory, rather they are best considered in their natural
environment. There are many sides to these relationships. There are settings in which
animals are our friends (and we theirs): we live with animals as household pets; we enjoy
observing animals in their natural habitat as with, say, bird- or whale-watching; and we
train animals to save lives, to assist the physically impaired, and to keep us safe in
dangerous environments. Set against these partnerships, we take advantage of animals
which are not to their well-being (nor arguably to our dignity as a species). The use of
animals as a source of entertainment comes in several forms: there are zoos where animals
are caged for our fleeting wonder; circuses where animals perform incongruous tricks
to amaze us; television advertising where cute animals entice us to part with our cash;
and there are sports, such as horse and greyhound racing, where animals are trained to
compete for our excitement and for those who wish to gamble.
If some of the entertainment we derive from animals is relatively benign, then there is
much that is not. Our species has little hesitation in the cruel exploitation of
animals. The third section raises questions about our choices in which animals we elect
to eat and, indeed, whether we wish to eat animals. Human cruelty to animals is evident
in the maltreatment of household pets, and the killing of animals in recreational
hunting. Animals are also put to use in the laboratory, raising a host of issues surrounding
vivisection. The closing pages speculate on what the future may hold and how we
humans could try to hold back the impending planetary crisis.
References
Herbert, M., Sluckin, W., & Sluckin, A. (1982). Mother‐to‐infant ‘bonding’. Journal of Child Psychology
and Psychiatry, 23, 205–221.
Sluckin, W. (1964). Imprinting and early learning. Piscataway, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
Theroux, P. (2019, 20 June). Diary. London Review of Books, 41, no. 12, 40–41.
Tinbergen, N. (1952). The curious behavior of the stickleback. Scientific American, 187, 22–27.
DOI: 10.1038/scientificamerican1252-22.
Vicedo, M. (2009). The father of ethology and the foster mother of ducks: Konrad Lorenz as expert on
motherhood. Isis, 100, 263–291.
Zetterström, R. (2007). The Nobel Prize for the introduction of ethology, or animal behaviour, as a
new research field: Possible implications for child development and behaviour: Nobel prizes of
importance to Paediatrics. Acta Paediatrica, 96, 1105–1108.
Part I
The discipline of psychology, at least as taught and practiced in the Western world, has
three readily identifiable formative strands. The first is the psychoanalytic tradition of
Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) and his followers (Brown, 1961); the second is the
establishment by Wilhelm Maximilian Wundt (1832–1920) of the first laboratory for
experimental studies in the field of psychology at the University of Leipzig in Germany
(Blumenthal, 1985); and the third is the influence of a group of Russian scientists which
included the neurologist Vladimir Mikhailovich Bekhterev (1857–1927), the naturalist
Vladimir Aleksandrovich Wagner (or Vagner; 1849–1934), and the physiologist Ivan
Petrovich Pavlov (1849–1936). These early Russian scientists, not constrained by aca
demic boundaries, variously concerned themselves with biology, neurology, physiology,
and psychology. The work of the last-named researcher, Ivan Petrovich Pavlov, familiar
to generations of psychology students, is where the serious story of animals in psychology
begins. However, it is interesting to make a small detour to see what Sigmund Freud had
to say about animals.
Freud on animals
In his professional work, Freud had little to say about animals, with the exception of
those that appeared in his clients’ dreams and fantasies. One of Freud’s patients, Sergei
Pankejeff (1886–1979), came to Freud with an account of a nightmare experienced on
the night before his fourth birthday. In the dream Pankejeff was lying in bed when the
window swung open and looking out he saw six or seven white wolves, their gaze fixed
upon him, sitting in the tree outside his bedroom. In terror at the wolves’ stares, he woke
up screaming. Freud’s account of the case, known as the Wolf Man, became a psycho
analytic classic (Freud, 1918).
In his private life, however, Freud had an evident affection for dogs. In 1925, Freud
purchased an Alsatian Shepherd for his daughter’s protection on her evening walks
through Vienna. The dog was called Wolf (make of that what you will) and became a
firm family favourite. Braitman (2014) describes how when Freud was in his mid-70s he
acquired two red chows, one of which, called Jofi, became a treasured companion. Jofi
was allowed in the consulting room during sessions: Freud held the view that Jofi was a
calming influence for patients so that they relaxed and became more candid when she
was present.
Freud (1917) gave his views on the human–animal relationship:
In the course of his development towards culture man acquired a dominating position
over his fellow-creatures in the animal kingdom. Not content with this supremacy,
6 Animals and psychology
however, he began to place a gulf between his nature and theirs. He denied the
possession of reason to them, and to himself he attributed an immortal soul, and made
claims of divine descent which permitted him to annihilate the bonds of community
between him and the animal kingdom. (p. 140)
As will be evident as this book unfolds, there are many contemporary examples that
lend support to Freud’s analysis.
Pavlov’s dogs
As recounted in legions of introductory textbooks, the scientific work with a powerful
bearing on the emerging discipline of psychology was carried out by the Nobel
Prize–winning scientist Ivan Pavlov (Samoilov, 2007). Pavlov was a physiologist and was
awarded the 1904 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine “in recognition of his work
on the physiology of digestion, through which knowledge on vital aspects of the subject
has been transformed and enlarged.”
However, it was for reasons other than his physiological research that Pavlov became
an important figure in psychology.
Pavlov’s research relied upon the measurement of dog’s rate of salivation under
controlled laboratory conditions. In preparation for eating, a dog salivates as a reflex
response to the smell and sight of food. The traditional account is that Pavlov’s
measurements were disturbed because the dogs were salivating when no food was
present but when sounds, such as the clanking of the food pails, associated with food
were audible. In a series of experiments in which the presentation of food was repeatedly
paired with a stimulus such as a ringing bell Pavlov showed that eventually the bell
gained the power to elicit the salivation.
The sequence shown in Figure 1.1 shows the steps in the experiment. The dog’s
naturally occurring reflex is to salivate when it perceives cues associated with food: there
Kohler’s chimpanzees
Wolfgang Köhler (1887–1967) was a German psychologist who, along with Max
Wertheimer (1880–1943), Fritz Perls (1893–1970), and Kurt Koffka (1886–1941), was a
prominent figure in the formation of Gestalt psychology. Gestalt psychology was con
cerned with how we make sense of our environment. In perceiving the world around
we do not focus on every individual element it contains, rather we perceive elements to
be part of a greater whole, a gestalt, which can be more than simply the sum of its parts.
While no longer a mainstream theory, Gestalt psychology proved to be an important step
in the study of human sensation and perception.
Kohler’s most well-known work is a series of experimental studies of the problem-
solving abilities of chimpanzees, famously with a chimp called Sultan (Kohler, 1925).
In one study, a piece of fruit was suspended just out of the chimpanzee’s reach and
either two sticks or three boxes were placed in close proximity. At first, the chim
panzee tried to jump up to grab the banana but it was too high to reach; after several
such failures the chimpanzee attempted to solve the problem. In one study, the pro
blem of getting the banana could be solved by joining the sticks to form a single longer
stick to knock down the hanging fruit. In a second study, the chimpanzee solved the
problem by stacking the boxes on top of each other and climbing up to reach the fruit
(Figure 1.2).
Kohler suggested that that chimpanzees had exhibited a form of learning that he
called insight learning, the sudden realisation of how to solve a problem. In contrast to
trial-and-error learning or learning by observing someone else solve a problem, insight
learning is a wholly cognitive process dependent upon being able to visualise
the problem and arrive at a solution before making a behavioural response. Of course,
once learned, the problem-solving strategy can be repeated when needed in the future.
We are all familiar with insight learning: inventions are often the result of insight
learning and most people have experienced that Eureka! sensation when the solution to
a tricky problem “pops into our head.”
known as a Skinner box, which allowed the experimenter to control and manipulate
environmental conditions and observe the rat’s behaviour (see Figure 1.3).
In a typical experiment a hungry rat is placed in a Skinner box and in the course of
exploring its environment it discovers that when it presses a lever a food pellet drops into
the food cup. The rat will quickly learn that lever pressing produces the reward of food:
in operant terminology, the rat’s bar pressing has been positively reinforced. There are
various experimental manipulations that can be investigated such as the schedule, say
fixed versus variable intervals by which rewards are delivered and reinforcement
maintained (e.g., Schoenfeld, Cumming, & Hearst, 1956). Skinner defined four types of
contingency: (1) positive reinforcement, where the frequency of the behaviour is increased
or maintained by its rewarding consequences; (2) negative reinforcement, where the fre
quency of the behaviour is increased or maintained by avoiding an aversive consequence;
(3) positive punishment, where the frequency of the behaviour is decreased by an aversive
consequence; (4) negative punishment, where the frequency of the behaviour decreases in
order to avoid the loss of a reward.
The rat’s task can be made more complex by, say, making food available if a light is on
but not when the light is off. The rat will learn to lever-press when it is light but not
when dark, thereby showing a discrimination between light and dark: the light therefore
becomes an Antecedent to the rat’s behaviour. The sequence of antecedent : Behaviour :
Consequence, correctly called a three-term contingency, which emerged from Skinner’s
experimental analysis of behaviour, provides the framework for the development of
applied behaviour analysis. Applied behaviour analysis uses the principles of learning to
change behaviours such as delinquency, educational attainment, and mental and physical
health (Fisher, Piazza, & Roane, 2013).
Animals in psychological research 11
As psychology continued to develop through the 1950s and 1960s, the topic of
attachment came to prominence. With associations with the work of Lorenz and of
Sluckin, the notion of attachment refers to a strong emotional bond that can form
between two people. John Bowlby (1907–1990) highlighted the importance of the
mother–child bond for the infant child’s development (e.g., Bowlby, 1953, 1956).
However, it was Harlow’s research that brought the topic to renewed prominence.
Harlow’s monkeys
The American psychologist Harry Harlow (1905–1981), based at the University of
Wisconsin–Madison in the state of Wisconsin, was concerned with the nature of the
process by which bonding takes place. He conducted a range of studies with newborn
rhesus monkeys and their mothers, investigating his thesis that their attachment depends
on the mother providing tactile comfort to satisfy the infant’s innate need to touch and
cling to their mother for emotional comfort.
Harlow used two basic experimental paradigms. In the first, infant monkeys were
reared in isolation for varying periods of time, 3, 6, 9, and 12 months, during their first
year of life. During their period of isolation, the monkeys behaved abnormally by, for
example, grasping their own bodies and rocking impulsively. The isolated monkeys were
then placed with other normally socialised monkeys to determine the effects of their
failure to form an attachment. When introduced to other monkeys, they showed fear
and behaved aggressively, unable to communicate or socialise; they self-harmed,
scratching and biting themselves, and were bullied by the other monkeys. The extent
of the abnormal behaviour was related to the length of the period of isolation. Those
monkeys kept in isolation for 3 months were the least affected, while those held in
isolation for 12 months were affected to the point that they failed to recover from the
effects of their deprivation (Harlow, Dodsworth, & Harlow, 1965).
In the second experimental procedure, infant monkeys were separated from their
mothers immediately after birth and placed for a minimum period of 165 days in cages
where they had access to two surrogate mothers. One surrogate mother was made of
wire and the other was covered in a soft terry towelling cloth; some monkeys could get
milk from the wire mother and some from the cloth mother. The monkeys spent more
time with the cloth mother, even if she had no milk, only going to the wire mother
when hungry then after feeding returning to the cloth mother. If frightened, the infant
monkey sought refuge with the cloth mother (Figure 1.4).
There were later behavioural differences between the monkeys who had grown up
with surrogate mothers and normal mothers. The surrogate-reared monkeys were timid,
unable to interact with other monkeys, easily bullied, and struggled to mate, while the
females became poor mothers. These adverse behaviours were most pronounced in
monkeys raised for more than 90 days with a surrogate mother; if placed in a normal
environment to allow attachments to other monkeys to form, those with fewer than
90 days exposure were most likely to show recovery of normal functioning.
In all, Harlow concluded that a monkey’s normal development relied on some degree
of interaction with an object to which they can cling (clinging being a natural response
in infant monkeys) during the critical period of the first months of life. The experience
of early maternal deprivation caused emotional damage that could be reversed if an
attachment was made before the end of the critical period. However, if maternal
12 Animals and psychology
deprivation continued after the end of the critical period, the emotional damage was
permanent (Harlow & Zimmermann, 1959).
Harlow’s work demonstrated the nature and permanence of the damage to the infant
monkeys that could be caused by maternal and social deprivation. If these findings are
generalised to human infants, they reinforce the argument against care homes for babies
and favour the view that adoption into a permanent home is the best option.
The ethical issues raised by Harlow’s studies are discussed in Chapter 8.
Their project was carried out the with a female chimpanzee named Washoe, after Washoe
County, Nevada. To meet her need for companionship, Washoe (1965–2007) was brought
up in an environment as similar as possible to that of a human child. Washoe had her own
8 × 24-foot trailer with spaces for cooking, living, and sleeping. She sat with the family at
the dinner table and had access to clothes, toys, books, and so on. Like any human child, she
had a regular routine of responsibilities, play, and rides in the family car (Figure 1.5).
The rule within the project was that anyone in the presence of Washoe had to
communicate using sign language, rather than speech, in order to create a consistent, less
confusing environment for Washoe. Over the duration of the research, Washoe learned over
300 words that she could reliably sign and use appropriately (Gardner & Gardner, 1969;
Gardner, Gardner, & Van Cantfort, 1989). The ability to communicate allowed the
researchers an appreciation of Washoe’s deeper level of understanding about herself and her
environment. Thus, for example, Washoe was shown herself in a mirror, and asked what she
was saw: she signed “Me, Washoe.” It was also observed that Washoe showed empathy for
the students working on the project by signing more slowly for newcomers. The full and
fascinating story of Washoe’s life is recorded in detail on the Friends of Washoe website
(friendsofwashoe.org). However, the research into ape language faded such that it became, as
summed up by Kulick (2017), a “Promising field that tanked” (p. 359).
14 Animals and psychology
Seligman’s dogs
What do we do when we are faced with an aversive situation? The natural, instrumental
response is to try to escape from or avoid the unpleasant situation, but what happens if
there is no escape? In a series of experiments, the psychologist Martin Seligman from the
University of Pennsylvania studies the behaviour of dogs unable to escape from or avoid
an unpleasant stimulus. The basic experimental setup, as shown in Figure 1.6, is that a
dog is placed in a container, called a shuttle box, which is divided in two by a fixed
barrier. When the dog first receives an electric shock through the floor of the box it
reacts by barking, running, urinating, and showing other signs of fear until it jumps the
barrier and escapes the shock. This is the standard procedure in an escape-avoidance
experimental paradigm. When the procedure is repeated for the next trial, the same dog
will cross the barrier more quickly than on the preceding trail and so on for subsequent
trials until optimum performance is reached.
The dog’s natural avoidance of pain can be interrupted by restraining the dog and ex
posing it to inescapable electric shocks before beginning the avoidance learning procedure
(e.g., Seligman & Maier, 1967). Seligman (1972) describes what happens in this situation:
Such a dog’s first reactions to shock in the shuttle box are much the same as those of
a naive dog. However, in dramatic contrast to a naive dog, a typical dog which has
experienced uncontrollable shocks before avoidance training soon stops running and
howling and sits or lies, quietly whining, until shock terminates. The dog does not
cross the barrier and escape from shock. Rather, it seems to give up and passively
Comparative psychology
The notion of comparative psychology has been with us for some time (Morgan, 1902).
Dewsbury (2003) notes that contemporary comparative psychology is the study of the
functioning of non-human animals which has its roots in several traditions, namely: (i)
European Ethology exemplified by the work of Lorenz and Tinbergen as discussed above;
(ii) Sociobiology, which seeks to understand social behaviour in evolutionary terms
(Wilson, 1975) extending to Behavioural Ecology, the study of influence of ecological
forces on the evolution of animal behaviour (Davies, Krebs, & West, 2012); (iii)
Evolutionary Psychology, the product of merging psychology with evolutionary biology
(Dunbar & Barrett, 2007).
The lines of investigation followed by comparative psychology, sometimes referred to
as animal psychology, may include comparisons across species but that is not its sole
purpose. The wider focus of comparative psychology includes heredity and the relative
influence on behaviour of genes and environment, mating behaviours, and parenting,
and social behaviours such as play, aggression, and communication. At an individual
level, the concern may be with topics such as instincts, learning, and eating.
16 Animals and psychology
Animal cognition
Following the “cognitive revolution” in mainstream psychology, the study of animal cog
nition became a focus within comparative psychology. It is clear that while the human brain
followed its particular evolutionary path in terms of size and architecture (Holloway, 2015),
it has features in common with other animals, particularly the great apes. As exemplified by
Washoe, there is some overlap in the cognitive abilities of humans and primates; for example,
both species have causal cognition (Penn & Povinelli, 2007), reasoning skills (Vonk &
Subiaul, 2009), and the ability to communicate (Moore, 2016). Suddendorf and Whiten
(2001) suggest that the level of cognition reached by great apes is similar to that of a 2-year-
old human. However, as Vonk and Aradhye (2015) explain, in comparing humans and
primates, the unresolved question is whether the similarities and differences in cognitive
functioning are simply a matter of degree or whether there is a fundamental gap.
The level of sophistication of cognitive functioning raises the issues of metacognition
and consciousness: the ability to be aware of one’s own thoughts and emotions. Is the
ability to be aware of one’s own cognitions a uniquely human attribute? While it is
doubtful that the same degree of metacognition is present in humans and primates, it
remains a possibility that some facets of metacognitive ability do cross species boundaries
(Smith, Coutinho, Boomer, & Beran, 2012).
However, moving away from primates, there are other species which have attracted
attention because of their ostensible cognitive ability. There are several species of birds that
display intelligent behaviour (Emery, 2006). In particular, the corvids have a range of
cognitive skills (e.g., Bugnyar & Kotrschal, 2002) and it may be a mistake to underestimate
the humble chicken (Marino, 2017). A range of species, including primates, several types
of birds, and otters use tools (Emery & Clayton, 2009); while away from mammals and
birds, lizards display cognitive abilities (Matsubara, Deeming, & Wilkinson, 2017) and fish
appear to process social information (Webster & Laland, 2017).
Animal models
The notion of comparative physiology medicine is based on the observation that, to a
greater or lesser degree, humans share physiological and behavioural characteristics with
other species of animals. It follows that we humans can learn about ourselves by studying
animals, particularly those with similar biological functioning. In some instances, the re
search is harmful to the animals in the study; this point is discussed further in Chapter 8. In
tracing the history of using animals to model human functioning, Ericsson, Crim, and
Franklin (2013) note that there is nothing new about the notion of animal models; for
example, ancient Greeks used dogs to search for the location of intelligence while in the
17th century William Harvey carried out anatomical studies with live animals, including
fish and birds, to inform his mapping of human blood circulation.
Geyer and Markou (1995) make the point that in practice the phrase “animal models”
has a diversity of meaning. Thus, with reference to animal models of psychiatric disorder,
they state that:
At one extreme one can attempt to develop an animal model that mimics a
psychiatric syndrome in its entirety …. At the other extreme, one more limited
purpose for an animal model is to provide a way to systematically study the effects of
potential therapeutic treatments. (p. 787)
Animals in psychological research 17
The previously discussed learned helplessness model of depression provides an example
of an animal model of a human psychiatric condition. From the original premise, the
research progressed and the animal models of depression become more complex, en
compassing a wider range of factors (e.g., Czéh, Fuchs, Wiborg, & Simon, 2016). There
are animal-based models of other psychiatric conditions that may be so exact as to focus
on a particular aspect of a complex disorder such as schizophrenia (Ayhan, McFarland, &
Pletnikov, 2016). Alongside physiological and psychiatric conditions, there are also
animal models, often incorporating a great deal of biological research, of human beha
viours such as conduct disorder (Macrì, Zoratto, Chiarotti, & Laviola, 2018), alcoholism
(Higley & Linnoila, 1997), and aggression (de Boer, 2018). The purpose of animal
models of aggression is described by de Boer (2018): “Circuit-level knowledge of the
neuromolecular underpinnings of escalated aggression has great potential to guide the
rational development of effective therapeutic interventions for pathological social and
aggressive behavior in humans” (p. 86).
In summary, it is important to keep in mind that a model is just that: a representation
of how biological, psychological, and behavioural systems may function and not an
exact copy.
Anthropomorphism
One of the hallmarks of familiarity with animals, particularly among pet owners, is a
psychological tendency to attribute human properties to an animal in order to explain its
behaviour. This is not to say that animals do not have identifiable personalities – there is
a body of research concerned with animal personality (e.g., Gartner, 2015) – rather that
the cognitive abilities of animals can be over-estimated. Shettleworth (2010) takes the
phenomenon of insight learning to illustrate this point. As discussed above, Kohler
studied the problem-solving abilities of chimpanzees and explained what he observed in
terms of insight learning. However, while this explanation fits the observations, it is not
necessarily correct. Shettleworth cites studies showing that pigeons can behave in the
same way as chimpanzees in solving the problem of obtaining an out-of-reach reward
(e.g., Epstein et al., 1981). An alternative explanation to insight is that it is the animal’s
accumulated experience with the elements of the problem, rather than a sudden insight,
which allow it to behave effectively in the novel, problematic situation. Shettleworth
makes the comment that: “Although the extent of human–animal cognitive similarity is
undoubtedly a key issue for comparative psychology, it sometimes seems the agenda is to
support anthropomorphic interpretations rather than to pit them experimentally against
well-defined alternatives” (p. 478).
Shettleworth acknowledges that it is easy to accept a “clever animal” explanation
rather than the altogether less wonderful “killjoy” account that seems to deny any sig
nificant continuity between human and animal functioning. In support of this position
Shettleworth (2012) makes the case that the two types of explanation for animal func
tioning have their roots in different scientific traditions. A Darwinian perspective has as
its core the continuity of evolution so that that there are similarities, including likenesses
in mental events, across species. The alternative experimental approach, as seen for
example with Tinbergen and with Skinner, is altogether more prosaic in seeking to
establish whether such similarities exist.
Serpell (2002) suggests that anthropomorphism can be looked at from an evolutionary
perspective. As the social environment of humans and some animals became increasingly
18 Animals and psychology
shared so it suited both species to maintain that closeness. While the function of the
relationship may have changed over time, producing a context where pets are com
monplace, the animals provide much valued non-human social support. In return for
providing social support the animals receive food, warmth, and an accepting social
environment. From this point of view, anthropomorphism is a good thing all round.
However, the tipping point from a supportive to a destructive relationship has been
passed for some people who keep animals as pets. First, as discussed in the following
chapter, the animal’s environment becomes one where animals are treated like humans,
sometimes to the extreme in terms of wearing human clothes and eating human food.
This change may become counterproductive so that an animal used to a great deal of
attention becomes distressed, noisy, and destructive when left alone. Second, the ani
mal’s appearance may be changed either through surgery, as in docking tails and ears, or
through selective breeding. A programme of in-breeding may produce a desired set a of
characteristics, such as the dachshund’s elongated body, but there may be a physiological
price to pay as seen with the bulldog’s chronic respiratory problems. In this light, Serpell
makes a telling point: “If bulldogs were the products of genetic engineering by agri-
pharmaceutical corporations, there would be protest demonstrations throughout the
Serpell (2002) Western world, and rightly so. But because they have been generated by
anthropomorphic selection, their handicaps not only are overlooked but even, in some
quarters, applauded” (p. 447).
The use of animals in psychological research has led to some notable findings, such as
the principles of reinforcement and the notion of learned helplessness. However, some of
this research also raises ethical and questions about the treatment of the animals in the
studies. In the following chapters, the psychological findings will be referred to as the
need arises, the moral and ethical issues are looked at in detail later. The focus now shifts
from the rarefied world of the psychological laboratory to the seemingly more mundane
world of those animals we choose to keep with us as pets.
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Part II
Human history is marked by the variety of ways in which we interact with other animals.
There are several types of domesticated animals with which large numbers of us share
our daily lives and which give us a great deal of pleasure. We use animals for our
entertainment: we stare at animals in circuses, zoos, aquaria, and dolphin parks; and for
excitement we involve animals in sports such as horse and greyhound racing. There are
other forms of entertainment involving animals including animals on the stage, and in
cinema; we force animals to act in strange ways in advertising commercials to try to
persuade us to purchase consumer items. It is a sad fact that cruelty to animals is prevalent
in many parts of the world. At the most obvious, some people find enjoyment in
harming animals by taking part in blood sports such as hunting, bear baiting, and hare
coursing. Why do humans force animals into these roles? Are contemporary views
changing the way we treat animals in these various contexts? Finally, for eons humans
have survived by eating animals, a fact as true today as it was for the early humans.
However, in some parts of the world the means by which we farm animals has changed
radically and not always for the better. The way in which contemporary society reacts to
mass farming takes a variety of forms ranging from changing the means of production,
such as with free-range eggs, to changing our eating habits by not eating meat.
The following chapters consider what we know about these topics and the
contribution psychology makes to their understanding.
2 Animals as companions
Our early ancestors saw animals as a resource which provided food, fur, and other
materials that enabled them to survive in a harsh environment. The archaeological
records are not definitive, but it is possible that the beginnings of the domestication of
wild animals began about 300 centuries ago. The first domesticated animals, which gave
food and other animal products, were probably goats and sheep followed by chickens. As
civilisation advanced, so the human population increased and farming progressively
became a means of food production. In keeping with this development, larger animals,
such as horses and oxen, were domesticated to assist with tasks such as ploughing and
transportation.
If the first domesticated animals served a utilitarian purpose, why did cats and dogs
become so close to humans? There are various explanations for the beginnings of our
lasting relationship with cats and dogs. Our relationship with the dog, a descendent of
the wolf, has a long history, arguably stretching back over 30,000 years (Kotrschal, 2018;
Vilà et al., 1997; Wang et al., 2016) and may have its origins in hunting where dogs were
used to kill several different types of prey (Guagnin, Perri, & Petraglia, 2018). Over time,
the dog’s hunting skills were refined and the tamer breeds of dog developed abilities,
such as retrieving fallen prey and herding other animals, that augmented the efficiency of
human activities. The archaeological evidence that dogs were buried with their masters
infers that humans and dogs had forged a strong psychological bond. The burial of dogs
with people is found across ancient cultures from Siberia and Greece to China and
Austria, a practice which speaks to the status, perhaps even a spiritual status, afforded to
dogs (Morey, 2006). The ability of dogs to engage in a range of sophisticated cognitive
tasks (Bensky, Gosling, & Sinn, 2013) and to respond to human facial emotional cues
(Yong & Ruffman, 2016) no doubt enhanced their affinity with humans. The point has
been reached, as described by Amiot and Bastian (2017), where the feeling of some
people – primarily pet owners and vegetarians – towards animals is best expressed as
solidarity.
The cat may have been welcomed by humans because it was useful in keeping down
the numbers of rodents attacking grain stores. However, in some cultures the domestic
cat was afforded a much more significant status. As Morey (2006) notes, the ancient
Egyptians “Mummified cats in great numbers, and left the cats’ remains in contexts that
can be legitimately called cemeteries” (p. 168). Indeed, the ancient Egyptians bestowed
high status on several animals, as seen by their ancient cemeteries which reveal the
remains of birds, crocodiles, and gazelles. The cat may have been revered in cultures
other than Egypt; in Cyprus there is evidence of cat burials which pre-date ancient Egypt
(Vigne, Guilaine, Debue, Haye, & Gérard, 2004).
26 Mainly of cats and dogs
In today’s world, our relationship with domesticated animals has taken several forms
(Amiot, Bastian, & Martens, 2016). The most fundamental association arguably being
with those animals we take into our homes and share our everyday lives. These animals
take the role of a companion and, indeed, some of the literature uses the term companion
animals. However, the term pet is more familiar and so is used interchangeably with
companion.
It cannot be assumed that conceptualisations about pets are universal. Sevillano and
Fiske (2016) make the point that we in the Western world hold stereotypes about certain
animals; for example, the stereotype of the dog is of “man’s best friend” leading to the
view that dogs are friendly: as defines a stereotype, the dogs’ friendliness extends to the
majority of dogs. The stereotypical warmth we feel for man’s best friend is not re-
ciprocated in all parts of the world. Podberscek (2009) provides the example of South
Korea where dogs have long been seen as a source of food and, indeed, eating dogs,
sometimes for medicinal purposes, is seen as an aspect of cultural identity not to be
interfered with or threatened by the West.
Feline companions
A stereotype of the cat is that it is a somewhat aloof, solitary animal, altogether less
sociable than the dog: we joke that “Dogs come when they’re called; cats take a message
and get back to you later” or, as Kirk (2019) puts it, “Dogs have masters, cats have staff.”
Bradshaw (2016) explains how this view of cats is a product of history: dogs have been
domesticated for several millennia longer than cats, allowing them time to evolve to
become much more socially interactive with humans than cats. Of course, cats are now
commonplace as companion animals and bring a familiar mixture of pleasure and
tribulations to their owners (Bernstein, 2007). Turner (2017) highlights several areas of
interest in feline–human interaction including cat–human communication, cat–owner
personalities, and problems caused by cats.
Cat–owner interactions
What is it that constitutes a satisfying cat–owner relationship from the owner’s per-
spective? Howell et al. (2017) developed the 33-item Cat-Owner Relationship Scale
(CORS) to assess owners’ views of their relationship with their cat. They report that this
scale contained the three subscales of Pet-Owner Interactions, Perceived Emotional Closeness,
and Perceived Costs. Sample items for these subscales are shown in Table 2.1.
The items comprising the Pet-Owner Interactions subscale of the CORS indicate the
nature of the activities that form interactions between cat and owner. Thus, owners who
regularly interact with their cat spend time playing games with their cat, they will stroke
and pet it, talk to it, watching its actions and have it close by when relaxing. Pongrácz
Cat–owner personalities
Bennett, Rutter, Woodhead, and Howell (2017) assembled a list of over 200 adjectives
that could potentially be used to describe a cat’s personality. Two focus groups then
slimmed down this list to 118 words. In the next part of the study 416 adult cat owners
rated a familiar cat on each of the 118 words. The analysis of the ratings yielded the
six personality dimensions of Playfulness, Nervousness, Amiability, Dominance,
Demandingness, and Gullibility. As well as a research instrument, Bennett et al. suggest
that the six personality factors could be put to use by cat adoption programmes in
matching cats with prospective owners. This suggestion is reinforced by the finding of
Finka, Ward, Farnworth, and Mills (2019) that an owner’s personality is related to their
cat’s behaviour, welfare, and lifestyle.
Gosling, Sandy, and Potter (2010) compared the personalities of 4,565 participants,
divided into the four groups of self-identified dog person, cat person, both, or neither,
using the self-report version of the Big Five Inventory (BFI; John, Naumann, & Soto,
2008). The Big Five personality dimensions are Agreeableness, Conscientiousness,
Extraversion, Neuroticism, and Openness. Gosling et al. found that the dog people
scored higher than cat people on Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, and Extraversion,
and lower on Neuroticism and Openness: these differences remained when sex differ-
ences in pet–ownership rates were controlled. With the exception of Neuroticism,
where they scored highest, the cat people group tended to be lower than the other three
groups on the remaining four dimensions.
Gosling et al. make the suggestion, in keeping with Bennett et al. (2017), that their
findings could be put to practical use: “Self-identification as a certain type of pet person
may also provide relevant and practical information for areas such as pet selection within
animal shelters, pet welfare, and other human–animal relationships. Pet person identi-
fications could also be useful in healthcare settings (e.g., hospitals, mental healthcare
facilities, nursing homes), where an affinity for certain types of animals may affect the
selection of species used in pet therapy” (p. 221).
Animals as companions 29
A study by Evans, Lyons, Brewer, and Tucci (2019) supports the suggestion that there
may be benefits to taking account of personality in an exercise matching 126 cats and
owners. They found that owners expressed greater satisfaction with cats high in agree-
ableness and low in neuroticism (see the “Feline Five” below). The owner’s impulsivity
and the cat’s agreeableness correlated with higher satisfaction, as did a contrast in owner
dominance and cat agreeableness.
Litchfield et al. (2017) carried out a study in Australia and New Zealand to explore
the personalities of 2,802 pet cats. A sample of owners completed a survey, rating their
cats on 52 personality traits gathered from previous studies. The analysis revealed
the “Feline Five” personality factors of Agreeableness, Dominance, Extraversion,
Impulsiveness, and Neuroticism. Litchfield et al. suggest that knowledge of the factors
could be used to improve cat welfare; for example, highly impulsive cats could react
easily to environmental stressors.
Health matters
There are vaccines available for the treatment of allergies, which can cause skin pro-
blems and breathing difficulties, although the simple solution for those who are
strongly allergic to cats is to find another companion animal. Zoonotic diseases are
brought about by bacteria, parasites, and viruses which cross between animals and
humans (Murugan et al., 2015). These diseases can be serious, such as with the Ebola
virus and salmonellosis, or more manageable as with “cat scratch disease,” a bacterial
infection of an open wound caused by a scratch or bite. The risk of ill-health can be
managed close to home, as with other pets, by a good health-care regime for the
cat including regular vaccinations. On a larger scale, coordinated initiatives such as
instigating and maintaining comprehensive records and standardised education for
professionals working with animals may bring widespread benefits (Sterneberg-Van der
Maaten, Turner, Van Tilburg, & Vaarten, 2016).
A cat which is not house trained may be a health risk through soiling either by indoor
elimination of urine and faeces (Barcelos, McPeake, Affenzeller, & Mills, 2018; Heath,
2019) or urine spraying, perhaps to mark territory (Horwitz, 2019). The cause and
management of these problems is discussed in Chapter 5.
Aggression
Feline aggression can take a variety of forms serving different purposes in different
environments; for example, it may be offensive or defensive, predatory, a form of play,
territorial, or a consequence of stress or fear (for a succinct summary, see Penar &
Klocek, 2018). However, for owners of domestic cats, their cat’s aggression becomes a
problem when it is directed at them personally.
A Spanish study reported by Palacio, León-Artozqui, Pastor-Villalba, Carrera-Martín,
and García-Belenguer (2007) looked at animal aggression towards people in the region
30 Mainly of cats and dogs
of Valencia between 1995 and 2000. They found a total of 12,040 recorded acts of
animal aggression towards people, of which 89% involved dogs, 8% cats, and 3% other
species including horses, monkeys, and rodents. For felines specifically, there was an
average incidence of 6.36 aggressive acts per 100,000 people per year: the average
incidence was greater for women (7.1 acts of aggression per 100,000 people per year)
than men (4.6), and greater for children aged from 0 to 14 years (6.8) than for people
aged from 15 to 64 years (5.1) and those over 65 years of age (4.7).
Palacio et al. (2007) looked at the nature of the bite wounds by cats that were mainly single
punctures on the hands. In children, the head and neck areas were bitten more than for adults.
The cats involved were mostly unowned; female Siamese cats were prevalent in cats that
attacked their owners. The most common situation of a bite was a defensive response to a
threat. The most serious bites, requiring medical assistance, were from unowned cats.
Amat and Manteca (2019) note that owner- and family-directed aggression is
common in cats, particularly in single-cat households. They describe the risk factors for
this type of aggression as obtaining the cats from pet shops, poor early socialisation with
people, and if the cat is not allowed outdoors. While not as extreme as aggression,
destructive scratching of household items such as carpets, furniture and window frames
can be both aggravating and expensive for the owner (DePorter & Elzerman, 2019). The
effect of aggression, not surprisingly, is to increase the likelihood of euthanasia or the cat
being put into a shelter.
Unusual pets such as rats or snakes might be part of an “alternative” identity; cats,
poodles, or Chihuahuas might be valued for their “feminine” associations, whereas
others may seek the “masculine” image of dogs such as Alsatians; and British bulldogs,
Yorkshire, or Scottish terriers may express a regional or national identity. (p. 87)
When it comes to the choice of a pet not only are there a range of potential species but also
choice of breed within a species. The decision as which dog to take as a pet can be
influenced by practicalities, such as size age or sex (Boruta, Kurek, & Lewandowska, 2016),
or what is fashionable at the time. Ghirlanda, Acerbi, Herzog, and Serpell (2013) looked at
the popularity of different breeds of dog in America between 1926 and 2005. There was no
evidence that those breeds having more desirable behaviours, such as ease of training and
being longer lived or with fewer inherited genetic disorders were more popular than other
breeds. Ghirlanda et al. conclude that a breed’s popularity at a given time is not so much
due to its intrinsic features but how fashionable it seen to be. An example of a fashionable
breed is found with the rise in popularity of the Chihuahua at a given time as influenced by
Paris Hilton and her favourite dog, Tinkerbell Hilton (Redmalm, 2014). Some dog owners
remain immune to fashion and stay loyal to a particular breed of dog because they like its
temperament or appearance (Sandøe et al., 2017).
In addition, Tipper (2011a) suggests that for many people who experience the ache of
loneliness a pet can be a substitute for people. A companion animal becomes someone to
share one’s life with: we offer care and in return receive attention and, to borrow
Tipper’s (2013) vivid phrase, perhaps existential moments of being. Evans-Wilday, Hall,
Hogue, and Mills (2018) explored how owners may disclose difficult personal facts to
their dogs as opposed to their partner or a confidant such as a close friend. They found
that: “Dog owners reported greater willingness to talk to their dog (and partner)
compared with a confidant across the emotional disclosure topics of depression, jealousy,
anxiety, calmness, apathy, and fear. For topics relating to jealousy and apathy, dog
32 Mainly of cats and dogs
owners showed greater willingness to talk to their dog than their partner and confidant”
(pp. 361–362). Evans-Wilday et al. conclude that dogs can play a similar role as partners
in disclosure of emotions although this does not preclude talking to partners and con-
fidants. An example, perhaps, of the dog as our best friend.
Nast (2006) describes how pets can become a fashion statement, typified by celebrities
prepared to spend outrageous sums of money on pet accessories. Nast notes that a doggie
boutique in Los Angeles, Fifi & Romeo which is frequented by Hollywood stars, sells
miniature cashmere sweaters for $200 and raincoats for $105. The dogs of the rich and
famous in LA are also well catered for at canine spas such as Dog House where they can
indulge in massages and herbal wraps. The exaggeration of the emotional bond between
owner and pet, which as Nast notes can over-step standards of propriety, is used as a
means of justifying commercialisation and scandalous levels of expenditure on animals
(Vänskä, 2016).
A related phenomenon lies in adults without children, whether through choice or not,
treating pets as substitute children. The psychological boundary between pets and
children become blurred to the point of coining names such as “fids” (feathered kids) for
parrots (Anderson, 2003, 2014) and “fur babies” for dogs, treated at “Yappy Hour” at a
bakery cooking delicacies for dogs (Greenebaum, 2004). This view of pets as intimate
companions is a two-edged sword: on one hand it may lead to high levels of care; on the
other hand, it may produce a poor social, dietary, and exercise regime for the animal.
Many pet owners will either buy their pet from a commercial outlet, a pet shop, or
professional breeder, or give a home to a rescue dog from an animal charity. The choice
of where to obtain a pet is not a neutral action, the location selected may have a pro-
found effect on the eventual relationship between owner and animal.
Suggest that dogs sold through pet stores and/or born in high-volume CBEs have an
increased frequency of a variety of undesirable adulthood behaviors compared with
dogs from other sources, particularly noncommercial breeders. The most common
finding (6 of 7 reports, or 86%) was an increase in aggression directed toward the
dog’s owners and family members, unfamiliar people (strangers), and other dogs.
The most consistent type of increased aggression …. was aggression toward owners
and family members. The other characteristic found in multiple studies was
increased fear …. which was in response to strangers, children, other dogs, nonsocial
stimuli, and being taken on walks. (p. 24)
Animals as companions 33
As McMillan notes, these data are based on owners’ reports and so are subject to ver-
ification from other sources. In addition, not all commercial breeders should be tarred
with the same brush, some breeders have exemplary standards. Gray, Butler, Douglas,
and Serpell (2016) compared Pug, Jack Russell, and Chihuahua adult dogs raised from
puppies bought from responsible breeders with those acquired from less responsible
breeders. The dogs from responsible breeders were better adjusted across several di-
mensions such as aggressive behaviour and fear of other dogs. Gray et al. suggest this
finding demonstrates the importance of owners acquiring puppies from breeders who
follow the appropriate guidelines of organisations such as the Royal Society for the
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA) and the British Veterinary
Association (BVA).
McMillan, Serpell, Duffy, Masaoud, and Dohoo (2013) used owner reports of their
adult dog’s behaviour to compare outcomes for puppies purchased from pet stores with
puppies from noncommercial breeders. The dogs obtained as puppies from non-
commercial breeders had fewer problems with aggression, fear of other dogs, and house-
training. McMillan et al. suggest that as compared to noncommercial breeders, dogs from
pet stores have a greater risk of developing undesirable behaviours.
Animal shelters
There are numerous animal charities, such as the RSPCA in the UK, which has almost
50 shelters, and the American Society for Prevention of Cruelty of Animals (ASPCA),
that give a home to stray or unwanted animals. Animals may need shelter because of
changes in the owner’s life such as bereavement, loss of employment, or a change in
family composition such as a newborn child. A survey of cat shelters in Sweden by
Eriksson, Loberg, and Andersson (2009) found that the three most common reasons for
relinquishing a cat were allergy, moving house, and that the cat was homeless. Diesel,
Brodbelt, and Pfeiffer (2010) looked at why owners decide to relinquish their dogs to an
animal shelter. The study took place at 14 shelters in the UK with a sample of 2,806
dogs. They found that the two most frequent explanations for relinquishment were the
dog’s problem behaviour, including aggression and destructiveness, and that the dog
needed more attention than they had time to give. In a substantial number of the cases,
the relinquished dogs had been obtained with little or no planning or advice. Diesel et al.
suggest that levels of relinquishment due to owner-related problems could be amelio-
rated by providing advice about the dog when ownership is taken and by monitoring the
progress of adopted dogs. The dog’s problem behaviours can be tackled through dog
training classes for adopters.
In countries larger than the UK, the issue is magnified. In the United States, there
are approximately 13,600 animal shelters with an annual population of approximately
7.6 million cats and dogs. An estimated 31 to 55% of these animals are put down each
year. In Taiwan, there are cultural and religious traditions that oppose the killing of
unwanted animals and which act to encourage abandoning dogs. This situation has led to
a huge increase in the numbers of stray dogs (Hsu, Severinghaus, & Serpell, 2003). In a
similar vein, some countries have a “no-kill” policy for animal shelters; for example,
since 1981 in Italy it is illegal to put down unwanted stray dogs unless they are either
dangerous or terminally ill. However, as Dalla Villa et al. (2008) explain, the subsequent
rise in the number of stray dogs in Italy has meant that this policy has had the undesired
effect of warehousing dogs in dubious conditions for the remainder of their lives.
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REFERENCE TO THE PLATE.
1. The empalement.
2. A blossom.
3. The same spread open.
4. Seed-bud and pointal.
5. The same magnified.
6. The capsule.
7. The same split into two divisions.
8. One of the divisions uncovered, to show the situation of the seed.
9. A ripe seed.
The specimen of this new and very distinct genus was communicated April
the 11th by the marquis of Blandford from a fine plant in his lordship’s
collection at White Knights, planted against a wall on a south aspect, about
four feet high, and nearly covered with blossoms. Its great fragrance, more
resembling that of the May (Cratægus Oxyacantha) than any thing else we
are acquainted with, makes the plant very desirable to collectors, and the
more so, that it is hardy enough to bear our winters without the shelter of a
green-house, and blossoms so early in spring. This fragrant shrub is a native
of New Holland in the neighbourhood of Port Jackson, from whence we
have seen fine specimens in the collection of A. B. Lambert, esq. who
favoured us with the ripe fruit. Who first introduced the plant, we have not
been able to learn, but have seen it in several collections.
PLATE DXXI.
ERIOSPERMUM FOLIOLIFERUM.
Leaflet-bearing Eriospermum.
CLASS VI. ORDER I.
HEXANDRIA MONOGYNIA. Six Chives. One Pointal.
GENERIC CHARACTER.
Calyx nullus.
Corolla. Petala sex basi connata, subtus lanceolata, acuta: tria exteriora
patula: tria interiora erecta, cum limbo acuto patulo connivente. Omnia post
impregnationem erecta, in modum coni.
Stamina. Filamenta sex, late lanceolata, acuta, plana, apicibus introrsum
volutis. Antheræ oblongæ, incumbentes.
Pistillum. Germen superum, subrotundum, trisulcatum. Stylus filiformis,
erectus. Stigma obtusum.
Pericarpium. Capsula triloba, trilocularis, trivalvis.
Semina pauca, lanceolata, acuta, pilis tomentosis obsessa.
Empalement none.
Blossom. Six petals approaching together at the base, beneath lance-shaped
and pointed, the three outer ones spreading: the three inner ones upright,
with a pointed wide approaching border. All after impregnation stand
upright, like a cone.
Chives. Six threads broadly lance-shaped, pointed, and flat, with the points
turned inward. Tips oblong, and lying on them.
Pointal. Seed-bud above, nearly round, three-furrowed. Shaft thread-shaped,
upright. Summit blunt.
Seed-vessel. Capsule 3-lobed, 3-locular, 3-valved.
Seeds few, lance-shaped, pointed, and covered with downy hairs.
SPECIFIC CHARACTER.
P R O T E A A B R O TA N I F O L I A H I RTA .
Hairy Southernwood-leaved Protea.
CLASS IV. ORDER I.
TETRANDRIA MONOGYNIA. Four Chives. One Pointal.
Corolla 4-fida, seu 4-petala. Antheræ lineares, petalis infra apices insertæ.
Calyx proprius, nullus. Semina solitaria.
Blossom four-cleft, or of four petals. Tips linear, inserted into the petals
below the points. Cup proper, none. Seeds solitary.
SPECIFIC CHARACTER.
G O RT E R I A PAV O N I A .
Peacock Gorteria.
CLASS XIX. ORDER IV.
SYNGENESIA POLYGAMIA NECESSARIA. Tips united. Necessary Pointals.
LACHNÆA BUXIFOLIA.
Box-leaved Lachnæa.
CLASS VIII. ORDER I.
OCTANDRIA MONOGYNIA. Eight Chives. One Pointal.
P O D A LY R I A H I R S U TA .
Hairy Podalyria.
CLASS X. ORDER I.
DECANDRIA MONOGYNIA. Ten Chives. One Pointal.
PROTEA CESPITOSA.
Turfy Protea.
CLASS IV. ORDER I.
TETRANDRIA MONOGYNIA. Four Chives. One Pointal.
Corolla 4-fida, seu 4-petala. Antheræ lineares, petalis infra apices insertæ.
Calyx proprius, nullus. Semina solitaria.
Blossom four-cleft, or of four petals. Tips linear, inserted into the petals
below the points. Cup proper, none. Seeds solitary.
SPECIFIC CHARACTER.
RUELLIA FULGIDA.
Bright-flowered Ruellia.
CLASS IV. ORDER I.
TETRANDRIA MONOGYNIA. Four Chives. One Pointal.
O R N I T H O G A L U M E L AT U M .
Lofty Ornithogalum.
CLASS VI. ORDER I.
HEXANDRIA MONOGYNIA. Six Chives. One Pointal.