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Ethics for Everyone
Ethics for Everyone
A Skills-Based Approach
L A R RY R . C H U R C H I L L
1
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.
© Oxford University Press 2020
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
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rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Churchill, Larry R., 1945– author.
Title: Ethics for everyone : a skills-based approach / Larry R. Churchill.
Description: New York : Oxford University Press, 2020. |
Includes bibliographical references and index. |
Identifiers: LCCN 2019040688 (print) | LCCN 2019040689 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780190080891 (paperback) | ISBN 9780190080921 (epub) |
ISBN 9780190080914 (updf) | ISBN 9780190080907 (online)
Subjects: LCSH: Ethics.
Classification: LCC BJ1012 .C55 2020 (print) |
LCC BJ1012 (ebook) | DDC 170—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019040688
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019040689
This material is not intended to be, and should not be considered, a substitute for medical or
other professional advice. Treatment for the conditions described in this material is highly
dependent on the individual circumstances. And, while this material is designed to offer
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1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by LSC Communications, United States of America
Contents
Acknowledgments xi
3. Basic Skills II 53
Imaginative Skill: Expanding the Reach of Our Empathy 53
Assertive Skill: Claiming Our Own Moral Authority 56
Connective Skill: Linking Goodness and Happiness 59
Narrative Skill: Story-Making at Intersecting Life
Trajectories 61
4. Exercises Using the Skills 71
Nineteen Exercises in Eight Groupings 71
Curiosity about One’s Moral Sensibility 72
Broad Empathy 73
Conceptual Agility 73
Identifying Emotional Registers 74
Sensitivity to Suffering 75
Moral Certainty/Uncertainty 75
Moral Authority 76
Happiness 77
Assessing Responses 77
5. Some Common Pitfalls 79
The Trap of Either/Or Thinking 79
Expecting Too Much from Theory 81
The Desire for a Unifying Definition of Ethics 86
Restricting What Experiences Have Ethical Weight 89
Treating Mysteries as Moral Problems 92
6. Moral Concepts in Practice I 95
The Anchoring Value of Truth 96
Forgiveness and Freedom 101
The Varieties of Love 104
The Moral Uses of Spirituality 107
The Persistence of Hope 111
7. Moral Concepts in Practice II 115
Voluntary and Nonvoluntary Responsibilities 115
Justice and the Measure of Impartiality 118
Liberty and Its Limits 122
Contextualizing Rights 125
Conscience: Within—Not Above—the Moral Fray 128
How Death Enables Ethics 132
Contents ix
Notes 171
Bibliography 181
Index 187
for
David Schenck
ingenious colleague and inspiring friend,
who believed in this book before I did
and
my many students—undergraduate, medical, graduate,
and adult learners,
from whom I have learned so much about ethics
Acknowledgments
and Medicine (2015) Vol. 58, No. 4, pp. 526–534. © Johns Hopkins
University Press.
The section entitled “Narrative Skill: Story-Making at Intersecting
Life Trajectories” in chapter 3 is based on my article “Narrative
Awareness in Ethics Consultations: The Ethics Consultant as Story-
Maker,” Hastings Center Report (2014) Vol. 44, Suppl 1, pp. S36–S39.
© The Hastings Center. Distributed by Wiley-Blackwell.
Introduction: Purpose and Uses
This book maps the moral terrain in the grounded reality of human
experience without relying on theories or systems of ethics as the pri-
mary orienting strategy. Moral awareness needs first to be appreci-
ated for what it is before it is made to conform to theories or systems.
And moral consciousness is not a steady or stable set of perceptions;
as we change, so do the moral challenges that most concern us.
The point of entry for this volume is the raw materials of moral
life—the felt impulses of confusion, perplexity, and moral disori-
entation, as well as the satisfactions of moral growth and the en-
joyments of moral cohesion and consonance with others. This is
a book for people seeking to live a life that makes moral sense. It
argues that the best way to do this is by practicing and honing cer-
tain skills, learning to use some neglected conceptual tools, and
avoiding the inevitable pitfalls that oversimplify ethical problems
and their resolution.
This is also a book that recognizes that the messy business of
trying to live a moral life goes on much longer than most models
of ethics typically account for. Indeed, every phase of life seems to
present new moral challenges and requires rethinking old assump-
tions and habits. There are, to be sure, some patches of smooth
sailing, but as humans change over time, so do the seas that must
be navigated. That means that the exercise of skills for ethics, the
meaning of important concepts, and the relevance of various
pitfalls are to be learned and then relearned. Their importance must
be reassessed at major life junctures.
Ethics for Everyone. Larry R. Churchill, Oxford University Press (2020) © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190080891.001.0001
2 Introduction
Ethics for Everyone. Larry R. Churchill, Oxford University Press (2020) © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190080891.001.0001
10 Ethics for Everyone
Typically books about ethics are packed with problems and the
theories calculated to resolve them. Yet most students of ethics do
not turn to ethics because their moral systems have run aground
by encountering some difficult problem. They turn to ethics be-
cause they have encountered others who think differently, or they
have a growing sense that they now think differently than they did
before college, or before the rotation in the hospital burn unit, or
before their much-loved grandmother died. I believe this is also
the case for later-life engagement with ethics. For example, living
with an intimate partner, or becoming a parent or a grandparent,
or retiring, or encountering a serious or chronic illness are all mor-
ally charged. In short, whatever life experiences or junctures we
encounter carry challenges to our moral sensibilities. While we all
face challenging moral dilemmas, the greater impetus for turning
to ethics is simple curiosity about these changes and challenges
and a desire to understand their significance. When we realize that
the moral framework we assumed was stable is actually in flux, we
are compelled to study ethics.
A second kind of curiosity and wonderment also motivates
ethics: inextricable connections with other people. We are social
creatures, intimately associated with others and never free from the
need to understand and bespeak who we are, ethically speaking, to
family, friends, and even adversaries. To be sure, this sociality can
be devoid of wonder if it is imbued with moral arrogance: I assume
I am morally superior, so that the views of others do not matter to
me. Alternatively, I can block out any real interaction with others if
I am obsequious, that is, if my routine demeanor is one of unwor-
thiness, and no praise or positive regard can penetrate my armor
of subservience. More productively, this sociality is threaded with
a curiosity and wonder at my openness to the ways that others’
opinions count for me and help to shape the opinion I have of my-
self. Am I a good son and brother and, later, a good husband and
father, a good teacher, scholar, colleague, citizen, and, later still, a
good grandfather? Each determination of goodness has its own
12 Ethics for Everyone
those origins and decide which are worthy of our embrace, and
why. So, while our initial morality from our families of origin is
imbibed unself-consciously, at some point morality becomes re-
flective, and we begin to ask why any choice or behavior could be
called “right” or “wrong.” At this point ethics is about asking and
answering, “Why?” What makes a choice or way of life better than
the alternatives?
Once the “Why?” question is posed we are off and running,
seeking a better, more complete accounting for ourselves than
simply saying, “This just seems right to me” or “I have always done
it this way.” As we grow more comfortable in this inquiring capacity,
we learn to ask the question behind that question, and the question
behind that one. For example, if I say, “I do it this way because that
is what my parents taught me” or “That’s what Scripture teaches,”
I will be led to ask, “How do I know my parents were right?” or
“Why should I (or anyone) accept the authority of Scripture?” This
does not imply that one’s parents or Scripture is wrong. It simply
means that ethics probes into why any moral authority should have
such influence. Learning to give reasons that, on reflection, are sat-
isfying means learning to think for oneself. At this level, ethics is
the desire to know why anything or anyone I accept as a moral au-
thority is worthy of that trust.
Answering the “Why?” question requires stepping back from
the immediate context and reflecting, analyzing, probing, and
deliberating. And there are many ways of doing this. The idea is
to place the problem and the need for an immediate decision “on
hold.” For example, when we say, “I think I’ll sleep on that,” we are
saying that some gestational time may work well for us, giving us
a fresh look at the problem in the morning. In making just this
simple move we are implying that the discerning mechanisms we
feel are important can be engaged only if we defocus on the imme-
diate and let the problem marinate in our imagination. This simple
and typical mode of stepping back lets alternative ways of seeing a
problem emerge.
14 Ethics for Everyone
activity, for it means that I am willing to set aside, at least for the
moment, differences in power, status, and education to consider
matters afresh. To be productive, ethical conversations must sus-
pend hierarchy and minimize power differences. Moral values are
simply not accessible unless they are approached in this way. This
suspension of status to enable attention to values is not easy and
is perhaps why genuine ethical conversations between parents and
children and between supervisors and employees are infrequent.
Engaging in ethical deliberation means listening— paying
attention— and this calls into play our innate empathic ca-
pacity. David Hume, Adam Smith, and other philosophers of the
eighteenth-century Scottish Enlightenment were the most system-
atic and sophisticated students of this capacity, which they termed
“sympathy” or “fellow feeling.”2 The education and refinement of
this universal capacity for sympathy (what we would now term “em-
pathy”) through reasoned reflection was for them the core of ethics.
Thus, as Hume and Smith saw it, ethics could be said to be human-
izing because it called for the higher development of a basic capacity
we seem to share with other life forms. Attaining this higher develop-
ment necessarily requires respectful engagement with other persons
as sentient and reflective beings like ourselves whose moral values
have for them the same primal place that mine have for me.
Ethical engagement is humanizing in another obvious way.
Because it involves the mutual flow of empathy and respectful re-
gard for differences that lets values emerge in an exchange, it is also
a mode of interacting that is vastly less harmful to the participants
than other modes of handling disagreements, such as shouting
matches, holding grudges, filing law suits, or shooting people.
If ethics is considered a mode of conflict resolution, per-
haps there is much to learn from studying the moral behavior of
other primates. The primatologist Frans de Waal, wary of quasi-
Darwinian theories that make aggression the bedrock explana-
tion for primate behavior, has spent a career investigating how
relationships are repaired and normalized following outbreaks
Dimensions of Moral Experience 17
Ethics as Ongoing
Obstacles to Ethics
1. Moral Arbitrariness
2. Absolute Certainty
3. Perfectionism
Ethics for Everyone. Larry R. Churchill, Oxford University Press (2020) © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190080891.001.0001
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The morning of the 14th found the flotilla lying in the wake of the
flag-ship. The transports had arrived, and the troops, with the
artillery, were landed about two miles from the fort. The arrival of
the fleet, and the thousands of determined soldiers, inspired the
troops already at the scene of action with new vigor; long and
tumultuous cheers came down the hills from the army under General
Grant, which could be seen in the distance, watching the movements
of the fleet. General Grant and his staff had gone on board the St.
Louis, before daylight, and an attack by the land forces was agreed
upon, to be made as soon as the signal gun should be given from the
river. Accordingly, at two o’clock, P. M., all the vessels comprising the
flotilla, the iron-clad boats St. Louis, Carondelet, Pittsburg, and
Louisville, and the two wooden boats, Conestoga and Tyler, got
under way. They were then about two miles from the fort. The line of
battle was immediately formed, the flag-ship taking the extreme
right, with the Louisville, Pittsburg, and Carondelet at the left, four
abreast; the Conestoga and Tyler, not being iron clad, remained in
the rear, about a quarter of a mile. The fleet proceeded at a speed of
about three miles an hour, up the river. At twenty-five minutes to
three o’clock they reached the termination of a long range of woods
to the right, and came in full view of the fort.
The fortifications were distinctly visible, consisting of three tiers of
frowning batteries, on the slope of a steep hill, one hundred and fifty
feet in height. About half-past two o’clock, the enemy opened fire
from a battery about twenty feet above water level, by discharging a
32-pounder, but the shot fell far short. This was followed by another
ball of larger dimensions, which also fell short. The Union men were
anxious to show the enemy a specimen of their fighting power, but
the Commodore would not permit them to fire a gun for fifteen
minutes, until they got within certain range of the fort. At a few
minutes before three o’clock, the St. Louis opened the battle on the
national side, and the other boats quickly followed. For a while all
the shot fell short of the mark.
The boats kept advancing slowly and steadily for about half an
hour, when the order was given to slack the engines, so as to prevent
them from coming in too close range. The firing then increased to a
terrific rate on both sides. The enemy poured 32 and 64-pound balls
into the vessels with great effect, and the gunners returned their 8-
inch shell and 64-pound rifle balls with unusual skill. In the heat of
the action, a shot from the enemy’s water battery carried away the
flagstaff of the St. Louis; almost the next shot took the chimney guys
of the same boat. A well sent ball from the St. Louis soon struck the
flagstaff of the enemy, which was on the top of the hill behind the
batteries. This terrible fire lasted about half an hour, when a 64-
pound ball from the middle battery cut the tiller ropes of the gunboat
Louisville, rendering her steering apparatus unmanageable. About
the same time a shot entered one of the windows of the pilot-house
of the Carondelet, mortally wounding the pilot. Thus the control of
two Union boats was in a great degree lost. Shortly after this, a 32-
pound ball penetrated the pilot-house of the St. Louis, mortally
wounding one of the pilots, injuring two other pilots, and severely
wounding Flag-officer Foote. There were five men in the pilot-house
at the time, only one of whom escaped injury. The room was filled
with pieces of the broken wheel, chains, room furniture and rubbish
of every sort; there was no one there to take the helm save the
Commodore—no chance to call another to his aid—so, equal to the
emergency, the gallant old Commodore seized the remaining handles
of the wheel, and for a quarter of an hour acted the double part of
commander and pilot, and at last, when compelled to fall back, he
kept bow to the foe, and gave his orders as calmly and coolly as when
first entering the action.
At about the middle of the engagement, a 32-pound rifle shot took
away the flagstaff and Commodore’s pennant. In a moment half a
dozen men sprang out of the ports, caught the mutilated staff upon
their shoulders, hoisted the “blue flag” to its place, where they stood
and held it for several minutes, in the face of a most murderous fire.
Thus three powerful vessels were disabled by accidents that do not
happen twice in a hundred times. The men on board were unwilling
to give up the fight. The enemy had been driven from the lower
battery, and their fire had slackened perceptibly. What remained to
be done? To fight in such a current, with unmanageable boats,
would, the Commodore knew, be worse than folly. Reluctantly,
therefore, he ordered them to fall back.
The vessels then stopped their engines and floated slowly from
their positions. They had been within two hundred yards of the fort.
The enemy soon saw the condition of the fleet, and redoubled their
fire. They ran to the lower batteries and opened them on the retiring
vessels with terrific force. One of the guns of the Carondelet had
burst in the middle of the action, and the Pittsburg had received two
balls below water mark, causing her to leak rapidly. But they replied
well to the reinvigorated foe, and fired the last shot.
The fleet retired in good order, and anchored two miles below the
fort. The injuries to the gunboats were not very great. The principal
damage to the St. Louis was that sustained by the shot entering her
pilot-house. She was struck 61 times; the Pittsburg 47; the
Carondelet 54; and the Louisville about 40. The enemy fired about
500 shots.
The fleet fired a little more than 300, about 75 of which were 8-
inch shells.
The demeanor of Commodore Foote during the engagement was
the subject of admiration with every man in the fleet. His
countenance was as placid and his voice as mild in the heat of the
action as if he had been engaged in social conversation. He stood in
the pilot-house for a long time, watching the effect of every shot.
When he saw a shell burst inside of the fort, he instantly commended
the deliberate aim of the marksman, by a message through his
speaking tube. When the balls fell short, he expressed his
dissatisfaction in such words as “A little further, man; you are falling
too short.” During a part of the action he was on the gun-deck,
superintending the care of the wounded. In the end, nothing but the
pilot’s assurance that his vessel could not be managed with her
broken wheel, induced him to consent to a withdrawal.
Incidents on board the Louisville were not wanting. Captain Dove
had just complimented one of the gunners on a splendid shot, when
the shot that played such havoc entered his port, and completely
severed the gunner in twain, scattering his blood and brains over
Captain Dove’s person. But the Captain never blanched; he only
wiped his face, and in an instant was superintending the replacement
of another gun as if nothing had happened. Cool, brave and
determined, he was throughout the action a support to his men and
an honor to his country.
THE LAND ATTACK.
In addition to the two water batteries already described, a third
had been commenced, but was not at the time completed. The fort
stood on a hill, and within its ample lines nearly a hundred large and
substantial log-houses had been erected for quarters. In order to
prevent any lodgment of an opposing force on the hills back of the
fort, it was necessary to construct a line of defenses around the fort,
at the distance of a mile, and in some places more than a mile, from
the principal work. These outworks extended from a creek on the
north side of the works to another which entered a quarter of a mile
below. Both of these streams were filled with backwater from the
swollen river, for the distance of three-quarters of a mile from their
mouths. This chain of breastworks and the miry bed of the creeks
formed a most complete impediment to the marching of an artillery
force within sight of the main fort. This line of works was not less
than three miles in length, breast high, and formed from a ditch on
either side, so as to answer the purpose of rifle-pits and parapets. At
intervals on every elevation platforms had been constructed and
mounted with howitzers and light field pieces. Such were the works,
defended by from 20,000 to 25,000 men, that the national troops
were determined to take by assault.
Early on the morning of the 12th of February, the national troops
left Fort Henry with two days’ rations in their haversacks, without
tents or wagons, except such as were necessary to convey a surplus of
commissary stores and ammunition, and ambulances for the sick.
The expedition under the command of Brigadier-General U. S.
Grant, was divided into three columns—the division under Brigadier-
General McClernand, taking the road from Fort Henry to Dover,
running to the south of the enemy’s position; the second division,
under command of Brigadier-General C. F. Smith, taking the direct
or telegraph road to the fort; the third division, subsequently placed
under the lead of Brigadier-General L. Wallace, being sent round by
Paducah and Smithland, ascending the Cumberland, under the
escort of the gunboats. Each of these divisions consisted of about ten
regiments of infantry, batteries, and cavalry.
First Division, Brigadier-General McClernand.—1st Brigade, Col.
Oglesby, acting.—8th Illinois, Lieut. Col. Rhodes; 18th Illinois, Col.
Lawler; 29th Illinois, Col. Reardon; 13th Illinois, Col. Dennis; 31st
Illinois, Col. J. A. Logan; Schwartz’s battery; Dresser’s battery; 4
battalions Illinois cavalry. 2d Brigade, Col. W. H. L. Wallace, acting.
—11th Illinois, Lieut. Col. Hart; 20th Illinois, Col. Marsh; 48th
Illinois, Col. Smith; 49th Illinois, Col. Hainey; Taylor’s battery;
McAllister’s battery; 4th and 7th Illinois cavalry, Cols. Kellogg and
Dickey.
Second Division, Brigadier-General C. F. Smith.—1st Brigade,
Col. Cook, acting.—7th Illinois, 50th Illinois, 12th Iowa; 13th
Missouri, Col. Wright; 52d Indiana; 3 batteries Missouri 1st artillery,
Maj. Cavender commanding; Capts. Richardson, Stone, and Walker.
2d Brigade, Col. Lauman, acting.—7th Iowa, Lieut.-Col. Parrott; 2d
Iowa, Col. Tuttle; 14th Iowa, Col. Shaw; 25th Indiana, Col. Veatch;
56th Indiana.
Third Division, Brigadier-General Lewis Wallace.—1st Brigade,
Col. Croft, acting.—17th Kentucky, 25th Kentucky, 31st Indiana, 44th
Indiana, Col. Hugh B. Reed. 2d Brigade, Col. Thayer, acting.—1st
Nebraska, Lieut. Col. McCord; 13th Missouri, Col. Wright; 48th
Ohio, Col. Sullivan; 58th Ohio, Col. Bausenwein; Willett’s Chicago
battery.
By nine o’clock all the forces were on the march. The division of
General McClernand took the upper or southern road to Dover. The
division of General Smith proceeded by the northern or telegraph
road, running directly to the fort. The route lay through broken and
undulating lands. Small streams of the purest water were crossed at
every ravine. The hills were in places covered with green pines and
tall, heavy timber. The weather was mild and spring-like; the men in
admirable spirits, marching in regular order, and the surrounding
scenery almost tropical in its luxuriance. At about two o’clock in the
afternoon the advanced skirmishers of McClernand’s division came
in sight of the enemy’s tents stretching between the hill upon which
the fort was situated, and the next, on Dover ledge.
Word was passed back to General Grant that the enemy and his
camp had been sighted. General Grant at once ordered up the rear of
the column. Dresser’s battery was posted on an eminence
overlooking the tents, and a few shells sent into the camp. There was
a general and promiscuous scattering of men from the camps into
the earthworks to right and left. General Grant immediately ordered
the division of General Smith into line of battle on the ravine back of
the main elevation. A column of men was pushed up on the left of the
fort. Scouts returned saying that the breastworks could be discovered
on the extreme left. An hour or two was then spent in reconnoitering
along the various hills surrounding the enemy’s position.
This preliminary skirmish was soon over, and the enemy had fallen
back within his intrenchments, when the shades of night fell upon
the two armies. Many of the Federal soldiers, in anticipation of an
engagement, had relieved themselves of their overcoats, blankets,
and haversacks, and were altogether unprepared for the experience
of the night. But cheerfully kindling their camp-fires, under a mild
and genial temperature, they gathered around the cheerful blaze and
gradually fell into slumberous dreams of home, of conquest, or of
love.
During the night the enemy made a sortie on the extreme right of
the Federal lines, which by its suddenness created some confusion
for the time, but he was repulsed and compelled to retire.
On Thursday, the 13th, the attack commenced. The morning sun
rose brightly on the scene. The men were soon engaged in cooking
what provisions could be obtained. Several hogs running at large in
the woods had been shot for breakfast, and a sumptuous meal was
made from their flesh. At sunrise the firing of riflemen commenced.
The enemy could be descried behind his breastworks. The most
available positions were selected for batteries, and by eight o’clock a
regular exchange of shot and shell had commenced across the ravine
which separated the combatants. Taylor’s battery was on the extreme
right, next came Schwartz’s, further to the left. Further still was a
section of an Illinois battery. Across a deep ravine and in the centre
of the position was Captain Richardson’s First Missouri Light
Artillery, on the point of a ridge provokingly near the enemy’s lines.
Higher upon the same rise was McAlister’s battery of twenty-four
pound howitzers, and on the left could be heard at intervals an Iowa
battery.
The long established form of opening the fight by a contest of
sharpshooters and artillery was observed. For two hours nothing was
to be heard but the loud thuds of cannon, with the relief of a sharp
crack of rifles, and an occasional report of a musket, which in the
distance could hardly be distinguished from a field piece. Major
Cavender, of the Missouri First, sighted his twenty-pound Parrott
rifle guns. Two or three shots had been sent whizzing through the
trees, when “clash” came a shot in front of the piece. Without moving
a muscle the major completed his task, and bang! went a response.
Bang went another from the sister-piece under the intrepid captain.
A second was received from the fort, passing over the hill, exploding
just in the rear, a third burst directly over head, and the combat was
kept up with spirit. Dresser’s battery poured out shell from his large
howitzers in splendid style. The enemy held a slight advantage in
position, and had the range with accuracy. The shells were falling
fast around the batteries, doing however but little injury. A few
minutes and a round shot passed over the gun, and carried away the
shoulder and part of the breast of artilleryman Bernhard of
Richardson’s battery, killing him almost instantly. The captain
shifted his position three times during the morning, whenever the
enemy got his range with too much accuracy.
On the extreme right Schwartz and Taylor were blazing away
fearlessly. The ground between them and the intrenchments was
nearly cleared of trees, and they could observe by the smoke the
position of each other with accuracy. The firing from the batteries in
McClernand’s division was continuous. An attempt had been made
by the enemy to capture Taylor’s battery, which had been gallantly
repulsed. The rebels had reached close upon the battery, and only an
incessant shower of canister saved it from capture, the infantry not
being formed in position to support it effectually. The Twentieth
Illinois came up in time to drive the enemy into their works.
In the afternoon General McClernand determined to make a
formidable assault of a redoubt of the enemy, fronting the centre of
his right. The redoubt was the only one which could be distinctly
seen, owing to timber and undergrowth. At this point the ground was
for the most part void of large timber, the barren extending even
beyond the road on the ridge which the Union troops passed. The
batteries of this redoubt had a very perfect range, and gave the
troops considerable uneasiness, by blazing away at them whenever
they passed over the brow of the hill. Three regiments were detailed
for the work—the Forty-eighth, Seventeenth and Forty-ninth Illinois.
They advanced in line of battle order, the Forty-ninth, Colonel
Morrison, on the right, the Seventeenth, under command of Major
Smith, in the centre, and the Forty-eighth, Colonel Hainley, on the
left. Colonel Morrison, as senior Colonel, led the attack. The advance
was a most beautiful one. With skirmishers arrayed in front, the
three regiments swept down the hill, over a knoll, down a ravine, and
up the high hill on which the redoubt was situated, some two
hundred and fifty or three hundred feet in height, covered with brush
and stumps, all the time receiving a galling fire of grape, shell and
musketry, with a precision which would have done them credit on
the parade ground. The breastworks were nearly reached, when
Colonel Morrison, while gallantly leading his men, was struck by a
musket ball. The captain of the company on his right was also killed,
while the Forty-ninth fell into some confusion; but unappalled the
Seventeenth still gallantly pressed forward and penetrated even to
the very foot of the works. But it was not in the power of man to scale
the abattis before them. Brush piled upon brush, with sharp points,
fronted them wherever they turned; so, after a few interchanges of
musketry with the swarming regiments concentrated there, the word
for retiring was given. It was done in good order, by filing off to the
left and obliqueing into the woods below; but many a gallant soldier
was left behind underneath the intrenchments he had vainly sought
to mount. They were not, however, destined to die unavenged.
Scarcely, had their retiring columns got out of range, ere Taylor’s
Chicago battery opened on the swarming rebel masses with shell and
shrapnell. The effect was fearful. Each gun was aimed by the captain
himself, and when its black mouth belched out sudden thunder,
winrows of dead men fell in its track.
While this heavy firing had been heard on the right, General
Smith, had ordered the enemy to be engaged on the left. The Twenty-
fifth Indiana, at the head of a brigade, led the way. They had reached
a position on the brow of a hill where the successful assault was
afterwards made, and were met by the enemy in force, who swarmed
behind the works, pouring a deadly hail of bullets and grape into
them. The leading regiment broke in disorder after sustaining a hot
fire, and the whole line fell back out of range. The object of the sortie
had been accomplished, and the enemy’s forces drawn from the
other side, but the advantage did not result, as might have been
anticipated, in the occupation of the fort on the right by General
McClernand.
Six companies of the famous regiment of riflemen, raised by
Colonel Birge, accompanied the expedition from Fort Henry, and two
companies afterwards arrived by the transports. This was a corps of
picked men skilled in the use of the rifle, drawn from the North-west.
These hardy pioneers started out in the morning, with a hard
biscuit in their pocket and a rifle on their shoulder, for the rebel
earthworks, where they remained until relieved by a fresh gang. So
adventurous were they, that many of them crept within fifty yards of
the rifle-pits and exchanged words as well as shots with the enemy.
One piece in front of Dresser’s battery was kept in silence during
the morning by the sharpshooters picking off their gunners. At last a
shell from a Union battery, falling short, drove them away. One
valiant southerner, to prove his bravery, jumped into the rampart to
take aim; in an instant he was pierced by three balls, and fell out of
the intrenchment, where he lay till nightfall.
The firing for the rest of the day was slow, and appeared by general
consent to be abandoned. The Unionists seemed to have failed in
every attempt on the fort. Wounded men were being brought in on
stretchers; some limped along, supported by comrades, others
staggered forward with bleeding hands and battered heads tied in
handkerchiefs. The ambulances had brought in the maimed and
seriously wounded. In the gray dusk of evening men came forth with
spades to dig the graves of their fellow-soldiers, whose remains,
stiffened in death, were lying under the pale stars.
Hardly had the camp-fires been kindled for the night when a
drizzling shower set in, which soon turned into a steady fall of rain.
The wind grew suddenly colder. The weather, hitherto so pleasant,
was chilled in an hour to a wintry blast. Snow began to fall, and the
mercury sank below freezing point.
Many of the soldiers had lost their overcoats and blankets during
the day. Not a tent, except hospital tents, in the command.
Provisions growing very scarce—the muddy, wet clothing freezing
upon the chilled limbs of the hungry soldiers. It was a most
comfortless night. Not five houses could be found within as many
miles, and these were used as hospitals. Various expedients were
devised to ward off the cold. Saplings were bent down and twigs
interwoven into a shelter; leaves piled up made a kind of roof to keep
off the snow. Large fires were kindled, and the men lay with their feet
to the fire. The victims who perished of cold, exposure, hunger and
neglect, on this night, will fill up a long page in the mortality record
of that eventful siege.
On Friday, the conflict was maintained only by the pickets and
sharpshooters, General Grant having concluded to await the arrival
of additional forces, before assaulting the works.
Hitherto the investment had been made by the divisions of
Generals McClernand and Smith, about ten thousand men each,
including the cavalry and artillery. A third division had been sent up
the Cumberland, and should, by reasonable calculation, have been
opposite Fort Henry on Wednesday night. Here was Friday morning
and no transports arrived. What could have befallen them? General
L. Wallace, who had been left in command at Fort Henry, was
summoned over, and arrived on Friday evening with two regiments
of his brigade. Couriers were seen dashing along from the
headquarters to the point where the boats were expected to land.
About ten o’clock came the joyful intelligence that the gunboat fleet,
with fifteen transports, had landed five miles below the fort. The
troops from Fort Henry were pouring in, and close upon them came
the troops from the boats. The men had heard something of the
fighting, and moved up in splendid order, expecting to be marched
directly into battle.
At about half-past two o’clock the sound as of thunder, with long
reverberations in the distance, told that the river guns had at last
opened their mouths, and were paying their compliments grandly to
the rebel batteries. Now and then could be seen in the distance, high
up in the air, a sudden puff of white smoke, which sprang as if from
nothing, slowly curling in graceful folds, and melting away in a snow-
white cloud; it was a bursting shell, instantly followed by the rumble
of the gun from which it had been sent. The loud roar of the cannon
kept growing thicker and faster. The heavy columbiads and
Dahlgrens in the fort were returning the fire. One, two, three, and
then half a dozen at once! The terrible game of death becomes wildly
exciting!
The gunboats were advancing—the bombardment had fairly
begun. The cheers went up in ten thousand voices. The death-dealing
bolts of Fort Henry were falling thick and fast into Fort Donelson.
But little did the besiegers know what protection and defence nature
had laid against the ingenuity of art, which the insurgents had seized
upon to accomplish their purpose! No one considered the
importance of those great natural traverses and curtains of rock
which had been thrown up by the primeval subterranean fires, nor
what bomb-proofs and lunettes the waters of a thousand years had
worn into the sides of those hills. The area of the place was so large
that nearly the whole force could be removed from the water front,
and thus leave the shells to explode against the bleak hill sides, or
crush through the deserted huts of the enemy.
Meantime an occasional shot from the batteries surrounding the
outer lines of defence must have told upon the enemy on the other
side. The enemy replied but feebly. The entire morning had been in
anxious expectancy, neither party being willing to risk the chances of
another trial of valor. The weather was keen and frosty, the roads
slippery and clogged with stiff mud.
Saturday, which was destined to witness the grand denouement of
the painful tragedies enacted about Donelson, was cold, damp and
cheerless. The enemy, during the night, had transferred several of
their batteries to portions of their works, within a few hundred feet
of which the extreme right wing of the Federals was resting. Upon
the first coming of dawn, these batteries suddenly opened on the
Ninth, Eighteenth, Twenty-ninth, Thirtieth and Thirty-first
regiments, comprising Oglesby’s brigade, which had the advance.
Simultaneously with the opening of the batteries, a force of about
twelve thousand infantry and a regiment of cavalry was hurled
against the brigade with a vigor which, made against less steady and
well-disciplined troops, must surely have resulted in their entire
demolition.
Sudden and unexpected as was this sally on the part of the enemy,
it did not find the gallant Illinoisans unprepared to meet them. The
attack was made in columns of regiments, which poured in upon the
little band from no less than three different directions. Every
regiment of the brigade found itself opposed to two, and in many
cases to no less than four different regiments. Undismayed, however,
by the greatly superior force of the enemy, and unsupported by
adequate artillery, the brigade not only held their own, but upon two
occasions actually drove the rebels fairly into their intrenchments,
but only to be pressed back again into their former position. At last
having expended every round of their ammunition, they were obliged
to retire and give way to advancing regiments of Colonel W. H. L.
Wallace’s brigade, the Eleventh, Twentieth, Seventeenth, Forty-fifth,
Forty-eighth Illinois, and Forty-ninth Indiana regiments.
By rapid firing from the two batteries of Taylor and Schwartz, the
enemy was driven back. The Union regiments which had suffered so
much were withdrawn. The enemy had by this time concentrated
their broken troops for another attack. General McClernand had
already prepared for the emergency. Anticipating that an attempt
would be made to force a passage through, he ordered a brigade to
the rear and extreme right to form behind the regiments then in
front.
An hour had elapsed when the enemy returned in a dense mass,
renewing the fight. The battery of Captain Schwartz seemed to be the
object of their attack. On they came, pell mell, with deafening volleys
of fire. The Union batteries, well nigh exhausted of canister, poured a
storm of shell into their ranks. Ammunition caissons were sent back
in haste to get a fresh supply of canister. The Ninth, Eighteenth,
Thirtieth and Forty-first were the next regiments to be brought up.
The crest of the hill was contested with variable success for a full
hour, when the enemy was finally driven back. The line of battle was
so much confused that no connected account of the movements can
be detailed. The utmost bravery was displayed on both sides, until
the struggle degenerated into a wild fierce skirmish. The rebels
finally retired a third time.
The Union men had expended their ammunition. It was during
this lull, and before the men could realize the fact that they had
driven the enemy before them, that the fourth and last attempt was
made to seize the battery. The horses being shot, the enemy
succeeded in gaining possession of the battery of Captain Schwartz,
and were on the point of turning the guns on the Federal troops,
when Captain Willett’s Chicago battery, which had just toiled up
fresh from Fort Henry, arrived on the ground and poured in a perfect
storm of canister, just in time to save the day. The rebels fell back in
disorder, dragging the guns of Schwartz with them down the hill, and
gained entrance to the fort before the Federals could overtake them.
Some eager regiments followed them to the embankments, a few
men climbing over, who were driven back for want of support.
The regiments which suffered most in this morning’s engagement
were the Eighteenth and Eleventh Illinois; next them, the Thirty-first
and Eighth. The expenditure of ammunition must have been
excessive, on the hypothesis that each man had his cartridge-box full
on going into action. Forty rounds of the standard cartridge is
enough to fight with, and more than enough to carry with other
accoutrements of battle.
There were many instances of men who displayed the utmost
heroism in this action—some refused to be called off the field,
fighting to the last moment; others returned after having their
wounds dressed. One of the artillerymen, who received a wound,
walked to the hospital, a mile or more, had the ball extracted, and
then insisted on going back to his battery. The surgeon refused, when
he quaintly said: “Come, come, put on some of your glue and let me
go back.”
General McClernand, who had been a conspicuous mark during
the whole of this fight, bore himself with firmness, exhibiting great
decision and calmness in the most arduous situation. The tumult on
the left having subsided, he sent a messenger back to General Grant
to know if the left wing of General Smith was secure; if so he was
ready to advance. As the day waned, an occasional shot was to be
heard from the gunboats, but no satisfactory account could be
received of their operations. A lull followed the storm. Both armies
were preparing for the grand coup de main, by which Fort Donelson
was to be taken.
It was resolved to storm the fort. The honor of accomplishing this
difficult and perilous exploit on the left wing was given to General
Smith. When Colonel Lauman led his brigade in solid columns up
the steep sides of the hill, he drove the enemy from his
entrenchments, pouring a fearful volley into their disorganized and
broken ranks. The national ensign was immediately flung out from
the earthworks, and greeted with deafening cheers from ten
thousand loyal voices.
The shades of night cast their canopy over the contending hosts,
and compelled the Federal commander to delay the completion of his
victory till morning. Soon after daylight, the Federal columns
advanced in battle array, prepared to storm the works at all points,
when their eyes were greeted with innumerable white flags, thrown
out by the enemy at every threatened position.
What followed may be told in few words. The enemy seeing that
the Unionists had gained one of his strongest positions, and
successfully repulsed him in his most daring attempts to raise the
siege, took advantage of the darkness, and called a council of war, in
which it was determined to surrender. With all possible haste some
7,000 troops were dispatched up the river by night. The rebel
Generals Floyd and Pillow made their escape. The fort, with all its
contents, fell into the conquerors’ hands. More than 13,000
prisoners, Brigadier-General Buckner, with twenty Colonels and
other officers in proportion; sixty-five cannon, forty-eight field and
seventeen siege guns, a million and a half dollars in stores,
provisions, and equipage, twenty thousand stand of arms—was
glorious result, purchased at comparatively small loss. The Federal
loss in killed and wounded was 2,200; that of the rebels 1,275.
At the storming of Fort Donelson many acts of personal valor
might be recorded. An instance of reckless gallantry, and fortitude
under a most painful surgical operation, that of Hamilton, a son of
Professor Leiber, is worthy of record. This young man was twice
wounded in the battle of Fort Donelson. The first was a flesh wound,
of which he made nothing. Presently, however, he was struck by a
Minie ball in the same arm; this shattered his elbow, with the bones
above and below, and he sank to the ground, fainting with loss of
blood. He was picked up towards night, carried to a house, and
thence, over a rough road, in an army wagon, to the river bank, a
distance of three miles, which necessarily caused the greatest
suffering. Arrived at the river bank, he was put on board a boat and
conveyed with other wounded to an hospital, where his arm was
amputated. When the operation was over, the brave young fellow’s
first words were, “How long will it be before I can rejoin my
company?” At that time young Leiber was a Lieutenant of the Ninth
Illinois regiment. He was appointed aid-de-camp by General Halleck
soon after the battle of Donelson as a reward for his great bravery.
THE OCCUPATION OF NASHVILLE.