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SEXUALITY IN GREEK AND ROMAN
SOCIETY AND LITERATURE
This second edition includes an updated review of sexuality in Greece and Rome,
an expanded bibliography and numerous new passages with original translations.
This book provides readers with detailed information, notes and the original
translated passages on the fascinating and multi-faceted theme of ancient sexuality.
The sources range from the era of Homer and Hesiod through to the Graeco-
Roman world of the Fourth Century ce and explore the diversity of approaches to
sexuality and sexual expression, as well as how these issues relate to the rest of
ancient society and culture.
Sexuality in Greek and Roman Society and Literature is an invaluable resource
to students and academics alike, providing a detailed series of chapters on all
major facets of sexuality in ancient Greece and Rome. It will particularly appeal
to those interested in sexuality and gender in antiquity, as well as ancient literature
and social studies.
ANCIENT ROME
SOCIAL AND HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE EARLY
REPUBLIC TO THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS, 2ND EDITION
Matthew Dillon and Lynda Garland
Marguerite Johnson
Second edition published 2022
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
© 2022 Marguerite Johnson
The right of Marguerite Johnson to be identified as author of this work
has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
First edition published by Routledge 2004
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Johnson, Marguerite, 1965 – author.
Title: Sexuality in Greek and Roman society and literature: a sourcebook /
Marguerite Johnson.
Description: Second edition. | New York, NY: Routledge Taylor & Francis
Ltd, 2022. | Series: Routledge sourcebooks for the ancient world |
Revised edition of Sexuality in Greek and Roman society and literature,
2005. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2021036153 (print) | LCCN 2021036154 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Classical literature – History and criticism. | Sex in
literature. | Sex customs – Greece – History – To 500. |
Sex – Greece – History – To 500. | Sex customs in literature. | Sex
customs – Rome. | Sex – Rome.
Classification: LCC PA3014.S47 J64 2022 (print) | LCC PA3014.S47
(ebook) | DDC 880/.09 – dc22
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021036153
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021036154
ISBN: 978-1-138-20040-1 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-20041-8 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-24204-8 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003242048
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
To the seventh child of the seventh child, and the girls from the Hunter
Valley coalfields.
CONTENTS
Index of passagesix
List of figuresxix
Prefacexx
Note to the second editionxxii
Acknowledgements from the first editionxxiv
List of abbreviationsxxv
II Beauty 56
III Marriage 89
vii
C ontents
viii
I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S
ix
I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S
II BEAUTY
The creation of women
23 Hesiod Works and Days 59–89 Pandora
Natural beauty
24 Sappho Fragment 16.1–20 Beauty defined
25 Philodemus Greek Anthology 5.132 Beauty inspires desire
26 Ovid Amores 1.5 Corinna
27 Apuleius Metamorphoses 4.28.1–4 Psyche
28 Rufinus Greek Anthology 5.15 Melite
29 Rufinus Greek Anthology 5.60 A girl bathing
Youth and beauty
30 Homer Odyssey 6.149–63 Nausicaa
31 Sappho Fragment 132.1–2 Flowerlike Cleis
32 Martial Epigram 5.37 Erotion
33 Straton Greek Anthology 12.5 Preferences
Age and beauty
34 Mimnermus Poem 5 Youth is fleeting, old age
looms
35 Sappho Fragment 58 On old age
36 Philodemus Greek Anthology 5.13 Charito
37 Rufinus Greek Anthology 5.48 An ageing beauty
Male beauty
38 Tyrtaeus Fragments 10.1–2, 27–30 Bravery
39 Aristophanes Clouds 1010–19 Sexy good looks
40 Apuleius Metamorphoses 5.22.4–7 The beauty of Cupid
41 Straton Greek Anthology 12.192 Unadorned beauty
42 Statius Silvae 4.2.38–44 Beauty and power
43 Juvenal Satire 6.103–12 A gladiator’s charms
The powerful effects of beauty
44 Homer Iliad 3.154–60 Reaction to Helen
45 Sappho Fragment 31.1–16 The sight of the beloved
46 Catullus Poem 51 The sight of Lesbia
Beyond the physical
47 Sappho Fragment 50 Beauty and goodness
48 Pseudo- Erotic Essay 30 The ideal erōmenos
Demosthenes
61
49 Anonymous Greek Anthology 12.96 Good Pyrrhus
50 Catullus Poem 86 Quintia and Lesbia
compared
Beauty contests
51 Euripides Trojan Women 924–44 The judgement of
Paris
x
I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S
III MARRIAGE
Wives
56 Hesiod Theogony 585–612 Irresistible ‘evils’
57 Hesiod Works and Days 695–705 Choosing a wife
58 Semonides Poem 7 Varieties of wives
59 Cato the Elder On Agriculture 143.1–2 Expectations of a wife
60 Honestus Greek Anthology 5.20 The right age
Marriage songs
61 Sappho Fragments 103b–116 Epithalamia –marriage
hymns
62 Theocritus Idyll 18 Helen and Menelaus
63 Catullus Poem 61 extracts Junia and Manlius
Traditions and customs
64 Euripides Iphigeneia at Aulis extracts Marriage traditions
65 Plutarch Advice to the Bride and Groom Marriage customs
138b
66 Athenaeus 602d–e A Spartan custom
Pre-marital anxiety
67 Antiphanes Greek Anthology 9.245 The tragedy of Petale
68 Seneca the Controversies 1.2.22 The bride
Elder
69 Martial Epigram 11.78 The groom
Conjugal sex
70 Aristophanes Lysistrata extracts A sexy sex strike
71 Martial Epigram 11.71 Leda’s frustration
72 Martial Epigram 11.104 A husband’s demands
Happy marriages
73 Homer Iliad 6.482–93 Hector and Andromache
74 Theognis 1225–26 A good wife
75 Plutarch Life of Pompey extracts Pompey and his wives
76 Martial Epigram 10.38 To Calenus, on Sulpicia
The pain of separation
77 EG 44.2–3 Epitaph for Chaerestrate
78 CIL I2 1211 Epitaph for Claudia
79 ILS 7472 Funerary stele of Aurelius
and his wife Aurelia
Philematium
xi
I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S
IV SEXUAL LABOUR
The archaic age
87 Archilochus Fragments Pornē
88 Anacreon Fragments Hetaira
The multi-faceted hetaira
89 Apollodorus Against Neaera extracts 59.18–19: Training little
[Ps-Dem. 59] girls
59.30: Used goods
Females and their clients
90 Plutarch Life of Pericles 24.3–7 Aspasia
91 Plautus Pseudolus extracts A comic pimp
92 Gallus Greek Anthology 5.49 Lyde’s services
93 Nicarchus Greek Anthology 11.328 The body of the female
worker
94 Horace Satire 1.2.28–36 Endorsement from Cato
95 Martial Epigram 9.32 The ideal girl
96 Athenaeus 568a–d Maid-to-order
97 Athenaeus 569a–d Brothel life
The ageing woman
98 Martial Epigram 10.75 Galla
99 Athenaeus 570b–d Lais
Sacred sex
100 Strabo Geography 6.2.6 At Eryx
101 Strabo Geography 8.6.20 At Corinth
Pompeian graffiti: females
102 CIL IV 794; 1830; 9847 Advice and observations
103 CIL IV 2273; 4185; 10004 Praise and abuse
104 CIL IV 7089; 2310b; 5048; 5372; Advertisements
1751
Males and their clients
105 Aeschines Against Timarchus 21 The law
xii
I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S
V SAME-SEX ATTRACTION
Origins
112 Plato Symposium 189d–192b Same-sex attraction
113 Pseudo- Problems 879a–880a Causes of male passivity
Aristotle
114 Phaedrus Fables 4.16 A Titanic error
115 Athenaeus 602f–603a Origins of pederasty
Males compared to females
116 Ovid Ars Amatoria 2.683–84 Love of boys is unequal
117 Plutarch Dialogue on Love 751a–b Love of boys is genuine
118 Straton Greek Anthology 12.7 Girls and boys
119 Pseudo-Lucian Erotes 25–8 Women and boys
120 Achilles Tatius Leucippe and Cleitophon 2.35–8 the merits of boy-love
Male beauty and eroticism
121 Straton Greek Anthology 12.4 Ideal ages for boys
122 Catullus Poem 48 Kissing Juventius
Same-sex love in militaristic societies
123 Aelian Miscellany Book 3 extracts Pederasty at Sparta
124 Athenaeus 561e–f Love honoured
Women in love
125 Sappho Fragments 49, 94, 96 Love and friendship
126 Erinna Distaff 13–55 Baucis
127 CIL IV.5296 Entreaty to a girl
Magical women
128 PGM 32.1–19 Herais entreats Sarapias
129 SM 1.42 Side A extract Sophia entreats Gorgonia
Representations of women
130 Anacreon Fragment 358 Girl gazes on . . . girl
131 Asclepiades Greek Anthology 5.207 Two women of Samos
132 Martial Epigram 7.67 Philaenis the tribad
133 Lucian Fifth Dialogue of the Hetairai Clonarium and Leaena
xiii
I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S
Celtic practices
134 Aristotle Politics 1269b Celts and Spartans
135 Diodorus 5.32.7 Celtic sexual practices
Siculus
136 Athenaeus 603a Celtic preferences
xiv
I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S
xv
I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S
xvi
I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S
X CELEBRITY SEX
Semiramis
225 Justin Epitome 1.2.1–10 A woman in man’s
clothing
226 Orosius Seven Books of History Against A savage queen
the Pagans 1.4.4–8
Classical greece
227 Athenaeus 533d; 576c–d Themistocles’ lady
chariot
228 Plutarch Life of Alcibiades 16.1–2 Alcibiades: a man
without restraint
xvii
I N D E X O F PA S S A G E S
Macedonian kings
229 Quintus History of Alexander 6.5.22–3 Alexander and Bagoas
Curtius
Rufus
230 Quintus History of Alexander 10.1.25–7 Bagoas and Orxines
Curtius
Rufus
231 Plutarch Life of Demetrius 24.1 ‘Brother’ of Athena
232 Plutarch Life of Demetrius 14.3 A busy sex life
233 Athenaeus 577c; 479a Two ditties for Demetrius
Republican Rome
234 Sallust War with Catiline 5.1–5; 14.3–15 Catiline’s depravity
235 Cicero Speech Against Catiline 2.22–4 An ‘army’ of perverts
236 Sallust War with Catiline 24.3–25.5 Sempronia
237 Catullus Poem 57 Caesar and his bête noir
238 Suetonius Life of Caesar 49.1–4 Caesar and Nicomedes
239 Suetonius Life of Caesar 52.1; 52.3 Caesar’s relations with
foreign queens
240 Cicero Second Philippic 18.44–5 Antony, the male whore
241 Horace Epode 9.11–20; 27–32 The shame and defeat of
Antony
242 Horace Ode 1.37 The fall of Cleopatra
Imperial Rome
243 Tacitus Annals 6.51.5–6 The phases in the life of
Tiberius
244 Tacitus Annals 6.1–5 The lusts of Tiberius
245 Suetonius Life of Tiberius extracts The pleasure dome
246 Suetonius Life of Caligula extracts Brother and sisters
247 Suetonius Life of Nero 28 Sporus
248 Suetonius Life of Nero 29 Nero the groom (and the
bride!)
249 Tacitus Annals 14.2.1–3 Nero and Agrippina
A FINAL WORD
250 Lucretius On the Nature of Things 4.1278– Long-lasting love
87
xviii
FIGURES
1.1 Cupid with bow against travertine wall; Roman copy of a Greek
original by Lysippus. Capitoline Museum. 46
3.1 Wedding scene, red-figure loutrophoros, c. 400 bce.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 90
3.2 Bride with attendants, terracotta lebes gamikos, attributed
to the Washing Painter, c. 430–420 bce. Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York. 91
3.3 Marble sarcophagus lid with reclining couple. Roman Severan
period, c. 220 ce. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 125
4.1 Symposium scene, red-figure kylix, Byrgos Painter, c. 490–480
bce. Museo Archeologico Nazionale. 146
4.2 Symposium scene, red-figure kylix, Byrgos Painter, c. 490–480
bce. Museo Archeologico Nazionale. 146
4.3 Symposium scene with musician playing aulos (double flute),
red-figure drinking cup, Colmar Painter, c. 490 bce, Athens.
Louvre Museum. 147
5.1 Male with youth. The Warren Cup, c. 30 bce–30 ce. The British
Museum.177
5.2 Male with youth (and onlooker). The Warren Cup, c. 30 bce–30
ce. The British Museum. 178
xix
P R E FA C E
The focuses of this sourcebook are the sexual practices, mores, ideals and realities
of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The most abundant and informative sources
are to be found in literature and these provide the majority of the selections.
Inscriptions, especially graffiti, and some visual material are also included. Each
source has been chosen on the basis of its capacity to contribute to the diversity
of approaches to matters of sexuality and sexual expression and to illustrate the
integral relationships between these issues and key components of ancient society
and culture. The selections range from the era of Homer and Hesiod through to the
Graeco-Roman world of the Second Century ce. This timeframe, from the poetic
output of the early Greek world through to an era still relatively free of Christian
influence, establishes socio-historical parameters within which to work. Within
each segment, an effort has been made to establish a sense of authorial chronol-
ogy in the development of literary and societal attitudes towards any given aspect
of sexuality.
Each chapter begins with a short introduction. The sources are dealt with the-
matically and chronologically under appropriate sub-headings and commentar-
ies are provided on individual passages. The chapter introductions set the scene
for the treatment of respective themes, literary and personal insights, as well as
cultural and historical considerations. In view of the overlapping nature of the
subject matter, there is a significant amount of cross-referencing between and
within chapters. The pieces chosen within each chapter reflect a process that aims
to ensure that, given the breadth of the topic in general, the major elements of
ancient sexuality are introduced. The substantial scholarship available on many
of the areas treated in this book provides a valuable adjunct to the sources and
interpretative material contained herein.
xx
P reface
The bibliographical references in most of the notes are to direct readers to under-
take independent research.
For effective results, readers should keep the following in mind when using the
sourcebook:
• The historical and social environment that provides the context for a particu-
lar passage.
• The author’s cultural heritage, style and tone.
• The genre within which the author is working.
• The author’s use of certain words or phrases and the need for an awareness
of the importance of terminology. The Glossary of authors and the Glossary
of Greek and Roman terms are, therefore, an integral part of the book (while
proper names in Greek are usually Latinised – Neaera rather than Neaira –
Greek technical terms – hetaira rather than hetaera – are not).
• Areas of cultural similarity and difference in relation to the attitudes, mores
and practices of the Greeks and Romans.
• The use made of mythology: the extent to which stories, myths and fables are
informative in regard to the sexual attitudes of the ancients.
• The relevance of academic material available to stimulate interpretations of
a given author and passage and the importance of the divergence of scholarly
opinion.
There is a focus on the use of Greek and Latin words throughout this source-
book, particularly in the notes, which is intended to provide an understanding
of concepts that cannot be fully appreciated within the context of a translation.
For easy reference of repeat words, see the Glossary of terms at the end of the
sourcebook.
xxi
N O T E TO T H E S E C O N D E D I T I O N
I am grateful for the continued interest in Sexuality in Greek and Roman Soci-
ety and Literature: A Sourcebook and thankful to Amy Davis-Poynter and Eliza-
beth Risch from Routledge for their support during the production of this second
edition. Thank you to Michael Ewans for support and scholarly advice during
the writing of the second edition. Thank you to Lindsay Watson for advice on
the Introduction. Thank you to Leah O’Hearn for reading the manuscript with a
close eye. And thank you as always to my partner, Leni, and our children, Jack
and Kate.
The second edition has a revised Introduction that addresses the substantial
increase in scholarly analysis of ancient sexuality both in respect of individual
writers and specific themes. This increase is reflected in the new Bibliography,
which is over twice the number of pages of the original one. The scholarly envi-
ronment of additions, new research and new insights are discussed at the end of
the Introduction.
The second edition also has two new chapters, IX: Taboos, alterity and mar-
ginal activities, and X: Celebrity sex. The original eight chapters have been edited
throughout and the original translations have been revised. Some additional
source material has also been added to the original chapters. The original Chapter
VIII has been moved and is now Chapter VI in order to signpost the distinction
between its content and the more extreme (or, in many instances, less socially
normative) content of the chapters that follow. This chapter, as with Chapter IV,
has been renamed in order to better reflect the content of the former and to better
align the material with more appropriate terminology in the case of the latter.
The notes to each passage and the Bibliography have been extensively aug-
mented owing to the growth in research on the topic since the publication of the
first edition. Introductions to sections and passages have also been developed to
better contextualise the ancient source material (sometimes resulting in introduc-
tions exceeding the length of passage per se).
The selection of sources to illustrate chapters and sub-sections is a some-
what subjective process. Often a source in one chapter could have been placed
in another. This should not be regarded as a problem, however, but rather as an
example of the multi-faceted content of many of the sources. Ideally, readers will
xxii
N ote to the second edition
question some choices and advocate for the addition of others as part of an active
reading process.
The Abbreviation list has also been edited where appropriate to indicate com-
mon English titles for ancient works. This is to assist readers without Greek and
Latin. The Abbreviation list is based on the 4th edition of the Oxford Classical
Dictionary (OCD).
Finally, readers familiar with the first edition may detect some changes in the
illustrations. Where new images have been used, they are comparable to the origi-
nal images they have replaced.
xxiii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS FROM
THE FIRST EDITION
We offer our sincerest thanks to our former colleague, Dr Rhona Beare,† for her
lively and invaluable advice and insights especially in the realm of Greek poetry.
Professor Harold Tarrant of The University of Newcastle offered much assistance,
in particular his discussions of Greek literature and philosophy. Thanks also must
go to Professor Brian Bosworth† and Associate Professor John Penwill† for their
constructive comments on the Introduction. Colleagues from The University of
Newcastle provided invaluable assistance with teaching relief and their constant
encouragement; special note should be made of the research assistance provided
by Kay Hayes and proofreading by Letitia Waller. Without the tangible and gen-
erous support of the (then) Department of Classics and the Schools of Liberal
Arts and Humanities at this university, we could not have completed the project.
Finally, an immense debt is owed to our students, who have proved a deep well
of inspiration. From these delightful teaching experiences, this book was born.
xxiv
A B B R E V I AT I O N S
General
adj. adjective
adv. adverb
Anon., anon. Anonymous, anonymous
approx. approximately
c. circa
Cent., cent. Century, century
cf. compare
Ch., ch. Chapter, chapter
comp. comparative
Cos., cos. Consul, consul
d. death
dim. diminutive
et al. et alia (and others)
fem. feminine
ff. following pages
fl. flourished
Fr., Frr. Fragment, Fragments
lit. literally
masc. masculine
ms., mss. manuscript, manuscripts
n. endnote or footnote
neut. neuter
part. participle
pl. plural
Pref. Preface
Ps. Pseudo
sing. singular
superl. superlative
§ references to individually numbered passages
xxv
A bbreviations
Collections
AP Anthologia Palatina = Greek Anthology. Palatine Anthology,
W. R. Paton (ed), (Cambridge, Mass., 1916–1918).
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum: Consilio et Auctoritate
Academiae Litterarum Regiae Borussicae Editum, (Berlin,
1863–1974).
EG Epigrammata Graeca = Greek Epigrams. Epigrammata Graeca,
Vol. 1, G. Kaibel (ed), (Berlin, 1878).
ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, 3 vols., H. Dessau (ed), (Berlin,
1892–1916).
L&S C. T. Lewis and C. S. Short (eds), A Latin Dictionary (Oxford,
1879).
LSJ H. G. Liddell and R. Scott (eds), A Greek – English Lexicon, 9th
ed. (Oxford, 1940).
OLD P. G. W. Glare (ed), The Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford, 1982).
ORF Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta = Fragments of Roman
Orators. Oratorum Romanorum fragmenta liberae rei
publicae, 2nd ed., E. Malcovati (ed), (Turin, 1955).
PGM Papyri Graecae Magicae = The Greek Magical Papyri. The
Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Including the Demotic
Spells, H. D. Betz (ed), (Chicago, 1986).
POxy The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds),
The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part II (London, 1899); Part III
(London, 1903); Part VI (London, 1908); H. G. Ioannidou (ed),
Part LIX (London, 1992); E. Lobel (ed), Part XXXIX (London,
1972); P. J. Parsons (ed), Part XLII (London, 1974).
SM Supplementum Magicum = Supplement to the Magical Papyri.
Supplementum Magicum, Vol. 1, R. W. Daniel and F.
Maltomini (eds), (Opladen, 1990).
xxvi
A B B R E V I AT I O N S
xxvii
A B B R E V I AT I O N S
E. Euripides
Ba: Bacchae
Hipp: Hippolytus
Iph. Aul: Iphigeneia at Aulis
Phoen: Phoenician Women
Tr: Troades (Trojan Women)
Herod. Herodas
Hdt. Herodotus
Hes. Hesiod
Th: Theogony
WD: Works and Days
HH Homeric Hymns
Homer Il: Iliad
Od: Odyssey
Hor. Horace
E: Epodes
O: Odes
Sat: Satires
Hyg. Hyginus
F: Fables
Ibyc. Ibycus
Just. Justin
Epit: Epitome (of Trogus)
Juv. Juvenal
Sat: Satires
Liv. Livy
Per: Periochae
Luc. Lucian
Philops: Philopseudes (Lover of Lies)
Er: Erotes (Ps-Luc.)
Syr.D: De Syria dea (On the Syrian Goddess)
Lucil. Lucilius
Lucill. Lucillius
Lucr. Lucretius
Lys. Lysias
1: On the Murder of Eratosthenes
12: Against Eratosthenes
Mart. Martial
De Spec: de Spectaculis (On the Spectacles)
Ep: Epigrams
Max. Tyr. Maximus of Tyre
Mimn. Mimnermus
Nic. Nicarchus
Oros. Orosius
Hist: Seven Books of History Against the Pagans
xxviii
A B B R E V I AT I O N S
Ov. Ovid
AA: Ars Amatoria (The Art of Love)
Am: Amores
Fast: Fasti
Med. Fac: Medicamina Faciei Femineae (Treatments for the
Female Face)
Met: Metamorphoses
Pont: Epistulae ex Ponto (Letters from Pontus)
Rem Am: Remedia Amoris (Cures for Love)
Tr: Tristia
Parth. Parthenius
Paus. Pausanias
Petr. Petronius
Sat: Satyricon
Phaedrus Fab: Fables
Phld. Philodemus
Pl. Plato
Lg: Leges (Laws)
Parm: Parmenides
Ph: Phaedrus
Symp: Symposium
Plaut. Plautus
Ps: Pseudolus
Plb. Polybius
Plin. Pliny the Elder
NH: Natural History
Plin. Pliny the Younger
Ep: Epistles
Plut. Plutarch
Alc: Life of Alcibiades
Amat: Amatorius (Dialogue on Love)
Ant: Life of Antonius
Caes: Life of Caesar
Cat. Ma: Life of Cato the Elder
Cic: Life of Cicero
Dem: Life of Demetrius
De mul. vir: De mulierum virtutibus (On the Virtues of Women)
Lyc: Life of Lycurgus
Mor: Moralia
Pel: Life of Pelopidas
Per: Life of Pericles
Pomp: Life of Pompey
Quaest. Rom: Quaestiones Romanae (Roman Questions)
Sol: Life of Solon
Them: Life of Themistocles
Thes: Life of Theseus
Prop. Propertius
xxix
A B B R E V I AT I O N S
Ps-Luc. Pseudo-Lucian
Er: Erotes
Quint. Quintilian
Rufin. Rufinus
Sall. Sallust
Cat: War with Catiline
Jug: Jugurthine War
Sapph. Sappho
Semon. Semonides
Sen. Seneca
Con: Controversies
Sen. Seneca the Younger
Ep: Epistles
QNat: Natural Questions
Sol. Solon
Soph. Sophocles
El: Electra
OT: Oedipus Tyrannus (Oedipus Rex)
Str. Strabo
Geog: Geography
Strat. Straton
Suet. Suetonius
Caes: Life of Julius Caesar
Cal: Life of Caligula
Hor: Life of Horace
Nero: Life of Nero
Tib: Life of Tiberius
Tac. Tacitus
Ann: Annals
Hist: Histories
Theoc. Theocritus
Id: Idylls
Thgn. Theognis and Theognidea
Thuc. Thucydides
Tib. Tibullus
Tyrt. Tyrtaeus
Val. Max. Valerius Maximus
Varr. Varro
RR: De res rusticate (On Agriculture)
Verg. Vergil
Aen: Aeneid
Ecl: Eclogues
Geor: Georgics
xxx
A bbreviations
X. Xenophon
An: Anabasis
HG: Historia Graeca (Hellenica)
Hier: Hiero
Lac: Constitution of the Lacedaemonians
Mem: Memorabilia
Oec: Oeconomicus
S: Symposium
xxxi
INTRODUCTION
A socio-sexual background to Greece and Rome
Greece
The ancient Greeks participated in a variety of sexual practices. To them, erōs
was a primal force that permeated all life in the cosmos, from gods to mortals, to
the animal world. They found the topics of love and lust in their varying forms
suitable for discussion and inquiry in works that ranged from epic to drama, from
love poetry to philosophical discourse. In devoting so much attention to erōs these
writers provided detailed information about their attitudes towards sexuality and
its importance within their respective communities.
While it is true that some artwork and literature taken in isolation can give the
impression that the Greeks lived in an uninhibited sexual environment, there were
strict social and ethical codes in operation, with variations depending on histori-
cal context and the mores of the individual community or polis.1 An important
consideration about the cultural traditions and representations of sexuality in the
ancient world is that, with very rare exceptions, they are conveyed to us by the
thoughts and viewpoints of elite men.
From Homer onwards, the primary focus of Greek literature is the world of the
male. A man was expected to be successful, to contribute to the life of his commu-
nity and to protect his household and all its dependents. Only men could be active
citizens, only men could provide leadership within, and protection of, the com-
munity. In regard to sexuality, being a man was equated with taking the active part
in any relationship. While marital fidelity was essential for the female and ideally
expected of the male, examples taken from source materials consistently highlight
the sexual freedom of men. From the world of religion and mythology, Zeus and
Odysseus could and did take lovers at will, while in the real world a married man
could seek commercial sexual liaisons.2 The hiring of a hetaira3 was acceptable
for the satisfaction of the male’s need for sexual gratification as well as compan-
ionship and even intellectual discourse. Apollodorus (Ps-Dem. 59.122)4 writes:
‘We have companions [hetairai] for delectation, courtesans [pallakai] to see to
our daily sexual needs, and wives [gynaikes] to bear legitimate offspring and to be
faithful protectors of the households.’ As Skinner 2013 observes: ‘Although this
claim is tendentious, since it implies that each function is exclusive of the other
DOI: 10.4324/9781003242048-1 1
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two, it indicates that men did form exclusive, lasting unions with women who
were not brides conferred by contractual arrangement with their kyrios [guard-
ian]’ (119). Furthermore, this social reality explains why many of the ancient
sources deal with sexual activity, lust, and love between a male and an individual
involved in commercial sex rather than between a husband and wife. The major
deterrent to seduction of girls or adultery with women was the risk of reprisal
from an aggrieved male party. Male same-sex relations have generated contro-
versy (among ancient as well as modern writers), but there is universal agreement
concerning the opprobrium incurred as a result of sexual relations between two
adult males. Rape is occasionally alluded to in non-bellicose circumstances, and
in literature, there are frequent representations of the vulnerable girl who becomes
the target of rape or attempted rape. The unprotected girl was regularly regarded
as fair game, and in mores and legislation, the primary response to rape was pre-
sented in terms of the damage to the husband, father or guardian.
Women in Greece from the Archaic age (c. 800–480 bce) through to the Clas-
sical age (c. 480–323 bce)5 could not participate directly in politics and rarely
owned land or controlled inheritance.6 Marriages among the aristocracy were
usually arranged to ensure that familial, political and economic ties were main-
tained and promoted. The main functions of married women were to be dutiful
wives, bearers of legitimate heirs and effective managers of households (cf. X.
Oec. 7–10, cf. Pomeroy 1995). Such a clear definition of the female’s role was not
restricted to the aristocracy. Even though the sources largely reflect the lifestyles
and values of the upper class, Hesiod (Th. 603–12), for example, makes it clear
that a wife was a necessity for the production of male offspring within lower
socio-economic groups and warns would-be bachelors that they will face old age
without a son to care for them and inherit their property. Not surprisingly, there-
fore, in a society that placed such importance on legitimacy, women’s lives were
restricted in regard to what they could and could not do outside the oikos. One
example of the social and political importance of legitimacy is the issue of citizen-
ship in Periclean Athens. Likewise, in Sparta, the rigid three-tiered social system
meant that the proven legitimacy of Spartiate children was of paramount impor-
tance to the survival of the culture. Similarly, contact with men other than one’s
husband or immediate kin was limited to the greatest extent possible.7 The care
a husband took in ensuring his wife’s good behaviour reflected the basic premise
that women needed to be supervised as much as possible. But this is not to argue
that women lived unhappy, entirely secluded lives. The ancient sources, while
specifying what women were not permitted to do in Athens, also indicate a range
of permitted activities. These activities included the daily tasks of women from
the lower socio-economic groups meeting to draw water from public wells, which
could have augmented social discourse (but also sexual harassment). Women also
participated in religious rites as well as familial activities such as weddings and
funeral processions. Furthermore, as Foxhall notes: ‘Men faded out of politics
when they were no longer militarily active, but women’s influence over their
younger kin increased as they grew older’ (125).
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The sexual dichotomy that stressed a woman’s need to be chaste and maternal8
while a husband could have sex with a variety of partners is not to suggest that all
Greek marriages were devoid of love and desire. Homer’s depictions of Hector
and Andromache and Odysseus and Penelope illustrate intense and loving rela-
tionships within marriage, albeit the Archaic epic tradition regularly presents ide-
alised marriages.9 The wedding hymns of Sappho, with their images of the beauty
and desirability of the bride and groom, while reflecting a similar romanticism,
also indicate the importance of desire within wedlock. It is necessary, however,
to note the impact of cultural, social and generic issues on such representations.
While it was socially acceptable in Archaic and Classical Greece to depict
sexual congress with sex labourers in works of art and literature, this was not the
case when it came to the respectable relationship between husband and wife.10 For
the ancient Greeks marriage represented duty to one’s oikos principally through
the provision of heirs. This in turn ensured that the family unit served the needs
of the polis in the provision of citizens, soldiers, politicians and religious lead-
ers. It should be pointed out, however, that in some non-personal literature there
is evidence of sexual attraction within marriage: the Lysistrata, for example, is
structured primarily around the theme of conjugal desire, but the conventions of
the comic, with emphasis on irony and parody, must be considered.11
The Greeks recognised a clear division between one’s private sex life and one’s
duties to the oikos and polis. One of the standard views of the state of being in
love or desiring someone, denoted by the term erōs, was the possible danger of
its destabilising consequences.12 An obvious example of this is the story of the
Trojan War. The attraction Paris had for Helen, inspired by the goddess Aphro-
dite, led to the abduction of another man’s wife and a ten-year siege in which
thousands of men died. Greek literature depicts the forces of erōs as frighten-
ing, socially destructive and physically, emotionally and mentally debilitating (cf.
Faraone 1999: 43–69). In this sense, the separation of the wife and children from
the sexual activities of the slave-quarters, the brothels and the male drinking par-
ties or symposia13 ensured that the oikos and its dependents were protected from
the potentially damaging forces of uninhibited sexual expression. The fear that
a woman, if left unsupervised, would fall victim to the powers of erōs is further
reason to maintain this social and familial system. Here, etymology is insightful;
for example a Greek word for ‘wife’, damar is from the verb damazō, denot-
ing the act of ‘breaking in’ to wifely duties; to ‘subdue’ or ‘tame’ a supposedly
biologically-determined tendency on the female’s part to indulge in sexual excess
(cf. Carson 1990). In contrast, men were able to enjoy a variety of sexual activi-
ties within a range of culturally ordained environments and with socially specified
partners, but women were regarded as more wanton. Aristophanes’ comedies pro-
vide images of the sex-addicted female,14 while the myth of Tiresias gives an aeti-
ological justification for the belief that women enjoyed sex far more than men.15
As a result of expansion during and after the foundation of Alexander’s empire,
families sometimes experienced dislocation and the polis began to change in com-
position and structure.16 In view of the social changes of this age, it has been
3
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argued that in comparison to the women of the Archaic and Classical eras, those
from the Hellenistic era (323–30 bce) enjoyed more freedom in the areas of poli-
tics, law, property and sexuality (cf. Theoc. Id. 15, and Herod. 6 and 7).17 How-
ever, one should be wary of interpreting such advancements as indicative of a
widespread change in attitude towards women and a movement away from the
negative stereotypes that dominated the literature of the Classical age.
Male same-sex relationships were widespread in antiquity. There is an abun-
dance of evidence taken from sources as diverse as Late Archaic and Early Clas-
sical poetry, Attic comedy, Plato, Aeschines’ oratory and the Greek Anthology.18
These sources depict a variety of attitudes and approaches towards the theme,
ranging from intensely personal admissions to comic mockery, to philosophical
examination.
Relationships between males were structured around socially ordained behav-
ioural patterns. Of key importance were the related issues of age and the sexual
dynamics of the active and passive partner. These relationships usually occurred
between an older youth or mature citizen and a pais19 between 12 and 17. The
older male assumed the active role, designated by the term erastēs or lover, while
the pais was passive and was called the erōmenos or beloved.20 Such a relation-
ship is referred to as paiderastia, and the customs and laws associated with this
varied throughout the Greek world.21 The sexual boundaries and etiquette asso-
ciated with the active and passive partner also applied to male–female relation-
ships as is widely attested in artwork, with the male dominant and the female
subordinate (for extreme scenarios in symposia scenes, cf. Figures 4.1 and 4.2).
This does not mean, however, that the pais was necessarily regarded as a female
substitute in terms of sexual activity. What was important was the maintenance of
the active and passive roles. The Greeks made sure to depict, particularly in their
artwork, the social differentiation between a pais – as potential citizen – and an
inferior object of sexual gratification. Because of his future role in the polis, the
pais is depicted with respect in art.22 In Athenian red-figure pottery, for example,
there are no conclusive examples of the erōmenos as the recipient of anal or oral
penetration,23 for such demeaning roles are reserved in artwork and literature for
commercial providers of sex, and slaves.24
Erotic relations between males were part of the educational process in many
Greek societies, including Sparta25 and Athens. Idealised depictions from Athens,
literary and artistic, portray a careful courtship, in which the pais proved himself
appropriately chaste and somewhat cautious before the relationship progressed
along spiritual and intellectual lines. In such an idealised context, the erastēs
would then proceed to instructing the youth in matters ranging from philosophy
to the citizen’s role in serving the state. The relationship between erastēs and
erōmenos may thus be interpreted as part of the process of transforming a boy into
a man. Although the relationship could sometimes entail a physical dimension,
when the pais became a man, that side of the bond was expected to end, while
the emotional attachment, ideally speaking, endured.26 Following marriage, if he
chose, he could continue to pursue and love young men.
4
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5
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cultures – to the sexual integrity of the women of the group, including hetairai
and pallakai, who were socially and effectively a member of the group, if not
entirely legally. As late as the Fourth Century bce, in the speech written by Lysias
in defence of Euphiletus, accused of having murdered Eratosthenes, lover of his
wife, Euphiletus maintains that he killed the man who ‘committed moicheia on
my wife, corrupted her [diephtheire] and dishonoured me and my children, enter-
ing my house’ (Lys. 12.4). The act of moicheia was still regarded as an offence
against the husband of the adulteress, or, if the woman were unmarried or wid-
owed, the man who had the right to control her sexual life.39 The gravity of this
offence is confirmed by the fact that moicheia – when it was not committed in
circumstances that justified killing the adulterer with impunity (that is to say sur-
prising him in the act inside the oikos) – could be prosecuted with a public action
(graphe moicheias) proposed by any Athenian citizen (Ps-Arist. Ath. Pol. 59.3),
which could also end with the death penalty. Moreover, the husband who did not
repudiate his wife who was surprised with an adulterer was punished with the loss
of civil and political rights (atimia) (Apollod. [Ps-Dem. 59.87]), and the adulter-
ess was prohibited from participating in ceremonies of public devotion and, if
she attended, was punished with a penalty chosen by the person who surprised
her (excluding death).40 Needless to say, the importance of moicheia as a key to
understanding the ideology and dynamics of family in Athenian law and society
cannot be overestimated.
It has been argued that rape might not have been regarded as a serious offence
in comparison with adultery: the degree of hubris that the husband of the victim
suffered was not as great as that endured by the man whose wife had allowed
herself to be seduced by an adulterer (cf. Cole and also Harris 1990). Keuls, for
example, argues that the act was ‘committed not for pleasure or procreation, but
in order to enact the principle of domination by means of sex’ (47), and further
that there was ‘an unusual moral and legal tolerance of this offence’ (54).41 How-
ever, rape could fall under the purview of the law of hubris and could also be
punished as per a statute attributed to Solon (Plut. Sol. 23), whereby the guardian
or kyrios of the victim could charge the alleged rapist with assault (see passage
161). On the situation in the post-Archaic age, Ogden 1997 writes: ‘Rape was
actionable, should one choose, under the “public prosecution for hybris” (graphē
hybreōs), which was similarly an agōn timētos, and so the prosecutor could pro-
pose any penalty he thought he could get away with, including death’ (30). Ogden
cites Dinarchus’ Against Demosthenes 1.23, which references capital punishment
in the case of ‘Themistius of Aphidne, because he committed hubris [hubrizein]
on the Rhodian lyre-player at the Eleusinian festival’. An important addendum to
the topic is noted by Skinner 2013: ‘Note, however, that this entire set of legal
procedures takes no cognizance of marital rape; the concept did not exist. Indeed,
female consent to sex, within or outside of marriage, was not recognized in law
and did not form the basis for determining a sexual crime’ (168).
To illustrate contrasts in sexual behaviour, underlining an obvious choice is
to consider the case of Sparta. According to Xenophon (Lac. 1.8), it was legal in
6
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Sparta for a man who decided not to cohabit with his wife but wanted offspring to
choose a woman of good family and high birth and, if permitted by her husband,
to have children by her. Xenophon claims this was instituted by Lycurgus in
Archaic times, and he presents it as surviving as a feature of Spartan practice
in the Classical era. He further notes the importance of the husband’s permission
in such an instance. The complexities of this particular community, with its focus
on military discipline and preparedness, male leadership, and the pressure to bear
children to maintain cultural and social traditions, provide a context in which to
assess wife exchange. The unique circumstance of the Spartans illustrates the per-
ceived differences and overt tensions in the moral and associated cultural systems
of various poleis.
Laws also governed same-sex male relationships and, as with all other legisla-
tion in Classical Athens, it applied to members of citizen families. Slaves could
not court paides (Aeschin. 1.138–39; Plut. Sol. 1.3); teachers and athletic trainers
could not attempt the seduction of their students (Aeschin. 1.9–12); citizens could
not seduce a pais under the age of 12 without incurring social opprobrium and,
possibly, legal action (Aeschin. 1.15–16);42 freeborn males of all ages who sold
themselves were liable to be subjected to severe penalties.43
Rome
Roman attitudes, customs and institutions relating to matters sexual have many
similarities to those of the Greeks, but there are marked differences. Much Roman
literary source material was generated by the upper class (or their Italian and
provincial counterparts), representing aristocratic and well-to-do values and life-
styles, although the voices of the lower classes can still be heard. As in Classical
and Hellenistic Athens, in Rome it is the comic playwright who comes the closest
to capturing the world of ordinary citizens and their families.
The ideals of the matrona (a married woman, usually with children) and the
univira (she who has known only one man, her husband) were held up for Roman
wives to emulate, although, as in Greece, it was often an impossible image to
attain and sustain.44 Women from the aristocratic circles were expected to marry
young, sometimes to an older partner chosen for political, social, financial and
family reasons (cf. Plut. Pomp. 48, 53, 55) and to produce heirs to continue the
family or gens.45 They were expected to remain chaste and behave in a way that
would not draw attention to themselves or bring disrepute to their husbands.46 In
the Early and Middle Republican eras, the power of the husband and father as
head of the household (domus) was total. The pater familias had ultimate author-
ity (patria potestas) that extended to the power of life and death over the entire
household, including his wife, children and slaves. The influential and power-
ful position men had in relation to their wives in the Middle Roman Republic is
illustrated by the words of Cato: ‘If you had apprehended your wife in the act of
adultery [adulterium], with impunity you could take her life without a trial; she,
if you were committing adultery or if you were being adulterated, would not dare
7
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so much as touch you’ (ORF: Fr. 222M). However, it should be noted that such
extreme familial power on behalf of the pater familias was, in reality, largely a
symbolic power not regularly enacted, but rather restrained by social, familial and
cultural precepts.47
Roman women did have more freedom compared to their counterparts in Clas-
sical Athens. While levels of independence depended on individual households
and their heads, it appears that, among the aristocracy, matronae were allowed to
socialise at mixed gatherings, exert control over their children’s upbringing and,
occasionally, but indirectly, influence politics. This autonomy was particularly
characteristic of the matronae from the Second Century bce onwards and was
essentially a consequence of Rome’s expansion into Greece and the East. With
husbands away on military and diplomatic service for extensive periods, women
from all levels of the citizen classes had to take control of the domus, albeit tem-
porarily in the majority of instances, thereby contributing to the erosion of the life
and death authority of the pater familias.48
During this time, contact with Hellenistic culture had an impact upon Rome’s
social and cultural traditions, affecting the lives of men and women. Wealth poured
into the city and along with it an increase in luxury items, slaves and a general
love of things Greek. As the leading families acquired more wealth through their
involvement in military campaigns, the dowries that went with the women of
these families ensured that they continued to live lives of luxury in their husbands’
homes. They also enjoyed a social and financial independence that in turn ensured
the continuation of a new trend towards quasi-personal autonomy.49
Instability caused by civil and foreign conflict from 90–30 bce had an impact
on social as well as political and economic life. Many marriages were formed then
broken on the basis of short-and long-term political allegiances. There are few
cases cited of enduring marriages among the upper classes in this era. Some of the
distinguished families of previous generations had died out or were in danger of
extinction in this period. Heavy loss of life in aristocratic and equestrian ranks in
the Sullan Civil War (88–82 bce), the aftermath of Caesar crossing the Rubicon
(49–44 bce), and the bloody purges following his assassination (44 bce) and the
Triumviral regime (43–31 bce) had a devastating effect upon the great families. It
is an era in which the names of elite women are mentioned frequently by the writ-
ers. While some are mentioned simply as marriage partners, others are presented
as strong-minded and liberated women who appear not to have been dictated to by
the will of husbands or guardians.
Poets, as well as legal and historical writers, describe extra-marital relation-
ships across the class divide.50 In the case of women, this sexual freedom was
not recorded in a positive vein. At the core of Catullus’ poetry is a relationship
between a freeborn male and a freeborn married woman: the poet himself and his
beloved Lesbia. Although still a subject of scholarly controversy, there is evidence
within the corpus (especially Poem 79) that suggests that Lesbia is a sister of the
controversial political figure, Publius Clodius Pulcher. The strongest candidate
of his three sisters is the woman known as Clodia Metelli,51 wife of the Consular,
8
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Metellus Celer. This woman was the subject of a virulent attack on her charac-
ter and sexual morality in a speech delivered by Cicero, the Defence of Cae-
lius Rufus, in 56 bce. This oration reveals a world of freethinking, free moving
and independent upper-class women who took lovers at will and who frequented
pleasure resorts such as Baiae in Campania. In Lesbia we have the representation
of a woman possessing the status of an aristocrat along with the sensuality of a
female object of desire; in Cicero’s Clodia Metelli we have the representation of
aristocratic woman as slut.
Other writers provide further examples of the type. Sallust’s portrait of Sem-
pronia depicts a sexually liberated woman of high birth who ‘had often com-
mitted many crimes of masculine audacity’ (passage 236) and while references
to Julius Caesar’s list of affairs (passage 239) are designed to impugn his repu-
tation, they are further testimony to female sexual freedom (cf. Schulz 2006;
Milnor 2005). But we must remember that these are male views of a perceived
increased female freedom and it is highly unlikely that women such as Clodia,
Sempronia, let alone Fulvia (wife of Clodius Pulcher, then Curio, and later the
Consular and Triumvir, Antony), are representatives of the majority of matronae
at this time.52
Such representations and anecdotes reveal male anxiety at any increased free-
dom for women. This apprehension is persistently depicted in Roman literature
as dangerous and monstrous. The rhetorical style that regularly characterises
accounts of such women reflects the fear or at least partial confusion that existed in
the minds of some men when confronted with an exceptionally powerful woman.
The moral reforms initiated during the Augustan Principate (28/7 bce –14 ce) also
reflect increased trepidation about feminine sexual license as well as concern for
the general movement away from the austere values that typified pre-Hellenised
Rome. In an attempt to restore the traditions of the past and to promote senatorial
and equestrian eugenics, Augustus initiated moral and marital legislation that, in
part, was designed to affect the private lives of men, women and the family in
general.53 These reforms also had an impact upon the literary expression of unac-
ceptable amor in the form of censorship.54
The most significant legislation in terms of Roman sexuality and its expression
in the Augustan age was the Lex Julia de adulteriis introduced in 18 bce. Under
this law adulterium was a punishable crime, which incorporated stuprum; this
entailed disgrace or defilement in connection with sexual activity.55 The Lex Julia
was not a novel development in Roman moral legislation. The Second Century
bce had witnessed a succession of laws and edicts that attempted to address the
growing moral turpitude overwhelming the Republic, culminating in the legisla-
tion of Sulla in 80 bce. Such legislation, by the very fact that it was imposed from
above, was doomed to failure. The Lex Scantinia, dating from the Republican
age,56 was designed to regulate sexual contact between men. The two main activi-
ties thought to be punishable were: (i) stuprum with a boy57 and/or (ii) adult pas-
sivity.58 Punishment of the active partner in an adult relationship may have also
been part of the legislation.
9
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These laws clearly forbade certain sexual acts and strictly regulated choice of
partner: a married woman could only have sexual contact with her husband and
an adult male could not ‘have sex with another adult male’ (Richlin 1993a: 571).
Domitian revived the laws around 85 ce, indicative of the fact that they had been
openly unobserved. Even during the reign of Augustus, the laws were flouted, as
evidenced by the activities of his own daughter, Julia. Under the Julio-Claudians,
sexual activity outside marriage by women of the aristocracy could and did lead to
formal criminal trials at which the offences drew the additional charge of treason
(maiestas). The celebrated trial of Aemilia Lepida in 36 ce involved one of the
most powerful (and disliked) female members of the regime being arraigned on
charges of sexual relations with slaves, based on reports by informers (delatores),
as recorded by Tacitus (Ann. 6.40.4).
Male citizens could visit brothels and have sex with slaves without breaking
either the Lex Julia or the Lex Scantinia. Roman laws on morality only applied to
relations between freeborn men, women and children. Even so, husbands could
seek either immediate sexual relief or a long-term sexual relationship outside mar-
riage.59 As for a specific legal position on rape, it is important to note that it was
only deemed a crime against a freeborn man or woman (Richlin 1992a: 224). As
with many crimes of a sexual nature, rape in the Republic was considered to be
a violation of natural law (Cic. Leg. 2.10; Rep. 2.46). However, it could also be
treated as a public crime because it was labelled stuprum per vim (fornication
by violence) and therefore counted as vis publica (public violence) and, as such,
under the Lex Julia there were penalties, including capital punishment, for those
who violated another’s chastity (Dig. 48.6.3.4).
There are important differences between the male same-sex cultures of Greece
and Rome. There was no initiatory or educational aspect in Rome compared to
what existed in some parts of Greece. It was not legal for a Roman citizen to
engage in a relationship with a freeborn youth. Under the Lex Scantinia, it was
most likely illegal for a freeborn male to engage in a relationship or act with
another freeborn male despite his assumption of either the active or passive role.60
What was legally tolerable was the Roman citizen seeking gratification as the
active partner with males involved in commercial sexual activities, slaves (in
brothels, or in the household) or foreign youths.
There is sporadic information about female same-sex relationships and practice
in Rome and, apart from the scandalous episode of the Bacchanalian crisis of
the 180s bce, there is no close female equivalent of the Greek thiasos. While we
do not possess any eroticism penned by a Roman Sappho, there is inscriptional
evidence that may indicate same-sex female contact. Male views generally reflect
contempt or voyeuristic interest in this aspect of female sexuality.61
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11
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Other Classicists who have utilised Foucauldian theory include Zeitlin and Win-
kler,72 and criticism has been directed against their varying schools of (Fou-
cauldian) thought, with Richlin (perhaps) the strongest opponent in terms of
Classical Studies.73 Richlin is of the opinion that Foucauldian scholars, while
inspired by feminist research in the formulation of ideas and arguments, have
12
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no related content on Scribd:
wound, it obviously became necessary to take the greatest pains in
securing identification. Two of his tribe, who had been brought from
Greytown in April in anticipation of difficulty in connection with matters
of identification, happened to be still at Empandhleni. These were
conducted on the 13th to the spot where the body was lying, namely,
at the very bottom of the gorge, within half a dozen yards of the right
bank of the Mome, and just where the Dobo or 'pear-shaped' forest
abuts on the stream. Although the inspection took place five days
after death, the features, by reason of the extreme cold in the gorge
at that time of year—mid-winter—were remarkably well preserved.
The two Native informants, who were intimately acquainted with
Bambata, had no difficulty in recognizing the body as that of their
Chief. Such peculiarities as had been described beforehand by these
and other relatives and acquaintances as characteristic of Bambata,
were found about the body—tallying exactly. Among them were: a
gap between the two middle upper teeth; slight beard, rather under,
than on the front of, the chin; a scar immediately below one eye, and
another on the cheek opposite; a high instep. As, however, the officer
in charge wished to put the matter beyond all doubt, and as to carry a
corpse already five days old up the sides of a gorge, about whose
steepness so much has already been written, was out of the
question, he directed the head to be removed and brought instead.
As a result of this, decisive corroborative evidence was secured. This
must have been wanting had timidity been permitted to usurp the
ordinary dictates of common sense. It was, of course, of the utmost
importance to prove that the principal ringleader in a serious
rebellion, a man then still believed by many of his followers to
possess supernatural powers, was really dead. Care was taken to
keep the head in a decent manner until the plain and necessary
object, solely on account of which it had been removed, was served.
At no time whilst it was in charge of the troops, was there the slightest
act of disrespect towards it or the deceased's memory. It was not
exposed to public view, but kept by one of the medical officers in a
manner the most proper under the circumstances. It was, moreover,
impossible for anyone to see it without permission, which, again, was
withheld, except for the necessary purpose of identification. In
addition to the two Natives referred to, three others, viz. a prisoner
who had come from Natal with Bambata, and two men of Sigananda's
tribe who knew Bambata well, were sent by the Acting Magistrate to
see the head; this they at once recognized as Bambata's.
As soon as identification had been completed, the head was taken
back to the gorge and there buried along with the body.[253]
After the finding of Bambata's body and the surrender of Sigananda,
General Stephenson, who had witnessed the operations at Nkandhla
for nearly three weeks, left with his staff for the Transvaal, viâ
Pietermaritzburg.
Before proceeding with his chief staff officer and bodyguard to
Empandhleni on the 16th, McKenzie, convinced that the Rebellion
was then practically over, allowed the levies to return to their homes
for three days. During this period, he gave out, all operations would
be suspended, to afford those in hiding an opportunity of
surrendering. The levies were accordingly told to try and induce
rebels of their respective tribes to come in. Sigananda was, at the
same time, directed to send messengers to members of his and
Ndube's tribes who had rebelled, by way of bringing about speedy
and general surrenders. Among those who were successful in this
connection was Sergt. E. Titlestad, of the Intelligence Department,
and for long a storekeeper at Ntingwe. Proceeding to Qudeni forest
he, in a couple of days, managed to induce 284 men to return with
him to camp. McKenzie's column, then taken command of by
Royston, moved to Ndikwe stream, north-east of and below
Ensingabantu store.
With the Rebellion in Zululand at an end, nothing remained but to
clear the country in the direction of Qudeni, Mfongozi and towards
Nqutu, that is, to receive surrenders or make arrests where rebels,
generally the most culpable, were unwilling to come in. Woolls-
Sampson, having returned from his visit to Pietermaritzburg,[254] was,
on the 20th, given command of a column.[255] He was instructed to
form a depôt at Ensingabantu and to operate in that part of the
country.
It was at this stage that news of the outbreak at Mapumulo on the
19th was received. In addition to instructing Leuchars to push forward
the U.F.F. to the scene of disturbance, Mansel was ordered by the
O.C. Troops to camp at Middle Drift, from which place patrols were to
be thrown out in all directions, particularly up and down Tugela valley,
so as to intercept movements towards Zululand of rebels then stated
to be collecting on the right bank of the Tugela, between Middle Drift
and Bond's Drift.
Mackay and Royston proceeded, in the meantime, to clear country in
the vicinity of their respective camps. On the 22nd, two squadrons
N.C., with the mounted section, L and Y, and a Native levy, left on a
patrol in the direction of the Buffalo river. Very difficult country was
traversed. A remarkable gorge, known as Emlola-mazembe (where
axes are ground), was come upon in a small and peculiarly-secluded
valley, through which the Gubazi stream passes. At the lower end of
the valley, the stream runs through a huge cleft, the stone walls of
which are about 150 feet high and only about 12 feet apart at the top.
The cleft extends some 100 or so yards before the water flows from a
large dark pool at this uncanny spot into another valley beyond. No
wonder that such place had, until that very day, been occupied by
rebels.
A notable arrest was made about this time near Empandhleni, viz.
Bekuzulu, brother of the late Mehlokazulu. This man, who was a
rebel, was being harboured at a kraal. The head of the kraal was, of
course, also arrested.
At Empangeni on the coast, a Chief Bejana had recently failed to
comply with the orders of the local Magistrate. Without informing
Colonel McKenzie of what was taking place, a small party of N.P.
proceeded to Empangeni to effect the man's arrest, but, feeling later
on they were not strong enough, applied for reinforcements. The idea
of sending a small party on such a mission appeared more likely to
provoke than suppress rebellious tendencies, consequently Barker
was directed to assume command and make the arrest. Owing,
however, to instructions received from headquarters, the expedition
did not take place, although Barker's orders were not definitely
cancelled until he had got as far as Entumeni.
The Government, as stated in Chapter IX., felt it necessary for
Dinuzulu "to take some action to show his loyalty." It was thought he
and Meiteki should visit Pietermaritzburg and advise as to the state of
affairs in Zululand. The proposal, however, was allowed to drop for
the time being. On the 29th May, the Governor again strongly urged
it. Mr. Saunders then acquiesced. An invitation was conveyed to
Dinuzulu, who replied (2nd June) that he was in bad health, and that
he wished to discuss the matter with his headmen. The headmen
were summoned, but, owing to the alleged death of one of the Chief's
children just at that moment, his meeting with them was delayed. The
headmen saw the necessity for making the visit, but remarked that "in
Dinuzulu's present state of health, they feared he would never reach,
but die on the road." Permission was sought to send a large
deputation of indunas instead. In acceding to the request, the
Governor suggested that the Chief should himself go to the telephone
at Nongoma and be there to refer to whilst the interview lasted. About
twenty indunas, headed by Mankulumana, accordingly proceeded to
Pietermaritzburg, accompanied by the Commissioner and the local
Magistrate. They had three interviews with Sir Henry McCallum on
the 20th, 21st and 22nd. The latter reported that the men had replied
in a straight-forward and satisfactory manner to questions put to
them, so much so that he and the Minister for Native Affairs were
persuaded "that Dinuzulu's name had been used as a 'stalking-horse'
by different malcontents to incite their neighbours to rebellion." It was
in this way, they believed, that many of the false rumours of which the
Chief complained had arisen. It transpired from the interviews that
messengers had reached Dinuzulu from three Natal Chiefs, whose
coming he had failed to report in accordance with instructions
previously given him by the Governor. The indunas were told to
inform Dinuzulu that he had disobeyed orders, and that he was to be
more careful in future.
On account of ill-health, Dinuzulu did not proceed to the telephone
office at Nongoma, as desired by the Governor.
The situation at Mapumulo now began to grow more serious. It
developed with the same remarkable rapidity that had been
witnessed at Nkandhla. At such a time, given a few weeks of
incubation, a Zulu is nothing if not swift and vigorous in his
movements. To organize is, with him, instinctive. To-day the country
may be still and deserted, to-morrow it is overrun by great 'swarms,'
called impis, sprung from nobody knows where.
McKenzie made up his mind to withdraw from Zululand all troops that
could be spared and proceed with them towards Mapumulo, so as to
confine the Rebellion as much as possible to the vicinity of the fresh
outbreak.[256] Royston's brigade remained at Ndikwe, with orders to
operate through Mehlokazulu's ward towards Nqutu, clearing up
generally and receiving as many surrenders as possible. The
Commissioner for Native Affairs was at first of opinion the latter action
might be misunderstood by loyal Zulus, but, after further
consideration, concurred in it.
Woolls-Sampson left Empandhleni on the 23rd June,[257] and,
marching viâ Fort Yolland, took up a position on the northern side of
the Tugela at or near the precipice known as Isiwasamanqe, with the
object of preventing Natal rebels from breaking into Zululand. The
loyal tribes of that part, including that of Mtonga,[258] assisted with
levies. Strict orders were, at the same time, given to Woolls-Sampson
to take every precaution to prevent looting of property, or damage to
crops, kraals, etc., of friendly Natives.
As, at this juncture, everything pointed to a peaceful state of affairs in
Zululand, the O.C. Troops left Empandhleni on the morning of the
25th. By this date, the majority of rebels in Nkandhla district had
surrendered. The garrisons at Empandhleni and Ensingabantu were,
nevertheless, allowed to remain, owing to the inadvisability of entirely
and suddenly denuding the country of troops. Just before he left, the
indunas and Native messengers at the magistracy asked to see
Colonel McKenzie, when they expressed their gratitude for the
Rebellion having been so rapidly suppressed and peace restored
once more. They, at the same time, warned him "just to glance back
occasionally, as a grass fire, when put out, often starts again in rear."
This McKenzie took to mean that Dinuzulu was still in his rear and
might have to be dealt with.
These facts are sufficient to show that, to the action at Mome, must
be attributed the complete and almost immediate collapse of the
Rebellion in Zululand. After that fight, there was no further opposition
in any direction in Zululand. Throughout Nkandhla and Nqutu districts
peace and good order were restored almost at a single stroke. A
decisive blow, and all was over. That was what McKenzie constantly
aimed at, that was what the Government desired him to aim at,
because the more summary the punishment, the sooner would peace
be restored and destruction of life put an end to. War is not a pastime,
as some people seem to think, but a reality, as stern in operation as
any law of nature. At any rate, that is how it is viewed by Zulus, and
the sooner Europeans look at it in the same way when at war with
these tribes, the better for them and the tribes.
Although, for a few days, many rebels remained in hiding, none
ventured to take refuge in the stronghold which, having become a
place of bad omen, was entirely deserted. It had become the home of
the dead. Nor did the few more prominent rebels like Cakijana,
Mangati and Magadise, fearing the consequences of their misdeeds,
make further use of it during the many weeks they roamed about from
one place of hiding to another.
Reference
A. Ndhlovu's Kraal.
D. Bed of reeds
Enemy.
Point where troops were attacked when moving towards A from X.