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Contents
ABOUT THE AUTHORS xxiii
PREFACE xxv
WORLD IN COMPARISON xxx
MAP OF THE WORLD xxxii
1 INTRODUCTION 2
What Is Comparative Politics? 6
The Comparative Method 6
Can We Make a Science of Comparative Politics? 10
A Guiding Concept: Political Institutions 16
A Guiding Ideal: Reconciling Freedom and Equality 18
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: CAN WE MAKE A SCIENCE OF POLITICS? 20
In Sum: Looking Ahead and Thinking Carefully 22
2 STATES 24
Defining the State 27
COMPARING REGIME CHANGE IN FRANCE, SOUTH AFRICA, AND RUSSIA 30
The Origins of Political Organization 32
The Rise of the Modern State 34
COMPARING THE CONSOLIDATION OF STATES 38
Comparing State Power 39
Legitimacy 39
Centralization or Decentralization 42
CENTRALIZATION AND DECENTRALIZATION IN THE UNITED KINGDOM,
THE UNITED STATES, AND INDIA 43
Power, Autonomy, and Capacity 44
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY HAS PAKISTAN SLID TOWARD STATE FAILURE? 48
In Sum: Studying States 50
3 NATIONS AND SOCIETY 52

Ethnic Identity 56
RACE IN BRAZIL AND SOUTH AFRICA 57
National Identity 58
Citizenship and Patriotism 60
vii
Ethnic Identity, National Identity, and Citizenship: Origins and
Persistence 61
Ethnic and National Conflict 63
Political Attitudes and Political Ideology 66
Political Attitudes 66
Political Ideology 69
WHY HAS THE UNITED STATES RESISTED SOCIAL DEMOCRACY? 73
Religion, Fundamentalism, and the Crisis of Identity 74
Political Culture 76
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: HOW HAS INDIA HELD TOGETHER? 78
In Sum: Society and Politics 81
4 POLITICAL ECONOMY 82
The Components of Political Economy 86
Markets and Property 86
Public Goods 88
OIL AS A PUBLIC GOOD IN NIGERIA, RUSSIA, IRAN, MEXICO 88
Social Expenditures: Who Benefits? 89
Taxation 90
Money, Inflation, and Economic Growth 90
Regulation 93
Trade 93
Political-Economic Systems 94
Liberalism 95
Social Democracy 96
Communism 97
Mercantilism 99
THE TRADE-OFFS OF MERCANTILISM IN JAPAN AND CHINA 101
Political-Economic Systems and the State: Comparing
Outcomes 102
Measuring Wealth 102
Measuring Inequality and Poverty 104
Human Development Index (HDI) 105
POVERTY AND INEQUALITY IN THE SOVIET UNION AND RUSSIA 106
Happiness 107
The Rise and Fall of Liberalism? 109
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY HAVE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY DECLINED IN
LATIN AMERICA? 112
In Sum: A New Economic Era? 114
viii Contents
5 POLITICAL VIOLENCE 116
What Is Political Violence? 119

Why Political Violence? 120
Institutional Explanations 120
Ideational Explanations 120
Individual Explanations 121
Comparing Explanations of Political Violence 121
Forms of Political Violence 122
Revolution 123
CAUSES OF REVOLUTION IN RUSSIA AND CHINA 126
Terrorism 127
Terrorism and Revolution: Means and Ends 131
Political Violence and Religion 133
TERRORISM OR HATE CRIME? POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN AMERICA 136
Countering Political Violence 137
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY DID THE ARAB SPRING OF 2011 OCCUR? 138
In Sum: Meeting the Challenge of Political Violence 140
6 DEMOCRATIC REGIMES 142
Defining Democracy 146

Origins of Democracy 147
Contemporary Democratization 148
Modernization and Democratization 148
Elites and Democratization 150
Society and Democratization 150
International Relations and Democratization 151
Culture and Democratization 151
Institutions of the Democratic State 152
Executives: Head of State and Head of Government 152
Legislatures: Unicameral and Bicameral 153
Judiciaries and Judicial Review 154
Models of Democracy: Parliamentary, Presidential,
and Semi-Presidential Systems 155
Parliamentary Systems 155
Presidential Systems 156
Semi-Presidential Systems 157
Parliamentary, Presidential, and Semi-Presidential Systems:
Benefits and Drawbacks 158
Contents ix
PRESIDENTIALISM IN BRAZIL: A BLESSING OR A CURSE? 159
Political Parties 161
Electoral Systems 162
DO ELECTORAL SYSTEMS MATTER? THE UNITED KINGDOM, UKIP, AND THE SNP 166
Referendum and Initiative 168
REFERENDA IN FRANCE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION 169
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHAT EXPLAINS DEMOCRATIZATION IN ASIA? 170
Civil Rights and Civil Liberties 172
In Sum: Future Challenges to Democracy 173
7 DEVELOPED DEMOCRACIES 174
Defining Developed Democracy 178

MEXICO’S TRANSITION TO A MIDDLE-CLASS SOCIETY 180
Freedom and Equality in Developed Democracies 181
Contemporary Challenges for Developed Democracies 184
Political Institutions: Sovereignty Transformed? 185
The European Union: Integration, Expansion, and Resistance 185
Devolution and Democracy 189
Societal Institutions: New Identities in Formation? 191
Postmodern Values and Organization 191
Diversity, Identity, and the Challenge to Postmodern Values 192
Economic Institutions: A New Market? 194
Postindustrialism 194
Maintaining the Welfare State 195
DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGE IN GERMANY, JAPAN, AND THE UNITED STATES 197
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHAT EXPLAINS THE GREEK ECONOMIC CRISIS? 198
In Sum: Developed Democracies in Transition 200
UNITED KINGDOM 202
Why Study This Case? 203

Historical Development of the State 205
Early Development 205
Emergence of the Modern British State 206
Empire and Industrialization 208
Gradual Democratization 209
Postwar Politics, National Identity, and State
Sovereignty 209
Political Regime 211
Political Institutions 211
x Contents
The Branches of Government 212
The Electoral System 216
Local Government 217
Political Conflict and Competition 218
The Party System 218
Elections 222
Civil Society 222
Society 223
Class Identity 223
Ethnic and National Identity 224
Ideology and Political Culture 225
Political Economy 226
Current Issues in the United Kingdom 228
Scotland’s Bid for Independence 228
Brexit 229
UNITED STATES 232

America and the Arrival of the European Colonizers 235
The Revolution and the Birth of a New State 236
Consolidation of a Democratic Republic and Debate over the Role
of the State 236
The Move West and Expansion of the State 237
Civil War and the Threat to Unity 238
The Progressive Era and the Growth of State Power 238
The Great Depression and the New Deal 239
The Civil Rights Movement 239
Elections 249
Civil Society 250
Society 250
Contents xi
Current Issues in the United States 256
Immigration, Cultural Diversity, and U.S. National Identity 256
A Dysfunctional Democracy? Political Polarization in the United States 257
FRANCE 260
Absolutism and the Consolidation of the Modern French State 263
The French Revolution, Destruction of the Aristocracy, and Extension
of State Power 264
The Return to Absolutism in Postrevolutionary France 265
Democratization and the Weak Regimes of the Third and
Fourth Republics 266
The Recovery of State Power and Democratic Stability under
the Fifth Republic 267
Referenda 274
The Party System and Elections 275
Civil Society 280
Society 283
Current Issues in France 288
Challenges to French National Identity and the Rise
of the Nationalist Right 288
The Future of the French Welfare State 290
GERMANY 292
The Absence of a Strong Central State during the Holy Roman Empire,
800–1806 295
xii Contents
Unification of the German State, the Rise of Prussia, and the Second Reich,
1806–1918 295
Political Polarization and the Breakdown of Democracy during the Weimar
Republic, 1919–33 296
Fascist Totalitarianism under the Third Reich, 1933–45 298
Foreign Occupation and the Division of the German State, 1945–49 299
Reunification of the German State, 1990–Present 301
Elections 313
Civil Society 313
Society 314
Current Issues in Germany 318
The Politics of Germany’s Energy Future 318
Germany’s Immigration Dilemma 319
JAPAN 322
Premodern Japan: Adapting Chinese Institutions 326
Tokugawa Shogunate: Centralized Feudalism 328
Meiji Restoration: Revolution from Above 329
The Militarist Era: Imperial Expansion and Defeat 330
U.S. Occupation: Reinventing Japan 331
Other Institutions 339
Civil Society 345
Contents xiii
Society 346
Current Issues in Japan 350
3/11: Japan’s Triple Tragedy 350
Territorial Tempests 351
8 NONDEMOCRATIC REGIMES 354
Defining Nondemocratic Rule 357

Totalitarianism and Nondemocratic Rule 359
TOTALITARIANISM IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 359
Origins and Sources of Nondemocratic Rule 361
Modernization and Nondemocratic Rule 361
Elites and Nondemocratic Rule 362
Society and Nondemocratic Rule 363
International Relations and Nondemocratic Rule 364
Culture and Nondemocratic Rule 364
Nondemocratic Regimes and Political Control 366
Coercion and Surveillance 366
Co-optation: Corporatism and Clientelism 367
Personality Cults 369
Models of Nondemocratic Rule 370
Personal and Monarchical Rule 370
Military Rule 371
BACK TO THE BARRACKS? MILITARY RULE IN BRAZIL AND NIGERIA 373
One-Party Rule 374
Theocracy 375
IRANIAN THEOCRACY: TOTALITARIAN, AUTHORITARIAN, OR ILLIBERAL? 375
Illiberal Regimes 376
In Sum: Retreat or Retrenchment for Nondemocratic Regimes? 377
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHAT EXPLAINS THE DIFFERENT PATHS OF ZIMBABWE
AND SOUTH AFRICA? 378
9 COMMUNISM AND POSTCOMMUNISM 382
Communism, Equality, and the Nature of Human Relations 386

Revolution and the “Triumph” of Communism 388
Putting Communism into Practice 389
Communist Political Economy 392
xiv Contents
Societal Institutions under Communism 394
The Collapse of Communism 395
The Transformation of Political Institutions 398
Reorganizing the State and Constructing a Democratic Regime 398
Evaluating Political Transitions 399
GERMAN UNIFICATION AND THE LEGACIES OF DIVISION 402
The Transformation of Economic Institutions 403
Privatization and Marketization 403
Evaluating Economic Transitions 404
The Transformation of Societal Institutions 407
Changing Identities 407
Evaluating Societal Transitions 408
COMMUNISM AND DEMOCRACY IN INDIA 410
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY DID REFORM FAIL IN THE SOVIET UNION BUT SUCCEED IN CHINA? 412
In Sum: The Legacy of Communism 414
RUSSIA 416
Religion, Foreign Invasion, and the Emergence of a Russian State 420
The Seeds of Revolution 422
The Russian Revolution under Lenin 422
Stalinism, Terror, and the Totalitarian State 423
Stability and Stagnation after Stalin 423
The Failure of Reform and the Collapse of the Soviet State 424
Civil Society 434
Society 435
Current Issues in Russia 440
Russia and Central Asia: A New “Silk Road” or the Old “Great Game”? 440
Russia’s Demographic Future 442
Contents xv
CHINA 444
Centralization and Dynastic Rule 447
Foreign Imperialism 448
The Erosion of Central Authority: Civil War and Foreign Invasion 448
Establishment and Consolidation of a Communist Regime 450
Experimentation and Chaos under Mao 451
Reform and Opening after Mao 452
Communist Party Institutions and Organs 456
Civil Society 464
Society 466
State Capitalism and Foreign Investment 473
China’s Growth Model Brings Challenges 474
Current Issues in China 476
Can Polluted China Go Green? 476
China’s Developmental Model and the Problem of Corruption 478
10 DEVELOPING COUNTRIES 480
Freedom and Equality in the Developing World 484

Imperialism and Colonialism 486
Institutions of Imperialism 488
Exporting the State 488
Social Identities 489
Dependent Development 491
The Challenges of Post-Imperialism 492
Building State Capacity and Autonomy 493
xvi Contents
COUNTING THE COSTS OF CORRUPTION 494
Creating Nations and Citizens 496
Generating Economic Growth 497
INEQUALITY, STATES, AND MARKETS IN SOUTH AFRICA 499
Puzzles and Prospects for Democracy and Development 500
Making a More Effective State 502
Developing Political Engagement 503
Promoting Economic Prosperity 504
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: WHY DID ASIA INDUSTRIALIZE FASTER THAN
LATIN AMERICA? 506
In Sum: The Challenges of Development 508
INDIA 510
Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam 513
British Colonialism 514
The Independence Movement 516
Independence 516
A Nehru Dynasty 517
Coalition Governments 518
Elections 527
Civil Society 528
Society 529
Current Issues in India 536
The Politics of Rape 537
Anti-Graft Campaign and the Common Man Party 538
Contents xvii
IRAN 540
The Persian Legacy and the Islamic Empire 543
Dynastic Rule and the Adoption of Shiism 544
Failed Reforms and the Erosion of Sovereignty 545
Consolidation of Power under the Pahlavi Dynasty 546
The Nationalist Challenge under Mosaddeq and the U.S. Response 548
Authoritarianism and Modernization during the White Revolution 548
Opposition to the Shah and the Iranian Revolution 549
The Consolidation of an Islamic Republic 550
The Challenges of Political Reform 556
Civil Society 558
Society 559
Current Issues in Iran 565
The Nuclear Program 565
Alcohol and Drugs in the Islamic Republic 566
MEXICO 568
Independence and Instability: The Search for Order 572
The Porfiriato: Economic Liberalism and Political Authoritarianism 572
The Revolution 573
Stability Achieved: The PRI in Power, 1929–2000 574
The Slow Erosion of PRI Power, 1980–2000 575
xviii Contents
Elections 585
Civil Society 586
Society 590
Dimensions of the Economy 593
Economic Crises in the Twilight of PRI Authoritarianism 593
NAFTA and Globalization 594
Economic Policies and Issues 595
The Battle over Oil 596
Current Issues in Mexico 596
Mexico’s Drug War: Can the Mexican State Contain Organized Crime? 596
Migration 598
BRAZIL 600
The Reluctant Colony 604
The Gold and Diamond Boom and the Rise of Brazil 604
The Peaceful Creation of an Independent Brazilian State 605
Republicanism and the Continuation of Oligarchic Democracy 606
Getúlio Vargas and the New State 607
The Democratic Experiment: Mass Politics in the Second Republic 607
Breakdown of Democracy and Militarization of the State 608
Gradual Democratization and the Military’s Return to Barracks 609
Civil Society 619
Contents xix
Society 620
Current Issues in Brazil 624
Economic Inequality and Crime 624
Political Corruption 624
SOUTH AFRICA 628

Dutch Rule 631
Boer Migration 632
Defeat of the Afrikaners in the Boer Wars 632
The Renaissance of Afrikaner Power 632
The Apartheid Era 634
The Building of Apartheid and the Struggle against It 635
Transition to Democracy 635
Civil Society 647
Society 649
Racism in the Rainbow Nation 649
Education as a Source of Inequality 651
Current Issues In South Africa 658
Crime and Corruption 658
The Devastation of HIV/AIDS 660
xx Contents
NIGERIA 662
Islam and the Nigerian North 665
European Imperialism 666
Independence, Conflict, and Civil War 668
The Military Era 668
Elections 679
Civil Society 682
Society 685
Current Issues in Nigeria 689
Boko Haram 689
Oil and the Niger Delta 690
11 GLOBALIZATION AND THE FUTURE OF

COMPARATIVE POLITICS 692
What Is Globalization? 696
Institutions and Globalization 697
Political Globalization 699
Economic Globalization 701
NAFTA, THE TRANS-PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP, AND THE FUTURE OF FREE TRADE 704
Societal Globalization 705
Taking Stock of Globalization 708
Is Globalization New? 708
Is Globalization Exaggerated? 709
Contents xxi
GLOBALIZATION AND THE FUTURE OF IRAN 711
INSTITUTIONS IN ACTION: DID GLOBALIZATION CAUSE ECONOMIC RECESSION? 714
Is Globalization Inevitable? 716
In Sum: The Future of Freedom and Equality 717
NOTES A-1
GLOSSARY/INDEX A-27
WEB LINKS A-103
FURTHER READINGS A-107
CREDITS A-111
xxii Contents
About the Authors
PATRICK H. O’NEIL is Distinguished Professor of politics and government at the Uni-
versity of Puget Sound in Tacoma, Washington. He received his Ph.D. in political science
from Indiana University. Professor O’Neil’s teaching and research interests are in the
areas of authoritarianism and democratization. His past research focused on Eastern
Europe, and his current research deals with the Middle East, particularly Iran. His publi-
cations include the books Revolution from Within: The Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party and
the Collapse of Communism and Communicating Democracy: The Media and Political Transitions
(editor).
KARL FIELDS is Distinguished Professor of politics and government and former Direc-
tor of Asian Studies at the University of Puget Sound in Tacoma, Washington. He has
a Ph.D. in political science from the University of California, Berkeley. Professor Fields’
teaching and research interests focus on various topics of East Asian political economy,
including government-business relations, economic reform, and regional integration.
His publications include Enterprise and the State in Korea and Taiwan.
DON SHARE is Professor Emeritus of politics and government at the University of Puget
Sound in Tacoma, Washington. He has a Ph.D. in political science from Stanford Univer-
sity. He has taught comparative politics and Latin American politics, and has published
widely on democratization and Spanish politics. His published books include The Making
of Spanish Democracy and Dilemmas of Social Democracy.
xxiii
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strongly—to put it mildly—all attempts to penetrate into their
strongholds. There can be little doubt that at this period they had
been contemplating for a long time an invasion of Egypt, and were
only waiting for a suitable opportunity to occur of putting it into
execution. In the circumstances, they naturally did not want
Europeans to enter their country for fear that they should get to know
too much. Moreover their fanaticism against Europeans had been
considerably augmented by the advance of the French into their
country from the south.
Even now most people seem hardly to realise the real character
of the Senussia; for one constantly hears them alluded to as a “tribe”
or merely as a set of unusually devout Moslems, who have chosen
to take up their abode in the most inaccessible parts of Africa, in
order to devote themselves to their religious life, without fear of
interruption from outsiders. The fact is, that they are in reality
dervishes, whose character, at that time at any rate, was of a most
uncompromising nature towards all non-Mohammedans and was
especially hostile towards Europeans, particularly those occupying
any Moslem territories. Moreover they were not confined only to the
Libyan Desert, but formed one of the most powerful of the dervish
orders, with followers spread throughout practically the whole
Moslem world from Sumatra to Morocco.
As I expected to come a good deal in contact with them in the
Libyan Desert, after leaving the Algerian Sahara, I spent a
considerable time in the public libraries of Algeria and Tunis, in
collecting such information as was available on the Senussia and
other dervishes of North Africa.
For the benefit of those unacquainted with the subject it may be
as well to explain the nature of these dervish orders. They resemble
in some ways the monastic communities of Christianity, and are
usually organised on much the same lines. Their zawias, or
monasteries, vary in size from unpretentious buildings, little better
than mud huts, to huge establishments, which in size and
architecture favourably compare with the finest institutions of their
kind in Europe.
Each dervish order has its own peculiar ritual. Many of them are
entirely non-political and of a purely religious character; but there are
others, such for instance as the notorious Rahmania and Senussia,
who are of a strongly political character, usually hostile to
Europeans. Frequently, however, their influence is not apparent, as
they keep discreetly in the background; but it has been repeatedly
shown that it has been intriguing sects such as these, who have
been at the bottom of the numerous risings and difficulties that
Europeans have had to contend with in dealing with their Moslem
subjects.
Other political orders—such as the Tijania—are actually
favourable towards Europeans; while others again lend their support
to some particular branch of the community, acting for instance, as in
the case of the Ziania, as protectors to travellers or, as the Kerzazia
do, supporting the dwellers in the oases against the attacks of the
bedawin who surround them, and so forth.
As these dervish orders are largely dependant upon the refar, or
tribute, that they exact from their followers, for their support, with few
exceptions, each sect does its utmost to increase the number of its
adherents and to prevent them from joining any other order. This
naturally leads to a considerable rivalry between them, and when
two of them pursue an exactly opposite policy—as for instance in the
case of the Tijania and the Senussia—this rivalry develops into a
deadly feud. It is the impossibility of inducing rival dervishes to
combine, more perhaps than anything else, that makes that wild
dream of Pan-islam, by which all Mohammedans are to unite to get
rid of their European rulers, such a hopelessly impossible scheme.
A very large proportion of the Moslem natives of North Africa
belong to one, or more, of these orders. But it is seldom that a native
can be found to discuss at all freely the particular one to which he
belongs. A knowledge, however, of them and of the peculiarities by
which the followers of each sect can be identified, is most useful.
The information that I picked up on this subject before going to Libya
I found of the greatest possible value, as it often enabled me to
gauge the probable attitude towards me of the men with whom I
came in contact, and even to put a spoke in their wheel, before they
even realised that I had any ground for suspicion.
On leaving Tunis, I went on to Egypt, where, before actually
setting out for the desert, I spent some time in Cairo, putting the
finishing touches to my equipment and picking up what information I
could about the part into which I was going. It is extraordinary how
many of my informants regarded the desert as “a land of romance.”
No doubt in many cases distance lends enchantment to the view,
and covers it with a certain amount of glamour; but a very slight
experience of these arid wastes is calculated completely to shatter
the spell. Romance is merely the degenerate offspring of imagination
and ignorance. There can be few parts of the world where one is so
much up against hard cold facts as one is in the desert.
On the whole, the information that I was able to collect was of a
very unsatisfactory character. I could learn practically nothing at all
definite about the desert—at least nothing that seemed to be
reliable, except that the dunes of the interior of the desert were quite
impassable.
But I soon found out that though I was learning nothing, other
people were. The truth of the local saying that “you can’t keep
anything quiet in Egypt” was several times forced upon me in rather
startling ways. Most of the news that natives learn probably leaks out
through the reckless way in which some Europeans talk in the
presence of their English-speaking servants. But even allowing for
careless conversation of this kind, it is astonishing how quickly news
sometimes travels. This rapid transmission of secret news is a well-
known thing in North Africa, and one that has always to be reckoned
with. In Algeria they call it the “arab telegraph,” and many
extraordinary cases of it are recorded.
As a result of my enquiries I was able to draw up a sort of
programme for my work in the desert, the main objects in which were
as follows:—
(1) To cross that field of impassable dunes.
(2) If I succeeded in doing so, to cross the desert from north-east to
south-west.
(3) Failing the latter scheme, to survey as much as possible of other
unknown parts of the desert.
(4) To collect as much information as possible from the natives about
the unknown portions of the desert that I was unable to visit
myself.
Before leaving Cairo, I engaged two servants. My knowledge of
Arabic at that time was scanty, and what there was of it was of the
Algerian variety—a vile patois that is almost a different language to
that spoken in the desert—an interpreter was consequently almost a
necessity. I took one—Khalil Salah Gaber by name—from a man
who was just leaving the country. He was loud in his praises of
Khalil, stating that he was an extremely good interpreter and “very
tactful.”
Since then I have always been distinctly suspicious of people who
are noted for their tact—there are so many degrees of it. Tactful,
diplomatic, tricky, dishonest, criminal, all express different shades of
the same quality, and Khalil’s tact turned out to be of the most
superlative character!
I also engaged a man called Dahab Suleyman Gindi as cook.
Dahab—unlike Khalil, who was a fellah or one of the Egyptian
peasants—was a Berberine, the race from which the best native
servants are drawn. He was a small, elderly, rather feeble-looking
man with an honest straightforward appearance, who not only turned
out to be a very fair cook, but who also made himself useful at times
as an interpreter, as he knew a certain amount of English.
After my preparations were completed, I stayed on for a while to
see something of the sights of Cairo. Its cosmopolitan all-nation
crowd made it an interesting enough place for a short stay. But after
one had spent a little time there, and done all the usual sights, dirty,
noisy Cairo and the other tourist resorts began to pall upon one.
After all, they are only a sort of popular edition of the country,
published by Thomas Cook and Son. Beyond lay the real Egypt and
desert, a land where afrits, ghuls, genii and all the other creatures of
the native superstitions are matters of everyday occurrence; where
lost oases and enchanted cities lie in the desert sands, where the
natives are still unspoiled by contact with Europeans, and where
most of the men are pleasing, and, though the prospect is vile, that
could not destroy the attraction that lay in the fact that about a million
square miles of it were quite unknown, and waiting to be explored.
Before I had been very long in Cairo, I had had enough of it—it
was so much like an Earl’s Court exhibition—and at the end of my
stay, I cleared out for the desert with a feeling of relief.
The train for Kharga Oasis left Cairo at 8 p.m. After a long dusty
journey I found myself deposited at the terminus in the Nile Valley of
the little narrow gauge railway that runs across the desert for some
hundred miles to Kharga Oasis.
There is a proper station at this junction now, but at that time, in
1909, the line had only been recently opened, and the junction
consisted merely of a siding, a ramshackle little wooden hut for the
station-master, and a truly appalling stink of dead dog, the last being
due to the fact that owing to an attack of rabies in the district, the
authorities had been laying down poisoned meat to destroy the
pariah dogs of the neighbourhood, who all seemed to have chosen
the vicinity of the station as the spot on which to spend their last
moments.
Having shot out my baggage at the side of the permanent way,
the train disappeared into the distance and left me with about half a
ton of kit to get up to Qara, the base of the oasis railway, where I had
been told I could get put up. After a delay of nearly an hour, during
which time, as it was bitterly cold, I began to feel the truth of the
native saying that “all travel is a foretaste of hell,” some trollies put in
an appearance. Moslems, it may be mentioned, believe that there
are seven hells, each worse than the last—and they say they are all
feminine!
As soon as the trollies had been loaded up, a start was made for
Qara, some five miles away, where I spent the next few days, while
collecting the camels for my caravan.
To assist me in buying the beasts, I engaged a local Arab, known
as Sheykh Suleyman Awad, a grim, grizzled old scoundrel of whom I
saw a good deal later on. In his youth he had had a great reputation
as a gada—a term corresponding pretty closely to our “sportsman,”
and much coveted by the younger bedawin.
He had gained this reputation in a manner rather characteristic of
these Arabs. Once, when a young man, he was having an altercation
with a couple of fellahin, who after showering other terms of abuse
upon him, finally wound up by calling him a “woman.” An insult such
as this from a couple of mere fellahin, a race much despised by the
Arabs, was too much altogether for Suleyman, who promptly shot
them both. It was a neat little repartee, but Suleyman had to do time
for it.
The bedawin in that part of Egypt are semi-sedentary, living
encamped in the Nile Valley on the edge of the cultivation. Most of
them live in tents woven of thick camel and goat hair, others in huts
of busa—dried stalks of maize, etc.—a few of the more wealthy
Arabs have houses, built of the usual mud bricks, and own small
areas of land which they cultivate. At certain seasons of the year,
they migrate into the oases, returning again to their camping places
in the Nile Valley in the spring, to avoid the camel fly that puts in its
appearance in the oases at that season, and is capable of causing
nearly as much mortality among the camels as the tsetse fly does
among horses in other parts of Africa.
After spending a day or two trying to buy camels round Qara, I at
length secured five first-rate beasts in the market at Berdis.
Each Arab tribe has its own camel brand or wasm, the origins of
which are lost in the mists of antiquity. Some of these marks,
however, are identical in shape with the letters of the old Libyan
alphabet of North Africa, and with its near relation the Tifinagh, or
alphabet of the modern Tawareks, and it is possible that there may
be some connection between them.
The camels I bought at Berdis came from the Sudan. They were
large fawn-coloured beasts with a fairly smooth coat, and all showed
the same brand—a vertical line on the near side of the head by the
nostril, and a similar line in the bend of the neck. They belonged, I
believe, to the Ababda tribe.
Sheykh Suleyman eventually produced a decent-looking camel
from somewhere, which I bought, and that, with the five I had
procured from Berdis, constituted my whole caravan—and an
excellent lot of beasts they were.
I engaged a couple of drivers to look after them—Musa, a young
fellow of about eighteen years of age, and a little jet-black Sudani,
called Abd er Rahman Musa Said, who turned out to be a first-rate
man, and stayed with me the whole time I spent in the desert. Both
of these men belonged to Sheykh Suleyman’s tribe.
The choice of a guide is a serious question, as the success or
otherwise of an expedition depends very largely upon him, and I
found considerable difficulty in finding a suitable man. I nearly
engaged one who applied, as he seemed to be the only one of the
candidates who knew anything at all about the desert beyond the
Egyptian frontier. But Nimr—Sheykh Suleyman’s brother—sent me
word by Abd er Rahman, that he was not to be relied on as he
“followed the Sheykh”—the usual way among natives of describing a
man who was a member of the Senussia, and as he refused a
cigarette I offered him, I declined to employ him. Smoking, it may be
noticed is forbidden to the followers of Sheykh Senussi, and the offer
of a cigarette is consequently a useful—though not always infallible
—test of membership of this fanatical fraternity.
My suspicions were confirmed on the following morning, when this
man came in to hear my answer to his application. The camel he
rode was branded on the neck with the wasm of the Senussia—a
kind of conventionalised form of the Arabic word “Allah” ( )—a
damning piece of evidence showing not only that he belonged to the
sect, but that his mount was supplied by the Senussia itself. He was
probably one of their agents.
I was beginning to despair of finding a guide, when I received a
telegram from the mudir (native governor) of Assiut, to whom I had
applied for a reliable man, saying that he had got one for me, and
asking whether I wished to see him.
The man arrived the next day. I took a fancy to him at once, which
even his many peccadilloes never quite destroyed. His appearance
was distinctly in his favour. He was a big man, nearly six feet high,
which is very tall indeed for an Arab. He looked about sixty years old,
and carried himself with that “grand air” which so many of the
bedawin show, and which goes so well with the flowing robes of the
East. Unlike most bedawin he was spotlessly clean.
His name he said was Qway Hassan Qway. It is quite impossible
to convey an accurate idea of the pronunciation of Arabic names by
mere European systems of writing, but his first name as he
pronounced it, sounded like “choir” with a sort of gulping “g”
instituted for the “ch.” He added the gratuitous piece of information
that his grandfather had been a bey—a sort of military title
corresponding roughly to a knighthood. He was clearly not in the
habit of hiding his light under a bushel. But as he was very highly
recommended by the mudir, and I liked the look of him, I engaged
him.
“Guide” is perhaps hardly the correct term to describe the capacity
in which he was expected to act, for he did not even profess to have
any knowledge of the desert beyond the Egyptian frontier. But as it
seemed hopeless to attempt to find anyone who did, I employed him
as a man of great experience in desert travelling, who would act as
head of the caravan and help me with his advice in any difficulty that
arose.
I took him round and introduced him to my other men. At my
suggestion he arranged with Sheykh Suleyman to hire a riding camel
from him, as he said that he had not one of his own that was strong
enough for a hard desert journey.
In spite of his engaging manners, for some reason that was not
apparent, both Sheykh Suleyman and Abd er Rahman obviously
took a strong dislike to him. I was rather pleased at this, as a little
friction in one’s caravan makes the men easier to manage. At the
time, I put it down to his belonging to a different tribe; but, judging
from what afterwards occurred, I fancy it was really due to their
knowing something against him, which, native-like, they did not see
fit to tell me.
Qway being thus provided for, I dispatched my caravan by road to
Kharga Oasis, and followed them myself a day or two afterwards by
the bi-weekly train.
CHAPTER II
F OR the first few miles the line ran over the floor of the Nile Valley.
Some twenty-eight miles from Qara, we emerged from the wady
through which the railway ran on to the plateau above. Jebel, the
word generally used in Egypt to signify desert, means literally
mountain; the desert near the Nile Valley consisting of the plateau
through which the Nile has cut its course.
The view on the plateau was impressive in its utter barrenness—
no single plant, not even dried grass, was to be seen. Though the
actual surface of the desert was very uneven, the general level was
extremely uniform. The whole plateau consisted of limestone, in the
slight hollows and inequalities of which patches of sand and gravel
had collected. Here and there very low limestone hills, or rather
mounds, were to be seen, none of them probably exceeding twenty
feet in height. Everywhere on the plateau the effect of the sand
erosion was most marked. The various types of surface produced
being known to the natives as rusuf, kharafish, kharashef and
battikh, or “water melon” desert, the nature of which will best be seen
from the photographs.
The descent from the plateau into the depression in which Kharga
Oasis lies, lay, like the ascent from the Nile Valley on to the plateau,
through a wady. Kharga Oasis was at that time very little known to
Europeans. Until the advent in the district of the company who had
constructed the railway, the oasis had only been visited, I believe, by
a few scientists and Government officials.
The desert beyond it had been so little explored that, within about
a day’s journey from the oasis, I found a perfect labyrinth—several
hundred square miles in extent—of little depressions, two or three
hundred feet in depth, opening out of each other, that completely
honeycombed what had previously been considered to be a part of
the solid limestone plateau. Unfortunately, I was never able entirely
to explore this curious district. It almost certainly contains at least
two wells, or perhaps small oases—’Ain Hamur and ’Ain Embarres.
It is difficult to convey to anyone who has not seen them a clear
idea of these oases in the Libyan Desert. Kharga is an oblong tract
of country measuring roughly a hundred and forty miles from north to
south by twenty from east to west. It is bounded on the east, north
and west by huge cliffs or hills. Only about a hundred and fiftieth of
its area, in the neighbourhood of the various villages, hamlets and
farms scattered over its surface, is under cultivation. These
cultivated areas are irrigated by artesian wells, many of which date
back to a very remote period. But Kharga Oasis and its antiquities
have already been described by two or three writers, so no lengthy
account of them is necessary. It contains a number of temples and
other ruins, the most important of which is the Temple of Hibis.
The temple has an excellent mummy story connected with it.
Those engaged in excavating the temples and tombs of Egypt—an
occupation locally known as “body snatching”—are well aware that in
their work they always have “the dead agin them,” and there are few
places where this has been so well exemplified as in the Temple of
Hibis.
At the time of my arrival in Kharga it was being restored by an
American archæologist, named W———. Before it was taken in
hand, sand had drifted by the wind up against the walls, until it
reached very nearly to their summit. In order to find out the extent of
the buildings, W——— caused a trench to be dug parallel to one of
the main walls.
Before this was completed, his men told him that they did not wish
to continue working in that part, giving as their reason that a sheykh,
i.e. a holy man, had been buried there, and since he was of
exceptional holiness, lights had been seen hovering over his grave
at night, and a man who had dug there before had fallen ill.
After some difficulty W——— succeeded in inducing the men to
continue their work. But a sacred mummy is an uncanny thing to
tackle. Sure enough, after his men had been digging a little longer,
some earth slipped down into the trench, and with it came half the
mummy, the other half remaining in the ground by the side of the
trench. The men “downed tools” at once, and stood aghast at this
calamity. The mummy’s feelings must have been seriously outraged
for he lost no time in getting to work—the native who had actually
dug him up was subject to fits, and had one and died that night.
The next morning the mummy had disappeared and all the men
were back at work again, just as though nothing had happened. After
some little time W——— began to make cautious enquiries as to
what had happened to the mummy; but he elicited no information
whatever. His enquiries were met with a blank stare of surprise
—“mummy? What mummy? There had been no mummy there.”
When a native knows nothing like that, it is quite hopeless to try and
get anything out of him.
W———’s men went on with their work as though nothing had
happened. One of them had atoned for the little accident to the
mummy, so they knew that the rest of them were safe . . . but they
seemed solicitous about W———’s health, and W——— soon found
that he had not done with that mummy. Before the end of the
season, he and the European working with him, who had had most
to do with the mummy, went down with very bad Kharga fever—a
virulent form of malaria—from which W——— himself nearly died.
Some time afterwards he discovered that his men had gone down
before him, on the night the mummy had been dug up, and had
collected his remains and given him a decent Mohammedan burial.
He found out where he was buried and built a really magnificent
tomb-top over his grave. It must be nearly ten feet long, six feet wide
and two feet high. It was built of the very best mud bricks the oasis
could produce—and he even whitewashed it. Since then the mummy
has been pacified and has left W——— in peace.
When I found out where the mummy was buried, I bakhshished
him, by shoving a five-piastre piece into the ground by the side of his
grave—a proceeding that met with Dahab’s highest approval—and I
had a more successful trip that year than any other. But it doesn’t
say much for the intelligence of the mummy, for that five-piastre
piece was a bad one.
For the benefit of the sceptical, I wish to add that this story is true
—absolutely true—any native in Kharga will tell you that—besides
there is the whited sepulchre to prove it; so for a mummy story it is
very true indeed.
After a stay of some days in Kharga to allow the caravan to come
through from the Nile Valley, we started off for our journey to Dakhla
Oasis. Our road at first ran roughly from east to west. Shortly after
our start it passed through a patch some two miles wide of curious
clay ridges. These, which seemed all to be under twenty feet high,
were evidently formed by the erosion of the earth by the wind-driven
sand, for they all ran from north to south, in the direction of the
prevailing wind. Just before reaching the western side of the oasis,
our road passed through a gap in a belt of sand dunes, which, like
the clay ridges, also ran in the same north to south direction of the
prevailing wind.
These sand belts consist of long narrow areas covered with
dunes, running across the desert in almost straight lines, roughly
from north to south. This Abu Moharik belt, through which our road
ran, has a length which cannot be much less than four hundred
miles; but, though it varies somewhat in width at different points
along its course, its average breadth is probably not much more than
five miles, that is to say, about an eightieth of its total length. These
belts consist almost entirely of more or less crescent-shaped dunes.
In places the sand hills of which they are composed are scattered
and stand isolated from each other, with areas of sand-free desert
between them. In other parts the dunes are more closely packed;
many of the crescents join together to form large clusters, and the
spaces between the dunes are also sometimes covered with sand.
Beyond the dune belt, we turned sharply towards the south and
soon came on to the northern end of the cultivated area surrounding
Kharga village. From Kharga we journeyed southward to the village
of Bulaq, passing on our way the sandstone temples of Qasr el
Guehda—or Wehda, as it is often locally pronounced—and Qasr
Zaiyan. Both were surrounded by a mudbrick enclosure filled with
the remains of a labyrinth of small ruined brick buildings and
contained some hieroglyphics and some fine capitals to the pillars.
Shortly after leaving Qasr Zaiyan, we entered a sandy patch
covered with vegetation consisting of graceful branched Dom palms,
acacias, palm scrub and grasses, in which some of the cattle of the
breed, for which the oasis was noted, were grazing. Half an hour’s
journey through this scrub-covered area brought us to the palm
groves and village of Bulaq, on the south side of which I pitched my
camp. Bulaq, though one of the largest villages of the oasis, with a
population of about one thousand, is quite uninteresting. Its palm
groves and cultivated land lie on its eastern side; on the north, south
and west it is bounded by open sandy desert. It is chiefly noted as
being the main centre in the oasis for the manufacture of mats and
baskets, made chiefly from the leaves of the numerous Dom palms
growing in the neighbourhood.
After breakfast the next day we struck camp and set off due west
across the dune belt. It took us only an hour and a quarter to
negotiate. Between the dunes were many interspaces entirely free
from sand, so by keeping as much as possible to these and winding
about, so as to cross the sand hills at their lowest points, we
managed to get through the belt and emerged on to a gravelly sand-
free desert beyond.
This, my first experience of the dunes of the Libyan Desert, was
distinctly encouraging. Not only were the sand hills much smaller
than I had been led to suppose, but their surface was crusted hard,
and we crossed them with little difficulty; on emerging on the farther
side, I set out for Dakhla Oasis, feeling far more hopeful of being
able to cross the heavy sand to the west of that oasis than I had ever
been before.
After crossing the dune belt, we altered our course and turned up
nearly due north so as to make for the well of ’Ain Amur. The desert
over which we were travelling was of pebbly sand, with an
occasional rocky hill or ridge of black sandstone, and presented few
points of interest. We camped at five, and I had a good opportunity
of studying the peculiarities of my men, and of the kit they had
brought with them for the journey.
Qway’s equipment was about as near perfection for the desert as
it was possible to get it. His camel saddle was a rabiat, over this was
a red leather cushion on which he sat. On this he placed his hurj, or
pair of saddle-bags, of strong carpet-like stuff, one of which hung
down on either side; above this lay a folded red blanket, and over
this again he spread his furwa, or black sheepskin—an
indispensable part of a camel rider’s equipment, which he not only
places over his saddle, where it forms a soft and comfortable seat,
but on which he sits when dismounted, lies on or covers himself with
at night and throws over his shoulders on a cold day. Over the
camel’s withers in front of the saddle was a second small pad, also
of red leather, on which to rest his legs as he crossed them in front of
him as he rode, hanging from his rabiat on either side was a sack of
grain for his camel, the pockets of his hurj resting on the top of the
sacks.
Slung on to his saddle was a most miscellaneous collection of
articles. A Martini-Henry rifle I had lent him, with a text from the
Koran engraved on it in gold lettering, lay along his camel’s back
under his hurj on one side, and was balanced by a red parasol on
the other. A goat-skin for carrying water, a small crock full of cheese,
his camel’s nose-bag, or mukhlia, in which, when leaving an oasis he
generally carried a few eggs packed in straw that he had managed
to cadge from some village as we passed, his ’agal, or camel hobble,
and a skin of flour, were all tied on to some part or other of his
saddle.
In his hurj Qway carried a most extraordinary collection of things:
a small circular mirror and a pair of folding nail scissors, with which
at the end of a day’s march he frequently spent some time in
trimming his beard and moustache—he was always spotlessly clean
and neat—a clothes-brush, with which he always brushed his best
clothes; his best shoes; an awl with the point stuck into a cork for
operating on the camels; a packing needle and one or two sewing
needles, with their points similarly protected, a little bag containing
thread and buttons; a lump of soap; part of a cone of sugar; tea, salt,
red pepper, pills and one or two other mysterious Arab medicines, all
carefully tied up separately in different pieces of rag, some cartridges
I had given him for his rifle, any onions he had been able to cadge in
the last oasis, and a quantity of dried dates, constituted only a few of
the miscellaneous assortment of things that his camel bags
contained.
The kit of the camel drivers, who were of course on foot, was
much more simple. Between them they brought a skin of flour, an
enamelled iron basin to make their dough in; a slightly dished iron
plate (saj) to bake their bread on, and two or three small tin
canisters, in which they carried sugar, salt and tea, when they had
any, and which were thrown into the ordinary sack in which they
carried the small amount of surplus clothing they possessed.
Dahab carried his belongings in a bag rolled up in a rug on which
he slept, his kit being of a very workmanlike nature. Khalil’s outfit,
however, was largely of an ornamental character, including such
trifles as a pink satiny pillow thickly studded with gold stars and
covered with a pillow-case trimmed with lace!
In the rough usage inseparable from a desert journey everyone’s
clothing becomes more or less damaged. The other men during our
halts got their clothes patched and mended, but Khalil never repaired
the numerous rents that soon began to appear in his garments. He
ultimately became such a scarecrow that when, on one extremely
hot day, he seated himself on a rock during our noontide halt, he
sprang up again a great deal quicker than he sat down, the reason
being that the rock was greatly heated, and, to put it poetically, he
had not been “divided from the desert by the sewn.”
While in the Valley, Khalil had been quite a success, for he made
a very fair interpreter. But no sooner did he get into the desert, than
he appeared at once in his true character, of a dragoman of the
deepest die. He was a sore trial, until I got rid of him.
The first few days in the desert with a new caravan are always
trying. The men have not got into their work, and the camels, being
strangers to each other, spend most of their time in fighting. A
savage camel is a dangerous beast and it is of no use playing with
him. The right place to hit him is his neck. Hit him hard with
something heavy, and go on doing it and he becomes partially
stunned and is then amenable to reason. Still, as the gifted author of
“Eothen” put it, “you soon learn to love a camel for the sake of her
gentle womanish ways.”
The Arabs have different names that they apply to camels
according to their age—a one-year-old beast is called ibn esh
Sha’ar, or sometimes ibn es Sena; a two-year-old, ibn Lebun; a
three-year-old, Heg; a four-year-old, Thenni; a five-year-old, Jedda;
a six-year-old, Raba’a; a seven-year-old, Sedis; and an eight-year-
old, Fahal. The names apply to both male and female beasts. After
eight years a male is called jemel (camel) simply, and the female
naga.
On some very bad roads, where there is much rock surface to be
crossed, many of the caravan guides carry an awl, string and pieces
of leather, for the purpose of resoling a camel’s foot should the whole
skin of it peel off, as it sometimes will. Qway resoled a foot of one of
my camels once that went dead lame from this cause.
The operation was a simple one and seemed to be quite painless.
He bored holes diagonally upwards through the thick skin on the
edge of the sole of the foot, cut out a piece of leather slightly larger
than the camel’s footprint, and then passed pieces of string through
the holes he had bored, and through corresponding holes in the
piece of leather and tied the ends of the string together. One or two
of the strings got cut through by the rock and had to be replaced.
The camel, however, without much difficulty was able to hobble back
into the oasis, and after some weeks’ rest to allow the skin on the
sole of his foot to grow again, completely recovered.
Camels vary considerably in colour. Among those I bought in my
first season in Egypt were a beast of a rather unusual chestnut
colour and two other fawn-coloured brutes, one of which had a
shade of grey in its complexion, and the other was inclined towards a
roan tint. These were called by my men the red, blue and green
camels respectively.
The “green” beast was the one I used to ride. He was not a bad
mount, but as he had not been ridden before I bought him, and
guiding a camel by means of a single rein is always rather like trying
to steer a boa-constrictor with a string, my stick at first had to be
used pretty often.
In the afternoon of our third day, after leaving Kharga, we passed
a mass of eroded chalk jutting up above the sandy ground, which,
being a recognised landmark was known to natives from its shape as
Abu el Hul—“the Sphinx.” From there we proceeded to the well of
’Ain Amur, close to which I found a few patches of light blue sand.
A journey of a day and a half westwards over the tableland, on the
north cliff of which ’Ain Amur is placed, brought us to the top of the
slope from the level of the plateau to Dakhla Oasis.
This negeb, or descent, proved to be rather difficult to negotiate.
The sand had drifted up against the cliff we had to climb down, and
once on the bank of sand the camels, by walking diagonally down
the slope, were able to reach the bottom without difficulty. But at the
top of the sand bank, the rocks of which the cliff was composed,
overhung to form a sort of cornice, and the path on to the sand slope
below it lay through a cleft in the cornice, so narrow that the baggage
had to be lifted temporarily up from the camels’ backs to enable
them to pass through the passage.
It took us half an hour to negotiate this place; but having at length
managed it without any catastrophe, we camped in a bay in the cliff
soon after reaching the bottom.
Soon after sunset a wild goose flew over the camp on to the
plateau, coming from the south-west. Many were the speculations as
to where it had come from, as no water was known to exist in the
desert from which it came anywhere nearer than the Sudan.
CHAPTER III
A BOUT two in the afternoon of the following day we reached “Ain

El Jemala,” the first well of Dakhla Oasis, situated near the edge
of a large area of scrub, which was said to be a favourite haunt of
gazelle. We halted here to water the camels. We then pushed on
past the village of Tenida, to Belat.
The ’omda (village head-man) came round during the afternoon,
bringing some of the leading men of the village with him to welcome
me to the oasis, and to invite me to dine with him, greeting me with
the picturesque formula invariably used in the desert to anyone
returning from a journey—“praise be to Allah for your safety.”
After dinner a man was brought in who had come from Mut, the
capital town of the oasis, bringing me a note from the mamur, or
native magistrate, welcoming me to his district, and saying that,
though he had heard I had come, no one had been able to
pronounce my name. He asked me to get someone to write it down
in Arabic. Dakhla Oasis, though it lies just within the Egyptian
frontier, had been visited by very few Europeans up to that time, and
my arrival in this out-of-the-way spot consequently created
somewhat of a stir in its little community.
I entrusted Khalil with the answer to the letter. The “ing” sound in
my name is one which no Arab-speaking native has ever been able
to master. At length, after much discussion, Khalil got the letter
written; the result being that I ever afterwards went in the oasis
under the name of “Harden Keen.”
From Belat we pushed on to Smint el Kharab, or ruined Smint,
where are some mud-built ruins, some of which have paintings on
their interior walls, apparently of Coptic origin. From Smint el Kharab
we pushed on to the village of Smint itself. Here we were of course
invited to lunch by the ’omda—an invitation of which I was for once
glad to avail myself, as we had made an early start, and the caravan,
which had been told to wait for me outside the village, had by some
misunderstanding, gone on to Mut.
My first impressions of the inhabitants of these oases, with their
cordial welcome, was certainly a most favourable one. Their
hospitality, however, I found at times somewhat overwhelming.
’OMDA’S HOUSE, TENIDA.
As to the nature of this hospitality there appears to be some

misunderstanding. In many cases one’s host is a private individual,
or, if he be an ’omda, entertains one in his private capacity. But
usually when invited to partake of a meal or to stay with an ’omda,
one is in reality the guest of the entire village, though the fact may
not be apparent. The ’omdas of Dakhla Oasis have the right to take
a small proportion of the flow of any new well sunk in their district, to
pay for the hospitality they show to the strangers that come to their
village. In cases where there are no new wells, they collect from the
heads of the different families the expenses that they have incurred

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3 NATIONS AND SOCIETY 52

What Is Political Violence? 119

6 DEMOCRATIC REGIMES 142

Defining Democracy 146

7 DEVELOPED DEMOCRACIES 174

Defining Developed Democracy 178

UNITED KINGDOM 202

Why Study This Case? 203

UNITED STATES 232

Why Study This Case? 233

8 NONDEMOCRATIC REGIMES 354

Defining Nondemocratic Rule 357

9 COMMUNISM AND POSTCOMMUNISM 382

Communism, Equality, and the Nature of Human Relations 386

10 DEVELOPING COUNTRIES 480

Freedom and Equality in the Developing World 484

SOUTH AFRICA 628

Why Study This Case? 629

11 GLOBALIZATION AND THE FUTURE OF

A BOUT two in the afternoon of the following day we reached “Ain

’OMDA’S HOUSE, TENIDA.

As to the nature of this hospitality there appears to be some

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