Hong, Gen 20-22

Abraham, Genesis 20-22, and the Northern Elohist
Author(s): Koog P. Hong

Source: Biblica, Vol. 94, No. 3 (2013), pp. 321-339
Published by: Peeters Publishers
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Abraham, Genesis 20-22, and the Northern Elohist
Did northern Israelites remember Abraham as their founding an-

cestor? What was the status of Abraham in relation to Jacob, whose
ancestral connection to Israel is more directly established (Gen
32,22-32)? I ask these questions because I think they reveal a fun-
damental difference between the two competing models in Penta-
teuchal criticism: the source model and the tradition-historical
"block" model.
Let me briefly describe the current state of Pentateuchal criticism
as I understand it. The most current debate centers on the tradition-
historically oriented redaction-critical discussion on the "hiatus" be-
tween Genesis and Exodus and the ensuing investigation of the
nature and scope of the Priestly and post-Priestly redaction that sup-
posedly combined them on the literary level '. This movement is an
outgrowth of the tradition-historical "block model". Proposed by
Rolf Rendtorff, this model purports to trace the development of each
small unit from its earliest stage to the latest 2. Rendtorff's model
was later championed by Erhard Blum 3 and has been introduced to
North America by David Carr 4.
On the other side, there are proponents of the source model. Several
groups hold this view. There are traditionalists who strive to maintain
and defend the Documentary Hypothesis in the form of the Graf-Well-
1 This movement is conveniently presented in two volumes of collected

essays. J.C. Gertz - K. Schmid - M. Witte (eds.), Abschied vom Jahwisten.
Die Komposition des Hexateuch in der jüngsten Diskussion (BZAW 315;
Berlin 2002); T.B. Dozeman - K. Schmid (eds.), A Farewell to the Yahwist?
The Composition of the Pentateuch in Recent European Interpretation (At-
lanta, GA 2006).
2 R. Rendtorff, Das überlieferungsgeschichtliche Problem des Penta-
teuch (BZAW 147; Berlin 1977) = The Problem of the Process of Transmis-
sion in the Pentateuch (JSOTSS 89; Sheffield 1990).
3 E. Blum, Die Komposition der Vätergeschichte (WMANT 57; Neukir-
chen-Vluyn 1 984); Id., Studien zur Komposition des Pentateuch (BZAW 1 89;
Berlin 1990).
4 D.M. Carr, Reading the Fractures of Genesis. Historical and Literary
Approaches (Louisville, KY 1996).
BIBLICA 94.3 (2013) 321-339
322 Koog P. Hong
hausen model. These include R.E. Fr

are "revisionists", most notably Joh
who essentially transform the Yahw
another group, now called "Neo-Doc
and American scholars led by Baruc
the source model by promoting source
deavor, saving it from Wellhausenia
is a group of scholars who build th
historical framework, with E as a n
southern revision 9.
In this essay, I intend to clarify th
vergences between these two m
5 R.E. Friedman, Who Wrote the Bib

cession of Biblical Source Criticism", T
Hebrew Scriptures (eds. R.E. Friedm
Atlanta, GA 1 987) 8 1 - 1 0 1 ; Id., The B
into the Five Books of Moses (San Fr
Redactors of the Torah", Birkat Shalom
Eastern Literature, and Postbiblical Jud
the Occasion of His Seventieth Birt
(Winona Lake, IN 2008) 3-44; E.W. Nich
tieth Century. The Legacy of Julius W
6 E.g. J. Van Seters, Abraham in Hist
1975); Id., In Search of History. Historio
Origins of Biblical History (New Haven
The Yahwist as Historian in Genesis (L
Moses. The Yahwist as Historian in Exo
H.H. Schmid, Der sogenannte Jahwist.
tateuchforschung (Zürich 1976). Also,
Göttingen 1993).
7 For this designation, see T.B. Dozem
(eds.) The Pentateuch. International Pe
78; Tübingen 2011) 208, n. 2; 370, n. 3.
8 J.S. Baden, J ' E, and the Redaction
2009); B.J. Schwartz, "Does Recent Sch
tary Hypothesis Constitute Grounds fo
ternational Perspectives on Current R
9 Z. Weisman, From Jacob to Israel. T
Incorporation within the History of t
1986); Id., "The Interrelationship betwe
ological Criteria", ZA W 104 (1992) 177
God (BZAW 402; Berlin 2010).
Abraham, Genesis 20-22, and the Northern Elohist 323
northern Israelites' conception of Abraham help my discussion? The

two models differ in the way they conceive of the nature of the basic
unit around which their models are built. The source model presup-
poses the continuity of each source (horizontal continuity). Each
source is construed as a complete, parallel, document about Israel's
past. The block model is based on the premise that each tradition
(e.g., the Abraham-Lot tradition or Jacob-Laban tradition) existed in-
dependently as tribal or local heritage 10. The full scope of Israel's
history as we now know it arose only after they were combined.
In the non-Priestly patriarchal narrative, for instance, source critics
understand the two early narrative sources, J and E, as parallel and
complete documents, which originated within the two biblical king-
doms: Judah in the south and Israel in the north. Naturally, in this po-
sition, the northern tradition is equated with E; the southern tradition,
with J. This corresponding political orientation has been widely as-
sumed by source critics ". According to the block model, on the other
hand, what constitutes the northern tradition within the patriarchal nar-
rative makes up the core layer of the Jacob story (Genesis 25-33*) 12 .
The southern tradition, if it existed independently, was mainly com-
posed of the Abraham tradition. The block model, then, understands
the current pre-P patriarchal narrative as the product of the southern
expansion and revision of the original northern tradition 13.
To be sure, the exact nature of the authorship in source criticism
and that of the provenance in tradition-historical criticism may not
coincide. In the source model, the source writers' political orientation
has little to do with the provenance of the collected tradition. That
is, even if the Yahwist is from exilic Judah, his document may com-
10 M. Noth, A History of Pentateuchal Traditions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ

1972) esp. 42-62 [German original: Stuttgart 19481.
11 E.g. R.B. Coote, In Defense of Revolution: The Elohist History (Min-
neapolis, MN 1991) 12; Nicholson, The Pentateuch, 14-15. For earlier po-
sitions see J. Skinner, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis
(Edinburgh 2 1930) lvii; H. Gunkel, Genesis (Mercer Library of Biblical Stud-
ies; Macon, GA 1997) lxxv, n. 105 [German original: Göttingen 3 1 91 0].
12 For arguments for the independent northern origin of the Jacob story,
see Carr, Fractures, 204-215, 256-271, 298-300; A. de Pury, "The Jacob
Story and the Beginning of the Formation of the Pentateuch", A Farewell to
the Yahwist?, 56-72.
13 Carr, Fractures, 203-208; Blum, Vätergeschichte, 204-361.
324 Koog P. Hong
prise both northern and southern tra

the two models conflict with each
tradition historians would identify
regard, the Elohistic Abraham sect
main divergence 14. This section b
in the source-critical scheme, but
as southern. In other words, acco
model, before the northern tradit
northern Israelites remembered their
of Jacob, not Abraham.
One might object that discussin
Pentateuchal scholarship. Today's e
ever, does not minimize the necess
ever-elusive early stage of the comp
Besides, studies on E, despite wides
appeared 15. More importantly, whe
are tackled, scholars frequently retu
dated Elohistic criteria in identifyin
even if my discussion is on the sur
traditional forms of the source mo
branches within the source mode
again, did northerners remember A
14 Not surprisingly, this text has receiv

Alexander, Abraham in the Negev. A S
20:1-22:19 (Carlisle, UK 1997); F. Zimm
phetische Redaktionsschicht. Eine litera
tersuchung der sogenannten elohistisch
Hochschulschriften 656; Frankfurt am
their approaches, both authors reject the
15 To name some of the major contrib
ments in the Pentateuch", Interpretati
Elohist and North Israelite Traditions
The Israelian Heritage of Judaism (TSJ
Defense', S.E. McEvenue, "A Return to
106 (1994) 375-389; Zimmer, Der Elohi
wart und Wirksamkeit des Transzendenten Gottes in der Geschichte
(WMANT 97; Neukirchen- Vluyn 2002); Weisman, From Jacob to Israel, J.
Gomes, The Sanctuary of Bethel and the Configuration of Israelite Identity
(BZAW 368; Berlin 2006); Yoreh, The First Book of God.
16 E.g. Gomes, Bethel, Yoreh, The First Book of God.
I. Examining Arguments for the Northern Provenance

of Genesis 20-22
I would like to begin by reading Genesis 20-22 without any method-

ological prejudice to see if it betrays any northern trait. This section
contains accounts of Abraham's confrontation with a local chieftain re-
garding his wife (20,2-18; cf. 12,10-20), the birth of Isaac (21,1-7),
Abraham sending away Ishmael and Hagar (21,8-21; cf. Genesis 16),
making a covenant with Abimelech (21,22-34), and the sacrifice of
Isaac (22, 1-19). Read with a candid eye, that is, without an overarching
source-critical system such as the divine-name principle, one hardly
finds northern traits in Genesis 20-22. In fact, it is easier to find evidence
of southern orientation. The main character in these accounts is Abra-
ham, whose southern orientation is well established l7. All the incidents
occur in places in the south (Gerar and Beer-Sheba). There is no partic-
ularly pro-Israelite or anti-Judean tendency in any of these accounts. If
this section had been written by the northern Israelites after they escaped
from Solomon's despotic rule, one would expect to see a polemical
stance against Abraham, whose tie with David was no secret.
Moreover, this section appears to constitute an integral part of the
pre-P Abraham story. A structural unity of the pre-P Abraham tradi-
tion as a whole (i.e., including Genesis 20-22) has long been ob-
served, and does not bear repeating here l8. The mere fact that this
structural unity has been so easily supplanted by the supposed unity
of E reveals the ideological nature of source-critical readings. More-
over, Genesis 20-22 includes the climax of Abraham's life. It in-
cludes the eventual birth of Isaac, the fruit of the divine promise
(12,1-3; 15,1-5), and Isaac's sacrifice and eventual deliverance. All
of these have tremendous implications for the life of later Judeans,
the ultimate recipients of the promise given to Abraham. Without this
part, the initial promise is left unfulfilled l9. It is incomprehensible
17 E.g. R.E. Clements, Abraham and David. Genesis XV and Its Meaning
for Israelite Tradition (SBT 2/5; Naperville, IL 1967).
18 J.P. Fokkelman, "Time and the Structure of the Abraham Cycle", New
Avenues in the Study of the Old Testament. Festschrift M.J. Mulder (ed. A.S.
van der Woude) (OTS 25; Leiden 1989) 96-109. See Carr, Fractures, 198-
199, esp. n. 44 for a list of earlier literature. Contra: R.G. Kratz, The Com-
position of the Narrative Books of the Old Testament (London 2005) 260-261
[German original: Göttingen 20001.
19 M. E. Biddle, '"The "Endangered Ancestress' and Blessing for the Na-
tions", JBL 109(1990) 599-611; Alexander, Abraham, 102-110, 127.
326 Koog P. Hong
that the Judean version of the Abrah

(except for the alleged fragmentary
the story of their ancestor. It is equ
Judean redactor would replace J's (i.e
that from the northern version (E). W
puted RJE2° or any other later exilic or
orientation of the redactor is unques
redactor choose a northern version f
life of Abraham, the ancestor of the
Indeed, no single classical source cr
ern origin of E directly from Genes
the sweeping source-critical identifi
ument did Genesis 20-22, as a port
northern identification. In what follo
lenging the Elohistic character of
focuses on revealing the uncritical n
of Elohistic with northern.
1. Popular Arguments for E 's North
Standard arguments for E's norther

on tradition-historical criteria (such
and a pro-Israel, or anti- Judean, ten
lective. Since R.E. Friedman champio
following discussion concerns his a
Friedman, like many others, hig
Shechem or Penuel in some of the Elo
it with J material, which is predomi
tions, most notably Hebron; this i
ment 22 . Since Shechem and Penuel
Kgs 23,25), at first sight this argum
examination, however, its selective n
Friedman's evidence, including point
comes exclusively out of E's Jacob
E's Abraham section (Genesis 20-22
thermore, to the extent of my know
20 Baden, J, E, and the Redaction, 1 1

21 E.g. Friedman, Who Wrote, 62. Cf.
22 Friedman, Who Wrote, 62.
Friedman, have critically demonstrated that in the Jacob- Joseph-

Moses section those northern attributes apply exclusively to its Elo-
hist stratum. Conversely, all the evidence for J's southern
orientation is conveniently selected from the Abraham section. How
the J strands in the Jacob story, despite its northern geographic ori-
entation, belong to the south is hardly discussed. In the end, Fried-
man must allow the northern affiliation of E's Jacob-Joseph-Moses
sections to speak for its Abraham section.
Friedman's subsequent arguments that pertain to pro-Israel ten-
dencies in E are undermined by similar selective and circular argu-
ments. For instance, Friedman repeats a popular argument that in E's
Joseph story Reuben tries to save an endangered Joseph, whereas in
J it is Judah 23 . Yet a closer look reveals that the pro-Judah layer is
assigned to J only because J's southern orientation is presumed. With-
out that presumption, there is hardly a reason to take the Judah layer
as southern. Noth remarked on the Reuben layer: "here, of course,
we have before us a form of the tradition which is traditio-historically
more original, but not a non-Judean or even a specifically 'north-Is-
raelite' form" 24 . In the end, none of his arguments for E's pro-Israel
tendency includes E's Abraham section; no matter how impressive
these arguments are, they hardly justify the northern orientation of
Genesis 20-22.
For source critics like Friedman, this selectiveness posed mini-
mal problems because they presumed a continuity of sources. The
alleged continuity of sources is, however, what source critics must
prove when faced with the tradition historians' challenge; they can-
not presume it in order to defend their model. Traditional source
critics would argue that the literary connection within the E corpus
is proven by means of demonstrating common Elohistic back-
ground. But, after all, E's alleged continuity remains one of the
highly contested elements of the Documentary Hypothesis 25. Carr
puts this beautifully: "Analyses of E tend to seek certain textual
beachheads, such as Genesis 20-22; 28: 10-22*; and 37:3-11, 21-30,
and then work outward from them to find the missing Elohistic con-
text of these passages. This does not just involve locating passages

24 Noth, Pentateuchal Traditions, 230, n. 605.
25 P. Volz - W. Rudolph, Der Elohist als Erzähler. Ein Irrweg der Pen-
tateuchkritik; an der Genesis erläutert (BZAW 63; Giessen 1933).
328 Koog P. Hong
using the divine name Elohim. Inst

are identified through an ever-exp
thematic indicators developed fir
texts, and then from subsequent texts
critics pursue a simpler model, the
"indicators" is highlighted, wher
and ensuing inner diversity within
of attention.
Some indicators reflect a prophetic influence; others show a wis-
dom background. Some indeed appear northern, but others south-
ern. If one cannot say that the entire E corpus is prophetic, then it
is equally true that not all of E is northern. Source critics frequently
promote a corroborative use of these criteria, which often has a per-
locutionary effect of showing their cautiousness concerning the di-
vision of sources. The other side of this collective usage, however,
is their tacit sanctioning of selectiveness, which is inevitably influ-
enced by their source-critical interest.
2. Elohistic Qualities Do Not Necessarily Point to Northern Origin
If these popular arguments fail to support the northern orienta-

tion of E's Abraham section, then one might suppose that the al-
leged Elohistic qualities that source critics gather from the E layer
of Genesis 20-22 would point to its northern origin. None of them
does, at least not in any explicit manner 21 . First, the consistent use
of the divine title Elohim in Genesis 20-22 certainly has source-
critical implications which tell against its parallel (cf. Gen 12,10-
20 and Genesis 20), where Yhwh is freely used. So I have no
problem describing this section as Elohistic, in the word's basic
sense - namely, as that which prefers Elohim. Still, the use of Elo-
him itself establishes no exclusive connection with northern Israel.
Even most documentarians have to admit this. Friedman, for in-
stance, says: "The mere fact that different stories [. . .] call God by
different names of course proves nothing in itself'. He thinks that,
when sources are divided accordingly, "we get a consistent series
of clues that the E stories were written by someone concerned with
26 Carr, Fractures, 146.

27 Similarly, Alexander, Abraham, 49-50.
Israel and the J stories by someone concerned with Judah" 28. Yet I
do not see his "consistent series of clues" to be critically supported,
as I discuss below. In no way have historians discovered evidence
that northern Israelites were more reluctant to use Yhwh while
Judeans had no qualms employing it 29 .
Second, the notion of 'fear of God', another well-established Elo-
histic motif, is certainly better represented in Genesis 20 compared
to its earlier parallel in Gen 12,10-20. Scholars such as H.W. Wolff
supposed this theme central to the northern theology 30. Wolff was
confident enough to pinpoint the Elohist to the time of Elijah when
Israel faced some of its greatest cultic, political, and social tempta-
tions, prompting the Elohist to attempt to bring Israel back to obedi-
ence to God by focusing on the fear of God. Surprisingly, however,
Wolff provides no basis for the alleged northern interest in the fear
of God; he simply presumes it, apparently based on his source-critical
framework. One may, again, agree that this notion is Elohistic 31, but,
in order to say it is northern, one must first establish that the entire
Elohistic document originated from northern Israel, a thesis I am cur-
rently scrutinizing. That the Joseph story evinces the idea of the fear
of God was frequently employed as a justification for its northern
orientation. However, the Joseph story, according to source critics,
also includes J layers. If so, unless one critically demonstrates how
its E layer more prominently betrays the notion of fear of God, this
argument is largely ineffective. Admittedly, the notion of fear of God
may tentatively point to the influence of a wisdom or prophetic tra-
dition. But, for that matter, Judah is as well represented as its northern
neighbor. It is therefore not incidental that Zimmer, who highlights
the wisdom and prophetic dimensions of Genesis 20-22, concludes
that E belonged to exilic Judah 32.
Third, it is commonly held that E has a more developed moral and
theological perspective than J33 and thus it prefers revelation in a dream

29 Cf. Skinner, Genesis, xlix.
30 See esp. Wolff, "Elohistic Fragments", 67-82.
31 For a different view, see G.W. Coats, "Abraham's Sacrifice of Faith",
Int 27 (1973) 396 n. 7; J.F. Craghan, "Elohist in Recent Literature", BTB 7
(1977) 27.
32 Zimmer, Der Elohist, 286-293.
33 Contra Alexander, Abraham, 47.
330 Koog P. Hong
or from a distance instead of J's direct

stance, argues that the dream report wa
ply presumes its northern orientation 35
that the motif was available exclusivel
a supernatural being reveals itself in dr
ideas in ancient civilizations. Not incid
historiography one finds Solomon's f
15). E's more developed theological vie
northern origin, either; it does so only
lutionary perspective that posits the
later evidence. As I discuss below, this
3. Prophetic Quality Provides Incon
The fact that Abraham is called n

peatedly used, despite occasional ob
evidence of this section's northern or
ics had limited interest in this aspec
(or levitical) with Elohistic has bec
more so among nonspecialists, specif
literature 38. Yet this point is not cri
34 J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the H

Reprint of the Article Israel from the E
1957) 361 [German original: Berlin 18
Rad, Genesis. A Commentary (OTL; Phila
original: Göttingen 1961],
35 R. Gnuse, "Dreams and Their Theolo
Tradition", CurTM 8 (1981) 166-171; Id
Mirage or Theophanic Formula? The Dre
Called Elohist Tradition", BZ 39 (1995) 28
ditions in the Books of Samuel and Kings
122 (2010) 380. For a critique of using dre
sec M. Lichtenstein, "Dream-Theophany
2(1969) 45-54.
36 E.g. Gunkel, Genesis, lxxviii; C.
Commentary (Minneapolis, MN 1985) 324
Vluyn 1981].
37 Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 361; Sk
Genesis, 27, 228-229; Jenks, Elohist, 104
38 E.g. R.R. Wilson, "Early Israelite Prop
(eds. J.L. Mays - P.J. Achtemeier) (Phila
Abraham, Genesis 20-22, and the Northern Elohist 33 1
First, we must ask whether the mere fact that Abraham is called nãbi
and given a role of intercession constitutes enough evidence to mark
this text as prophetic. True, the protagonist is given a prophetic vocation.
God acknowledges the efficacy of the prophet's intercession (Gen 20,7).
Still, whether Abraham's prophetic office is depicted positively in the
text remains debatable. The disobedience of the prophet, namely, failing
to protect the matriarch, once again, before a foreign king - this time,
more importantly, in the wake of the eventual birth of the promised son
- is contrasted with the seemingly just actions of the antagonist. This
reminds the reader of the account of Jonah and the Gentile sailors (Jonah
1). One can also read this in light of false prophecy insofar as God grants
Abraham a prophetic office despite ascribing a less just status to the
seeker of prophetic service (reminiscent of 1 Kgs 13,11-32) 39. One may
even take the above-mentioned character portrayals as anti-prophetic
sarcasm. If so, this twisted attitude toward prophecy may not necessarily
point to the time of Elijah and Elisha.
Second, we must ask whether a mere indication of a prophetic
quality proves its northern provenance. In the past, scholars have
generally ascribed prophecy somewhat exclusively to the north be-
fore it allegedly found its way to the south after the fall of Samaria
in 722 BCE 40. The unstated assumption behind this idea is J's tradi-
tional early dating, based on which J predates the rise of prophecy.
Some have made this objection on the grounds of evidence of early
prophetic activity in Judah, found either in J (cf. Gen 15,1) or in
David's history 41 . More problematic, however, is today's dominant
tendency to give a late date to J. If its late date is accepted, there re-
mains no reason to disqualify J from containing prophetic qualities.
In fact, the main argument in support of H.H. Schmid's late date for
J was precisely this - J's wide-ranging affinity with prophetic liter-
ature. A closely related point is Alt's influential thesis concerning the
charismatic monarchy of north Israel, since the role of prophet is
prominent in Israel's supposed charismatic leadership (Cf. 1 Samuel
12, Deut 17,14-20). This thesis, however, is widely contested 42 . As
a result, it became more difficult to take a prophetic quality as an in-
dicator of a northern provenance.
39 Cf. von Rad, Genesis, 225-228.

40 E.g. E.W. Nicholson, Deuteronomy and Tradition (Philadelphia, PA
1967) 94.
41 Noth, Pentateuchal Traditions, 230, n. 604.
332 Koog P. Hong
II. Fundamental Basis: Wellhause
1. Influence and Critique of the Evol
I turn now to the most fundament

northern document. One of the most in
presentation of the Documentary Hy
evolutionary scheme around which th
was reconstructed. And it is perhaps no
attribution of E's northern origin was i
tion of his evolutionary scheme as by te
it was certain that the more "primitive
a more advanced and thoroughgoing r
explicitly connect this relative dating
to their political orientations; he though
the two sources and accordingly showed
respective provenance 44. Yet subsequ
his evolutionist assessment of E's late da
designating E as a northern document 4
erally assigned to the period of the unit
or ninth century bce), the earliest sta
of this kind is thought possible. Then t
torical setting in which the more dev
era in which northern Israel acquired
This argument appears overly sim
atmosphere. The very fact that early
signing two literary manifestations t
is a cardinal example of their simplis
doms shared one God. Each led a p
developed its distinct theological
Against this backdrop, assigning the
of these kingdoms appears reasona
however, is that discordant ideas c
42 E.g. G. Buccellati, Cities and Nations

litical Institutions with Special Referenc
1 967); T. Ishida, The Royal Dynasties in An
tion and Development of Royal-Dynastic
43 Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 361.
44 Römer, "The Elusive Yahwist", 12-1
45 E.g. Skinner, Genesis, liv-lviii.
society. This idea is now highly contested. Baden recently said:

"Wellhausen's Enlightenment mindset prevented him from accept-
ing the possibility, now accepted with little hesitation, that more than
one concept of Israelite religion and history could have existed si-
multaneously" 46. Wellhausen's evolutionary scheme is rejected by
most scholars47. Even today's strongest proponents of the Documen-
tary Hypothesis do not give this scheme much credit 48. So the re-
jection of the evolutionary scheme seriously undermines the relative
dating of J and E. In Baden's words, "If we reject Wellhausen's gross
evolutionary framework as flawed - and the majority, if not the
entirety, of scholarship has - then we should also reject his relative
dating of J and E on these grounds" 49 .
Moreover, even if one successfully defends J's earlier date, today
an early date does not automatically translate into the Davidic period,
an era that is increasingly slipping from the grasp of biblical historians.
As opposed to earlier biblical historians who followed the biblical pres-
entation of Israel's history 50, which depicts Israel as the people of a
common faith, a common ancestry, and a common historical experi-
ence, today that presentation's validity is seriously questioned 5I. The
historicity of founding narratives of the Bible has been challenged 52 .
Archaeology and social-science approaches consistently reveal the real
picture behind the grand depiction of David and Solomon's empire as
a mere chiefdom that was "little more than Israel's rural hinterland" 53.
46 J.S. Baden, Rethinking the Supposed JE Document (Ph.D. diss., Har-

vard University 2007) 241 . Similarly, Id., J, E, and the Redaction, 308.
47 Even earlier, not all accepted this. Notably, Noth, Pentateuchal Tradi-
tions, 38, n. 143.
48 E.g. Baden, J, E, and the Redaction, 313; Yoreh, The First Book of
God, 7.
49 Baden, J, E, and the Redaction, 33.
50 E.g. M. Noth, The History of Israel (New York 2 1960) [German origi-
nal: Göttingen 1950]; J. Bright, A History of Israel (Louisville, KY 42000).
51 For a helpful synthesis of this recent development, see M.B. Moore -
B.E. Kelle, Biblical History and Israel's Past. The Changing Study of the
Bible and History (Grand Rapids, MI 201 1).
52 E.g. T.L. Thompson, The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives. The
Quest for the Historical Abraham (BZAW 133; Berlin 1974); Van Seters,
Abraham.
53 1. Finkelstein - N.A. Silberman, The Bible Unearthed. Archaeology's
New Vision of Ancient Israel and the Origin of its Sacred Texts (New York
2001) 159.
334 Koog P. Hong
A naïve acceptance of the biblical po

Judah and Israel is questioned 54. In
learned that the real history of Isra
from its biblical portrayal, which w
logical and political interests of later
To be sure, these are highly conte
be debated. Still, even though one
lenges to their fullest extent, it becom
their implications for source critici
source critics defended against tra
pendence of individual traditions is
shared stories of the past. Accordin
originally rooted in south or north
traditions were later fused into a co
have happened either in the alleg
united monarchy. Then, with the t
holding 57 , it means that skeptici
(southern and northern) empire in
era in which a common identity w
Necessary questions then follow:
arise, and who combined disparat
cisely is the kind of question that r
they highlight the pre-P "hiatus" b
archal traditions. That is, before P
the exodus tradition and the patria
dently as competing myths of Isra
we focus on the hiatus between t
54 Finkelstein - Silberman, The Bible

"The Trouble with Benjamin", Reflecti
T.H. Lim - W.B. Aucker) (VTS 113; L
Biblical Israel", Essays on Ancient Israe
ute to Nadav Na'aman (eds. Y. Amit et
55 See P.R. Davies, In Search of "Ancie
1992); Id., The Origins of Biblical Isr
56 E.g. J.L. Ska, Introduction to Read
IN 2006) 129-131. For a defense, see Sc
tique", 12-14.
57 M. Noth, Das System der zwölf St
a critique, see A.D.H. Mayes, Israel in
1974).
south) and the Jacob tradition (from the north). The nature of these
two cases of hiatus is analogous. In the exodus tradition, the land is
presented as unknown 58, not connected to the land of the patriarchs
in Genesis before the Priestly literary connections combined them
together. Similarly, in the Jacob tradition, before literary combina-
tions with the Abraham tradition were made, the land promised to
him is unknown and unrelated to the land promised to Abraham 59 .
The deity revealed to Jacob at Bethel does not presume an existing
tie with the patriarch 60.
The hiatus is of course a literary one. It does not mean an utter
ignorance of the other tradition in the mind of the populace or in oral
tradition; it simply points out that they were not necessarily con-
ceived of as a continuous course of history until the decisive literary
combination was made. This thesis directly challenges the traditional
understanding that the Yahwistic and Elohistic corpora encompass
both bodies of Israel's past memory (i.e., of Jacob and Abraham).
2. Did Northerners Remember Abraham?
With this, we come back to our original question: did northern-

ers remember Abraham as their father? The foregoing discussion
has made it clear that the source-critical equation of E with northern
tradition is not justified 61 . When the uncritical basis for assigning
the Elohistic Abrahamic tradition to northern tradition is taken
away, there remains no ground for positing that northerners remem-
bered Abraham as their father.
The northern tradition (Jacob-Joseph-Moses) formed before the
fall of the kingdom did not remember Abraham as the founding father
of Israel. That role was certainly given to Jacob, the bearer of the name
58 Rendtorff, Process of Transmission, 128; K. Schmid, Erzväter und

Exodus. Untersuchungen zur doppelten Begründung der Ursprünge Israels
innerhalb der Geschichtsbücher des Alten Testaments (WMANT 8 1 ; Neukir-
chen - Vluyn 1 999) = Genesis and the Moses Story (Siphrut 3 ; Winona Lake,
IN 2009).
59 Carr, Fractures, 203-21 1.
60 Gen 28, 13 *-14 where Yhwh is introduced as the God of Abraham and
Isaac is generally considered a later insertion. For a succinct discussion, see,
K.P. Hong, "The Deceptive Pen of Scribes: Judean Reworking of the Bethel
Tradition as a Program for Assuming Israelite Identity", Bib 92 (20 1 1 ) 43 1 -436.
61 Cf. Alexander, Abraham, 22-25.
336 Koog P. Hong
Israel 62. True, northerners might ha

as one ancestral figure of their south
as their father, not necessarily as our f
the northern Jacob tradition was
Judeans. We do not know exactly ho
We do not know whether it was avai
readily known through oral transmis
that somehow southerners knew of this
it into their tradition - but not befor
The identity reconstruction of Jude
the ensuing revolutionary reception o
foundation for definitively rewriting t
Now Abraham shares not only a plac
the fathers but the leading position in t
pedigree: Abraham-Isaac-Jacob. I call
in Judeans' self-identity. They no lo
mere observers of the great Yahwist
neighbor 64 . They became the new Is
To be sure, a rewritten history ma
fected the collective memory of the
tion of the ancestral history by the h
the foundation of the Torah, as auth
began to influence decisively those
as Abraham's descendants. Slowly a
dent and competing fathers of Israe
the memory as Israel's common past
62 Cf. Yoreh, The First Book of God, 78

63 For the popular notion of the influx
stein - Silberman, The Bible Unearthed,
N. Na'aman, "When and How Did Jeru
Rise of Jerusalem as Judah 's Premier Ci
B.C.E.", BASOR 347 (2007) 21-56; P. Gu
No Flood of Israelite Refugees", SJOT 22
64 Finkelstein - Silberman, The Bible U
65 N. Na'aman, "The Israelite- Judahite St
cient Israel", Bib 91 (2010) 14-23; Hong,
66 In the apocryphal literature, the atte
increased almost comparably to that of Jac
Testament, Abraham occurs 69 times and
nifies a growing reputation of Abraham
The trace of this gradual change in the memory of the ancestral

history is embedded in biblical literature. The memory of Abraham
as the father of Israel is sparse in early biblical tradition outside the
Pentateuch. Even when his name appears, Abraham is remembered
seldom alone but mostly as the head of the triad Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob. That is, within the Pentateuch, Abraham is mentioned always
within the triad 67 . Outside the Pentateuch, Abraham occurs only
twenty-five times, among which only four times (Isa 51,2; 63,16;
Ezek 33,24; Neh 9,7-8) is Abraham remembered independently of
Jacob. The formation of the triad, as several scholars have pointed
out, has a late origin 68. In contrast, Jacob is remembered as an ances-
tral figure much more frequently. The majority of these instances
occur outside the Pentateuch (134 times), more than five times the
occurrences of the name of Abraham. Among them, only twice (2 Kgs
13,23; Jer 33,26) is Jacob remembered as a part of the triad. That is,
unlike Abraham, Jacob is mostly remembered independently as the
father of Israel outside the Pentateuch. Particularly noteworthy is the
status of these patriarchs in prophetic literature, especially in eighth-
century prophecy, which channels early witnesses. The wealth of
memory of Jacob as the father of Israel in Isaiah, Hosea, Amos,
Micah, and Jeremiah is starkly contrasted with the dearth of memory
of Abraham as the father in those books. This probably means that
Jacob's status as the founding father of Israel is independent of and
precedes the later formation of the ancestral triad. It is only later in
the history of Israelite thought that Abraham began to be remembered
independently as the founding figure of the people of Yhwh.
How to reconstruct the development of Abraham's status in Is-
raelites' memory constitutes a subject of its own. But at least one
can say that the absence of Abraham, as well as Jacob's indepen-
dence from him in early biblical tradition, supports our conclusion
that northern Israelites did not remember Abraham as their father.
* *
67 Exod 2,24; 3,6.15

Deut 1,8; 6,10; 9,5.27
68 E.g. R.J. Tournay
103 (1996) 321-336; M
Auseinandersetzung m
tingen 1988).
338 Koog P. Hong
The foregoing discussion reveal

model's categorical claim for E's
that most of the Elohistic tradition
it has. We found little basis for
section to a northern origin. To
source criticism must be rejected e
claim for the Elohist document's no
that assumes that the E document w
kingdom of Israel has to face the q
dition, which is tradition-historica
than the northern kingdom as a p
cluded in E before it was adopted b
This problem is most apparent, of
model, like that of Friedman, in whic
not only assumed but also used as one
E. This applies also to Yoreh's tra
source model (northern base traditio
tifying the northern base tradition, Y
on the traditional source-critical crite
nance is, as demonstrated above, no
ondarily imposed 69. As a result, he h
Abraham tradition (southern) in th
corpus, which resulted in an unnece
role of Abraham in relation to Jaco
Documentarians, in theory, do escape
sofar as the notion of E's northern
secondary to the Documentary Hyp
dismissed by Neo-Documentarians
the traditional identification of Gen
to accept E's northern origin when
Jerusalem and somehow retained its
nally compiled by the one and only po
69 Yoreh, The First Book of God, 10

70 Yoreh, The First Book of God, 69
tion, Isaac was actually killed and sacri
is annexed from Israelite history at this
71 Baden, J, E, and the Redaction, 3
Critique", 13.
True, Baden's model brings much-needed refinement to source criti-

cism, but its refinement centers on the proper way of identifying sources
based on narrative flow and contradicting historical claims. This study
calls for a further refinement of the distinction between the provenance
of traditions included in E and the orientation of E as a document.
In short, recognizing the significance of the late emergence of the
southern Judean identity formed around Abraham and its competing
relation with the earlier northern Israelite identity formed around
Jacob helps us see more clearly the problem intrinsic to some branches
of source criticism, as well as the necessity of the tradition-historical
inquiry as a necessary companion to any literary-historical study.
Yonsei University Koog P. Hong

50 Yonsei-ro Seodaemun-gu
Seoul, South Korea
SUMMARY
This article addresses the provenance of the Elohistic Abraham section

(Genesis 20-22*) in order to clarify the divergence between the source and
tradition-historical models in pentateuchal criticism. Examining arguments
for E's northern provenance demonstrates that none of them applies directl
to E's Abraham section. The lack of Abraham tradition in early biblical lit-
erature further undermines the source model's assumption of Israel and
Judah's common memory of the past. The southern provenance of Genesi
20-22 is more likely, and the current combination of Abraham and Jacob
traditions is probably a result of the Judeans' revision of Israelite tradition

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Abraham, Genesis 20-22, and the Northern Elohist

Author(s): Koog P. Hong

Did northern Israelites remember Abraham as their founding an-

1 This movement is conveniently presented in two volumes of collected

BIBLICA 94.3 (2013) 321-339

hausen model. These include R.E. Fr

5 R.E. Friedman, Who Wrote the Bib

northern Israelites' conception of Abraham help my discussion? The

10 M. Noth, A History of Pentateuchal Traditions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ

prise both northern and southern tra

14 Not surprisingly, this text has receiv

I. Examining Arguments for the Northern Provenance

I would like to begin by reading Genesis 20-22 without any method-

that the Judean version of the Abrah

1. Popular Arguments for E 's North

Standard arguments for E's norther

20 Baden, J, E, and the Redaction, 1 1

Friedman, have critically demonstrated that in the Jacob- Joseph-

23 Friedman, Who Wrote, 65.

using the divine name Elohim. Inst

2. Elohistic Qualities Do Not Necessarily Point to Northern Origin

If these popular arguments fail to support the northern orienta-

26 Carr, Fractures, 146.

28 Friedman, Who Wrote, 61.

or from a distance instead of J's direct

3. Prophetic Quality Provides Incon

The fact that Abraham is called n

34 J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the H

39 Cf. von Rad, Genesis, 225-228.

II. Fundamental Basis: Wellhause

1. Influence and Critique of the Evol

I turn now to the most fundament

42 E.g. G. Buccellati, Cities and Nations

society. This idea is now highly contested. Baden recently said:

46 J.S. Baden, Rethinking the Supposed JE Document (Ph.D. diss., Har-

A naïve acceptance of the biblical po

54 Finkelstein - Silberman, The Bible

2. Did Northerners Remember Abraham?

With this, we come back to our original question: did northern-

58 Rendtorff, Process of Transmission, 128; K. Schmid, Erzväter und

Israel 62. True, northerners might ha

62 Cf. Yoreh, The First Book of God, 78

The trace of this gradual change in the memory of the ancestral

67 Exod 2,24; 3,6.15

The foregoing discussion reveal

69 Yoreh, The First Book of God, 10

True, Baden's model brings much-needed refinement to source criti-

Yonsei University Koog P. Hong

This article addresses the provenance of the Elohistic Abraham section

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