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Jewish Astrology in the Talmud,

Pseudepigrapha, The Dead Sea Scrolls, and
Early Palestinian Synagogues

James H. Charlesworth

Harvard Theological Review / Volume 70 / Issue 3-4 / October 1977, pp 183 - 200
DOI: 10.1017/S0017816000019908, Published online: 10 June 2011

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James H. Charlesworth (1977). Jewish Astrology in the Talmud,
Pseudepigrapha, The Dead Sea Scrolls, and Early Palestinian Synagogues.
Harvard Theological Review, 70, pp 183-200 doi:10.1017/
S0017816000019908

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 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Volume 70 July-October 1977 Number 3/4

JEWISH ASTROLOGY IN THE TALMUD,

PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS,
AND EARLY PALESTINIAN SYNAGOGUES
James H. Charlesworth
Duke University
Durham, NC 27706

In a recent publication a scholar suggests that the Talmud preserves

teachings only against astrology, and claims that astrology never
obtained a foothold within Judaism, remaining only a sectarian
phenomenon "at variance with normative Judaism."1 The suggestion
and claim should not go unchallenged. The present paper looks at the
debates over astrology preserved in the Talmud, scans the major
relevant sections in the Pseudepigrapha—with an introduction of a
Jewish astrological document which should become a new addition to
the Pseudepigrapha—reviews the astrological documents found in Cave
4 near Khirbet Qumran, and points again to the abundant evidence of
zodiacal wheels and other astrological symbols in early Palestinian
synagogues. The necessary breadth precludes exhaustive discussion in
any area.
At the outset it is wise to clarify the areas for debate. It is well
recognized that astrological motifs and expressions are present in the
history of Jewish thought; in the past, scholars assumed that these
foreign ideas entered Judaism in the early Middle Ages. In the following
essay it will become clear that we now possess undeniable evidence of
Jewish interest in astrology by at least the first century B.C. There is, of
course, abundant data to prove that many pagan ideas when borrowed
by Jews were recast in light of Jewish traditions; in the past, this insight
misled several scholars into thinking that Jewish "orthodoxy" protected
Jews from being corrupted by astrological beliefs. Some Jews, especially
during the Roman period, borrowed astrological images without
accepting the metaphysical system and the claim of cosmic influence on
man, nature, and history that these images originally denoted. Yet the
following discussion reveals why it is impossible either to conclude that
only astrological images or symbols were borrowed, or to dismiss

'M. R. Lehmann, "New Light on Astrology in Qumran and the Talmud," RevQ 32
(1975) 599-602.1 am grateful to Eric Meyers and Kalman Bland, good friends and revered
colleagues, for numerous enriching discussions.
184 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
astrological interests and beliefs within Judaism as merely an aberrant
part of a sectarian fringe.
The complexity of the question regarding the origin of Jewish interest
in astrology demands a refined methodology. Documents widely
separated chronologically or geographically need to be examined
separately and one should not proceed as if all Jews of the Greco-
Roman period shared a unifying perspective and as if a monolithic
system had been evolving majestically through the centuries.2 Hence,
passages in the Talmud, the Pseudepigrapha, and the Dead Sea Scrolls
should be studied separately. Second, literary data, which are couched
in a language that tends to display an intended meaning, are
characteristically different from archaeological symbols, which belong
to a language that only points towards an intended but often
inexpressible thought. Literary evidence, therefore, in which
astrological images are often linked with astrological beliefs must
initially be separated from archaeological data in which zodiacal motifs
sometimes are apparently subordinated to traditional and cultic Jewish
symbols. Likewise, with the recognition of the rich variety of
perspectives held by Palestinian Jews during the Hellenistic and Roman
periods, it is infelicitous to use literary data, whose thought might be
lucid but whose provenance is usually obscure, to interpret
archaeological symbols, whose thought is opaque but provenance clear.
Literature must not be seen too facilely as a hermeneutical tool for
clarifying ambiguous art symbols. Hence, the discussion of the literary
evidence is separated from and precedes an examination of the
archaeological evidence. Third, symbols can be separated from the
matrix in which they are conceived; it is necessary, therefore, to
distinguish an astrological image or symbol, such as the zodiac, from the
astrological belief that celestial bodies control the daily actions and
future destinies of terrestial affairs. So significant is the final caveat that
it is expedient to amplify it with an example.
Zodiacal symbols were sometimes demythologized from non-Jewish
religions and remythologized in Jewish categories. A good example is
the tradition of thirty-six hidden just men, upon whom hangs the daily
fate of the world. Abaye, a Babylonian teacher of the fourth century,
claimed that the thirty-six just men, called Lamedvovniks by
2
It is difficult to follow E. E. Urbach (The Sages: Their Concepts and Beliefs [2 vols.;
Jerusalem: Magnes, 1975]); he does not distinguish between early documents, like the
Pseudepigrapha, and later writings, like the Talmud. It is misleading and confusing to
assume that first-century Jewish thought flows smoothly into the sixth century. A similar
critique of Urbach has been published recently by Jacob Neusner ("Method and
Substance in the History of Judaic Ideas: An Exercise," in Jews, Greeks, and Christians:
Religious Cultures in Late Antiquity. W. D. Davies Festschrift, eds. R. Hamerton-Kelly
and R. Scroggs [SJLA 21; Leiden: Brill, 1976] 89-111).
 JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH 185
Ashkenazic Hasidim (German and Polish Jews), daily receive the
Divine Countenance. This Jewish idea, as Gershom Scholem, following
Zofia Ameisenowa, suggests, might well have originated in the
astrological belief that there are thirty-six stellar gods (decani) each of
whom controls ten degrees of the zodiac or ten days of the year.3 If this
derivation is accurate then the Jewish custodians of the world are no
longer cosmological powers but thirty-six zaddikim or just men. An
astrological belief was reminted into a Jewish idea.
Even though astrological beliefs can be traced back to at least 1000
B.C. (Enuma Anu Enlil),4 the OT documents were not influenced by
them but rather contain disputations against astrology (e.g., cf. Isa
47:13-14). But, as we shall soon see, by the time of the Babylonian
Talmud in the sixth century A.D.—prior to the full-blown astrological
teachings by the eighth-century Jewish Messahala and the ninth-century
Christian Ibn Hibinta5—astrological images and beliefs were as-
similated into some segments of Jewish culture. The focus of the search
for the origin of Jewish interest in astrology will then be upon the period
that separates the OT from the Talmud, beginning with the complex
traditions preserved in the Talmud.

Astrology and the Talmud

Astrological beliefs are frequently rejected in rabbinic writings;6 but
there are some notable exceptions which preclude a generic rule that the
rabbis always polemicized against astrology. The major passage for a
perception of Jewish responses to astrological beliefs is found in b.
3
See Gershom Scholem, The Messianic Idea in Judaism (New York: Schocken, 1971)
251-56.
4
See the translation and discussion in H. F. W. Saggs, The Greatness That was Babylon
(London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1962) 455-56; the translation is reprinted in B. O. Long,
"Astrology," IDBSup 76-78 [also see the bibliography cited on p. 78].
5
See the facsimile, translation, and commentary by E. S. Kennedy and D. Pingree, The
Astrological History of Masha'allah (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, 1971).
6
See the references cited by L. Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews (7 vols.; Philadelphia:
Jewish Publication Society of America, 1909-28; reprinted 1968) 5.227 n. 108. Scattered
throughout rabbinic literature is the claim that God commanded Abraham to reject
astrology, e.g., "Therefore God raised Abraham above the vault of the skies, and He said,
'Thou art a prophet, not an astrologer!'"(Gen. Rab. 44.8-12). I am greatly indebted here
to Ginzberg (Legends 1.235; 5.227; also see 1.186,202,204,207,216, 225; and 5.175,222).
In the past, NT specialists, with notable exceptions such as W. D. Davies and Morton
Smith, have been reticent to employ rabbinic sources because of the fear of being misled by
traditions that postdate the first century. A magnificent beginning in the process of
discovering early traditions in rabbinic writings has been accomplished by Jacob Neusner,
who adapts the NT tools of form criticism and redaction criticism to rabbinics. See his
monumental The Rabbinic Traditions About the Pharisees Before 70 (3 vols.; Leiden:
Brill, 1971) and his most recent "Method and Substance in the History of Judaic Ideas: An
Exercise," in Jews, Greeks, and Christians, 89-111.
186 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Sabb. 156a and 156b.7 This lengthy passage seems internally divided
into three sections.
The first, which is contained in lines 23 to 35 of 156a and "recorded in
R. Joshua b. Levi's notebook," 8 claims that the character of a man is
determined by the day of the week on which he is born. For example, he
who is born on the first day of the week will be either completely virtu-
ous or completely wicked (llf^ '"TlD 'N \yvfi ^13 '«), because light and
darkness were created on that day (Gen 1:3-5). He who is born on the
second day of the week will be bad-tempered (Jt:n "O3), because the
waters were divided on that day (Gen 1:6-8). This passage contains a
Jewish belief in fatalism; it does not preserve an astrological idea. Never-
theless, the thought may have evolved out of a compromise between
astrological fatalism (as in the Treatise of Shem 8.12 and 4QCryptic
discussed below), which claims that a man's character is shaped by the
position of the zodiac at the time of birth, and the biblical belief that
man's destiny is determined either by God or by his own actions. It
would be difficult, although slightly conceivable, to claim that this
passage does not compromise the biblical belief since it is possible to add
that God determines the day on which a man is to be born. It should be
emphasized, however, that such an addition is not found in the passage.
God's actions are not mentioned in the first section; there is merely an
allusion to them in the sense that his acts at creation, as described in the
first account in Genesis, stamped the character upon each day. The ideas
in this section appear to be related to the belief, characteristic of many
Jewish apocalypses, that the Creator has now temporarily withdrawn
from history and the earth (a deus absconditus).
The second section, which is covered in lines 35 to 45 of 156a and
attributed mostly to a teaching by R. Hanina Bar Hama (early third
century), claims that a man's character is determined by the constella-
tion of the hour (DinTOtt*^to) under which he is born. Perhaps the most
favorable time of birth is when Mercury is the determining influence:
"He who is born under Mercury will be of a retentive memory and wise.
What is the reason? Because it [Mercury] is the sun's scribe" (]Nn 'Nil
Kin rram wnsm D T O D"om -pru i n : TP r m s m ) . R. Hanina's teaching is
supported by what "others say" ('iDtn IVVS), by observations and
comments by R. Nahman b. Isaac (died ca. 356), R. Ashi (352-427), and
Abaye (died 339). R. Hanina's teaching, therefore, cannot be dismissed
as inconsequential or isolated; he was a famous and influential teacher.
The support for his ideas is significant since they are astrological,
7
Lehmann parenthetically dismisses this main text in his introductory paragraph.
8
See H. Freedman, Shabbath (2 vols.; Hebrew-English Edition of the Babylonian
Talmud, ed. I. Epstein; London, Jerusalem, New York: Soncino, 1972) 2.156a. English
and Hebrew are given according to this edition.
 JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH 187
although not necessarily zodiacal even though the Sun, Moon, and
planets are within the imaginary (zodiacal) belt in the sky. A serious
breach with the biblical concept of God (especially the idea of divine
providence) and of man (notably the belief in his freedom of choice) is
made by the claim that man's character is determined by the position of
the Sun, Moon, and planets.9
The third section, which extends from line 45 of 156a to line 37 of
156b, is the most intriguing. It is neither a compromise with astrology
nor an astrological belief; it is a record of a debate between R. Hanina
and R. Johanan Bar Nappaha (ca. 180-279), a Palestinian Amora and
founder of the academy at Tiberias. The former argued that the planets
influence wisdom and wealth, and that "Israel stands under astrological
influence" (^KIB^ ^tc BH TCSJC 'TTS D^ns ^rn neiN w : n y2~\ -iorPN). The
latter replied, "Israel is immune from astrological influence" (pni" '2T

R. Johanan's teaching is supported in the Babylonian Talmud and is

affirmed by a reference to Jer 10:2 in which the Lord exhorts Israel
neither to learn the way of the nations nor to be dismayed at the signs of
heaven (lnnrrtN D^DBT! mriKDl). Rab (Abba b. Aivu, third century), a
Babylonian Amora and founder of the academy at Sura, also claims
"that Israel is immune from astrological influence." Three stories
attributed to Samuel (second to third century) and R. Nahman b. Isaac
(died ca. 356), and to one of the most outstanding Tannaim, R. Akiba
(ca. 50-135), focus upon astrological predictions. The stories, however,
do not prove the futility of astrology. As H. Freedman comments in his
notes to b. Sabb. 156b, "From these stories we see that belief in
planetary influence was not entirely rejected, but that these rabbis held
that it might be counteracted by good deeds." Thefirsttwo stories reveal
the attempt to diminish the force of astrology, since any counteraction
of astrological predictions vitiates the claim and impact of astrology.
The third story, however, relates how a prediction by the astrologers

«E. E. Urbach(77i<? Sages, 1.277), thinking about b. Sabb. 156a and 156b, recently wrote
perceptively that "Astrology not only contradicted the freedom of human choice, but also
impaired the concept of Providence, that is, the doctrine of the free will and unrestricted
power of God. Apparently R. Hanina did not overlook this problem, but even the
Amoraim who excluded Israel from the influence of the constellations and transferred
them to the domain of Providence stressed the ways of Providence in fullest detail and
described them in expressions and images derived from the sphere of astrology" (italics
mine).
Numerous other examples of astrological influence among the Sages can be found in
Urbach's book (pp. 265-85) and in the general Jewish encyclopedias. A delightful story is
preserved in Tanhuma (ed. Buber), intro. 136: Solomon learned from the stars that his
extremely attractive daughter would marry a poor young man. The prediction comes true
in a remarkable fashion. See Ginzberg, Legends, 4.175; 6.303.
188 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
comes true as R. Nahman b. Isaac's head covering falls off and he steals
(lit. bites off a cluster) from another's palm tree. The astrologers had
told his mother, "Your son will be a thief" ("""ICK p n r 12 3"~n rrCNT

These observations cumulatively should prohibit us from concluding

with Lehmann that "astrology never got a permanent foothold in
Judaism, since it was, from the beginning, fraught with sectarian
overtones" (p. 602). Far from agreeing with him we wish to emphasize
with Urbach that "the actual value of astrology and its reality" were
beliefs "shared by Tannaim and Amoraim alike."10
Astrology and the Pseudepigrapha
The books collected together in the Pseudepigrapha, dating from 200
B.C. to A.D. 200," contain contradictory perspectives on astrology.
According to the author of 1 Enoch 8.3 (probably early second century
B.C.), astrology is an evil and demonic idea since it was taught to men by
one of the fallen angels, Baraqiyal. The third book of the Sibylline
Oracles (second century B.C), in lines 220-36 praises righteous men who
neither search the mystical meaning of the movements of the heavenly
bodies nor are deceived by the predictions of Chaldean astrology. The
major passage in the Pseudepigrapha that condemns astrology is found
in Jubilees:12

And in the sixth week, in its fifth year, Abram sat up during the night on the new
moon of the seventh month (=Tishri, which commences the Jewish liturgical
year),13 so that he might observe the stars from evening until daybreak so that he
might see what events of the year would come to pass with respect to rain.14 And he

'"The Sages, 1.277.

1
' For a definition of Pseudepigrapha, a brief introduction to each document, and a list
of recent publications see James H. Charlesworth, The Pseudepigrapha and Modern
Research (SCS 7; Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1976).
l2
The translation is by O. Wintermute and will be published in the new edition of the
Pseudepigrapha by Doubleday & Co., Inc., which is being edited by me and an Editorial
Board of Advisors consisting of Walter Harrelson, Bruce M. Metzger, Raymond E.
Brown, W. D. Davies, John Strugnell, and Roland E. Murphy.
1
'There are four New Year days for the Jews: the first of Nisan, thefirstof Elul, the first
of Tishri, and the first of Shebat (m. RoS. Has. 1.1). Herbert Danby correctly notes that
Tishri "is alone spoken of throughout the rest of the tractate as 'the New Year'" (The
Mishnah [Oxford: Clarendon, 1933] 188). The present article was completed when the
second volume of Compendia appeared. Now see the excellent discussion of the
celebration of the new year in Tishri by S. Safrai, "Religion in Everyday Life," The Jewish
People in the First Century (eds. S. Safrai and M. Stern; Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum
ad Novum Testamentum 1.2; Amsterdam: Van Gorcum, 1976) 811-12.
'"Abraham's attempt to see future events is an astrological concern; it should not be
confused with the Jewish prayer for dew ("70) at Pentecost. The Jews prayed for rain (
at Sukkoth.
 JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH 189
was sitting alone and making observations. And a voice came into his head, saying:
"All of the signs of the stars and the signs of the sun and moon are in the hand of the
Lord. Why am I seeking? If he desires, he will make rain morning and evening. And if
he desires he will not send (it) down; and everything is in his hand." (Jub. 12.16-18)

Jubilees 12 was directed against the astrological claim that the zodiac
determines the yearly rainfall, an idea expressed in the Treatise ofShem,
as we shall see.
Some passages in the Pseudepigrapha clearly have a positive attitude
to astrology and the zodiac. While / Enoch 8.3, as just mentioned,
denigrates astrology, / Enoch 72.1-37 and 75.3—from the third
(astronomical) section of 1 Enoch—adapt numerous zodiacal ideas,
calling the twelve signs of the zodiac "portals" or "apertures" (cf. esp.
/ Enoch 72.3). 2 Enoch reports that the eighth heaven is called
Mazzaloth (m'TTD, the Rabbinic name for the twelve signs of the zodiac)
and that "the twelve signs of the zodiac" (21.6) are above the seventh
heaven. The "heavenly homes of the twelve signs of the zodiac" (21.6)
are in the ninth heaven. A few chapters later, 2 Enoch mentions that the
sun proceeds according to each of the twelve animals (30.3). These
passages show considerable astrological influence upon Jewish thought,
but each is preserved only in N. Forbes's A recension15 which intermit-
tently has received interpolations by medieval scribes. The suspicion is
raised that the astrological sections of 2 Enoch are late insertions.
Such suspicion does not shroud other writings, which are sometimes
for the sake of convenience subsumed under the Pseudepigrapha. One
of these, written by Artapanus but preserved in Eusebius' Praeparatio
Evangelica (9.18) dates from the second century B.C.16 In his En tois
Ioudaikois, Artapanus reports that Abraham taught astrology to
Pharaoh (K<XI T^V aarpokoyiav avrbv 8i&ifai).17 The Samaritan
Anonymous, sometimes called Pseudo-Eupolemus,18 who wrote during

l5
APOT2.442. F. Andersen's pioneering work on 2 Enoch raises serious doubts about
the trustworthiness of all previous editions. Russia has generously made available,
through the Duke Pseudepigrapha Institute, photographs of two unexamined but
extremely important Old Church Slavonic manuscripts; one preserves the long, the other
the short recension of 2 Enoch.
16
See Charlesworth, The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research, 82-83. Also see the
excellent discussion of Artapanus by P. M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria (3 vols.; Oxford:
Clarendon, 1972) 1.704-06.
'The Greek is reprinted conveniently by A.-M. Denis, Fragmentapseudepigraphorum
quae supersunt graeca (PVTG 3; Leiden: Brill, 1970) 186-95. It is important to note that
Josephus Ant. 1.167, conceivably following Artapanus, claimed that Abraham taught the
Egyptians arithmetic and astronomy («al T& ntpl aarpovofitav napadidioat).
18
B. Z. Wacholder, "Pseudo-Eupolemus' Two Greek Fragments on the Life of
Abraham," HUCA 34 (1963) 83-113.
190 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW

the period 100 to 150 B.C.,19 also claimed that Abraham taught astrology
to the Egyptians; this time it was to the priests at Heliopolis:

6i TOP 'Aflpaan tv 'Wkiovwokti roi9 AiyvnTuov Uptvai nokka fitra-

i avrob'; xal TT\V aarpokoylav xal ra koindt TOVTOV ai)rot9 tior)yr)oaoOcti.,
<t>&ntvov Ba/ivkiuvCov; Tavra Km avrbv tiprjKivai, . . .
Eusebius Praep. ev. 9.17.8.20

The author continues by stating that Enoch was the first to discover the
science of astrology ('E^tux . . . KOL TOVTOV evprjKevaL np&Tov Tfjv
aoTpohoyiav, Eusebius Praep. ev. 9.17.8).21 These writings appear to
be examples of Hellenistic Jewish propaganda; e.g., the Samaritan
Anonymous is attempting to argue that Enoch, not the Egyptians,
invented the science of astrology. The emphasis, therefore, is not so
much an advocacy of astrology as it is an attempt to say that all the
things that the Greeks revere were earlier invented by, or at least known
to Jews.
The only preserved Jewish pseudepigraphical document that
consistently advocates astrology is the virtually unknown Treatise of
Shem. This pseudepigraphon, preserved in Syriac, probably was
composed in Aramaic in Alexandria sometime in the last third of the
first century B.C.22 Divided into twelve chapters, one for each of the signs
in the zodiac, are predictions concerning the character of a year
according to the sign of the zodiac in which it begins. For example, the
second chapter is as follows:23

And if the year begins in Taurus: everyone whose name contains a Beth, or Yudh,
or Kaph will become ill, or be wounded by an iron (weapon). And there will be
fighting. And a wind will go out from Egypt and willfillthe entire earth. And in that
(year) there will be wheat and abundant rains, but the nobles of the land and of the
surrounding region will destroy them (i.e., the crops). And the rain of (this) year will
be withheld for three months, and afterwards produce will be exceedingly expensive
for thirty-six days. And many people will die from diseases of the throat, then
leanness will cease. And the first grain will perish in like manner, but the last grain
will be harvested. And barley and dried peas24 will (also) be harvested. And devils

"See Charlesworth, The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research, 77-78.

20
Denis, Fragmenta, 198.
2l
Ibidem.
22
See my "Rylands Syriac MS 44 and a New Addition to the Pseudepigrapha: The
Treatise of Shem," BJRL (in press).
"Italics denote rubrics; words in parentheses added for clarity of translation; brackets
indicate textual restorations. The translation attempts to remain close to the Syriac. The
full translation will appear in a literal form in my BJRL article (see n. 22) and in an
idiomatic form in the Doubleday volume (see n. 12).
2i
Legumen aridum; cf. R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus (2 vols.; Oxford:
Clarendon, 1879-1901) 1.937-38. Also see R. K6bert, Vocabularium Syriacum (Rome:
Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1956) 45. Mingana, incorrectly: "the watered cereals."
 JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH 191
will attack men but will not harm them in any way. And two kings will oppose one
another. And the large river Nile will rise above its measure. Those who are on a ship
in the midst of the sea or people who are on the sea will be in severe misery. But at the
close of the year there will be great blessing.

As can be judged from the preceding, the Treatise of Shem is a

calendologion; it describes the features of a year according to the sign of
the zodiac in which it begins. Note that the year determined by Taurus is
described in terms of the amount of rain that will fall. This notation is
typical of the other eleven years and provides a significant link with the
idea in Jubilees that Abraham was seeking through an observation of
the zodiac to ascertain whether the year would be rich in rain.
In the eighth chapter of the Treatise of Shem an additional zodiacal
concept is recorded: "And everyone born in Scorpio (will) survive (his
birth), but at the end of the year he will be killed" (8:12). The author of
the Treatise of Shem believed that the zodiac determined not only the
features of each year but also the fate of each person. Both the year and
the person are determined at the moment of origination; there is no
claim that the stars impinge daily upon terrestrial affairs.

Astrology and the Dead Sea Scrolls

The belief that Taurus can affect the affairs of men and the claim that
the zodiac determines the character of a person when he is born is close
to the thoughts contained in an astrological document preserved in Cave
4 (4QCryptic, olim 4Q186).25 The legible portions of this fragmentary
document contain the belief that man's physical characteristics are
determined according to the zodiacal sign in which he is born. A man
who is born (I!1?' nv,\T\ -|ts>« l"?inn) under the influence of Taurus C^na
iwn) will have his spirit divided so that six parts are from "the House of
Light" and three from "the Pit of Darkness. ""He will be poor"(rprp w),
and will have long and thin thighs and toes.26 None of these expressions
or terms is paralleled either in the astrological predictions under Taurus
found in the Treatise of Shem, or in the generic descriptions under
Taurus preserved in Hippolytus' Refutatio 4.16.
It is unwise to conclude that this zodiacal document represents only
an extreme fringe of the Qumran Community because of the manner in

"Following the system proposed by J. A. Fitzmyer, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Major
Publications and Tools for Study (SBLSBS 8; Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1975). The
text, translation, and facsimiles are found in J. M. Allegro, Qumran Cave 4 (DJD 5;
Oxford: Clarendon, 1968) 88-91, pi. XXXI.
26
No change is suggested to this section of 4QCryptic by John Strugnell in his valuable
"Notes en marge du volume V des 'Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan,'" RevQ
26 (1970) 163-276, esp. 274-76.
192 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
which it is written:27 in reverse order, and representing the Hebrew script
by the Herodian script, by Greek (or Latin) letters, by the proto-Hebraic
script, and by a cryptic alphabet. 4QCryptic is not the only zodiacal
document found in Cave 4,28 as Lehmann apparently supposes, and it
contains some significant parallels to the Rule of the Community, the
Scroll that defines the termini technici of the Community. In 1QS 3:19
we learn that the "Spirit of Light" and "Spirit of Perversity" originate
respectively in a "habitation of light" (IIN puon) and a "spring of
darkness" ("lann "npnni), and in 4QCryptic we learn that portions of a
man's spirit come from a "house of light" (TiNn n'32) and a "pit of
darkness" C|t?inn man).29 The manner in which 4QCryptic is written
may not denote that it was an unaccepted idea at Qumran but that the
esoteric, mystical, zodiacal nature of the thought was best written in an
exotic manner. This style is also found in a fourth-century A.D. silver
amulet which contains in the Aramaic square script not only Aramaic
words, but also transliterations of Greek and Latin words. The amulet,
like 4QCryptic, belongs to a mystical, cryptic, and esoteric genre; it is a
magical charm to protect the wearer from dangers when traveling on
land or sea: "and (when) your raft is about to be dashed to pieces, then,
God (TH = dens), AH (IN), the Light (iraK). . .(if) you humble yourself
and (before) our Lord (jmi). . .God (TH = deus), Aft(lK), will curb the

27
Lehmann argues that this method "only makes sense, if astrology was not generally
accepted, even in the Qumran community, and therefore had to be practiced in hiding"
(RevQ 32 [1975] 559).
28
Unfortunately the two fragmentary columns of another scroll are unpublished,
although J. T. Milik mentioned them twenty years ago. The fragments preserve a
brontologion, predicting events according to thunder: "On the 13th and 14th (of the
month of Tebet) . . . Cancer. . . . If it thunders in the sign of the Twins, terror and
distress caused by foreigners and by. . "(Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of
Judaea [SBT 26; London: SCM, 1959] 42). Milik recently drew attention to other
unpublished zodiacal documents found in Cave 4, for example 4Q(Signs of) Zodiac, and
argues that 1QS 10:2-5 refers to the zodiac: "When the lights shine forth from the Holy
Dwelling-Place, and when also they retire (lit. are gathered) to the Place of Glory, when
the constellations (of the Zodiac) make (their) entrance on the days of the new moon . . ."
(The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumran Cave 4 [Oxford: Clarendon, 1976]
187). See n. 29 below.
After the above research was finished I noted that Martin Hengel (Judaism and
Hellenism: Studies in Their Encounter in Palestine During the Early Hellenistic Period[2
vols.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974] 1.238) had argued that the "significance of the zodiac
in the Essene community is confirmed by" this unpublished fragment (italics mine).
29
A discussion of these two scrolls can be found in my John and Qumran (London:
Chapman, 1972) 80-89. J. T. Milik has argued in his most recent book (Books of Enoch,
187, 295) that zodiacal interest at Qumran is more extensive than previously thought. He
contends that mwcdym is sometimes parallel to m^wrwt and describes the stars; it should
be translated in 1QS 10:3 as "constellations of the zodiac." The term also appears in
4QEnastr" (= 1 En. 82.9).
 JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH 193
30
sea (Nt^n = daKarra)." As in 4QCryptic the letters are represented by
more than one alphabet, Greek and Aramaic, and sometimes words are
transliterated. Writing in reverse order is a rare phenomenon; but in
Jewish literature of a mystical and exotic nature there is the
cryptographic method of writing called atbash, in which a consonant
near the beginning of the alphabet is replaced by one which is
equidistant from the end, and vice versa; e.g., 3Aleph becomes Taw,
Beth becomes Shin.31

Astrology and Early Palestinian Synagogues

To frame the preceding discussion of the early date and extent of
Jewish interest in astrology, attention should be drawn to the abundant
evidence of zodiacal interest in early Palestinian synagogues.32 No less
than four out of the nine known synagogue mosaics place the zodiac in a
prominent position.33 The sixth-century synagogue at Beth Alpha,
which is situated between Tacannak and Baisan and much closer to the
latter, has a floor mosaic that features in the most conspicuous and
central place the wheel of the zodiac.34 It is the largest and central panel,
preceded by a pictorial representation of the sacrifice of Isaac, and
followed by ritual or ceremonial symbols.

30
H. E. del Medico, "La Lamelle Virolleaud,"na7«(ip7reia: Melanges Henri Gregoire
(Annuaire de l'institut de philologie et d'histoire orientales et slaves 9; Brussels: De
Meester Wetteren, 1949) 179-92.
31
See the article "Gematria," Enc. Jud. 7.369-74, of which a significant section is written
by Scholem; cf. Scholem, Major Trends, 357; also cf. T. Schrire, Hebrew Amulets: Their
Decipherment and Interpretation (London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1966) esp. 91-93.
Schrire notes that sometimes an "inscription is written out normally and then backwards"
(p. 43; italics mine).
32
The literature on the subject is extensive. Good discussions are contained in the
following publications: E. L. Sukenik, The Ancient Synagogue of Beth /1/p/ia (Jerusalem:
Hebrew University; London: Oxford University, 1932); idem, Ancient Synagogues in
Palestine and Greece (Schweich Lectures 1930; London: British Academy, 1934); I.
Sonne, "The Zodiac Theme in Ancient Synagogues and in Hebrew Printed Books,"
Studies in Bibliography and Booklore 1 (1953) 3-13; C. Roth (ed.), Jewish Art: An
Illustrated History (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1961); B. Goldman, The Sacred Portal: A
Primary Symbol in Ancient Judaic Art (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University, 1966); B.
Mazar, et al., Encyclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land (2 vols.;
Jerusalem: Massada, 1970 [in Hebrew]); Erwin R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the
Greco-Roman Period^ vols.; New York: Pantheon, 1953-1968) esp. 1.248-67; 8.167-
218.
33
The nine are as follows: Hammath by Gadara, Jerash, Jericho, Salbit, Caesarea,
c
Esfia, Na c aran, Beth Alpha, and Tiberias.
34
For photographs see Sukenik, Beth Alpha, pi. X (in color and the best available);
idem, Ancient Synagogues, 33, fig. 8; Goldman, Sacred Portal, photo, no. 5; Roth, Jewish
Art, 211-12, fig. 78; Mazar, Encyclopaedia, 1.38; Sonne, Studies in Bibliography and
Booklore 1 (1953) 6, fig. 3; Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, 3, fig. 640.
194 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The fifth-century synagogue at Na c aran, which is located slightly to
the west and north of Jericho, also preserves in the center of a tripartite
panel the wheel of the zodiac.35 Likewise, the sixth-century synagogue
mosaic at cEsfia (cIsfiyyeh) on Mt. Carmel,36 and the recently
unearthed, fourth-century synagogue mosaic at Tiberias37 feature the
zodiac. In addition to these four zodiacal synagogue mosaics, the
mosaics of an animal circle in the synagogues at Yafa, which is in Lower
Galilee just southwest of Nazareth, and at Beth She c arim, which is in
Lower Galilee between cEsfia and Nazareth, may be zodiacal, as
Goodenough claims.38
In addition to these mosaics, four other examples of clearly or
possibly zodiacal interest are preserved in Palestinian art that is
synagogal. From Upper Galilee and the synagogue at Kafr-Birim come
"stones with signs of the zodiac upon them in relief";39 they appear to be
fragments from a carved screen which features zodiacal art.
Goodenough identifies the shooting centaur as Sagittarius and the other
extant figures as Taurus, Virgo, and Capricorn. 40 From the synagogue
at er-Rafid, in the northernmost part of Galilee just north of the Sea of
Galilee and Ed-Dikkeh, comes a carved stone with Pisces in relief.41
From some place in Galilee, probably a synagogue because of its
elaborate and symbolical character, has been recovered a bronze

35
See Sukenik, Ancient Synagogues, 30, fig. 5; Roth, Jewish Art, 215-16,fig.80; Mazar,
Encyclopaedia, 2.415; Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, 3. figs. 641, 644, 647.
36
See M. Avi-Yonah, "A Sixth-Century Synagogue at cIsfiya," Quarterly of the
Department of Antiquities in Palestine 3 (1933) 118-31; Sukenik, Ancient Synagogues,
85-86; Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, 1.257-59; 3. fig. 658.
"The photograph has been reproduced in numerous places; see, e.g., Mazar,
Encyclopaedia, 1.197; Goldman, Sacred Portal, photo, no. 19; Enc. Jud. 7.1243. See M.
Dothan, "Hammath-Tiberias," IEJ 12 (1962) 153-54; idem, "The Synagogues at
Hammath-Tiberias," Qadmoniot I (1968) 116-23 [in Hebrew]. Although they both are
called Hammath-Tiberias, the synagogue excavated by Dothan should not be confused
with one earlier synagogue excavated by N. Slouschz. The discussion in Goodenough
(Jewish Symbols, 12.46) refers to the former, but the notes to the latter (discussed ibidem,
1. 214-16).
^Jewish Symbols, 8.168-70. Roth (Jewish Art, 214) disagrees: "In Naaran, Beth Alpha
and Isfiya, it is the zodiacal wheel which is thus represented, in Yafa the emblems of the
twelve tribes." Galilee divisions have been discussed recently by Eric M. Meyers, "Galilean
Regionalism as a Factor in Historical Reconstruction," BASOR 221 (1976) 93-101. It is
noteworthy that within Palestine the synagogues with zodiacal symbols are located, with
the exception of Nacaran, in or near Galilee.
39
Sukenik, Ancient Synagogues, 26. See the picture and drawing in Goodenough,
Jewish Symbols, 3. figs. 513 and 515.
'"Jewish Symbols, 8.169.
4l
See the drawing in Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, 3. fig. 541. Goodenough is more
convinced than other scholars about the identification (Jewish Symbols, 8. 169; cf. also 1.
211).
 JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH 195
bracket for hanging lamps. The bracket has a central hook and twelve
holes on the circumference. It is probably intended to hold a central
light, which could symbolize the sun according to Ptolemaic astronomy,
and twelve concentric lesser lights, which could portray the twelve signs
or lights of the zodiac.42
A lintel from Naveh (Nawa), which is east of the Jordan in Batanaea
(biblical Bashan) contains a menorah that is transformed into a solar
symbol by extending upward the central light and topping it with a
circular design, inside of which is a round relief.43 The ornamental
network (fret) on each side has been chipped away systematically from
seven squares or rectangles. Goodenough hesitatingly offers the opinion
that these openings may well have depicted signs of the zodiac.44 The
horizontal rectangles number twelve,45 six on each side of the menorah.
Each of the bottom squares is scraped clean. What was removed must
have been objectionable to the iconoclasts. That these were animal or
human forms seems obvious by comparison with a fret from Kafr-
Birim, which contains in similar squares zodiacal symbols that are only
partly chipped away, and with the deliberately mutilated zodiacal
mosaics at Nacaran and cEsfia.
Outside Palestine the archaeological evidence of Jewish interest in the
zodiac is also extensive and impressive.46 The preceding comments are
sufficient to show that there is abundant archaeological evidence of
Jewish interest in zodiacal images and signs by at least the fourth
century. It is extremely difficult to apprehend what these images
denoted to the Jews who designed and used them; as mentioned in the
beginning, zodiacal images must not be equated with astrological
beliefs. From earliest times the Jews have demonstrated a brilliance for
borrowing symbols and reminting them in line with older intrinsic
traditions. Twelve signs of the zodiac could have been envisioned as
symbolic of the twelve sons of Jacob and the twelve tribes of Israel (see
42
Goodenough concludes, "I have no doubt that it represented the zodiac" (Jewish
Symbols, 8.169).
•"For a picture see Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, 3.fig.621.
"Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, 8. 170. Earlier (Jewish Symbols, 1. 236-38) he spoke
without hesitation about zodiacal influence at Nawa. Hisfirststatements better represent
the data.
45
According to Goodenough, Morton Smith pointed out that "less than twelve openings
are left" (Jewish Symbols, 8. 170, n. 17). The number of openings left is five, if one ignores
the double-sized rectangles contiguous to the menorah, seven, if one counts these, or nine,
if one counts each of them as having ample space for two similarly sized symbols.
46
Zodiacal symbols are preserved in the Dura Synagogue (see Goodenough, Jewish
Symbols, 9. 43, 53-59), on one side of a second or third century A.D. amulet (see
Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, 8. 170) in tomb paintings in Rome and at Palmyra, and
Jewish burials at Vigna Randanini (see Roth, Jewish Art, 219-24; Goodenough, Jewish
Symbols, 8. 173).
196 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
below, n. 57, on Philo and Josephus). Synagogal zodiacal symbols
obviously must be interpreted carefully. The debate over their
interpretation has polarized with Goodenough and Urbach defending
opposing hypotheses.
Goodenough claims that subsequent to the destruction of Jerusalem
in A.D. 70 artistic representations began to appear in synagogues because
"rabbinic control had collapsed." The representations are not merely
decorative because the mosaics are centered prominently in the center of
the floor and often associated with symbols—like the menorah and the
pictorial representation of the Akedah (the binding of Isaac for sacrifice
by Abraham)—that were deeply embedded in Jewish culture and
consciousness. In contrast to the Sages, the "common people" employed
the zodiacal symbols to articulate their own religious beliefs, using
images of idol worshipping neighbors to convey their own non-
idolatrous faith.47
Urbach rejects Goodenough's hypothesis.48 He raises serious doubts
about the claim that the "common people" and Sages held different
attitudes about pagan symbols. In the tombs of the Sages at Beth
She c arim in Lower Galilee archaeologists found sarcophagi that were
decorated with representations of animals and human forms, including
a Zeus-like head. These sarcophagi may have been made in Jewish shops
and sold to Jews when the intended gentile customer was not available.
The pagan symbols had no religious significance and were mere
decorations; a pagan symbol obtained offense or power only when it had
been invested with such (cf. m. cAbod. Zar. 4.4; Targum Pseudo-
Jonathan to Lev 26:1 [ed. Ginsburger] 220). Urbach claims that the
zodiacal symbols in the synagogues may have been only for aesthetic
reasons. A passage in Targum Pseudo-Jonathan is of singular
importance for his position: "You shall not set up a figured stone in your
land, to bow down to it, but a mosaic pavement of designs and forms
you may set in the floor of your places of worship, so long as you do not
do obeisance to it."49 Thus, Urbach apparently both affirms that the
Tannaim and Amoraim acknowledged "the actual value of astrology
and its reality,"50 and denies that the zodiacal mosaics in Galilean
synagogues are evidence of any astrological belief.
Zodiacal symbols do not necessarily represent astrological beliefs,
that caveat seems clear; but it is not obvious that the zodiacal synagogue

47
Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, 4. 3-62.
48
E. E. Urbach, "The Rabbinical Laws of Idolatry in the Second and Third Centuries in
the Light of Archaeological and Historical Facts," IEJ9 (1959) 149-65, 229^*5.
49
Tg. Ps.-J. to Lev 26:1 (ed. Ginsburger, p. 220), as quoted by Urbach in IEJ9 (1959) 237
n. 89; quoted earlier by Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, 4. 21.
i0
The Sages, 1.277. See n. 9 above.
 JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH 197
mosaics are merely decorative. They do seem to be symbolical because
of their central position and association, e.g., with the menorah and
Akedah. Such symbolism need not be idolatrous because from the
second to the fourth century halakoth concerning idolatry were
composed that are sometimes extremely lenient, sometimes equally
stringent. It is difficult for a scholar influenced by post-Enlightenment
European culture to comprehend how Jews could affirm the second
commandment, which apodictically prohibits fashioning "any likeness"
of man or animal (cf. Exod 20:4-6), and simultaneously compose
extremely lenient halakoth concerning idolatry. It cannot be denied that
they did so.51 It seems equally impossible to deny that the zodiacal
mosaics symbolically represent ideas which are heavily influenced by
astrology, though not necessarily astrological beliefs.52
Neither Goodenough nor Urbach knew about the Jewish astrological
documents preserved in Cave 4 of Qumran. These Jewish astrological
documents antedate the earliest synagogal mosaics by at least four
centuries, demonstrating that Jews prior to those who fashioned the
mosaics had assimilated astrological beliefs. That does not mean,
however, that they became astrologers or exchanged Jewish traditions
for astrological "science."These early Jewish astrological documents do
not prove, of course, that the mosaics represent astrological beliefs, but
they do tend to swing the debate in Goodenough's direction.
Numerous scholars have ventured to speculate that the ar-
chaeological data show that the Jews believed "the planets" influenced
earthly affairs. Over forty years ago, thinking about the synagogal
zodiacal mosaics at Beth Alpha and Nacaran, Sukenik argued that
astrology was "prevalent in the life of the people; and not the common
folk only but even the sages of Israel were addicted to it."53 Sukenik's

51
See the richly documented discussion by Urbach, "Rabbinical Laws," 229-38.
"Almost fifteen years ago Jacob Neusner rejected Urbach's criticism of Goodenough
and presented the hypothesis that "normative" Talmudic Judaism never existed, and that
many groups of Jews diverged from Talmudic norms and rejected the policies of some of
the rabbis. Neusner argued persuasively that pagan symbols were "appropriated by Jews
for Jewish religious purposes" (see his "Jewish Use of Pagan Symbols after 70 C.E.,"JR 43
[1963] 285-94).
The complex subtleties of the data and the larger issues of the intent of symbols, many of
which were ignored by both Goodenough and Urbach, are discussed in a brilliant article
by M. Smith ("Goodenough's Jewish Symbols in Retrospect," JBL 86 [1967] 53-68).
Smith concludes that Goodenough's "pandemic sacramental paganism was a fantasy; so
was the interpretation of pagan symbols based on it, and so was the empire-wide,
antirabbinic, mystical Judaism, based on the interpretation of these symbols." Yet
Goodenough "revealed a new world"; he opened our eyes to the Jewish iconic material.
"Sukenik, Beth Alpha, 56; cf. also idem, Ancient Synagogues, 66.
198 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
judgment has been reaffirmed by other scholars, notably Sonne,54
Goldman, 55 and Goodenough. 56
Focusing solely upon the archaeological evidence it is wise to be
cautious and affirm that at least by the fourth century A.D. many Jews
were influenced by astrological symbols and that some apparently held
astrological beliefs. Several of the latter probably subsumed such
foreign ideas under dominating Jewish traditions; a few would have
allowed their astrological beliefs to reshape inherited traditions; but
most probably would have thought there was no inconsistency or
problem with being at the same time both a devout Jew and a confirmed
believer in astrology.

Conclusion
The Pseudepigrapha and the Dead Sea Scrolls again prove to be
invaluable for discovering the origins of an idea in Jewish history. The
OT, which is a library of books dating from the tenth to the second
centuries B . C , contains no astrological beliefs; but it does preserve
polemics against astrology (Isa 47:13-14; Jer 10:1-3; cf. Deut 4:19; Dan
2:27; 4:7; 5:7,11). During the second century B.C., close to the time when
the latest book of the OT was composed, astrological ideas were
apparently first assimilated into Jewish thought, as evidenced by liberals
without and within Palestine, namely the Egyptian Artapanus and the
Samaritan Anonymous. During the last two centuries B.C. astrological
ideas, symbols, and beliefs permeated much deeper into many sectors of
Jewish culture; again the infiltration was without and within Palestinian
Judaism, as evidenced by the Egyptian Treatise ofShem and the Dead
Sea Scrolls. While many passages in the Pseudepigrapha, like Jub.
12.16-18, continue the OT's disputation against astrology, other
passages, notably 1 Enoch 72.1-37 and 2 Enoch 21.6, reveal that
astrological ideas, not necessarily beliefs, have influenced Jewish
thought. By the fourth century A.D. abundant archaeological evidence in

^Studies in Bibliography and Booklore 1 (1953) 3.

55
The Sacred Portal, 60: "The frequency with which the zodiac appears in synagogue
floors indicates not simply the popularity of the theme, but also its importance in Jewish
metaphysics. . . . "
^Jewish Symbols, 8. 171; 12. 152. Goodenough's position is less than systematic. At
times he argues that the zodiacal mosaics do "not testify to the congregation's interest in,
or use of, astrology"(8.168). At other times—I am convinced this is his real position on the
issue—he claims it is "impossible" to conclude that the zodiacal symbols were merely
ornamentations (1. 266); indeed during the Roman period many Jews were "as thoroughly
saturated with hellenistic ideas as they were loyal to the Torah" (1. 256). The zodiacal
symbols were appropriated from the Romans and others and were reminted with Jewish
traditions (8. 214-16, 177, 153; 1. 250-67).
 JAMES H. CHARLESWORTH 199
Galilee proves that Jews were attracted by astrological images, signs,
and symbols; the prominent symbolic and central use of the zodiacal
mosaics indicates that many Jews assimilated astrological beliefs. By at
least the sixth century A.D., as documented by passages in the
Babylonian Talmud, Jewish interest in astrology had not evolved into a
synthesis; it had polarized into two irreconcilable positions, best
represented in the debate attributed to the third century Rabbis Hanina
Bar Hama and Johanan Bar Nappaha. The former claimed that "Israel
stands under astrological influence"; the latter argued "Israel is immune
from astrological influence."
It is, therefore, a misrepresentation to discard Jewish interest and
belief in astrology as un-Jewish or heretical.57 Astrological ideas and
beliefs obtained a foothold in many segments of Judaism; they were not
limited to so-called sectarian groups.58 It is fascinating to observe the

"Sometimes Philo explicitly (De migr. ab. 32) and Josephus implicitly (/. W. 5.5.4 §
212-14; 6.5.3 § 288-92; also see above, n. 15) refute astrological ideas. But elsewhere their
thought is influenced by zodiacal symbols. Philo uses zodiacal symbols in his exegesis of
the OT (cf. Quaes. Gen. 4.164; Quaes. Exod. 2.75-78,109, 112-14). E.g., in Exod 28:21 the
twelve stones in Aaron's breastpiece are symbolic of the twelve tribes, but in Philo, Quaes.
Exod. they are identified as "representations of the twelve animals which are in the zodiac"
(cf. also Som. 1.214; Quisher. 176; Praem. poen. 65). Josephus identifies the loaves on the
table in the Temple with "the circle of the zodiac and the year" (oi Sk enl rfjs Tpani&s
aproi SiudeKa TOV re £<j>dicncdi' KVKXOV KOX TOV iviavrdv, J. W. 5.5.5 § 217).
Astrology is today divorced from astronomy. Earlier it was the sophisticated
synchronization of heavenly and terrestrial phenomena that was guided by careful and
complicated astronomical observations. During the Roman period, "astronomy" and
"astrology" were usually synonyms and when they were distinguished it was to articulate a
singular aspect of the whole that they represent; e.g., John Chrysostom, in the fourth
century A.D., sometimes seems to use the word astronomia to denote the task of observing
and predicting and employs astrologia to represent the whole discipline (cf. Homily 6 on
Malt). To speak of "astrology" during the Roman period as a "pseudo-Science," is
misleading and anachronistic (pace Fraser and others). H. and H. A. Frankfort recognize
that astrology "may succeed no less than modern thought in establishing a co-ordinated
spatial system. . ." (Before Philosophy: The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man
[Baltimore, MD: Penguin, 1949; reprinted 1961 etc.] 30). G. de Santillana and H.
von Dechend speak even more approvingly of the "hologram of archaic cosmology,"
astrology, which "has provided man with his continuing lingua franca through the
centuries" (Hamlet's Mill: An Essay on Myth and The Frame of Time [Boston, MA:
Gambit, 1969] 345).
58
The preceding article is only a glimpse of a fascinating area now open to those who
have concentrated upon Jewish thought in the Roman period. Many issues need to be
researched again; e.g., it is clear that Matt 2:2 (ttdontv ydcp avrov rbv aarepa iv rfj
&vaTo\fj), which may have been written under the influence of astrology—either by
Matthew or by the author of one of his special sources—needs to be re-examined since we
now possess evidence of interest in the zodiac by Jews prior to the first century A. D. Within
a century after the composition of Matt many documents were influenced by his nativity
account, some of these conspicuously omit the star (e.g., Ascen. Isa. 11.2-4; Justin, Dial.
 200 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
diverse ways in which Jews during the Hellenistic and Roman periods
interacted with and assimilated foreign symbols, ideas, and beliefs.59

78.5), others mention it and sometimes exaggerate its brightness (Justin, Dial. 78.1a;
Protev. Jacobi 21-22). For a discussion of these possibilities see my article in BJRL.
For the moment, an appended note must suffice to point to the astrological writings
ascribed to Hermes Trismegistus. Although these documents were composed in
Alexandria by a Greek who was obviously influenced by Jewish traditions, they are
appreciably different both from the early Jewish astrological documents preserved in Cave
4 of Qumran and from the Treatise ofShem. They were composed at the earliest near the
end of the first century A.D. They focus upon the peculiar Egyptian idea that stellar gods
(decani) control the 360 degree zodiacal circle, influencing daily all terrestrial events (cf.
Corp. Herm. 13.12-13; Stob. Herm. 6). Also see the passages excerpted and discussed by
A.-J. Festugiere, La revelation d'Hermes Trismegiste (4 vols; Paris: Lecoffre, 1949-54)
esp. vol. 1: L'astrologie et les sciences occultes.
5
'When the above research was finished I received the latest volume of Compendia in
which D. Flusser, although he focuses almost totally on Beth-shan (Nysa or Scythopolis)
and Jaffa, presents an erudite, informative, and brilliant description of "Paganism in
Palestine." While he has amassed significant evidence that "the most remarkable feature of
Palestinian paganism is that paganism and Judaism co-existed in the Land of Israel in the
Hellenistic and Roman periods" (1099), Flusser has failed to show or even indicate as
probable either that "the Jewish people in Palestine and elsewhere had become completely
[sic] immune to the attractions of the paganism against which the prophets" had spoken
(1090), or that neither "Judaism, nor Christianity in its initial stages, felt the impact of
paganism as a living religion" (1099). The thrust of the present article is precisely the
opposite of Flusser's non sequitur concluding judgment ("Paganism in Palestine," The /
Jewish People in the First Century, sect. 1;2. 1065-99). Paganism, at least via astrology,
had become attractive to, and made an impression upon, numerous Jews during the
Hellenistic and Roman periods.