All In Roulette 2 1st Edition C B Alice

Visit to download the full and correct content document:

https://ebookmeta.com/product/all-in-roulette-2-1st-edition-c-b-alice/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...

House Rules (Roulette #1) 1st Edition C. B. Alice

https://ebookmeta.com/product/house-rules-roulette-1-1st-edition-
c-b-alice/

Descent Ebony Child 2 1st Edition B C Morgan Morgan B C

https://ebookmeta.com/product/descent-ebony-child-2-1st-edition-
b-c-morgan-morgan-b-c/

Retribution Ebony Child 3 1st Edition B C Morgan Morgan

BC

https://ebookmeta.com/product/retribution-ebony-child-3-1st-
edition-b-c-morgan-morgan-b-c/

Eternal Ebony Child 1 1st Edition B C Morgan Morgan B C

https://ebookmeta.com/product/eternal-ebony-child-1-1st-edition-
b-c-morgan-morgan-b-c/
Encyclopedia of Finance 3rd Edition Cheng Few Lee Alice
C Lee

https://ebookmeta.com/product/encyclopedia-of-finance-3rd-
edition-cheng-few-lee-alice-c-lee/

Knot My Alphas Solveig Pack Book 2 1st Edition Alice

Clyde

https://ebookmeta.com/product/knot-my-alphas-solveig-pack-
book-2-1st-edition-alice-clyde-3/

Knot My Alphas (Solveig Pack Book 2) 1st Edition Alice

Clyde

https://ebookmeta.com/product/knot-my-alphas-solveig-pack-
book-2-1st-edition-alice-clyde/

Knot My Alphas Solveig Pack Book 2 1st Edition Alice

Clyde

https://ebookmeta.com/product/knot-my-alphas-solveig-pack-
book-2-1st-edition-alice-clyde-2/

C# 10.0 All-in-One For Dummies John Paul Mueller

https://ebookmeta.com/product/c-10-0-all-in-one-for-dummies-john-
paul-mueller/
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
this change, it may be asked, less hazardous than one which
purposes only to guard against the corruption, and to correct those
abuses which have almost imperceptibly crept into the
representation?—As the existence of corruption in the representative
is too probable, so is its prevalence in the constituent body too
notorious:—election by ballot, it has been supposed, will provide a
remedy against this evil;—it will remain unknown to the candidates
for whom the voters may poll, the application of bribery therefore will
be ineffectual, as, notwithstanding his acceptance of a bribe, the
voter may still poll, according to his inclination or his conscience,
without the fear of a discovery.
In regard to the universal suffrage, it must be acknowledged that
every individual, in the state, has an interest in the proper
administration of its affairs, and that Government will, sometimes,
need the support, even of its meanest subjects; if, therefore, they are
interested in, and contribute to the support of Government, they are
entitled to a participation in its privileges;—the privilege they claim is
the Elective Franchise, and as the lower house is called the
Commons House of Parliament, why should not the members,
instead of representing property, be in fact the representatives of the
People?—At the same time such material changes adopted on a
sudden, might produce tumult and disorder, they might occasion
convulsions, attended with far more dreadful effects, than the evils
they purpose to remedy;—but when a minister acknowledges
corruption in his own conduct;—when the sale of Boroughs is
notoriously practised;—when, in some instances, the representatives
of a County are returned by the influence alone of a few powerful
individuals;—when the late convictions, in the House of Commons,
for bribery, prove that it is frequently, if not generally practised by the
candidates for seats in that house, and that it has a pernicious
influence upon the constituent body;—it cannot be disputed, but that
some remedy ought instantly to be applied, in order to eradicate, or
at least to check the wide spreading infection.
Lord Grey, Lord Grenville, the Whig party, even the members of
the opposition are collectively abused by this Author; Lord Grey and
Lord Grenville, however, together with many other individuals whom
he severely censures, are men of acknowledged talents and
information, as is evident from their general conduct, and the
speeches they have delivered in various Parliamentary debates; but
they differ in opinion from his Reverence, if however, every man,
who thinks differently from the learned Author, be a profligate or a
blockhead, we suspect that, besides himself, he will scarcely find a
wise or a virtuous individual throughout the great Empire.
He again resumes his attacks upon the Catholics, we shall,
however, in the first instance, notice three questions, one particle of
which he so confidently defies them to refute:
1st. “Does not a Papist kneel down before, pray and bow to
images, pictures, and pieces of old wood representing our Blessed
Saviour, the Virgin Mary, and many Saints, and does he not do this
for the purpose either of paying adoration to these identical pieces of
wood, old sheets of oil cloth, with faces smeared on them, almost as
hideous as most of those you will see at the Catholic Board, on
reading one of Robert Peele’s Anti-catholic speeches, or to their
likenesses?”—In answer to this question we beg leave to refer to the
catechisms of the catholics, in which occur the following questions
and answers:—Is it lawful to adore the blessed Virgin or the saints?
—No: for by adoration is here meant the honor due to God alone.—
Do the commandments forbid us to honor the Saints?—No: for the
honor we give them is different from that which we pay to God, we
honor the Saints as friends and faithful servants to God.—If it is
forbid in Catholics to worship the Saints, can it be supposed that
they will pay adoration to their image, pictures or representations?—
Or, is it consistent with probability that the same Church will direct
them, in their riper years, to practise, what it has taught them when
pupils, to reject and avoid?—The council of Trent has, without doubt,
declared, that due honor and respect be given to images of Christ,
the Virgin Mary, and the other Saints;—and who can deny that that
degree of honor and respect, to which they are entitled, should be
paid these, or any other representations?—It is natural to be affected
at the Representation of a dear departed friend and benefactor; the
Catholics look upon them as their best of benefactors, they therefore
pay them a due degree of honor and respect, should they, however,
exceed this degree, they are not only culpable, but obnoxious
likewise, to the censures of their own Church:—the Protestants
themselves regard King William III. as their benefactor, of course
they honor and drink to his memory, some even have been so far
inflamed with enthusiasm, as to drink to his glorious and immortal
memory on their bare knees, are not these Protestants equally
idolatrous with the Catholics?
Secondly, “He wishes to know whether a Papist does not pray to
Saints and Angels, and invoke their intercession, thereby making
Gods, not only of Angels, but even of dead men, although expressly
informed, by God himself, that there is but one mediator with the
Father, not only of redemption but of intercession also, which is our
blessed Saviour, and in doing so is he not guilty of idolatry?” That the
Roman Catholics intreat of Saints and Angels to forward petitions in
their behalf, for obtaining the divine mercy, is acknowledged, but
that, in doing so, they mean to worship them as Gods, or to incur the
guilt of idolatry, is as confidently denied:—they dread through an
humble confidence of their own demerits, to offer from themselves
an immediate address to the Deity:—and as Christ himself has given
an example of praying for others, even his persecutors, in those
memorable words, “Pardon them O Lord, for they know not what
they do;” so the Catholics may probably imagine that the Saints and
Angels whom they address, will petition in their behalf, and as they
are pure in comparison with themselves, these petitions will have
greater effect, than the immediate addresses of a polluted sinner—
we think also, that the answer to the first, is a sufficient answer to
this question.
Thirdly, “He is induced to enquire whether a Papist does not pay
divine adoration to a mixture of flour and water, made up by the
hands of an illiterate and possibly profligate priest, contrary to the
figurative sense and meaning of the Holy Scripture, and in direct
opposition to reason and common understanding? does he not
believe that a Popish Priest has the power of making a God? and
does he not bow down and worship this worse than golden
image?”—It may be asked the Revd. Baronet if he ever enquired
before administering the holy Communion to his own flock, whether
the bread provided for the purpose, were made by pure and
undefiled hands, whether the wine were genuine, or brewed by some
rascally vintner;—and is not the term profligate, equally applicable to
a minister of the establishment, as to a Popish Priest, particularly, if
the minister devotes much of his time to the joys of the chase, and
(we may naturally suppose) its consequent festivity; whilst the Priest
is laboriously and almost constantly employed in the conscientious
discharge of his sacred functions? as to the adoration paid to the
Host, the Catholic believes that the Body and Blood of Christ
(acknowledged to partake of the Godhead) are actually present, and
can he justly be called idolatrous for paying adoration to the
presence of Divinity?—the learned gentleman may also be
requested to explain what he means to impress upon the mind of a
Catechumen, by the following words: “the Body and Blood of Christ
are verily and indeed taken and received by the faithful in the Lord’s
Supper.”—Let it be understood, that we by no means, recommend
these doctrines, they may possibly give occasion of offence to such
tender consciences as the Baronet possesses, they are matters of
belief, and therefore left to every man’s own determination;—since,
however, some particles of his questions have been absolutely and
with truth denied, whilst others have been so far answered, we hope,
as to exculpate the Catholics from all criminality either in act or
intention, we may conclude, that should a Cardinal’s hat be now
engaged to the Revd. Baronet, he will perhaps, not only be almost,
but altogether inclined to renounce his own faith, and turn Papist.
In treating of the monstrous doctrines ascribed by Sir Harcourt
Lees to the Catholics, we may premise that their own general
conduct sufficiently refutes his accusation:—his strong assertions
however, may seem to demand some farther enquiry.
The 4th Lateran council was held in the year 1215, at which were
present, most of the christian sovereigns;—this council therefore
may be properly termed a general congress of the temporal, as well
as spiritual Powers of Christendom; they assembled for the purpose
of suppressing the heresy of the Manchæans, or Albigenses, whose
doctrines were (according to Mosheim) not only subversive of
morality, decency, and good order, but even destructive to the
human species,—it was supported by the Counts of Thoulouse,
Cominges, Foix, and aided by numerous bodies of banditti, hired for
this purpose.—The heresy was condemned by the spiritual authority
of the church; and the Fiefs of the princes encouraging it, were
declared forfeitures to their liege lords, by the authority of the
sovereigns, there assembled:—the censures of this council or rather
congress were never promulgated, and scarcely known in this island,
but were directed (we believe, solely) against the Manchæans or
Albigenses, and the princes above mentioned, who encouraged and
protected the votaries of this pernicious heresy.
The council of Constance, held in the year 1414, expressly
declares that it is heretical to affirm it lawful for a subject to kill his
prince, on any pretence whatsoever, session 15. One solitary
instance of the contrary doctrine being maintained, occurs in
Mariana, whose book was condemned, and publicly burnt by a
provincial council of her own order; this Mariana was a Spaniard,
born at Talavera, in the year 1537, who became a Religious in the
year 1554;—he was also condemned by the parliament of Paris, and
by the doctors of Sorbonne, and his book burnt by the hands of the
common hangman.
The council of Trent assembled in the year 1545, and continued to
the year 1563, declares, that to violate the least point of public faith
given to heretics, is a crime punishable by the laws of God and Man;
session, 15 and 18. The doctrine then of the Catholics teaches them
that no power on earth can absolve them from allegiance to their
sovereigns and civil magistrates, and obliges them to keep faith with
all men:—when therefore, the Revd. Author asserts, that according
to the 4th Lateran council, oaths taken contrary to the interest of the
Popish church are not to be called oaths, but perjuries, and that it is
still in force, we must question the accuracy of his information, in
regard to its being a received doctrine among the catholics;—the
council of Constance, and subsequently the council of Trent decreed
the very reverse, and the doctrine of the last general council must
now be like the prevailing one:—the oaths taken by the priests and
Bishops regard only spirituals, that part which refers to the Rights,
Honors, State and Power of the Pope is confined (as the Catholics
assert) to such as live under the Pope’s temporal jurisdiction, or the
jurisdiction of a Catholic Sovereign;—Our own sovereigns are bound
(the author proceeds) by the coronation oath “to the utmost of their
power to maintain the true profession of the gospel,” but by gospel,
we are enjoined to do unto all men as we would they should do unto
us; persecution therefore, in the slightest degree, is a departure from
this precept,—“and the Protestant reformed religion as established
by the laws”—whether will the Protestant Religion be better
maintained by an observance of, or a deviation from, the doctrine
contained in the Gospel? “to preserve the Bishops and Clergy of this
Realm, and to the churches committed to their charge, all such rights
and privileges as by law, do or shall appertain to them, or any of
them,” Catholic Emancipation will not encroach upon these rights
and privileges, it will only procure an equal participation of civil rights
and privileges for the Catholics, which in compliance with the
Gospel, the Protestants are bound to grant, as they in a like
situation, would wish to obtain the same privileges for themselves.
As Sir Harcourt Lees is so very liberal in his application of censure
upon individuals, upon Parties, upon Sects, who may differ from
himself in opinion, with respect to the three natural points which
concern human Life, Religion, Morals and Politics, we presume that
he bears in mind and accords with the assertion of Demosthenes,[1]
“that all men are, by nature, prone to delight in detraction and
invective,” but that, through the multiplicity of his studious pursuits,
the remainder of the sentence, in which this assertion is contained,
has entirely escaped his recollection, “but to be disgusted with those
who praise themselves,” as he is no less liberal in self
Commendation;—The Athenian Orator indeed recounts to his
Audience the services he had rendered the State, during his
Administration, but handsomely, apologizes for this conduct, by
premissing that he was obliged to pursue this method, in order to
refute the Calumnies of his Adversary, and that therefore the odium,
naturally attendant upon self Praise, ought to rest upon the
Individual, who had compelled him to bring forward such a Relation:
Sir Harcourt Lees, however had no adversary to contend with; no
one disputed his merits; of course he had no Calumnies to refute; we
must conclude therefore, that he expects some material Reward for
his present and former Exertions, and therefore points out his
peculiar claims lest they should remain unknown and extinguished;
his success we wish not to prevent; our aim is to guard the Public
(since men are naturally inclined to delight in censure) from imbibing
prejudice through the agreeable medium of invective.

[1] Φυσει πασιν ανθρωποις ὑπαρχει των μεν λοιδοριων κ των

καταογριων ακουειν ἠδεως, τοις επαινουσι δ’ αὑτονς ἀχθεσθαι.

To give advice, without giving offence, is a serious difficulty;—it

has been pertinently observed, that to give advice is to seize an
occasion of displaying our own wisdom, at the expence of others,
and however readily a superiority in all other respects, may be
admitted, the assumption of superior sense and understanding is
universally offensive; the learned Baronet has made a pompous
display of his diligence, his research, his consequent information,
and urges his claim to attention, from the mortifying circumstance of
our inferiority in understanding, when compared with his own:—
making no pretensions to superiority of intellect, claiming only the
free exercise of reason and common sense, and suspecting that
some ingredients in the Rev. Baronet’s prescription (should it be
adopted) might prove injurious to the general system; We are
anxious to preserve the constitution sound and vigorous, and being
members of the public, we look upon ourselves as included in the
number of patients, we shall therefore take the liberty, without further
ceremony, of examining (as far as we can understand it) into the
composition of his Antidote.
The Revd. Author thus expresses himself: “to the superintending
care of an energetic, firm, and most popular administration, I with
confident security resign the civil and constitutional difference of my
country; the established government in state, may in such hands be
saved from destruction;” we must beg leave in this particular, to
dissent from his prescription (of which we deem this an ingredient,
since he recommends it by the authority of his own example) as,
however energetic, firm, popular, and even strenuously devoted to
public liberty the present ministers may be, they are but men, of
course liable to error and assailable by the temptations of power and
interest we would, on the contrary, recommend a jealous vigilance
with respect to every measure of every administration;—the
immediate interests of a minister may be distinct from those of the
people, he may therefore, in some instances be induced to sacrifice
all considerations for the public good, to the prevailing motives of
avarice and ambition:—and here we will repeat our dissent from a
Right Honorable Gentleman, should he have asserted (which
however, we gather only from a News-paper report) that the people
have no right to enter into discussions concerning civil Polity in
general, or the immediate measures of government; his legal
experience we presume, will inform him that a Trustee is
accountable for the proper management of his trust;—both the
executive and legislative bodies are trustees of the people, to whom
they are responsible, for the due discharge of the sacred trust
reposed in them; the more they enquire into the effects resulting
from the measures of every administration, the more competent will
they become in appreciating the merits of their respective trustees,
and the more clearly will they discern the propriety of conferring
upon, or withholding from them their farther confidence.
He considers “unrestricted Emancipation to be impossible, so long
as the Constitution in Church and State shall be Protestant” and
asserts “that the necessity of excluding Papists from Parliament, and
from the great offices of State, is imperious, in order to preserve both
from destruction.” Neither can we subscribe to this opinion of the
Revd. Author;—We have endeavored to prove (and hope with
success) that the Authorities he quotes are unfounded, or obsolete
and at present of no force:—an equal Participation in the same rights
and privilege produces union and harmony, even among those who,
from the circumstance of receiving different educations, may have
imbibed different religious tenets; whilst a partial preference, and
distinct privileges annexed to the profession of a particular faith,
encourage the growth of jealousy and discussion:—Divide and
impera is the boasted maxim of a crooked policy;—a well constituted
Government consults for, and endeavours to promote the common
welfare of all its subjects:—what have been the measures of policy
pursued with regard to Ireland? The bulk of its population is Catholic,
and has during a century groaned under the arbitrary sway of a
Protestant Government, partial to professors of its own faith, and
arming them with distinct privileges;—the Catholics have been
subject to an Oligarchy, composed of their declared opponents;—
they have been debarred from acquiring real property;—their Estates
have been liable to confiscation, for refusing to swear contrary to
their consciences;—they have been restricted in the free exercise of
their religion, and from educating their children in that faith which
they esteemed the true one;—can it be expected, that these
circumstances should attach them to the constitution? they
acknowledge its excellence, and that its subjects enjoy a greater
portion of liberty, than the subjects of any other state in Europe;—
they look upon themselves, however, not as its subjects, but its
slaves:—instead of interminable hostility against the Catholics, we
would earnestly recommend conciliation;—let them be once admitted
to all the privileges of subjects, they will (we dare affirm) become
equally zealous in their attachment to the Constitution, as the
Protestant himself.—In maintaining the contrary opinion, we regret
that the Revd. Sir Harcourt Lees, should forget his character as a
gentleman and a scholar, for, however he may vent his spleen in
gross and vulgar abuse, a sinner against good-breeding, and the
laws of decency will no more be esteemed a good author, than will a
sinner against grammar, good argument, or good sense.
He is scarcely less abusive in his animadversions upon the
Fanatics or Evangelical, and if they, in reality, maintain such tenets
as he attributes to them, we must acknowledge that they are
objectionable; they tend to diminish the general benevolence of
mankind, and to render them regardless of moral rectitude; but
persecution is still more dangerous, and in proposing a strong test, in
addition to the Thirty-nine Articles he seems actuated, in some
measure, by a spirit of persecution; even Bishop Burnet (whose
orthodox we presume will not be disputed) confesses that the
requiring subscription to the Thirty nine Articles, is a great imposition:
—and, would you, Revs. Sir, impose a more grievous test of
orthodoxy?—be assured, that the strength of your test, and its
embracing a multitude of objects will not tend to confirm your
establishment:—it may and probably will flourish, in power and
wealth, with the government of which it forms a part, but the superior
excellence of the doctrines you profess, your own exemplary
deportment in private life, together with a zealous exertion in the
discharge of your sacred functions, will also render its influence
extensive, or its duration permanent:—here we would recommend
(but with the utmost deference and humility) the co-operation of
Government,—were the gradations in preferment allotted to
gradations in merit,—were the dignities of the Church, exclusively,
appropriated to eminence in virtue, piety, learning, the clergy in early
life would be stimulated to exertion for the attainment of these good
qualities, their exertions would, in general, be crowned with success,
and thus, at a more advanced period, they would become illustrious
ornaments to their profession; whilst the people instructed by the
impressive exhortations, and influenced by the upright conduct of
their clergy, would be far more inclined to the practise of morality and
good-order.
In regard to the radical reformers, their views may possibly be
directed to tumult and anarchy, but the ostensible object of their
contemplation do not appear to us visionary and impracticable, such
material changes, however, admitted at once into the system, might
be attended with danger and convulsion, we wilt by no means
venture to deny that it might be so, yet Burnet (zealously devoted to
Government in his time) recommends the annual Election of
Representatives as an effectual expedient to stem the progress of
corruption, which had, even then, made great inroads among all
ranks of people: Election by ballot would defeat all the purposes
which, at present, induce many of the candidates to resort to bribery;
whilst universal suffrage would disable them from tampering with all
the voters:—corruption has moreover in some instances, and at
some periods, insinuated itself into the representative body;—the
expediency of reform, therefore, can be no longer doubtful;—and
that reform is necessary, the most eminent characters in our Empire
have, long since, acknowledged, they have likewise on several
occasions attempted to introduce it;—whilst Foreigners
contemplating the excellence of the British Constitution, and
enumerating the beneficial consequences, resulting to the several
Nations of Europe, from the example of a free and independent
State, flourishing among themselves, have deeply lamented the
existence of a vice in the system, which must gradually undermine it;
—O Honte (says Raynal) l’Homme riche achete les suffrages de ses
Commettans, pour obtenir l’Honneur de les representer; la Cour
achete les suffrages des Representans gouverner plus
despotiquement; une Nation sage ne travailleroit elle pas a prevenir
l’une & l’autre corruption? N’est il pas etonnant que cela ne se soit
pas fait, le jour qu’un Representant eut l’impudence de faire attendre
ses Commettans dans son Antichambre, & de leur dire ensuite, je ne
sais ce que vous voulez, mais je n’en ferai qu’a ma tete; je vous ai
achetés fort cher, & j’ai bien resolu de vous vendre le plus cher que
je pourrai:—we here confidently recommend a radical reform in
ourselves, for the purpose of insuring to the body politic a sound and
perfect recovery—Let every member of the state correct his own
vices—and the voters should not only correct themselves; but it is
their duty to examine into the qualifications which can entitle a
candidate to their approbation;—is he frugal in his expences without
meanness?—is he liberal, without profusion or ostentation?—is his
private life marked by no destructive vice?—they may safely
conclude that such a representative, unassailable by corruption, will
discharge his trust with fidelity.
In consequence of the demise of our late and regretted Monarch,
the period is at hand when the people will have a legal opportunity of
freely and openly expressing their sentiments, in regard to the
measures lately adopted by Administration;—if, in their opinion, the
good and loyal subject is farther protected, by these means, in the
unmolested enjoyment of his rights and privileges;—if the cottage of
the meanest peasant still remains his castle, from which he may
legally repel all violent intrusion;—if the Press restrained only in its
licentiousness, is confirmed in the full exercise of its liberty (the great
Bulwark of the British Constitution)—then will their former members,
who supported such enactments, be returned to Parliament, as
deserving objects of their preference:—but should they think that
encroachments on civil liberty are substituted as safeguards to the
Constitution;—that the habitation of every British subject is exposed,
even, to nightly visitations, at the capricious will of a Magistrate;—
that the liberty of the Press is essentially violated, under a specious
pretext of correcting its abuses, and preventing the dissemination of
blasphemous and seditious libes;—the people will be aroused to a
consideration of the danger impending over themselves, and
therefore be cautious in their choice of Representatives;—in either
case, however, we finally recommend inviolable abstinence from
corruption:—Let no views of present emolument, no promises of
further patronage,—let neither threats, nor intreaties prevail on you
to depart from the conscientious discharge of your duty as voters:—
the corruption of the constituent, will serve as an apology for the
corruption of the Representative body:—exhibit in yourselves a
generous example of reform:—your Representatives, chosen for the
good qualities you have discerned in them, will copy the example
and thus will the pernicious disorder, preying upon your very vitals,
be in some measure checked, if not entirely eradicated from your
constitution.
We have thus far obtruded upon the Public, in consequence of our
objections to the Antidote of Sir Harcourt Lees, and conclude with an
anxious wish that, whatever application may be adopted by them, it
may most conduce to the advancement of civil and religious liberty,
and may best contribute to the present and future welfare of the
people.
PHILODEMUS.
 Transcriber’s Note:
The Greek passage on the title page would be better rendered:

πασῃ φυλαχῃ την ψυχην τηρητεον, μη δια της των λογων ἡδονης
παραδεξαμενοι τι λαθωμεν των χειρονων ὡσπερ ὁι τα δηλητηρια μετα του
μελιτος προσιεμενοι.

And the Greek passage in the footnote:

Φυσει πασιν ανθρωποις ὑπαρχει των μεν λοιδοριων και των κατηγοριων
ακουειν ἡδεως, τοις επαινουσι δ’ αὑτονς ἀχθεσθαι.

A list of changes made to the text:

Page 3, “oppulence” changed to “opulence” (from opulence and prosperity)

Page 3, “coersive” changed to “coercive” (adopt coercive measures)
Page 5, “vigilence” changed to “vigilance” (the vigilance of Ministers)
Page 6, “tenents” changed to “tenets” (whenever the particular tenets)
Page 9, “witnesess” changed to “witnesses” (men, many of them eye witnesses)
Page 11, “tenents” changed to “tenets” (one of the tenets of the new sect)
Page 11, “tenent” changed to “tenet” (according to this tenet)
Page 12, “inaplicable” changed to “inapplicable” (may, perhaps, be not inapplicable)
Page 15, “adminstering” changed to “administering” (his motives for administering)
Page 17, “conscientousness” changed to “conscientiousness” (and
conscientiousness in discharge)
Page 19, “irreconciliable” changed to “irreconcilable” (all parties irreconcilable)
Page 21, “quiequid” changed to “quicquid” (Potestas faciundi quicquid per leges
liceat)
Page 21, “undersand” changed to “understand” (if we understand the report aright)
Page 22, “serinity” changed to “serenity” (will also invite this serenity)
Page 23, “themelves” changed to “themselves” (they conducted themselves on
these occasions)
Page 25, “appology” changed to “apology” (they had had a decent apology)
Page 26, “greivances” changed to “grievances” (if aroused by such grievances)
Page 26, “accellerates” changed to “accelerates” (accelerates the progress of
corruption)
Page 26, “septenial” changed to “septennial” (a septennial parliament)
Page 30, duplicated word “the” removed (Do the commandments)
Page 30, “probality” changed to “probability” (is it consistent with probability)
Page 31, “maing” changed to “making” (thereby making Gods, not only of Angels)
Page 32, “poluted” changed to “polluted” (of a polluted sinner)
Page 32, “anwer” changed to “answer” (is a sufficient answer to this question)
Page 32, “appliable” changed to “applicable” (equally applicable to a minister)
Page 33, “Catolics” changed to “Catholics” (ascribed by Sir Harcourt Lees to the
Catholics)
Page 34, “Albigensis” changed to “Albigenses” (against the Manchæans or
Albigenses)
Page 35, “Marianna” changed to “Mariana” (Mariana, whose book was condemned)
Page 35, “teach-them” changed to “teaches them” (The doctrine then of the
Catholics teaches them)
Page 35, “geueral” changed to “general” (the doctrine of the last general council)
Page 36, “confinad” changed to “confined” (Power of the Pope is confined)
Page 37, “apoligizes” changed to “apologizes” (apologizes for this conduct)
Page 38, “univerrsally” changed to “universally” (is universally offensive)
Page 40, “unrestrcited” changed to “unrestricted” (unrestricted Emancipation to be
impossible)
Page 40, “Paticipation” changed to “Participation” (equal Participation in the same
rights)
Page 41, “jealously” changed to “jealousy” (the growth of jealousy and discussion)
Page 41, “disscussion” changed to “discussion” (the growth of jealousy and
discussion)
Page 41, “priveleges” changed to “privileges” (arming them with distinct privileges)
Page 42, “benovelence” changed to “benevolence” (the general benevolence of
mankind)
Page 43, “extentive” changed to “extensive” (render its influence extensive)
Page 43, “upwright” changed to “upright” (the upright conduct of their clergy)
Page 43, “impractible” changed to “impracticable” (visionary and impracticable)
Page 45, “bein” changed to “bien” (j’ai bien resolu; the French text left otherwise
uncorrected)
Page 47, “obtrurded” changed to “obtruded” (We have thus far obtruded upon the
Public)
Page 47, “Harcout” changed to “Harcourt” (the Antidote of Sir Harcourt Lees)
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE
IMPROVED ANTIDOTE, SUPPOSED TO BE MORE ACTIVE IN
EXPELLING POISON, THAN A LATE INVENTION, BY THE REV.
SIR HARCOURT LEES, BART. IN WHICH THE CATHOLICS ARE
VINDICATED FROM HIS ABUSE, AND THEIR CLAIMS FOR
UNRESTRICTED EMANCIPATION, CONSIDERED ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions

will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright
in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and
distribute it in the United States without permission and without
paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General
Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and
distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the
PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if
you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the
trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the
Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is
very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such
as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and
printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in
the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright
law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially
commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
 PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the

free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this
work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase
“Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of
the Full Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or
online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and

Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand,
agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual
property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to
abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using
and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for
obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg™
electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms
of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only

be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by
people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.
There are a few things that you can do with most Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works even without complying with the
full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There
are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg™
electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and
help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the
collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the
individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the
United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright
law in the United States and you are located in the United
States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying,
distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works
based on the work as long as all references to Project
Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will
support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free
access to electronic works by freely sharing Project
Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of this
agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name
associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms
of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with
its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it
without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also
govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most
countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside
the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to
the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying,
displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works
based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The
Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright
status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project

Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other

immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must
appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project
Gutenberg™ work (any work on which the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed,
viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United

States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it
away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg
License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United
States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is

derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to
anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges.
If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of
paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use
of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth
in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is

posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and
distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through
1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder.
Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™
License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright
holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project

Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files
containing a part of this work or any other work associated with
Project Gutenberg™.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute
this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1
with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the
Project Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form,
including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if
you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project
Gutenberg™ work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or
other format used in the official version posted on the official
Project Gutenberg™ website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at
no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a
means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project
Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,

performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™
works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or

providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works provided that:

• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive
from the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using
the method you already use to calculate your applicable
taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to donate
royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be
paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as
such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive