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Chapter 7: Gas Diffusion
Test Bank

MULTIPLE CHOICE

1. For a person breathing 21% oxygen, what is the inspired oxygen partial pressure?
a. Approximately 80 mm Hg
b. Approximately 100 mm Hg
c. Approximately 140 mm Hg
d. Approximately 160 mm Hg
ANS: D
Inspired air contains about 21% oxygen and essentially no carbon dioxide. Thus, inspired
oxygen partial pressure (PIO2) is about 160 mm Hg, as the following calculation shows:
PIO2 = 0.2095  760 mm Hg = 159 mm Hg

DIF: Recall REF: 130

2. Which of the following are true of the respiratory exchange ratio?

I. It is the ratio of alveolar CO2 excretion to blood oxygen uptake.
II. R = CO2/ O2
III. It is the ratio of oxygen uptake to blood alveolar CO2 excretion.
IV. Its value is normally approximately 0.8.
a. I, II, IV
b. III, IV
c. I, II, III, IV
d. II, IV
ANS: A
The ratio of alveolar CO2 excretion ( CO2) to blood oxygen uptake ( O2) is called the
respiratory exchange ratio (R), and its value is normally approximately 0.8 (R = CO2/ O2 =
200/250 = 0.8).

DIF: Recall REF: 132

3. What is the PAO2 of a person breathing room air at sea level, with a PaCO2 equal to 40 mm Hg
and an R equal to 0.8?
a. Approximately 80 mm Hg
b. Approximately 90 mm Hg
c. Approximately 100 mm Hg
d. Approximately 110 mm Hg
ANS: C
A normal PAO2 for a person breathing room air at sea level, with a PaCO2 equal to 40 mm Hg
and an R equal to 0.8, is approximately 100 mm Hg. This is shown as follows:
PAO2 = 0.2093 (760 − 47) − (40  1.2)
PAO2 = 149.2 − 48
PAO2 = 101.2
 DIF: Recall REF: 132

4. Which of the following statements apply to Fick’s law?

I. Gas diffusion increases with increased membrane surface area.
II. Gas diffusion increases with decreased membrane surface area.
III. Gas diffusion increases with increased pressure gradient.
IV. Gas diffusion decreases if membrane thickness increases.
a. I, III, IV
b. I, II, III, IV
c. II, IV
d. II, III, IV
ANS: A
Fick’s law states that the gas increases if there are increases in the membrane surface area,
gas diffusivity, or diffusion pressure gradient. The diffusion rate decreases if membrane
thickness increases.

DIF: Recall REF: 132-133

5. The rate of gas diffusion in the lung is inversely proportional to its molecular weight and
directly proportional to which of the following physical properties?
a. Density
b. Solubility
c. Specific gravity
d. Proton concentration
ANS: B
The rate of gas diffusion in the lung is inversely proportional to its molecular weight and
directly proportional to its solubility.

DIF: Recall REF: 133

6. How many times faster does oxygen diffuse through a gas medium than CO2?
a. 0.9
b. 1.0
c. 1.1
d. 1.2
ANS: D
Because oxygen is a lighter molecule, it diffuses through a gas medium 1.17 times faster than
CO2.

DIF: Recall REF: 134

7. Which of the following laws states that the amount of gas dissolving in a liquid is directly
proportional to the gas partial pressure?
a. Boyle’s law
b. Charles’ law
c. Henry’s law
d. Reynold’s law
 ANS: C
Carbon dioxide is much more soluble in water than oxygen. Henry’s law states that the
amount of gas dissolving in a liquid is directly proportional to the gas partial pressure.

DIF: Recall REF: 134

8. CO2 is how many times more soluble than O2?

a. 16
b. 20
c. 24
d. 28
ANS: C
Carbon dioxide is approximately 24 times more soluble than oxygen.

DIF: Recall REF: 134

9. Combining Graham’s law and Henry’s law, how many times faster does carbon dioxide
diffuse across the alveolar capillary membrane than oxygen?
a. 10
b. 20
c. 30
d. 40
ANS: B
Combining Graham’s law and Henry’s law, carbon dioxide diffuses across the alveolar
capillary membrane approximately 20 times faster than oxygen.

DIF: Recall REF: 134

10. Diffusion of which of the following gases will be limited by a defective alveolar capillary
membrane?
a. O2
b. CO2
c. NO2
d. N2O
ANS: A
Alveolar capillary membrane defects limit oxygen diffusion long before they limit CO2
diffusion.

DIF: Recall REF: 134

11. When are patients with thickened alveolar capillary membranes most likely to show evidence
of oxygen diffusion impairment?
a. In supine position
b. In prone position
c. During exercise
d. In any position at rest
ANS: C
 If a healthy person exercises vigorously at a high altitude, where atmospheric PO2 is very low,
the oxygen diffusion gradient may be so low that oxygen cannot cross the alveolar capillary
membrane quickly enough to establish equilibrium during the shortened transit time. Or if
disease thickens the alveolar capillary membrane, the diffusion rate across the membrane may
be slowed enough to prevent complete oxygen equilibrium by the time blood leaves the
capillary. In the clinical setting, this rarely occurs at rest, even in severe lung disease.
However, exercise immediately exposes the diffusion abnormality problem because it
shortens the blood’s transit time through the capillary, preventing oxygen equilibrium (Figure
7-5). Thus, patients with thickened alveolar capillary membranes are most likely to show
evidence of oxygen diffusion impairment during exercise.

DIF: Recall REF: 134

12. Which of the following is the main limiting factor for the oxygen transfer rate?
a. Perfusion
b. Diffusion
c. Solubility
d. Molecular weight of the gas
ANS: A
The diffusion rate of oxygen through the alveolar capillary membrane is normally perfusion
limited (see Figure 7-4); that is, a change in blood flow rate alters the amount of oxygen that
crosses the alveolar capillary membrane each minute.

DIF: Recall REF: 135

13. If oxygen equilibrium between the alveolus and capillary never occurs because of thickened
membranes, oxygen transfer is truly:
a. Perfusion limited
b. Diffusion limited
c. Concentration limited
d. Perfusion and diffusion limited
ANS: B
If oxygen equilibrium between the alveolus and capillary never occurs because of thickened
membranes, oxygen transfer is truly diffusion limited. In such an instance it is the alveolar
capillary membrane, not the blood flow rate, that influences the oxygen transfer rate (see
Figure 7-5).

DIF: Recall REF: 135

14. Why is CO the ideal gas for measuring the extent to which the alveolar capillary membrane
itself impedes the diffusion rate?
a. Blood can absorb CO at a greater rate than CO can diffuse across the alveolar
capillary membrane.
b. CO is lighter than O2.
c. CO can diffuse across the alveolar capillary membrane faster than blood can
absorb it.
d. CO is heavier than O2.
ANS: A
 Carbon monoxide (CO) is the ideal gas for this kind of measurement because blood can
absorb it at a greater rate than carbon monoxide can diffuse across the alveolar capillary
membrane, even under resting conditions.

DIF: Recall REF: 135

15. Why is N2O the ideal gas for measuring the extent to which pulmonary blood contributes to
the diffusion rate?
a. Blood can absorb N2O at a greater rate than N2O can diffuse across the alveolar
capillary membrane.
b. If N2O is inhaled, the pulmonary capillary blood reaches its maximum capacity for
N2O almost instantly.
c. If N2O is inhaled, the pulmonary capillary blood reaches its maximum capacity for
N2O slowly.
d. Blood can absorb N2O at a slower rate than N2O can diffuse across the alveolar
capillary membrane.
ANS: B
If N2O is inhaled, the pulmonary capillary blood reaches its maximum capacity for N2O
almost instantly (Figure 7-7). N2O partial pressures across the alveolar capillary membrane
reach equilibrium in the first one-twentieth of the distance along the capillary.
Increased blood flow causes N2O-saturated blood to exit the capillary sooner, allowing more
mixed venous blood to enter and take up alveolar N2O. Thus, diffusion of N2O in the lung is
perfusion limited. This makes N2O an ideal test gas to measure pulmonary blood flow.

DIF: Recall REF: 136

16. Which of the following are components of the diffusion path?

I. Capillary endothelium
II. Intracellular fluid bathing the hemoglobin molecule
III. Red blood cell membrane
IV. Alveolar epithelium
V. Surfactant layer lining the alveolar surface
a. I, II, III, IV
b. II, III
c. I, II, III, IV, V
d. II, III, IV
ANS: C
The total diffusion path distance is normally less than 0.1 µ and includes the following (see
Figure 7-1): (1) the surfactant layer that is lining the alveolar surface, (2) the alveolar
epithelium, (3) the basement membrane of the alveolar epithelium, (4) an extremely thin
interstitial space, (5) the basement membrane of the capillary endothelium, (6) the capillary
endothelium, (7) plasma, (8) the red blood cell membrane, and (9) intracellular fluid bathing
the hemoglobin molecule.

DIF: Recall REF: 136

17. Which of the following conditions can increase the length of the diffusion path?
I. Fibrotic thickening of alveolar and capillary walls
II. Fluid in the alveoli
 III. Interstitial edema fluid
IV. Capillary vasoconstriction
a. I, II, III
b. II, III
c. I, II, III, IV
d. II, III, IV
ANS: A
Various abnormal conditions can increase the diffusion path length, including the following:
(1) fibrotic thickening of alveolar and capillary walls; (2) interstitial edema fluid, separating
alveolar and capillary membranes; (3) fluid in the alveoli; (4) interstitial fibrotic processes that
thicken the interstitial space; and (5) dilated, engorged capillaries, which allow red blood cells
to flow side by side.

DIF: Recall REF: 136

18. What is the most common cause of resting hypoxemia?

a. A mismatch between ventilation and diffusion
b. A mismatch between ventilation and permeability
c. A mismatch between ventilation and dead space
d. A mismatch between ventilation and blood flow
ANS: D
The major cause of resting hypoxemia is a mismatch between ventilation and blood flow.

DIF: Recall REF: 136

19. What is the mean DLCOsb range for healthy adults?

a. 20 to 30 mL/min/mm Hg
b. 30 to 40 mL/min/mm Hg
c. 40 to 50 mL/min/mm Hg
d. 50 to 60 mL/min/mm Hg
ANS: A
The standard accepted normal range for healthy adults in the upright position is 20 to 30
mL/min/mm Hg.

DIF: Recall REF: 137

20. How do you obtain the diffusion capacity for oxygen?

a. It is obtained by multiplying DLCOsb by 1.23.
b. It is obtained by multiplying DLCOsb by 24.
c. It is obtained by dividing DLCOsb by 1.23.
d. It is obtained by dividing DLCOsb by 24.
ANS: A
The diffusion capacity of the lung for oxygen (DLO2) is obtained by multiplying DLCOsb by
1.23.

DIF: Recall REF: 137

21. What is the best explanation for the DLO2 being greater than the DLCOsb?
 a. O2 is less soluble than CO in the alveolar capillary membrane but more soluble in
the plasma and therefore diffuses more rapidly.
b. O2 is more soluble than CO in the alveolar capillary membrane and less soluble in
the plasma and therefore diffuses more rapidly.
c. O2 is less soluble than CO in the alveolar capillary membrane and the plasma and
therefore diffuses more rapidly.
d. O2 is more soluble than CO in the alveolar capillary membrane and the plasma and
therefore diffuses more rapidly.
ANS: D
A mean DLCOsb of 26 mL/min/mm Hg yields a normal DLO2 of approximately 32
mL/min/mm Hg. It might seem odd that DLO2 is greater than DLCOsb, considering
hemoglobin’s much greater affinity for CO than O2. This peculiarity is explained by the fact
that O2 is more soluble than CO in the alveolar capillary membrane and the plasma, and
therefore diffuses more rapidly.

DIF: Recall REF: 137

22. Which of the following conditions has an inverse relationship with DLCOsb?
a. Age
b. Exercise
c. Lung volumes
d. PAO2
ANS: D
High PAO2 is associated with lower DLCOsb because in the blood, oxygen competes with CO
for binding sites on the hemoglobin molecule.

DIF: Recall REF: 139

23. The DLCOsb is useful in differentiating emphysema from what other obstructive disease?
a. Asthma
b. Pneumonia
c. ARDS
d. Bronchiectasis
ANS: A
The DLCOsb is useful in differentiating emphysema from other obstructive diseases not
associated with destroyed alveolar architecture, such as chronic bronchitis and asthma.
Asthma is often associated with an increased DLCOsb.

DIF: Recall REF: 139

Another random document with
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 Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, “was for committing in order that some
middle ground, if possible, be found. He could never agree to the
clause as it stands. He would sooner risk the Constitution. He dwelt
on the dilemma to which the Constitution was exposed by agreeing
to the clause it would revolt the Quakers, the Methodists and many
others in the States having no slaves. On the other hand, two States
might be lost to the Union. Let us then,” he said, “try the chance of a
commitment.”[7]
On the question of committing, the vote was: New Hampshire, no;
Massachusetts, abstaining from voting; Connecticut, aye; New
Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, no; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye;
Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South Carolina, aye; Georgia,
aye;[8] In a total of eleven States at Convention seven ayes, three
noes, one not voting.
The clause having been referred to a committee consisting of
Messrs. Langdon, King, Johnson, Livingston, Clymer, Dickinson, L.
Martin, Madison, Williamson, C. C. Pinckney, and Baldwin, the
committee reported in favor of the clause, with an amendment
making it read: “The migration or importation of such persons as the
several States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be
prohibited by the Legislature prior to the year 1800, but a tax or duty
may be imposed on such migration or importation at a rate not
exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports.”[9]
Gen. Pinckney moved to strike out the words “the year 1800 and
to insert the words eighteen hundred and eight.”
Mr. Gorham, of Massachusetts, seconded the motion. This action
brought from one, who up to that time does not appear to have
participated in the discussion, Mr. Madison, the declaration that:
“twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be apprehended
from the liberty to import slaves. So long a term will be more
dishonorable to the national character than to say nothing about it in
the Constitution.”[10]
The reported clause had been referred to the committee against
the vote of New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, and Delaware. Virginia
and New Jersey both opposed the amendment; but as it received the
vote of both New Hampshire and Massachusetts, which had not
voted for the commitment, it was supported by seven out of the
eleven States, the three New England States present and four of the
five Southern States, the three Middle States present, and one
Southern State, opposing.
While reasonable men must always be alive to the necessity of
compromise, and while also the great responsibilities of the situation
concerning this matter are apparent, yet this most important
discussion and vote establishes some facts, with regard to the
constitutional Union, which the honest historian cannot disregard.
First: The migration or importation of Negroes was prohibited in
spite of the declaration of the representatives of the three Southern
States, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, that some of the
Southern States could not accept the Constitution if it did.
Second: A tax upon the importation was imposed through the aid
of the vote of New England, whose representatives had warned the
Convention that it would be a recognition of slavery to tax
importation. The claim, therefore made, that South Carolina and
Georgia forced the recognition of the slave trade is not borne out by
the facts in the case. Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut,
Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia followed the
suggestion of Gouverneur Morris of Pennsylvania, and, abandoning
the principles for which they had contended, “formed a bargain” by
which the slave trade was surrendered for the recognition of slavery
by the Constitution.
Upon considering the discussion, although Ellsworth’s shrewd
criticism crippled, to some extent, the lofty flight of Mason of Virginia,
yet the speech of the latter puts him upon a higher plane of
statesmanship than that occupied by any deputy present. On the
other hand, no matter how high their reputations otherwise may have
been established, none descended to so low a plane as King, of
Massachusetts and Rutledge of South Carolina; while no individual
exhibited as much ignorance of the existing situation as he, who by
the temperance of his utterance and the influence of his high
personal character, most thoroughly mastered it.
Gen. C. C. Pinckney did not seem to know that South Carolina
had not been permitted by Great Britain to throw off the slave trade,
when, as a province, she sought to do so,[11] or that the sentiment of
the people of his State, even while he was speaking, had found
expression in an Act which prohibited the bringing into the State of
“any Negro slave contrary to the Act to regulate the recovery of
debts and prohibiting the importation of Negroes”[12] and which was
sufficiently strong even after the above compromise to negative, by a
vote of 93 to 40, Gillon’s attempt in the South Carolina Legislature in
1788, to repeal the law prohibiting importation.[13] No severer
criticism of the General’s statesmanship on this point was ever
promulgated than that, thirty-four years later, which his devoted
brother, Gen. Thomas Pinckney, furnished, in some reflections,
published by him[14] without any thought of how positively they ran
counter to the dictum of his brother—“South Carolina and Georgia
cannot do without slaves”—he warned South Carolinians that Negro
artisans were taking the places of whites.
But, turning from this discussion, it is of importance to consider
just how the Negro population of the United States was located at
the time of the adoption of the Constitution.
By the census taken in 1790 it was indicated that about six-
sevenths of the entire colored population of the thirteen States
constituting the Union, inhabited the four States of Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina, of which about one-half
were found in Virginia, the population in the order of their numbers
being as follows: Virginia 305,493; Maryland 111,099; South
Carolina, 108,895; North Carolina, 105,547. The Negro population of
Georgia at that date was but slightly in excess of the Negro
population of New York, being only 29,662 to New York’s 25,978,
while in the region north of Maryland there were nearly three times
as many Negroes as in the region south of South Carolina.
Considering the percentage of blacks to whites in the different
sections, South Carolina had the greatest, with a colored population
rising as high as 44 per cent of the total. Virginia came second, with
a percentage of 41, Georgia was third, with 36; Maryland fourth, with
35; North Carolina fifth, with 27; Delaware sixth, with 26; New Jersey
seventh, with 9; New York eighth, with 8; Rhode Island ninth, with 7,
and Pennsylvania tenth, with less than three per cent.
There is still another standpoint, however, from which this
population might be considered; that is with regard to the area of the
State containing the same, and considered in this light, Maryland,
with a Negro population in excess of that of South Carolina, and with
an area of only one-third, was the most distinct Negro State of the
Union. Delaware came second, and Virginia third. In the two States
of Maryland and Virginia, with a combined area of 79,124 square
miles, there was considerably more than one-half of the colored
population of the United States, 416,572. In the region to the south,
embracing the three States of North Carolina, South Carolina and
Georgia, with an area of 143,040 square miles, there were as yet but
244,104 Negroes, or about one-third of the number, considered with
regard to the area they inhabited, which makes very obvious the
contention of Ellsworth that the abrogation of the slave trade would
have operated as a distinct commercial benefit to Maryland and
Virginia, enabling them to supply to the region south of them, at
enhanced prices, the slaves they might raise for market.
Virginia, Maryland and Delaware then constituted at this time the
black belt, containing, as they did, four-sevenths of the colored
population of the Union, three-fourths of the remainder being in the
region below and one-fourth above.
In the first decade of the Constitution the density of this colored
population in Virginia and Maryland was actually increased; while, at
the same time, through an extraordinary accession to her white
population, in spite of great gains to the colored, South Carolina’s
colored percentage decreased, and it is on this account that what
happened in the next decade of the Constitution in South Carolina is
of so much importance. A consideration of these events will show,
that, in spite of the declaration of her great deputies, that “South
Carolina could not do without slaves,” and that her people “would
never be such fools as to give up so important an interest” as “their
right to import slaves,” they not only proposed to give up the right,
but strove earnestly to do so, and only after thirty years of unavailing
effort, accompanied by an ever increasing investment in that class of
property, did the strong minority, which had opposed it, acquiesce in
Calhoun’s most unwise view, that the blacks furnished “the best
substratum of population, upon which great and flourishing
Commonwealths may be most easily and safely reared.”[15]
Once it was accepted, the march was steadily on to disaster.

FOOTNOTES:
[1] Phillips, American Negro Slavery, p. 361.
[2] Statutes of S. C., Vols. 2 & 7, pp. 153, 367, 370.
[3] S. C. Gazette, Feb. 26, 1732, McCrady, S. C. under the
Royal Government, p. 378.
[4] Compendium of the Ninth Census of the United States, p.
13.
[5] Farrand. Records of the Federal Convention, Vol. 2, p. 183.
[6] Farrand. Records of the Federal Convention, Vol. 2, p. 364.
[7] Farrand. Records of the Federal Convention, Vol. 2, pp. 369,
374.
[8] Ibid. p. 374.
[9] Ibid. p. 400.
Prof. Farrand renders “abst” absent, which the context
contradicts. King of Massachusetts, was put on the committee.
[10] Farrand. Records of the Federal Convention, Vol. 2, p. 415.
[11] S. C. Gazette, Feb. 19, 1732, Stat. S. C. Vol. 7, pp. 367-
370. McCrady, S. C. Under the Royal Government, p. 378.
[12] Stat. S. C. Vol. 7, p. 430.
[13] State Gazette, Jan. 28, 1788.
[14] Jervey, Robert Y. Hayne and His Times, p. 130.
[15] Calhoun’s Correspondence, p. 369.
 CHAPTER II

Following Gillon’s unsuccessful attempt in 1788, to repeal the

existing law, the State of South Carolina, by successive enactments,
in spite of the implied sanction of the Constitution until 1808,
prohibited the importation of slaves[16] up to the year 1803. In that
year Governor James B. Richardson, in his annual message to the
General Assembly, indirectly suggested the repeal of such
legislation.
The language of this message is so involved that, considered
without reference to its effect, it seems to indicate some sympathy
with the prohibition of the importation; but carefully considered, the
secret sympathy of this official with those he condemns is obvious.
The promptness with which it was seized upon by the opponents of
prohibition, and the arguments culled from it, indicate that it was the
opening wedge by which the defence against the black flood, was
split, to admit it in such volume, as to make subsequent efforts to
stop the flow almost useless.
That portion of the message which dealt with the importation of
Negro slaves reads as follows:
“All possible diligence and my best efforts have been used to carry
effectually into operation the law prohibiting the importation of
Negroes into the State, but it is with concern that I have here to state
to you, that it has been without success; whether it must be
attributed principally to the ill consequences that are apprehended
would result from carrying the law into operation by emancipating the
Negroes so brought in (a remedy deemed more mischievous than
the evil of their introduction in servitude) or whether the interests of
the citizens is so interwoven with that species of property, that it
prevents their aiding the law in answering the salutary purposes, I
will not presume to determine; but I am inclined to believe both
causes operate as preventatives; for those people are continued to
be brought into the State beyond the possibility of prevention. In all
laws intended for the general benefit, they should be so calculated
that their operation should be found equal in every part of the State;
where this is not the case it means that there is some radical defect
therein, or it is inimical to the interest of the citizens; with this law
such is the situation; for in the present state of things, the citizens in
the frontier and sea coast districts do accumulate this property
without the possibility of being detected, while those of the interior
and middle districts only experience the operation of that law from
their remote situation, etc.... This indeed is a circumstance to be
lamented, but such is the true state of our situation and therefore
becomes a subject worthy of your consideration and one that I trust
will engage your endeavors to render equally energetic in every part
of the State that law which experience has proved partial in its
operation and is oppressive upon such citizens in the interior districts
as hold it the object of desire to augment their capital in the
accumulation of such property.”[17]
This expression of opinion from the Governor brought up in the
House the appointment of “a committee to inquire whether any and
what amendments are necessary, to the Act entitled, ‘An Act to
prevent Negro slaves from being brought into or entering this
State’[18]; in the Senate a bill to permit their importation.”[19]
The leading opponent in the Senate of the bill to permit importation
was State Senator Robert Barnwell, at that time in his forty-second
year. He had served with credit in the Revolutionary war, in the
course of which he had been seriously wounded; had been a
delegate to the Continental Congress; and later a member of
Congress from the 2nd Congressional district of South Carolina, later
still he had been elected Speaker of the South Carolina House of
Representatives.[20] He is described by Edward Hooker as “a tall,
portly, well-built man of about sixty years—a man of singular gravity,
and possessed of great influence in the Senate. Said to be an
eminent orator and very religious character.”[21]
A synopsis of Mr. Barnwell’s remarks on this occasion has been
preserved, although, as became more and more the custom with
regard to all utterances concerning slavery, in any way critical, much
was suppressed. The account reads as follows: “He maintained that
by the immense influx of these persons into the State, the value of
this species of property would be considerably diminished, insomuch
that he did believe Negroes would be soon not worth one half of
what they might be sold for. The value of the produce raised by their
labor would be in like manner depreciated. * * * The permission
given by the bill would lead to ruinous speculation. Everyone would
purchase Negroes. It was well known that those who dealt in this
property would sell it at a very long credit. Our citizens would
purchase at all hazards and trust to fortunate crops and favorable
markets for making their payments and it would be found that South
Carolina would in a few years, if this trade continued open, be in the
same situation of debt, and subject to all the misfortunes which that
situation had produced as at the conclusion of the Revolutionary war.
The honorable member adduced in support of his opinion other
arguments still more cogent and impressive, which from reasons
very obvious, we decline making public.”[22]
The most prominent advocate of the bill was State Senator William
Smith, the schoolmate of Andrew Jackson, later judge, and, later
still, United States Senator, the most determined of Calhoun’s
political opponents in after years. He was a native of North Carolina,
of somewhat indefinite age, a reformed drunkard; but a man of
firmness and power, and also of pleasing appearance.[23]
The report of his remarks upon this occasion is brevity itself, but
sufficient to condemn him, as it is apparent that in a spirit of
pessimism he voted against his convictions. The report is: “Mr. Smith
said he would agree to put a stop to the importation of Negroes but
he believed it to be impossible. For this reason he would vote for the
bill.”[24] The House had meantime reported that “the laws prohibiting
the importation of Negroes can be so amended as to prevent their
introduction among us,” but a strong faction were for action on the
Senate bill. “Mr. Drayton was of the opinion that the committee
should proceed to consider the bill from the Senate rather than the
report of the committee of this House. He confessed that he was a
friend to that bill in its utmost latitude. Many of the planters had cash
which they could not so well dispose of as in purchasing Negroes,
and he did not see why they should not be allowed to improve their
estates in the best manner they were able, as well as merchants or
any other class of persons.”[25]
The House was not, however, swayed from its course. It
proceeded to consider the report of the committee, and a bill in
accordance therewith was arranged to be brought before the House
on the 12th. On that date, upon a motion to postpone the second
reading to February 1, 1804, the same was lost by a vote of 41 to 63;
and upon the following day the bill from the Senate came up, and, by
a vote of 55 to 46, became a law.[26] With the majority appears only
one great name, Langdon Cheves. With the minority is recorded the
name of a new member, Joseph Alston, destined to something of a
career, who on this occasion, in opposition to the bill permitting
importation, made a notable speech.[27]
From the achievement of her independence in 1783, South
Carolina had legislated against the importation of Negro slaves with
greater and greater severity. The indications are all that this reversal
of her past policy was the result of the matter having been sprung as
a surprise by Governor Richardson in the second year of his term of
office, when the Senate was two to one in favor of such action as he
suggested, and even in the more popular branch of the Legislature a
majority of nine in one hundred and one votes could be secured.
Under these conditions, that a strong effort should have been at
once inaugurated by those who opposed the importation, to repeal
the Act permitting same was natural, and, upon the reassembling of
the Legislature in the fall of 1804, a bill having such for its purpose
was introduced, pressed to a vote in the Senate, and lost by only
one vote, the record being 16 for, 17 against repeal of Act permitting
importation, and two absent.[28]
Four days later the House went into committee on the following
resolution: “Resolved, that in the opinion of this House, it is
inexpedient and impolitic to permit the importation of slaves into this
State, and that a committee of five be appointed to bring in a bill for
that purpose.”[29] The resolution was adopted by a vote of 69 to 39,
and among the names of the majority appears that of William
Lowndes. Thus the two Houses being unable to agree before
adjournment, it was to be inferred, from the heavy majority in the
House, against importation and the extremely narrow margin by
which it had been sustained in the Senate, the fight would again be
made, at the convening of the Legislature, in the fall of 1805. And so
it was, for upon its reassembling Governor Paul Hamilton at once
and pointedly referred to the subject in his message: “I should be
wanting in my endeavors towards the public good were I to omit
soliciting you to legislate on the importation of slaves. Abstractedly
from other considerations of it, on which indeed much may be said, I
feel myself bound to represent its continuance as productive of
effects the most injurious, in draining us of our specie, thereby
embarrassing our commercial men and naturally lessening the sales
of our produce; that viewed with reference to population it increases
our weakness not our strength; for it must be admitted that in
proportion as you add to the number of slaves, you prevent the influx
of those men who would increase the means of defence and
security. I will add, that an immediate stop to this traffic is, in my
judgment, on every principle of sound policy, indispensable.”[30]
The message at once engaged the attention of the newly elected
House, to the Speakership of which Joseph Alston had been elected.
The young Speaker was a most interesting personality. His father,
with perhaps one exception, was the largest slave-owner in the
State, and of the latter, we are informed, that “in his opinion the true
interests of the planter were in exact accord with the dictates of an
enlightened humanity. The consequence was that his numerous
plantations were models of neatness and order and his slaves
always exhibited an appearance of health and comfort, which spoke
well for their treatment.”[31]
This election to the Speakership was the beginning of a political
career for Joseph Alston, which soon led to the Governorship and
might well have extended into national fields, had it not been for the
tragedy which cut it short. He had just married Theodosia Burr, the
fascinating and accomplished daughter of Aaron Burr. But the death
of his only son in 1812 and almost immediately after, the loss of his
wife at sea, seemed literally to destroy all his interest in life and take
it from him. This debate in 1805, in which he was the foremost figure,
is alluded to in the diary of Edward Hooker, by whom we are
informed that the principle speakers in the House were Simons,
Alston, Miles, Taylor and Wright. The resolution under consideration,
as drawn up by Joseph Alston, was prefaced with several
considerations, such as the inconsistency of the slave trade with the
precepts of Christianity—with justice, humanity, etc., and later with
the true interests of the State. In the argument of Mr. Miles, of
Richland, appear the extraordinary insinuations of Governor
Richardson, as to the injustice of the law with regard to those who
found it difficult to violate it, and whom it did prohibit from importing
slaves. Of the members of the House and Senate who sufficiently
struck the attention of Hooker to draw from him something like a pen
portrait, Barnwell, Lowndes and Alston stand out the clearest. He
estimated Alston to be about twenty-eight years of age. He was not
quite twenty-seven. He describes him thus: “Mr. Alston is a short
man and rather thick. Of a dark complexion, with thick black hair and
a formidable pair of whiskers, that cover a great part of his face, and
nearly meet at the chin. His dress and demeanor are well deserving
the name buckish. When not in the legislative hall, he may be seen
as often as anywhere, about the stables, looking at fine horses,
dressed in a short jockey-like surtout or frock, and laced and tossled
boots, with a segar in his mouth, and much more of the ‘gig and
tandem’ levity than the austere virtues of a senatorial leader. Indeed
he is one of the last persons that I should have picked out from the
crowd of people in town for a president of one branch of the
Legislature.”
Of the speech he says: “Alston’s speech appears to me more like
an extemporaneous one, though it is said by such as are acquainted
with him that he always, without exception, writes his speeches. He
like Simons, used notes, but did not recur to them so often; nor did
he confine himself so much to method, nor avoid so scrupulously
every expression not stamped with elegance, yet his arrangement
was not bad, nor his language undignified. He did not at first speak
with uncommon fluency, indeed he stammered a little, but when he
became once fairly engaged his words appeared to flow with great
ease. His figures and allusions were eminently striking and beautiful,
and his speech abounded with them. He dropped some excellent
moral and political sentiments, quoted two or three texts of sublime
morality from the Scriptures, and with great vehemence and
apparent sincerity urged the House to consult the dictates of justice
and humanity, in opposition to sordid interest. His manner of delivery
was extremely good and his gestures forcible and expressive. He
labored some time, and with success, to show that the increase of
slaves tends to destroy that equality which is the basis of our
republican institutions and insists that it is not only unjust to bring
them in, but demonstrably injurious to the real interests of the State.
In his argument was a fund of good sense and useful information.
The utmost silence pervaded the House while he spoke thirty-five or
forty minutes.”[32]
The resolution was adopted, and the bill prohibiting importation
was sent to the Senate by a vote of 56 to 28.[33]
Later, by the same pen, we have a brief description of the last
speech upon this bill of that Senator, who in opposition to it, may be
said to have cast the most important vote he was ever called upon to
give.
Allusion has been before made to the brief reason given by
Senator William Smith for his vote, for opening the ports to
importation of slaves, which he declared himself not in favor of, but
thought it impossible to prevent, in 1803, when he, constituting one
of the majority of two to one in that branch of the General Assembly,
voted to open them. Public opinion had swept away that great
majority, and from the House, with just such a vote, two to one, the
bill to prohibit came to the Senate. The following is Hooker’s
description of the situation, and the part played by Smith:
“The bill having passed the lower House, the public feeling is
excited about its event here. Mr. Smith, a lawyer from York District,
made a long and rather tedious speech against it. He is not fluent,
nor does he use the handsomest language, but in the course of his
argument gets out considerable that is to the purpose.”[34]
 Smith’s vote was sufficient to kill the bill. It failed of passage by 15
to 16 in the Senate.[35] He thus, by his vote alone made impossible,
what he claimed to favor, but declined to support, because he
asserted he believed to be impossible. Later in the United States
Senate he disclosed, that in the four years he thus secured for the
slave trade to pour its flood upon South Carolina, in 202 vessels,
39,075 slaves were brought into the port of Charleston[36] for which
he had the effrontery to hold almost everybody but himself
responsible. This disastrous piece of legislation increased the Negro
population of South Carolina in that decade 41 per cent, against an
increase of only 9 per cent whites, and checked almost entirely the
remarkable increase of whites, which had marked the previous
decade. As to the effect upon the business of Charleston, in the
reminiscence of one of the editors of the daily press, we have an
illuminating illustration of the truth of Senator Barnwell’s prophecy.
Says Mr. Thomas: “In November 1803, I returned from my fourth
voyage with a printed catalogue of fifty thousand volumes of books in
every branch of literature, arts and sciences, being by far the largest
importation ever made into the United States. I had only got them
opened and arranged for sale three days when news arrived from
Columbia that the Legislature then in session had opened the port
for the importation of slaves from Africa. The news had not been five
hours in the city before two large British Guineamen that had been
laying off and on the port for several days, expecting it, came up to
town, and from that day my business began to decline, although then
in a situation to carry it on to three times the extent I had ever done
before. Previous to this the planters had large sums of money laying
idle in the banks, which they liberally expended not only for their
actual, but supposed wants. A great change at once took place in
everything. Vessels were fitted out in numbers for the coast of Africa,
and as fast as they returned their cargoes were bought up with
avidity, not only consuming the large funds which had been
accumulating, but all that could be procured, and finally exhausting
credit and mortgaging the slaves for payment, many of whom were
not redeemed for ten years afterwards to my knowledge.”[37]
 On the other hand the State of Ohio, which had been admitted in
1800 with 45,628 whites and only 336 colored, was so disturbed by
the growth of its colored population that before they reached in
number two thousand, that State passed the notorious Black Laws of
January 9, 1805, of which Section 4 reads as follows: “That no black
or mulatto person shall hereafter be permitted to be sworn or give
evidence in any Court of record or elsewhere in the State in any
cause depending or matter of controversy, where either party to the
same is a white person, or in any prosecution which shall be
instituted in behalf of this State against any white person.”[38]
While South Carolina did not permit the full sweep of such in her
Courts,[39] holding a free person of color born of a free white woman
an admissible witness yet, with such legislation in Ohio, and Indiana,
it is not surprising, Fiske, of New York, six years later failed to
establish his contention that “color was a mere matter of accident * *
* All men were born free and equal”; and that his attempt to reject
the Senate amendment to the Orleans bill, i. e. the insertion of the
word “white” before the words “free male inhabitants,” in defining the
electorate, should have been brushed aside by Sheffey, of Virginia,
with the simple declaration that “such doctrines would prostrate the
civil institutions of Virginia.”[40] It was one thing to protest as Col.
Mason did against the slave trade; but, with some four hundred
thousand slaves, double what any other State possessed, Virginia
was prepared to contend for her property rights, and the position
seems to have been met with acquiescence by Congress.

FOOTNOTES:
[16] Stat. S. C. Vol. 7 pp. 431-448.
[17] Charleston Courier, December 5, 1803.
[18] Ibid. December 6, 1803.
[19] Ibid. December 13, 1803.
[20] S. C. Hist. & Genealog. Mag. Vol. 2, p. 72.
 [21] Annual Report American Hist. Ass. 1896, Vol. 1, p. 870.
[22] Charleston Courier, December 26, 1803.
[23] Jervey, Robert Y. Hayne & His Times, p. 148.
[24] Charleston Courier, December 26, 1803.
[25] Ibid. January 2, 1804.
[26] City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, December 21, 1803.
[27] Memoirs of Aaron Burr, Vol. 2, p. 270.
[28] Charleston Courier, December 12, 1804.
[29] Ibid. December 24, 1804.
[30] Charleston Courier, December 2, 1805.
[31] Jervey, Robert Y. Hayne & His Times, p. 534.
[32] Annual Report American Hist. Assn. 1896, Vol. 1, p. 868.
[33] Charleston Courier, December 13, 1805.
[34] Annual Report American Hist. Assn. Vol. 1, p. 878, 1896.
[35] Charleston Courier, December 9, 1805.
[36] Charleston Year Book, 1880, p. 263.
[37] Thomas’s Reminiscences, Case Tiffany & Burnham, Vol. 2,
p. 35.
[38] C. L. Martzolff, Ohio University, Nov. 30, 1909.
[39] S. C. Reports, Brevard, Vol. 2, p. 145. State vs. McDowell.
[40] Charleston Courier, February 27, 1811.
 CHAPTER III

Concerning free persons of color in the United States, of whom

there were about 210,000, to 1,550,000 Negro slaves, in 1816, it
was asserted, in the petition of the Kentucky Abolition Society to
Congress, which asked that a suitable territory should be set apart
as asylum for emancipated Negroes and mulattoes, “that when
emancipated they were not allowed the privileges of free citizens and
were prohibited from emigrating to other States and Territories.”[41]
Certainly if their testimony could only be received in courts of
justice in cases, when not in opposition to the interests of the whites,
which was the situation in Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, their ability to
protect themselves against injury from whites was seriously affected,
but, at the same time, that this tiny stream, trickling into Ohio, was
thus harshly dammed, the Negroes were pouring into South Carolina
in such numbers, that legislation against their introduction from other
States and Territories was passed.[42]
But again the same desire for ephemeral benefits to a class, which
had sufficed to overthrow a wise law in 1803, induced action for
repeal in 1818, and, with lamentable lack of foresight, the brilliant
George McDuffie led the fight for the repeal of the law of 1816.
By the census of 1810, the colored population of South Carolina
was 200,919, the white only 214,196.
With the exception of Louisiana, just admitted, with a colored
population of 42,245, and a white population of 34,311, no State in
the Union had, proportionately to its white, as great a Negro
population as South Carolina. The increase of its colored population
had been so accelerated by the mischievous action of Governor
Richardson and his supporters in 1803, as to have increased almost
two and a half times as much as that of Maryland, the Negro
population of which, as has been before pointed out, was greater
than that of South Carolina in 1790, and had increased from that day
to 1800 in a greater proportion compared to its white population,
than South Carolina.
It is true the increase of the colored population of North Carolina
had also been very great; but, at the same time, the increase of the
white population had been much greater than in South Carolina, and
it had had originally so much larger a number of white inhabitants
that they were still more than double the number of blacks.
To a large and important portion of South Carolina’s legislators,
therefore, the evil of this continual increase of the Negro population
was apparent, and these under the leadership of Robert Y. Hayne, at
that time Speaker of the House, opposed the repeal of the law of
1816.
Unfortunately no Hooker was present to record his impressions of
the discussion, and all that we know of this great struggle is, that the
Act of 1816 was repealed after “one of the most eloquent and
animated debates that has taken place on the floor for many
years.”[43] In the Senate the repeal was only secured by a vote of 22
to 19.
In the year which followed came in Congress the first great
sectional struggle over the Missouri Question, involving the right of
Southern men to move into the Northwest with their slaves, with
regard to which some of them argued, that, in the long run, such
diffusion of slaves would not increase their number or result in the
extension of slavery, but rather tend to check the increase.
In his contemporaneous publication of speeches from both sides,
the editor of Niles’ Register regrets his inability to secure a copy of
the speech of William Lowndes, which, in all probability would have
been the most illuminating exposition of the Southern view, which
could have been submitted; but the speech of Tucker, of Virginia,
does put forward the idea as about stated; while Sergeant, of
Pennsylvania, the leading speaker on the Northern side, combats
the same at sufficient length to create the impression, that it was
held by more than one. But what is of greater interest is the distinct
note of racial inferiority, which Sergeant sounds loudly. It is not only
objection to the Negro slave; but to the Negro per se; ... “Nature has
placed upon them an unalterable mark ... They are and must forever
remain distinct.”[44]
Senator Smith, who, by his vote in the South Carolina Legislature
in 1805 had most materially assisted in setting aside the South
Carolina law in opposition to African importation, while at the same
time fatuously declaring that he only did so because he thought it
impossible to prevent it, now, in the United States Senate, refused all
compromise, declaring that by sanctioning the slave trade in the
Constitution, the Federal Government was responsible for existing
conditions. But a compromise was effected, and in the year 1820,
the Union, then consisting of just double the number of the original
thirteen States, adjusted the difference on the Negro Question.
Geographically considered it was apparent that the black belt had
slipped a little lower down upon the body politic. The total colored
population of the Union was 1,771,856, more than half of whom were
to be found in the three States of Virginia, North Carolina and South
Carolina. In Virginia, 402,031; in South Carolina, 265,301; in North
Carolina, 219,629; a total of 886,961. Southwest of this section and
south of the Ohio River, the Negro population amounted to 529,856;
but in no State in the Union had the increase since 1800 been so
enormous as in South Carolina; for with an area and white
population only two-fifths of Virginia, the increase of the Negro
population of the two States had practically been the same, viz.:
156,538 for Virginia, 156,457 for South Carolina. Nor could any
comforting reassurance have been drawn from the fact that the
percentage of increase of the same species of population in the
States of Georgia, Tennessee and Kentucky had been greater; for
such had been accompanied, in these newer States, with an even
greater increase of their white population, and was based upon an
original Negro population very small indeed, when compared to that
of South Carolina in 1800. When comparison was made with
Maryland, on the other hand, where the number of Negroes had
originally been greater than in South Carolina, with the increase of
the whites in the three decades not so great, small as had been the
increase of the whites, it was yet greater than that of the colored,
and originally the proportion of whites had been greater.
 From all these causes South Carolina was becoming in place of
Virginia the State most identified with the Negro question, in a
section where it was becoming a larger and more important property
interest.
Yet, while the increase of the Negro population in the lower South
and Middle and Southwest had been very great, the census
furnished no evidence of that movement of Negroes from North to
South which has been so often alluded to. The Negro population of
New York had increased by more than 50 per cent; New Jersey by at
least 43; Connecticut, 40; and Delaware 38. Pennsylvania’s increase
in the 30 years had been 200 per cent, and even in Massachusetts
the increase had been 22 per cent. The only State in which there
had been a decrease, which could be attributed to a movement to
another section, was Rhode Island, and it was not large enough to
be considered, amounting in all to less than a thousand. Considering
the population of the Southern States, however, the census afforded
information well warranting the assumption that from Virginia and
Maryland between the years 1810 and 1820 some 30,000 colored
people had moved out. In the same time the colored population of
North Carolina had increased by an accession of about 40,000;
South Carolina, 65,000; Georgia, 44,000; Alabama, 24,000;
Mississippi, 16,000; Louisiana, 35,000; Tennessee, 37,000; and
Missouri, 7,000; the percentage of increase being, North Carolina 24
per cent; South Carolina 32 per cent; Georgia 42 per cent;
Mississippi 95 per cent; Louisiana 55 per cent; Tennessee 80 per
cent; Kentucky 58 per cent; and Missouri nearly 300 per cent, with
no basis with which to estimate the 42,000 of Alabama.
These figures establish a movement from Virginia and Maryland
but also from without, to the eight States of North Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee and
Kentucky, averaging about 45 per cent increase in the decade, and
with every reasonable allowance for the movement from Virginia and
Maryland and New York, of which at least one-third must have gone
to the Northwest and Missouri, illegal importation must have been
proceeding apace. Now, if there was illegal importation, where would
it be most likely to occur?