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ANIMATED LANDS
ANIMATED LANDS
Studies in Territoriology
Andrea Mubi Brighenti and Mattias Karrholm
/
Cultural Geographies (
+ Rewriting the Earth
Series Editors
Paul Kingsbury, Simon Fraser University
Arun Saldanha, University of Minnesota
University of Nebraska Press I Lincoln
For Mari and Rebecka
© 2020 by the Board of Regents of the

University of Nebraska
Acknowledgments for the use of previously

published material appear on page xi, which
constitutes an extension of the copyright page.
All rights reserved

@)
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Mubi Brighenti, Andrea, author. I
-
--
Kiirrholm, Mattias, author.
Title: Animated lands: studies in territoriology I
Andrea Mubi Brighenti and Mattias Kiirrholm.
Description: Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, [2020] I Series: Cultural geographies +
rewriting the earth I Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019052219
ISBN 9781496213396 (hardback)
ISBN 9781496221773 (paperback)
ISBN 9781496222367 (epub)
ISBN 9781496222374 (mobi)
ISBN 9781496222381 (pdf)
Subjects: LCSH: Human territoriality.
Classification: Lee GN49i.7 .M83 2020 I
DDC 304.2/3-dc23
LC record available at
https://lccn.loc.gov/2019052219
Designed and set in Minion Pro by L. Auten.

Contents
List of Illustrations ix
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction 1
i. For a Science of Territories 9
2. Environments, Atmospheres,
and Networks 37
3. The Multitemporality of
Territorial Production 55
4. Morphogenesis and
Animistic Moments 82
5. Domesticity and Animation 114
6. Territorializing Rhythms 136
7. Affording Play 166
Conclusion 187
Notes 195
References 203
Index 225
Illustrations
L Caper bush 13
2. Colosseum archway 13
3. Diagram of the three presents 69
4. Main entrance to Sir John
Soane's museum 71
5. Dome in the Sepulchral Chamber 72
6. Sarcophagus of King Seti I 75
7. Breakfast Room at 13 Lincoln's
Inn Fields 79
8. Brick making in Ahmedabad 96
9. Experimental Arch 107
10. Indian Institute of Management,
Ahmedabad 107
11. Wooden sculpture of a tomte 126
12. Wander lines ofJanmari in Le Serret 161
13. Sand play in the Frederik
Henrikplantsoen playground 172
14. Swinging at the Jonas Daniel
Meyerplein playground 174
Acknowledgments
Chapters 3, 4, 5, and 6 are revised and extended versions of articles origi-

nally published as A. M. Brighenti and M. Karrholm, "Three Presents: On
the Multi-Temporality of Territorial Production and the Gift from John
Soane:' Time and Society 28, no. 1 (2019): 375-98; Brighenti and Karrholm,
"Morphogenesis and Animistic Moments: On Social Formation and Ter-
ritorial Production;' Social Science Information 57, no. 2 (2018): 249-72;
Brighenti and Karrholm, "Domestic Territories and the Little Humans:
Understanding the Animation of Domesticity;' Space and Culture 21, no.
4 (2018): 395-407; and Brighenti and Karrholm, "Beyond Rhythmanalysis:
Towards a Territoriology of Rhythms and Melodies in Everyday Spatial
Activities:' City, Territory and Architecture 5, no. 4 (2018): 1-12.
Small parts of the following texts are revised and used in, respectively,
chapters 2 and 6: A. M. Brighenti and M. Karrholm, ''Atmospheres of Retail
and the Asceticism of Civilized Consumption;' Geographica Helvetica 73,
no. 3 (2018): 203-13; and Brighenti and Karrholm, "Introduction: The Life of
Walls in Urban, Spatial and Political Theory;' in Urban Walls: Political and
Cultural Meanings of Vertical Structures and Surfaces, ed. A. M. Brighenti
and M. Karrholm (London: Routledge, 2018), 13-28.
The authors would like to thank Takahiko Ueno for his help with trans-
lations from Japanese sources in chapter 5. We would also like to thank
Jesper Magnusson and Amit Srivastava for generously providing us with
photographs.
xi
ANIMATED LANDS
Introduction
Our aim in this book is to revive and enrich the project of territoriology (or
territorology).1 In short, territoriology could be defined as a theoretical as
well as empirical science of territories and territorial formations. We seek to
show how the two sides of this science may cooperate so that each studied
phenomenon reveals new facets of territorial life, transforming theory itself
as the exploration progresses. While the domain and outreach of territori-
ology may not be of universal applicability-insofar as there certainly exist
nonterritorial phenomena and formations-we believe that this science
contains a number of insights that can be extremely fruitful to deepen our
understanding of social life as it unfolds in space and time or, as we detail
later, in time-spaces. But our effort here is not simply to recapitulate the
tenets of territoriology. Rather, we seek to propose an original development
that avoids a number of pitfalls that have traditionally afflicted this type of
analysis. Indeed, it is important to remind ourselves that territoriology has
recurrently been regarded as a somewhat "suspect" science, allegedly com-
promised with a primordialist and reactionary political worldview. It is cer-
tainly not a chance that twentieth-century ethnonationalist political theories
have long cherished the notion of territory and that in the twenty-first cen-
tury the resurgence of populist and nativist politics in Europe, for instance,
has once again pushed the notion of "territories of belonging" to the fore.
If territory has been recurrently mobilized by political rhetoric, the sci-
ence of territory itself has long been soaked in a reductionist and polarized
worldview we must be aware of too. To overcome what we believe are the
distortions and limitations inherent in classical territoriology, we refine
our understanding of how we might think about territorial existence and
experience in a more pluralist and open-ended way. To study how territories
function in practice, we thus suggest to initiate a rich dialogue between ent kinds oflegal jurisdictions and local governance and, on the other, the
territorial analysis and a number of other spatial concepts and approaches behavior of animals, persons, and groups claiming space for themselves.
currently more fashionable in the academia, such as networks, atmospheres, But in our view the making of territories presents us with much richer
and rhythms. By engaging such dialogue, we propose to rework classical phenomena than it is generally credited for. If we want to broaden our
territorial studies advancing toward the piecemeal construction of a new sensitivity to territorial issues, we might prefer to skip the good old textbook
territoriology, whose outline we submit to the reader. In our view such an examples of territoriality and try something novel instead. Bringing our
attempt is warranted by the potential insight enveloped by the very word disparate cases together is thus meant to facilitate the fleshing out of the
territory-a term rich in history and vision, which always comprises aspects ways in which theory and empirical research might work jointly toward a
of materiality and meaning, of sociality and space, of imagination and rich and possibly nondogmatic understanding of territories at the interplay
practice. To territorialize is to turn stone, clay, or even dust into a vehicle of ecology and phenomenology. In fact, whereas the ecology of territo-
of transformative power; it is a way of animating the land by envisioning ries illuminates how territories work together and affect one another, the
and deploying the potentials of materials. If we speak of a piecemeal con- phenomenology of territories explains how imagination and experience
struction of such a new territoriology, this is because of the organization come to be constituent parts of their existence. Territories are constantly
of the book itself, which has grown out of a number of parallel explora- changing, and this change must be studied in relation to, and together
tions, already partly published in separate papers. These explorations were, with, the environments in which they exist and with which they coevolve.
however, already from the beginning part of the larger project of trying to Which readership do we address in this book? If it exists, territoriology
consolidate and define a single field of inquiry. Although to some extent is necessarily a transdisciplinary science, one that spans across several
the chapters of this book can be seen as tackling distinct phenomena, they disciplines. As such, it necessarily entails a specifically risky type of knowl-
are also interconnected in a number of ways at a deeper level. edge that draws insights from a disparate body of sciences, each endowed
Some of the case studies tackled in the book include, for instance, the with its own episteme, methods, and communities-necessarily without
house museum of John Soane, the urban playgrounds of Amsterdam, the pretending to master the whole of current science. The disciplines involved
history of European urban walls, the brick architecture of Louis Kahn in in the territoriological attempt certainly include the social and human
Ahmedabad, and peculiar house spirits such as the munaciello, the tomte, sciences (such as geography, anthropology, sociology, urban studies, and
and the domovoj. The choice ofless obvious and not so expected examples political science) but also encompass the natural sciences (such as ethology
is a deliberate one. First of all, each case enables us to explore a territorial and ecology). It is a rich mixture-the sort of rich mixture scientists are
theme, a facet of what we are interested in highlighting as relevant in the usually quite wary of. Indeed, the risk of confusion, misunderstanding,
general life of territories. For example, in chapter 3 we chose John Soane's self-deception, and error is great. This consideration invites caution. At the
museum in London to discuss territorial temporalities. John Soane's trou- same time our argument is that the theoretical stake entailed by territorial
blesome transformation of his house into a house-museum is richly riddled life could not be fully excavated and appreciated without recourse to the
with examples of how different temporal borders or moments of change interplay of diverse disciplinary perspectives. Our strategy in this book
play into a specific process of territorialization. Second, we have also been thus consists in keeping alive a multiplicity of references, playing wherever
interested in widening the discussion of territoriality beyond the classical necessary each of them against what we perceive as the reductionism (the
examples-the latter typically include, on the one hand, nations and differ- weak side and the blind spot, we may also say) of the other. The type of
2
Introduction Introduction 3
attitude that informs this book is neither relativist nor postmodernist. On these notions because of the interest that they have sparked in recent litera-
the contrary, we believe that science must operate in a positivist way-that ture, but above all in connection with our belief that these notions genuinely
is, drawing from actual data and facing evidence, but this does not at all mirror important facets of territorial phenomena. Broadly speaking, we
mean to renounce intuition, speculation, and counterintuitiveness. All could say that environments, atmospheres, and networks correspond to cer-
cross-disciplinary, transdisciplinary, and even nondisciplinary movements tain fundamental motifs in territories: living, feeling, and making. Whereas
must not be understood as antipositivist; rather, we suggest, they should the exploration of environments guides us through literature and theories
be seen as contributing a second reading of positive science results as well that have emerged in mostly biology and ecology (sciences oflife and envi-
as, possibly, a third eye to the common binocular vision of the scientist. ronments), a discussion of atmospheres brings us into aesthetic philosophy
Rereading what we have and adding new dimensions of existence are what and human geography (sciences of perception and spatial experience). And
territories themselves constantly do as they unfold. finally, taking networks into account implies venturing into social theory,
Animated Lands is divided into seven chapters, presenting different notably through an engagement with actor-network theory and its socioan-
(melodic) themes in territoriology and, correlatively, different takes on thropological import (theory of connections, action chains, and morpholo-
territorial life. In the first chapter we give an introduction to the field of gies of action distribution and transfer). Our hope is that an albeit summary
territoriology. Starting with a short introduction to the sources of territo- discussion of these concepts may help the reader to get a more rounded idea
riality research, we go on to outline some of the key insights that may serve of how we suggest to proceed in laying out a theoretical background and a
as referent points for discussion and establish some first basic assumptions suitable lexicon for the following discussion of the life of territories. Indeed,
for a more general theory of territories. We rationalize these as "operations" taken jointly, ways of living, ways of feeling, and ways of acting contribute
performed by territories so that a general territoriology can be configured to shaping the topology of inhabited, imagined, and projected territories.
as a theory of operations (or, following Gilbert Simondon, "allagmatics"). By and large, territoriality has been seen mostly as a spatial rather than
Finally, we introduce the neovitalist sensitivity that informs our inquiry temporal phenomenon. In the third chapter we want to investigate how time
and some of the insights and intentions associated with it. While we do not functions in territorializing processes. In particular, we are attracted by the
venture into metaphysical vitalism (i.e., the claim that life contains some multitemporality that is co-present in each process of territorialization (i.e.,
sort of immaterial driving principle), we frame vitalism especially as an processes in which time and space are used as means of measure, control,
attitude that, resisting easy reductionism, invites us to attend the unexpected and expression). The chapter is divided into two main parts. In the first
"animations" of territories. We thus seek to highlight how, contrary to the part we draw inspiration from Gilles Deleuze's Logic of Sense, as well as
general tendency to take territories as passive backgrounds for action, from authors such as Georg Simmel, Alfred Whitehead, Walter Benjamin,
territorial operations always give rise to new and unexpected phenomena, and Furia Jesi, to articulate three different types of the present-which we
with the typical suddenness that characterizes all life-in a way, one could call, respectively, Aion, Kronos, and Chronos. In the second part of the
say that territories are always and inherently exercises in emergence. chapter, we move to a case study of the architect and collector Sir John
The theoretical framework for the book is refined in the second chapter, Soane, and the establishment of his house-museum in London. The case is
where we situate our proposal for territoriology within the wider field of used to exemplify how these three presents can be used to discuss temporal
existing sociospatial inquiry. We thus set territories in relation to the key aspects of territorialization in general and the production of a specific sort
concepts of environment, atmosphere, and network. We have singled out of territory-the house-museum as a new building type-in particular.
4 Introduction Introduction 5
One of our aims with this chapter is to point out how every territory is or less symbolic topography of home space, as has been classically done
contradistinguished by multiple borders, in time no less than in space. A in anthropology, we are interested in tackling the expressive dimensions
territory does not start its existence (and become present) at any single of domesticity by revealing how both ecological and spiritual factors are
given moment; rather, it makes-and marks-its progressive appearance intermingled. We emphasize that the expressiveness of home inherently
and its actualization through a series of articulated temporal thresholds. includes the register of the familiar as well as that of the unfamiliar (Freud's
The actualization of forms in time and in a material substrate space thus unheimlich). The constant negotiations between these two registers can be
becomes key in the description of territorialization. Such actualization appreciated as carried out at the limits of control. To highlight this fact, we
is what can also be called morphogenesis. Chapter 4 articulates issues of focus on the case of the "little humans;' miniature humanoid creatures well
morphogenesis and metamorphosis in territorial formations, with an eye to attested in traditional mythologies and folktales across different civiliza-
what we propose to call the animistic moment in form-taking processes. We tions. Drawing from anthropological and ethnological literature, yet with
believe that a conceptualization of animistic moments might help us to bet- a leading interest in spatial theorizing, we seek to untangle the relations
ter focus on not simply the coming about of new forms but also the elusive between humans and the little humans-these "elusive others" living with
yet distinct power forms are endowed with. The general social-theoretical us-to clarify some of the deep meanings ingrained in domestic territories.
horizon is an approach to social collectives as forms of territorialization Like all territories, home is not so much defined by its perimeters or by a
and territorial stabilization. We suggest that an inquiry into the genesis codified mapping of its symbolic parts but rather by the constant rewriting
and the transformation of forms through animistic moments might also be of multiple borders as correlative to the possibilities and the limits in taming
employed in the study of an array of processes of social territorialization. the energies and the forces that cross the domestic domain.
Introducing the theme of the wall as morphogenetic artifact, we look at An analysis of domestic territories as animated also opens up consider-
two examples of the materialization and animation of social-territorial ation of the role of rhythms. The latter forms the pivot of the sixth chapter.
boundaries: the first one relates to the architectural construction of brick The chapter starts with a quick recapitulation of urban walls in European
arches and walls, while the second leads to urban warfare and the piercing history to illustrate how territories and rhythms have always intersected in
of walls during swarming and guerrilla warfare operations. The question different ways. Territoriology thus intersects rhythmanalysis. The recent,
of animation comes into full play at this point and contributes to elucidate rich scholarship on rhythms, following in the wake of Henri Lefebvre's book
how, for better or worse, territorializations impact people. Animation, we Elements de rythmanalyse (1992), proves that rhythmanalysis is an important
argue, is not just a possible result of a well-crafted territory (c£ Latour 1999b, sensitizing notion and research technique. Despite its increasing recognition,
2010 ); rather, it is an important part of its very formation since the outset. however, rhythmanalysis has not become a proper science as its proponents
The fact that animistic moments are important revelatory moments in had initially hoped. For how much essential rhythmanalysis is to territo-
the probing of territorial constitutions can also be seen in our discussion riology, we also believe that the former could benefit from being further
of domesticity in chapter 5. Our approach to domesticity and domestica- developed and integrated into a wider science of territories. What research
tion may appear idiosyncratic, yet we are surprised by how curiously the must attain is, we suggest, not simply a recording, description, or analysis
phenomena of domesticity fit well with the framework of territoriology. of rhythms; instead, the goal is to capture the life of rhythms as they enter
Home is a territory in a more complex and more multifaceted way than is territorial formations. Once again a neovitalist perspective could enrich the
usually assumed. Rather than looking at the classical analysis of the more standard social-scientific understanding of the relation between rhythms and
6
Introduction Introduction 7
territories. More specifically, we submit that the notion of rhythm could be
explored not only in terms of the recurrent patterns of association it defines
but also with essential reference to the intensive situations and moments it
generates and, in the end, territorializes. In short, this chapter suggests not
only that rhythms are a vital part of territoriology but also that territorial- 1 For a Science of Territories
ization is an ever-present part of rhythms and rhythmic life.
Out of enclosed spaces another humble and yet interesting urban territory
is the playground. The seventh chapter investigates urban playgrounds from In this first chapter we offer an introduction to territoriology, tracing its
the point of view of territorial production and affordance analysis. As we sources and methods. By doing so we also seek to situate our study in the
know, the playground was primarily an invention of the nineteenth century, history of scientific research on territories as institutions (agencies and
linked to the accelerated territorialization of society in the aftermath of structures of authority) and behavior (territoriality, i.e. territorial behav-
the Industrial Revolution. As such, it clearly retains an association with ior). Thus, we gauge various ways in which territories and territorial life
various processes of disciplination coessential to the turn toward modern can be approached and review some basic assumptions that can be used
society. But while the playground certainly contains a disciplinary dimen- for preliminary definitional purposes. Within the rich scenery of territo-
sion, we suggest that it also allows for the production of new perceptual, rial studies, what contradistinguishes our approach is, in particular, an
spatial, and social affordances in the city. The twin guiding questions of attempt to inherit and further develop what could be described as a vital-
this chapter thus concern, respectively, how the playground has affected istic sensitivity toward territories, which runs like a motif through the
the possibility of children to take part in the everyday life of the city and subsequent chapters of this book. Indeed, we are specifically interested in
how in turn the possibility of play has affected the urban landscapes out- drawing attention to a series of peculiar moments when territories reveal
side of the playground itself. We reconstruct in particular the case of the properties of animation and life. Besides being a form of institutionalized
Amsterdam playgrounds, looking at how historical, societal, cultural, and behavior and a type of decision space, territory-we think-also reveals
aesthetical rhythms manifest themselves through the playground and have something inherent in the experience and the possibilities of social life at
impact far beyond it in the larger urban realm.
large. This elusive quid is, in a sense, at the center of our quest. We stress,
In sum, this book represents an invitation to undertake, practice, and however, that territoriology is not a metaphysical enterprise but a research
develop territoriology by all suitable means. Rather than an overarching approach that seeks to remain faithful to the possibilities of a science.
or imperialist discipline endowed with a strong, univocal paradigm ("par- This first chapter sets a broad stage of our inquiry, starting with a visit to
adigms always live above their means;' as Rene Thom [1988, 50] once said), a famous arena of spectacles. ~
we portray territoriology foremost as research practice and a research
attitude-certainly a science, but perhaps more in the sense of the Goethe- A Visit to the Roman Colosseum
Ritter Kunde tradition. Instead of either a technical methodological recipe Let us place ourselves inside the Roman Colosseum, a well-known place
or a grandiloquent new theory, with this book we would, above all, like to that may provide us with a first short illustration of how territories are
bear testimony of how a commitment to the development of spatial and made and how they animate the land. Changing ceaselessly through history,
social knowledge can be carried out in everyday practice. the Colosseum has undergone a number of territorializations that have
8
Introduction 9
produced meanings and effects. Many of these have been overlapping, been seen as one of the earlier examples of"dark tourism" (Stone 2006). It
feeding on one another or working side by side. In general, the history of is, however, also an archaeological site, a place of inspiration for architects
the Colosseum is well known: the building project was started by Vespa- and architectural students, a symbol of Rome, a postcard motif, and so on.
sianus but finished and inaugurated under his son Titus in 80 AD. In his One particular, if sometimes overlooked, feature of the Colosseum is that
classical study, Animals for Show and Pleasure in Ancient Rome, George over the centuries it has been-and still is, it seems-an exceptional place
Jennison tells us how the Colosseum hosted chariot races and gladiator for botanical studies. From the many seeds brought there by animals from
fights alongside animal parades and animal fights. During the first hundred different parts of the world-together with its use for markets, gardens,
days after the Colosseum's opening, no fewer than nine thousand animals grazing sheep, and so on-the Colosseum shows an exceptional richness in
were killed (1937, 62). This sort of territorialization belongs, we could say, terms of plants and flowers. A first inventory of the flora was made already
in our collective visual imagery, not least thanks to 1950s Hollywood mov- in 1643. Francesco Antonio Sebastiani did a major one in 1815, while in
ies. The games died out somewhere during the sixth century BC, but the 1855 Richard Deak.in reached a comprehensive inventory in his Flora of
greatness of the building lived on, as did the echoes of its large spectacles. the Colosseum, where no fewer than 420 species are listed. Subsequently,
During the eleventh century the arena was used as a fortification, first by Elisabetta Fiorini Mazzanti also published a series of texts in 1874-78.
the Frangipane family, then by the Annibaldi. Later it was successively Although the twentieth century has been marked by restoration works,
turned into gardens, churches, hospitals, craftspeople's workshops, mar- weed killing, and sanitation, new inventories have been made, for example,
kets, a bullfighting arena, and so forth. Up until the seventeenth century, in 1951 and 2002 (Caneva et al. 2003, 211-12). So the Colosseum, apart from
parts of the structure were used as a sanctuary by outlaws, and it was only everything else, has also appeared as a kind of unplanned botanical garden
when the building became a memorial for Christian martyrs in 1750 that of its own-perhaps even one of the first botanical gardens in Europe-at
its use as a free quarry for travertine ended (Caneva et al. 2003, 212-13; cf. least, one with a clear focus on exotic imported plants. This is interesting
Gibbon 1896-1900, 317-18). for us, because we could suggest that plants bring historical events to life
Despite its many uses, some more joyous, others more destructive, the
again. Deak.in, for example, cannot help but summon the scene of gladiators
Colosseum was mostly seen as a bastion. Edward Gibbon, for example,
and lions as he investigates local plants, hinting at what might be called
recalls a saying that the English monk Bede the Venerable seems to have
the especially "animating power" of flowers:
picked up from pilgrims coming back from Rome during the eighth century:
''.As long as the Coliseum stands, Rome shall stand; when the Coliseum falls, Flowers are perhaps the most graceful and most lovely objects of the creation
1
Rome will fall; when Rome falls, the world will fall" (1900, 316). Outside of but are not, at any time, more delightful than when associated with what
Rome the building thus became a symbol for the stability of the Western recalls to the memory time and place, and especially that of generations
world and Christendom itself. The old saying is very interesting especially long passed away. They form a link in the memory, and teach us hopeful
if we consider it in the light of scale: the Colosseum appears as an intensive and soothing lessons, amid the sadness of by-gone ages: and cold indeed
point endowed with transscalar properties-an omphalos, if one wishes, or must be the heart that does not respond to their silent appeal; for, though
what in mathematics is know as a singularity. In the course of our explo- without speech, they tell of that regenerating power which reanimates the
rations, we'll return recurrently to the notion of singularity in relation to dust of mouldering greatness, and clothes their sad and fallen grandeur
territory. Today the Colosseum is most of all a tourist site-in fact, it has with graceful forms and curiously constructed leaves and flowers, resplen-
For a Science of Territories 11

10 For a Science of Territories
dent with their gay and various colours, and perfume the air with their
exquisite odours. (1855, vi)
The impact that the Colosseum as a territory for plants had on the physi-
cian and botanist Deakin can, in fact, also be seen from the curious way
in which he illustrated his book (see figs. 1 and 2): rather than directing
his attention exclusively to plants-which of course is the common thing
to do in flora studies-Deakin's focus is actually on architecture and how
it became covered in plants and greenery.
Urban space can, in a sense, be imaged as possessing a vegetative stratum
of its own (Brighenti 2018). A specific aspect of the "plant territorialization''
of the city is, as Sarah Besky and Jonathan Padwe (2016, 21) also argue,
its slowness. Indeed, plants play their territorial part in a peculiarly slow
fashion, imperceptibly but inexorably covering buildings and cracking the i. An illustration of the caper
asphalt. Here we have a hint for a form of temporality that we are going bush, from Richard Deakins
book Flora of the Colosseum
to explore as "aeonic" (see chapter 3). By their temporal existence, plants
(1855).
also remind us of the more-than-human character of all territorializations.
Not only do plants claim space; they also make space available to animals:
through their slowness and persistence, plants make space materializ-
ing new interspecific associations and keeping those associations stable
despite material and social transformations. New ecologies appear, and
there's a way in which architecture also learns from plants (Gruber 2011).
Deakins (1855) territorial association between the plants of the arena and
the Roman animal fights are, in one way, produced by his imagination. We
like to believe that he found these images while he roamed in the arena
collecting specimens, perhaps again later as he sat in his studio writing
and illustrating his book. Territorial associations also have a continuity
that connects them to one another-now, and now, and yet again on these
pages-and that draws its intensity from written texts, stories told through
centuries, and indeed from the thread of continuous life that can be traced
back from rocks, through plants, to animals themselves.
2.A Colosseum archway, from
It is impossible to account for all the territorializations associated with Richard Deakins book Flora of
the Colosseum. Our purpose with this example is just to show how even a the Colosseum (1855).

single and well-defined place is necessarily always entangled in an ecology multiple territories. But as we inspect these processes of territorialization
of fleeting, disappearing, reappearing, ongoing, and overlapping terri- closer, we also notice that they are quite impossible to pin down individually.
tories. Every subsequent territorialization has a vibrant transformative Territories are animated objects entangled with intentions, wills, impera-
intensity that in different ways evokes and enacts other territorializations tives, dreams, imaginations, and multifarious life forms. In short, territories
and reacts to them. Reducing the Colosseum, as so many books of history seem to have life written all over them. At least this is an assumption that
and architecture have done, to be one specifically decaying architectural we are prepared to investigate and to hopefully make use of in this book.
form related to successive changes of function offers only a poor picture Often it is in the moment when we think we know what a certain territory
of its exuberant territoriality. As soon as we start to follow the abundance is about and how it works that it surprises us by taking another direction,
of territorializations of this single building, we see that they overlap both disappearing, and perhaps reappearing in different guises. How then can we
in time and space and play into one another's rhythms and melodies. In follow territorial trajectories, understood not simply as trajectories in the
practice most territorial forms and their associated activities or meanings territory but veritable trajectories of territories themselves? This amounts
could be said to be in a fluid situation (Karrholm 2013; cf. Law and Mol 1994; to asking what the role of territorialization in social life is and how we can
Law 2002). We return to these theoretical issues later. But this story suffices investigate it while keeping its ever-changing ways in mind.
to remind us that a territory can be analytically investigated through these
questions: Who draws it? How is it drawn and why? Which evocations and Sources and Studies in Territoriology
associations follow from its drawing? These questions, we believe, must The processes of territorialization and their ensuing territorial effects are
be studied over time through the effects and the ongoing revelations that at the heart of our study. Some sources and previous investigations we
territory itself offers. Each territory is but a site of passage. Only then can deem most fruitful can now be reviewed. The concept of territoriology was
we discover that each and every territory is drawn by many different hands, used early on by Heini Hediger in his essay "The Evolution of Territorial
with many different overlapping and crisscrossing borders, according to Behavior;' where he curiously claims that territoriology is a "broad and
constrains as well as affordances that have evolved continuously, perhaps fairly well-cultivated field of science" (1961, 34). For Hediger territoriology,
even over centuries if not millennia. It is in this sense that territory is a firmly placed within a behavioral biological field, combines a mix of ecology,
vibrant entity (Bennett 2010 ): as it changes its qualities and traits over time, ethology, and animal psychology (1961; cf. Malmberg 1980, i6-17) . Torsten
with some things remaining and others going, it affords associations that Malmberg, although also coming from a behavioral perspective (starting
might live on, disappear, and return. as a zoologist and then moving on to human ecology) is a bit broader in
Territories are not simple obedient objects; they cannot always be turned scope in his call for a "science of territory:' Malmberg interestingly suggests
off and on at will. Even when they seem stabilized, they are indeed pulsating that "facts at the border between separate sciences run great risks of being
and full of rhythms, melodies, memories, and desires. When they seem neglected" (1980, 13) and advocates a bridging of the many gaps between
dead, they might be just dormant. The qualities of complexity and experi- natural science and the humanities or between a behavioral-biological side
ence have often been assigned to place rather than to territory (Casey 1997). and a sociopolitical side of territories. Certainly, Malmberg at the time was
And places certainly are complex spaces: a single place can, for example, optimistic about the gaps being bridged; however, almost fifty years later,
consist of several different territorializations and several imaginations. gaps still persist. In his important book The Birth of Territory, for example,
In this regard the Colosseum is just, as any other place, an assemblage of Stuart Elden states that it is unclear how a biological perspective studying
14 For a Science of Territories For a Science of Territories 15

animal association can "tell us something about 'territory"' and goes on Eschewing from the debates seeking to identify the "real" foundation of
to explain that "in part this is due to the obvious point that human social territorial existence, we rather build on the insight by Walter Benjamin, who
organization has changed more rapidly than biological drives" (2013, 4). distinguished between origin or better source (Ursprung) and beginning or
Similarly, in his introductory book to territory, the legal geographer David genesis (Entstehung). 3 Following his lead, we are interested not so much in
Delaney acknowledges biological approaches but concludes that the "explicit understanding the (biological or political) beginnings of the notion of terri-
theorization of territory and territoriality is a comparatively recent phe- tory and its practices but in analyzing its living sources in medias res. Thus we
nomenon that emerged under a specific set of (geo )political and historical focus our attention on certain peculiar, qualitative moments when territories
conditions" (2005, 34), quickly moving the discussion to exclusively (geo) become animated. We believe there are specific conditions for the "activation"
political phenomena. Barbara Brown, on the other hand, seems to suggest of territories that enable territorial composition to become expressive, to con-
that behavioral analysis is advantaged over social and cultural analysis, vey meaning. We thus subscribe to an approach that might be loosely called
owing a stronger paradigm: "Unlike the biological approach;' she writes, neovitalistic. In this context the notion of animation is particularly interest-
"the social approach cannot claim a unified theoretical heritage" (1987, 506). ing: when space is set into play, and different aspects of life are at stake, it is
More recently, scholars working in the domains of ecology and zoology through animation that territories can be best studied and understood. A
simply seem to completely neglect insights from the social sciences. caveat is needed: just as we do with territoriology, our placement with the
In a sense it is as if a "classic;' foundational season-with some bold vitalist perspective also entails an elaboration on our part. In particular, as
attempts at advancing encompassing definitions of territory-has ended, we shall detail, we are not so much interested in reproposing some variant
2
and scholars have retreated in their own disciplinary turfs. Although many of the Schopenhauerian notion of Will, nor of the Bergsonian elan vital. We
studies conducted inside specific disciplines are rewarding and precise, take a phenomenologically inspired, rather than metaphysical, view on life,
they tend to rule out other ways of looking at territories as irrelevant or approaching the dynamic "livingness" of phenomena that manifest across
even straightforwardly tagging them as "non -territorial" (Halvorsen 2018, vegetative and "animational" thresholds. The Canguilhem-Deleuze lineage
793). This suggests that the territorialization of the concept of territory is seems to us more interesting to outline a space where vital phenomena can
quite a widespread theoretical practice. In this book we are not interested be articulated with, yet not reduced to, either organic or rational-logical ones.
in taking side in any controversy between behavioral-biological or sociopo- A more general view on territoriology is now perhaps called forth .
litical perspectives. Simply put, we are convinced that both biological and Although the divisions in disciplines and perspectives still exist, there
social aspects might have parts to play in the life of a territory, but calling are also attempts at bridging these divisions, and these attempts are the
some aspects biological and some social does not mean that the territory most inspiring for us. But specialized research and empirical studies are
itself is somehow divided into two realms. In other words, we believe it is also necessary. In our view the development of a territoriology requires a
more promising to acknowledge that we are looking at a complex entity mature and nontrivial combination of insights derived from at least four
from different perspectives that can be simultaneous and do not rule one
main threads of research:
another out. Consequently, rather than trying to explain territories by
reducing them to the myth of a single origin (whether a political strategy, i. biology, zooethology, and human ethology (Altum 1868; Howard 1920;
a biological drive, or anything else), we want to investigate the complexity Uexkiill [1934] 1957; Tinbergen 1951; Ardrey 1966; Etkin 1967; Lorenz
of the territorial productions and effects in social life. 1966; Hediger 1969; Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1970; Krebs 1977; Lorenz 1981);

2. human ecology, anthropology, environmental psychology, social psychol- ment, how the environment can be used to govern human masses, and
ogy, and interactionism (Speck 1915; Hall 1959; Sommer 1959; Lyman and how territories are ongoing vital dynamic creations.
Scott 1967; Roos 1968; Sommer 1969; Goffman 1971; Edney 1974; Altman
1975; O'Neal, Caldwell, and Gallup 1977; Dyson-Hudson and Smith 1978; Besides these four large and established fields, however, the notion ofter-
Ericksen 1980; Malmberg 1980; Ingold 1986; Brown 1987; Taylor 1988; ritoriality has lately also been addressed through more interdisciplinary
Tonboe 1994; Jacobson 1997); approaches, such as market theory (Cheetham, McEachern, and Warnaby
3. human, political and legal geography, and planning (Soja 1971; Gottman 2018; Warnaby 2018), plant geography (Besky and Padwe 2016), and urban
1973; Lefebvre (1974] 1991; Ley and Cybriwsky 1974; E. Maier 1975; Raffes- design (Magnusson 2016; Keswani 2017; Manfredini and Ta 2017)-to
tin 1980; Sack 1986; Soja 1989; Agnew 1994; Agnew and Corbridge 1995; mention just a few.
Blomley 1994; Hakli 1994; Herbert 1996; Paasi 1996; Healey 1997; Blomley, In our own studies the interdisciplinary ambitions have also been import-
Delaney, and Ford 2001; Storey 2001; Holder and Harrison 2003; Delaney ant. Mattias Karrholm has, in a series of theoretical and empirical studies,
2005; Elden 2005, 2007; Sassen 2006); and
focused on materiality and the territorial production of public spaces (2004,
4. social and natural philosophy (in particular, Merleau-Ponty 1945; Husserl
2005, 2007, 2008, 2012, 2017; Citroni and Karrholm 2017; Karrholm and
1973; Foucault 1975, (1978] 2004; Deleuze and Guattari 1980; Steinbock
Wirdelov 2019). Here the different kinds of territorializations and spatial
1995), 4
(or spatiotemporal) claims-which traditionally have been treated within
In the course of this book, we retrieve and highlight the insights that these different disciplines-have been jointly investigated (as formal strategies,
different traditions have brought to the study of territorial phenomena. In informal tactics and appropriations, and more vague associations). Territo-
a preliminary way we could begin by stating: rial strategies and tactics are meant to capture those intentional territorial
productions that are either planned from another time and space than the
1. Within biological research ethology has inaugurated the interest for the
territorial effect (territorial strategies) or produced as part of an ongoing
special coupling that certain animals develop with given regions of space
local life (territorial tactics). Territorial appropriations and associations,
at given times. Ethology has strictly correlated space and behavior as a
on the other hand, result from practices that do not specifically aim at pro-
function of given "releasers" -that is, signs to which the animal reacts
ducing a certain territory but nevertheless involve one or several processes
immediately.
of territorialization. This can be accomplished through the connection of
2. Interactionism has provided a wealth of detailed phenomenological obser-
a time-space, either to certain individuals or groups (appropriation) or to
vations of how people act and react to one another in local situations,
managing space to assert property and maintain meaningful reciprocal a specific practice or use (association) (Karrholm 2007, 2012) . By studying
distances. these different forms of territorialization side by side, the idea of multi-
3. Human geography has furthered the view that territories are not just territoriality, or rather territorial complexity, and how different territories
natural occurrences but derive from planned strategies to master space in intermingle and coexist can be outlined.
various ways and institute organizations to control space and movement. In several articles this notion of territorial complexity has then been
4. Some major authors in (especially contemporary French) philosophy, investigated and discussed as an important aspect of how public places
while not clearly belonging in a single school of thought, have elaborated actually and practically are produced and used (Karrholm 2005, 2007,
subtle and nuanced descriptions of how bodies can live in an environ- 2008, 2009). In the book Retailising Space (2012), further aspects of terri-

torializations are discussed through the case of retail and the retailization later on in this book-territories have to do with displaying, presenting,
of urban space. Different forms of territorial stabilizations are identified, and becoming visible to someone for some purposes or in some respects or
such as networks, sorts, bodies, and framings, with a specific interest into capacities. Exceeding the merely visual dimension, visibility thus concerns
how materialities and design play a part-or, in fact, multiple parts-in the meanings, the framings, and the keyings of social meetings and the
the territorialization of specific urban locales. Another interesting feature geometries of territorialization that ensue from such meetings. Besides that,
that has been documented concerns territorial synchronization-that is, visibility is not merely extensive, logistic, or strategic but also intensive,
how the synchronization of urban rhythms with retail contributes to pro- affective, and critical.
cesses of territorialization-and territorial singularization, or the strategy In this sense the notion of territory can be widened to include an array
of making certain spaces or time-spaces unique, setting the ground for of "critical moments" (critical distances, tipping points, turning events,
reproduction and typologization (which, for example, has been a strategy etc.), where encounters occur capable of affecting the very topology and the
for advancing certain building types of consumption). In later articles constitution of entailed actors (Brighenti 2016b ). This has led to the idea of
Kiirrholm has focused on some temporal aspects of territorializations, territories as measure-setting environments and as attempts to set certain
tracking how different territories of public space might last for centuries measures for coexistence (Brighenti 2013a). In an urban ethnography of
or decades or only for minutes or even seconds. These different temporal graffiti writing (Brighenti 2010c) as well as in subsequent empirical studies
scales of territorial production often interact and depend on one another of how graffiti writers, street artists, and other informal actors use city
(2015, 2017). Finally, some articles have looked more closely at the different space (Brighenti and Mattiucci 2012; Brighenti 2015, 2016a), a panoply of
territorial negotiations of local public spaces and events in the suburban possibilities for multiple territorializations has been described as emerging
neighborhood (Citroni and Karrholm 2017; Karrholm and Wirdelov 2019). in contextual situations. Urban space in particular is perceived and experi-
For his part Andrea Mubi Brighenti has started his research with a reflec- enced by graffiti writers as well as by other actors interested in intervening
tion on the relation between law and space, puzzling about the restricted through the series of affordances and possibilities to act evoking different
notion of territoriality mirrored in modern jurisdictional theories (2006c, possible territorializations. Notably, emerging territorializations are never
2009a). Commands, in particular, can be regarded as basic yet forceful deterministic; rather, a relative indetermination is generated within social
territorializing devices for the synchronization of action within a social multiplicities each time surging events like crowding and swarming unsettle
multiplicity (2006a). Widening the notion of territory-or arguing for a them (Brighenti 2014a). Public space and the public domain could thus
sociorelational notion of territory instead of a referential one-has led be integrally interpreted through the notions of circulation, dispersal, and
into focus the interweaving of territories, power, and identity, as well as the synthesisless dialectic of appropriation and resistance (Brighenti 2010c,
of territories and movement (2009b, 2010a) . While the law has often been 2010d, 2016c). Research on specific urban artifacts such as walls (Brighenti
criticized for foregrounding stability over mobility, promoting a sedentarist 2009a, 2013b; Brighenti and Karrholm 2018b) has similarly illustrated the
territoriality, an analysis of some constitutional premises of modern law, richness and unpredictability of territorializing devices in urban space. In
in fact reveals how deep the notion of movement is ingrained in the legal another parallel stream of research, Brighenti and Mattiucci (2008) and
imagination and in the foundations of social power (2014b ). In Brighenti's Brighenti (2012) have investigated how the use of new media technologies
(2007, 2008, 2010b, 2010d, 2017) subsequent analyses, of interest has been can be explained in terms of new territorial production and territorial
the interweaving of territory and visibility: in a way-as we also explore multiplication. This thread of research has highlighted that territories
20
For a Science of Territories For a Science of Territories 21
are constitutionally open and permeable to the series of events that affect as proper territories, whereas the others are relegated to the realm of met-
them and that new media illustrate and clarify the phenomenon of the aphor. Visibility is, in this sense, an important predictor of the definitional
stratification of territories. fault lines that will be adopted by scientists and laypeople. Interestingly, the
effects of visibility depend in their turn on specific expressive, functional,
The Operations of Territory relational, organizational, and technological territorial arrangements. In
If territorial studies are varied and rich (and something we have been other words, only once relations among actors, rather than space, are put
struggling with for more than fifteen years now), how can we summarize at the conceptual core of territory, does it become possible to capture
this heterogeneous field and lay out the table for an enlarged territorio- the ways in which spatial and nonspatial territories are superimposed
logical investigation? We believe that the joint contribution of the diverse one onto the other and endowed with multiple linkages. Territories are
and varied literature of the field has converged on a series of key insights. interactional: they result from encounters and from the effects developed
First, a territory is not an object and should not be confused with the space during those encounters. Territories are the effect of material inscriptions
where it takes place. The once mainstream view that sees territory as the of social relationships. In fact, actors do inscribe an ensemble of cognitive
hard fact that merely provides the visible support or backup for invisible and normative plans into given material supports, such as procedures
social ties has been challenged. For instance, it would not make much sense (e.g., procedures for navigating a certain space), ways of doing things
to affirm that "the state extends its power over a territory;' because that conveniently (proper behavior, efficient action, etc.), expectations about
"territory" is precisely the outcome and effect of a specific social relation mutual recognition (interaction rituals, reparations, etc.), power claims and
that includes power relations. The image of the modern territorial state hierarchies (both personal and impersonal), and so on. Because more or
is a mythic-ideological self-representation that would not have been pos- less complex plans are always territorially inscribed by the different actors
sible without a number of requirements: first, a certain configuration of who compose a territory, territories are as heterogeneous as the ensemble
political power; second, a whole technosocial and biopolitical apparatus of actors present in them. In fact, a territory designates a convergence of
that encompasses technologies (military, cartographic, transport technolo- actors who attempt to manage reciprocal visibilities and invisibilities and
gies, etc.), disciplines, and their professional knowledge (medicine, school, reciprocal affections (including, notably, the spread of moods, attitudes,
police, administration, etc.; for a historical example, see Allies 1980 ). If the desires, beliefs, etc.).
state is an abstract construct, town halls, city districts, and neighborhood Second, territory is an imagined (not imaginary) entity. Benedict Ander-
councils are no less so. While not of the same scale, nor endowed with son's (1983) famous idea of nation as an imagined community is extremely
the same degree of centripetal power, all these institutions lie at the same important and inspiring but should not mislead us about the fact that clans
level of abstraction. As we shall see better later, they all require a special too are imagined entities. The difference is that the clan territorializes its
imagination to make sense. members through myths and narratives that focus on bodies, whereas
Importantly, then, territory is not defined by space; rather, it defines the nation territorializes its members through myths and narratives that
spaces through patterns of relations. Every type of social tie can be imagined focus on places. Outside these acts of imagination, neither the nation nor
and constructed as territorial. Territories differ dramatically in scale and the clan can be visible, working entities. When space is carved out and
visibility, as well as in expression, function, organization, and technology. circumscribed by an animal to create a territory, this implies a funda-
As a consequence, only the most visible territories are usually recognized mental transformation of previous environments. Territorial practice is

an imaginative mechanism whereby someone is initially recognized as the territory is "on" -for an example, one can think about the institution
an intruder or insider (or other equivalent qualification) in relation to of the eruv in Jewish communities (Stiefel 2017).
one's territory. Spaces and places can be urbanistically and architecturally In synthesis the theoretical question that lies at the core of territory
planned to support certain activities, but if the capacity to imagine rela- and its relationship to social life at large can be put as follows: How does
tionships were lost, even the most carefully planned space would be an it happen that the material transforms into the immaterial (Vandenber-
empty shell. It is imagination that enables classification, distinction, and ghe 2007)? How does it happen that spaces transform into relations? In
recognition. For its part territory is not simply the physical setting for traditional ontology spaces and relations are two different sets of things.
such recognition. Rather, recognition and separation of two basic types of But the distinction between the spheres of the material and the immaterial
conspecifics (members of the same species) is what the territory is in the is weakened by the fact that in social practices these two dimensions do
first place about. Selective inclusion and exclusion combine into a series to not simply interact but ceaselessly prolong into each other. This is what
form an ordering mechanism that becomes the basis for the formation of happens with every territory. Technology amplifies these prolongations
social groups. Most important, inclusion and exclusion are not totalizing and makes them more visible and perceptible, but it does not create them.
acts; they correspond to partial and reversible openings and closures that On the contrary, one could define a technology as precisely a procedure
enact the basic operations of the territorial machine. As such, they can be to enhance the visibility of given territorial arrangements. From a terri-
applied differently to various relational dimensions, giving birth to patterns toriological perspective what matters is not the distinction between the
of hegemony, control, and resistance. natural and the social domains but rather the distinction between material
Third, territory has both expressive and functional components. Expres- and signifying or, with reference to a problem discussed by Henri Bergson
sion marks the emergence of a territory, given that a territory appears (1889), the distinction between quantitative and qualitative, temps and duree,
when some qualities and properties are somehow synthesized out of an differences of degree and differences of nature-considering that nature is
environment. Without quality and property, or better without quality as itself full of significations or, as Deleuze (1990) once said, full of artifices.
property (such as a signature, a specific way of marking), there would be So while as a first step it is necessary to avoid conflating territory and its
no territory. Therefore, the setting up of a territory is always simultane- physical spatial extension, the subsequent step is to take into account the
ously semiotic and expressive. But functional existence is not far away, constant prolongations between the different registers or layers.
given that, by its very expressivity, every territory acts on the organization In our view the concept of prolongation can be used as an integrative and
of environmental functions. The classic ethological concepts of defense, a corrective to media theory. Marshall McLuhan (1964) famously advanced
control, reproduction, and pecking order in the access to resources provide the image of media as sensorial extensions. One cannot conceive these
clear examples. These classical functions represent only some of the many extensions as if they were not mediated, McLuhan contended. Media are
possible territorial functions, which can be much more complex, nuanced, hardly neutral because their expressive characteristics affect the content they
and far-reaching. Thanks to the imaginative element entailed by territory, mediate. Such a notion was popularized as "the medium is the message:'
the here-and-now can be prolonged and amplified into an "elsewhere at McLuhan's theory, as well as his disciples', is rather unclear when it comes
other times:' linking phenomenology and ecology. The general organi- to accounting for precisely how extensions work; as it tends to conflate
zational functions that territories perform are based on this mechanism. the layers of content and expression, it ultimately becomes a reductionist
Functions are projected into territory, and they can be carried out whenever theory. From this perspective the concept of prolongation is designed to

resist this reductionism. Prolongation offers a notion of translation and, Consequently, territory and boundaries should be framed as two aspects
even better, transmutation. In the following explorations we hope to show or facets of the same activity. If territorializing is a way of carving the envi-
this. In this sense the study of territories thought through the working ronment through boundary drawing activities, trajectories and boundaries
of prolongations might help to bridge the gap between studies of human should be conceived as complementary rather than oppositional elements.
territoriality on the one hand and traditional political territories on the Boundaries are not the opposite of flows but rather the moment when flows
other. These two research areas can be recast not simply in the guise of the become visible, inscribed in the field of visible, socially relevant phenomena.
poles of micro versus macro territories but rather slantwise, through the For this reason, just as it requires a study of prolongations, territoriology
differential analysis of relational prolongations, imaginative forces, and also calls for a study of the visible. If drawing a boundary means drawing a
materially expressive and functional components. line of sort-an entity materialized in a number of artifacts and signals-we
Whereas the power of the notions of space and place has been amply have to consider that the line is also a flow, a trajectory, or vector (oriented
excavated and redeemed in human geography over the past four decades line) that intersects or, alternatively, aligns itself with other vectors. Fur-
(Tuan 1977; Massey 2005), the notion of territory retains an original poten- thermore, because the activity of boundary making or boundary drawing
tial that can be highlighted. Territories are always necessarily related with is immanent and situated, there are no predestined, natural boundaries.
tracing operations and boundaries, but also with the associations and the The naturalization and absolutization of boundaries should be studied
sorts that they make possible. By comparison with the powerful and deep as the outcome of situated transcendent-oriented movements, practices,
notions of space and place, territory appears as humble and constrained. and discourses. In many cases justificatory practices, such as a theodicy
But it is precisely by examining what constrains territory that we discover or a nationalist narrative, are involved in this process (cf. Murphy 1990;
its potential. Territory exists as a bounded entity. If boundaries are a con- Penrose 2002; C. Maier 2016).
stitutive prerequisite of territory, then the analysis of territories cannot Boundaries are the operations that lead to the installment of territories
miss the phenomenon of boundary making. Through its boundaries ter- (we can refer more precisely to the notion of instauration). As we seek
ritory enables actors to manage reciprocal distances. The management of to show in this book, the shift from an essentialist and objectivist to an
distances, which is so crucial in ordinary social life, could be said to be operational, interactional, evental imagination of territory can breed a sea
the corollary of that fear of being "touched by the unknown'' so vividly change in our approach to the study of territories. The image of territorial
described by Canetti ((1960] 1984, 15) in his discussion on crowds. This boundaries as the result of contingent acts of drawing may convey the false
fact suggests that boundaries are nothing other than critical distances, impression that arbitrariness, or sheer will, rules over the constitution of
combined to shape social regularities and orders (Goffman 1971; Sommer territories. But to stress the dependence of territory on boundary-drawing
1967). A mundane example here is the fence between neighboring gardens. activities undertaken by interacting agents employing given technologies
The fence helps us to create and manage a distance, but it also affords a to carry out some plans in some domain of practice of concern to them
specific kind of social interaction, one that has its own importance for the does not at all amount to saying that territories are arbitrarily constructed.
forming of neighborhood communities: talking over the fence. The activity Boundaries can depend on unintentional as well as intentional interactions,
of drawing boundaries, while in many cases implicit and even invisible, is interactions that sometimes can be anticipated, traced, and described, even
the constitutive process of territorialization. if not mapped or understood in full. Territories have histories; they are

thick with temporal layering and enveloping, and their origins are often each, however, also possesses a number of comparable territory-making
enveloped in mythologies. routines. Territories are practices-at least if by practice we understand a
Once established, boundaries become the object of an ongoing work set of repetitions and differences that prolong from one environment to
of enactment, reinforcement, negation, interpretation, and negotiation. another through a set of random and meaningful variations. Connecting
Boundaries are never established once and for all; quite the contrary, they past knowledge to present circumstances, practice enables us to encode
are often precarious achievements, constantly reworked. Because of ongo- and decode signs, to share a meaningful environment, or, in other words,
ing boundary work, territories become stratified. Stratification also means to territorialize our environments. Territorial borders thus mean nothing
that some strata become less visible than others; some strata provide the more than a specific deceleration of flows, a change in the magnitude of
infrastructure for others. Geoffrey Bowker and Susan Leigh Star (1999) speeds. A territory always implies that some aspects slow down, whereas
have elaborated on the peculiar invisibility of the infrastructures of knowl- others speed up. The study of borders and thresholds-access, exclusion,
edge, such as classification systems. Clearly, no measure should be used to confinement, acceptance, selection, sort, and so on-and the study of
measure itself as if it were an independent magnitude-although this is in speeds naturally prolong into each other.
practice what often happens. So, at the end of the eighteenth century, the Because territories articulate speeds and the velocities of entry and
French astronomers Jean-Baptiste-Joseph Delambre and Pierre-Fran<;:ois- exit, they are rhythmic at their core: they determine specific patterns of
Andre Mechain established the meter as the one-tenth-millionth part of the concentration and the dispersal of objects and events. Rhythms are often
earth's meridian arc from the North Pole to the equator; however, owing superposed onto one another, in which case they modulate one another,
to the wrong assumption undermining the metric expedition (namely, the creating more complex rhythmic patterns. The stratification of rhythms
hypothesis that the sector of the French meridian measured by Delambre corresponds to a stratification of movement: for instance, the rhythms of
and Mechain could be considered representative of the shape and measure public transport can become a modulator for private displacements (com-
of the whole meridian from the pole to the equator-or, in other words, a muters), which in turn becomes a modulator for other private displacements
conflation of the geoid and the so-called reference ellipsoid of the planet) (customers) . This reinforces the idea that territories are not fixed entities
we now have to say that-and, correctly so-the meridian arc measures but are instead thoroughly constituted through these rhythms. Territories
10,002,290 meters (Alder 2002). are embodied as series of events occurring at different paces across differ-
Boundary-drawing acts carve and attest the environments they operate ent locales. Inserting temporality and rhythmicality into territories is one
on. These are technological acts that allow specific types of sign emission driving theme in this book. Concurrently, however, we are also interested
and processing. In their turn signs exist within a semiosphere in which acts in exploring another face of territories, bringing to the foreground their
of semiosis (following Peirce 1931) join together representamens, objects, qualitative, or melodic, aspects.
and interpretants. The mundane acts of finding one's place on a crowded On the basis of the operations described so far, one begins to sense
subway and of engaging in face-to-face interaction between strangers, but that territories may contribute some counterintuitive insights to the study
also the refined techniques of geolocalization and geographic information of social space. The relation between territories and geography-amply
data processing, are part of the same continuum pursued through differ- understood as the science of space-can be specified in two alternative
ent means. Nation-state boundaries are also semiotic, expressive entities ways: on the one hand, territory and geography find a clear connection
(M. Anderson 1996). Certainly, each territory is different and specific; and common root in the earth. In the first instance both are made pos-

sible by the biosphere as a unique receptacle of life-no territory exists sensitivity guiding or better animating our studies. Before we move on to
without terra, no geography without gaia. On the other hand, however, the series of studies in territoriology that occupies this volume, we should
both geography and territoriology necessarily prolong into less contingent, try to clarify why we are interested in animation and what it means to us.
more abstract considerations. If human geography in particular has over In a very intuitive sense, animation is a process that brings the seemingly
the past decades evolved into a discussion about the social "production of inert into life. An exquisite example of animism is when a child throws
space" and the "politics of space" -to take two famous expressions from, an object and exclaims, "It ran away from me!" So animation is a strategy,
respectively, Henri Lefebvre ([1974] 1991) and Doreen Massey (2005)-for a state of mind, or a contingency that allows for things to unfold, without
its part territoriology comes with the inherent ambition to tackle all ranges reducing these things to any given static version or instant of themselves. 5
of social phenomena in terms of "territorializations" that might, or might In other words, animation concerns some sort of awakening of things, and
not, have an immediate projection on the land. this is also where it results most connected with the spirit of territories,
From ethology, territoriology retrieves the originally acoustic and musical insofar as territories always entail formations that alert the involved actors
nature of territories. For instance, the native tongue can be appraised as about the nature of their own interactions. What happens, then, if we see
one such acoustic territory. Not by chance, the native tongue is also called territories as living things, albeit of a nonorganic nature?
the "mother tongue:' the language spoken by the mother-and the mother In modern science vitalism has been uncompromisingly banished. Main-
is indeed the first territory for a new human creature. What is learned stream modern biology does certainly not appear interested in recognizing
through the mother so constitutes a veritable home territory. Cultural and the idea that life cannot be located or assigned to some given mechanism.
religious territories may work in a similar way: the Torah, for instance, Such recognition would make its enterprise irrelevant. No occult prop-
represents the Jewish "portable territory" that has compensated for the rel- erties and no metaphysical postulates can be admitted; to the extent that
ative deterritorialization of the Jewry from the European nation-state. Even pure life cannot be quantified as such, to the eyes of standard science it
interpersonal relations can be modeled as territorializations. Two friends is bound to remain one such occult property and one such metaphysical
or two lovers are taken in an exploration of the other as the terra incognita postulate. An entelechy, final causation, or intrinsic endpoint cannot be
that, however, does not preexist as such before the encounter takes place: accepted in biology as, so to speak, "pulling" factors; they must always
the meaning of a friendship, or a love, lies precisely in this open-ended be reconstructed on the basis of partial material arrangements of mole-
aspect whereby friends coconstitute each other. These examples remind cules and genes operating on the ground. These are, in short, the tenets
us that some territories may as well be of nongeographic nature-at least of molecular biology, currently the dominant approach to biology. But
if by geography we mean the geography of the planet Earth. It is nonethe- this also means that, perhaps paradoxically, biology must renounce life
less conceivable that other geographies are possible-such as conceptual, as a whole to understand its partial mechanisms. In a certain sense this is
affective geographies that have no immediate projection on the geoid. not surprising, given that all fields of specialized knowledge presuppose a
foundational stratum not to be further analyzed and actually not analyzable
Vital ism, Animism, and the Study of Territories (in the same way lawyers can never define the law in its totality; sociologists
Territories are always-already folded into the life of humans, animals, and study social phenomena but don't know what society in itself is, etc.). On
plants, and we need ways to describe and follow their continuous life trajec- the other hand, in recent years in philosophy and the humanities we have
tories. We have anticipated that our approach is characterized by a vitalist seen a lot of retakes on vitalism.6

This is of course a different vitalism from the one that spanned the nine- sidered as per se a method. Rather, vitalism is an exigency or imperative,
teenth century. It may be closer to the influence of Friedrich Nietzsche, a need manifested by life itself (even theoretical life). That is why every
Georg Simmel, and, to some extent, Alfred Whitehead, as mediated in time we try to clarify the vitalistic assumption we end up with something
particular through Canguilhem and then Deleuze. 7 In this view vitalism vague and implicit, as opposed to the strictness and imperiousness of the
appears, not as a special substantive principle to be applied to a defined scientific method. This also means that vitalism cannot stand alone. The
domain of existence or experience, but as a qualitative perspective on the fact that in modern science the qualification of vitalist has progressively
totality of the world. Anthropologists were among the first to revisit vitalism, turned into a stigma probably proves only that vitalism cannot exist as an
especially in its facet of animism (Bird-David 1999). Since personification accomplished theory. Yet it is a historical fact that vitalism has contributed
happens only in and through interaction, they have suggested, animism no less than mechanicism to the development of modern biology. In this
must count as an important social skill in environments where mastery respects Canguilhem recalls a number of crucial nineteenth-century biol-
cannot be firmly exercised. Over the past twenty years, Tim Ingold (2000, ogists who worked under a vitalistic persuasion. Among these one must
2007, 2011) has progressively outlined the contours of his proposal for a certainly recall Jakob von Uexkiill ([1934] 1957), whose notion of Umwelt
vitalistic anthropology. A similar yet distinct vitalistic overtone can also we are going to discuss in the next chapter.
be heard in Anna Tsing's (2015) work on the matsutake mushroom, where Certainly, the sheer claim that there exists a vital principle is not very
fungal existence, with all its indeterminacy and yet inserted in the global helpful to advance with scientific understanding. Should vitalism be reduced
trade, is understood in the context of "precarity as an earthwide condition;' to that claim, it would amount to quite a poor and sloppy position. Can-
or in Marisol de la Cadena's (2015) "stories" about the tirakuna, or "earth guilhem seeks to show why this is not necessarily the case. Some misun-
beings;' among the Quechua people of Peru. In parallel in philosophy derstandings may derive from an intrinsic element of nostalgia present in
vitalism has been reclaimed by some as a style of inquiry into nature. For vitalism. Canguilhem notices how vitalism tends to appear as backward
instance, a new philosophy of nature inspired by Deleuze-who famously looking-for example, through the use of ancient Greek words such as
claimed that "concepts have an existence of their own; they are animated; entelechy, horme, and so on. It is as if vitalism were looking for an original
they are invisible creatures" (2003, 219)-has been pursued by Isabelle view oflife, a view not encrusted with human technologies and their mech-
Stengers (2011), Karen Barad (2007), and Jane Bennett (2010) within the anistic, artificial workings. The problem is that such technologies include
frame of a movement sometimes called "new materialism" (Coole and all technical tools-not only modern ones but rather those ranging from
Frost 2010). flint to computer-as well as language itself. As a consequence, vitalism
Following Canguilhem's essay on vitalism (dating from the mid-194os) remains stricto sensu unspeakable. If it survives, it survives as an attitude
([1952] 1965), we suggest that vitalism can be regarded above all as an rather than as a principle of essence or origin. Still, as such an attitude-or
attitude of resistance to reductionism. We are thus not exploring what even as a moral exigency, as Canguilhem suggests-vitalism may retain
vitalism can say as a theory but what a vitalistic approach or sensitivity its importance: indeed, from our point of view, its primary service is to
can do within one or more reference theories (Greco 2005). From our per- provide an antidote to the arrogance of determinism and reductionism.
spective vitalism is not the opposite of materialism, only of mechanicism. If vitalism is a morality (an ethos) well before being a theory, its critique
And strictly speaking, the two are not even opposite-for mechanicism, as of mechanicism is not so much a critique of mechanical theory but rather
Canguilhem puts it, is above all a method, while vitalism cannot be con - a critique of the fact that mechanicism easily lends support to technologies

that are crude, ruthless, and out of measure. What vitalism really criticizes, A General Approach to Territories
is the technocratic side of mechanicism. Ultimately, vitalism appears as an Starting from the example of the Roman Colosseum as a case located
expression of the way in which life voices its own mistrust toward mecha - across the notions of place and the city, we have in this chapter traced
nisms or, even better, cuts mechanisms down to size. As a simultaneously some sources of territorial research, identifying and very shortly mapping
epistemological and ethical position, a vitalist sensitivity suggests that at least four different major fields that represent sources for territoriolog-
(following Nietzsche) life happens with and through an inherent point of ical analyses. Although we might have seen some more interdisciplinary
view: life is perspectival and existential; it is a measure-setting and value- approaches lately, these different fields have often been developed apart
setting situation. Living things do not simply conform to external norms from one another. This has, in turn, fueled the development of territorial
but secrete their own intrinsic normative stance-what, before Canguilhem research as a series of separate fields that have tended to limit themselves
(1966), Simmel ([1918] 2010) used to call an "individual law" (individuelle by discussing only certain selected features of territoriality. The wealth
Gesetz) .8 On the other hand, as Canguilhem reminds us, notions such as of territorial phenomena and issues would, however, benefit from being
vitalism-or, for that matter, territory-have in turn been charged of being kept together and studied jointly: such is the approach we have suggested
politically suspect, if not straightforwardly reactionary. In the twentieth throughout. Empirical research could but be improved thanks to the exer-
century, for instance, Nazi science-especially with the biologist Hans cise of a comparative gaze that learns from the unexpected plurality and
Driesch-has endorsed a form of vitalism, thanks to an organicist parallel the many facets of territorialization. What we need is thus a more general
between the "final" or "leading cause" and the fohrer, the leader of the and renewed territoriology to take care of this. This is in fact a crucial
nation. Even irregular authors such as the fine essayist Roger Caillois have mission, both if we want to improve the weak interdisciplinary communi-
been accused of flirting with the radical Right's understanding of the "living cation across different strands of territorial interrogation, and if we seek to
community" as organic and totalitarian. This may certainly have something advance territorial research as a more unified field-something we suspect
to do with the subsequent post-World War II disgrace of vitalistic theories. that all the different traditions of research discussed in this chapter could
But as remarked by Canguilhem, these aberrations amount to twisted usages benefit from.
of notions (in fact, the Nazis also used Darwinism and genetics to their In the second part of the chapter we have set up some basic key insights
advantage). 9 It is as if, continues Canguilhem, we reproach arithmetic for drawn from earlier research (including our own), which we think can form
the fact that bankers use it to produce social inequalities and exploitation. an approximate first platform for unfolding territoriology. As we have
The notions of vitalism and animation are proposed here not as full- seen, giving emphasis to the social relation rather than the object invites
fledged theories but mainly as a way of avoiding the reductionism of earlier us to avoid conflating territory with the space-or place, land, terrain,
territoriality theories. They remind us that territories should not be treated and so on-where territorialization occurs. But how is a social relation
as given entities, that they are not written once and for all in genes, in to be described and studied? This is the crucial theme that runs through
nations, or in stone-neither can they, as suggested earlier, be derived from the following chapters. So far we have gathered a few working hypotheses:
(and thus reduced to) human will or behavior alone. The actors involved in territories are dependent on both acts of imagination and sets of materials;
processes of territorialization-whether human or else-are legio, anything they are always functional, semiotic, and expressive; and, finally, they have
but dead, and they need to be handled with care. to do with some kind of "life:' The last of these is probably the most sensitive

point: modern mechanistic biology, on the one hand, and vitalist philos-
ophy, on the other, have advanced two very different conceptions of life.
We have suggested that we want to borrow some insights and advantages
of the latter tradition without losing the positive explanatory strength of
the former-for, indeed, territoriology as we conceptualize it is to remain a 2 Environments, Atmospheres, and Networks
scientific endeavor. Admittedly, this may not be an easy path to follow-in
fact, it may well be that, before the reader can see the path at all, a few more
steps in the dark are called forth. In the previous chapter we have reviewed some sources of inspiration for
territoriological analysis, which included mainly disciplines such as ethol-
ogy, ecology, human geography, and social and natural philosophy. These
broad sources in science, however, are far from being the only possible
ones, and they can certainly be supplemented with a number of addi-
tional interlocutors. This is what we try to do in this chapter. Indeed, the
study of territories is not to be understood as a paradigm that stands in
isolation from other spatial categories and processes, nor as one mutually
exclusive with respect to other approaches. As is perhaps becoming clearer,
we argue for an imagination of territories that is plural and open-ended.
How then do we practically situate our proposal for territoriology within
a wider field of existing sociospatial inquiry? Investigating how territories
relate to other sociospatial concepts and phenomena is, we believe, com -
plementary to highlighting how, in turn, other concepts and approaches
can be renewed once seen through the lens of territory. In later chapters
we use territory as a structuring lens of inquiry, revisiting a number of
notions coming from a variety of disciplines including biology, psychology,
geography, sociology, architecture, and planning. These notions include,
for instance, form, rhythm, melody, scale, and affordance. The aim of the
present chapter is, however, to give our reader a first idea of how we want
to situate the concept of territory in a more general landscape of inquiry.
We thus set territories in relation to a few other key concepts-notably
environments, atmospheres, and networks. We have decided to single out
these notions because of the interest that they have sparked in recent liter-
ature, but above all in connection with our belief that these notions mirror
genuinely important facets of territorial phenomena.

Broadly speaking, we could say that environments, atmospheres, and container of various phenomena: for instance, the three authors suggest
networks correspond to certain fundamental motifs in territories: living, that, when it becomes a structuring principle of place, territory enables the
feeling, and making. Our approach to territories can thus, for example, be identification of places inside territories; when it becomes a structuring
differentiated from the one taken by Bob Jessop, Neil Brenner, and Martin principle of scale, it enables multilevel government; and when it becomes
Jones (2008). The latter have proposed a framework for the study of socio- a structuring principle of networks, it enables the interstate system. We
spatial relations, which they call TPSN-comprising territory, place, scale hope to illustrate that the life of territories is much richer than that, and
and network. While these authors warn from privileging any one of these that territories cannot be captured by fixity, closure, and exteriority alone;
dimensions over the others and seek to include the possible contradictions in many cases they cannot even be captured by spatial continuity. But
and conflicts ensuing from the diverse articulations of the considered before we go deeper into our discussion on territories, let us set the stage by
notions, (Jessop, Brenner, and Jones 2008, 391-94), they still posit that these introducing the three notions of environments (or milieus), atmospheres,
four concepts should be regarded as somehow being the foundational ones and networks
for the study of social space at large. For our part we have already suggested
that we probably need more notions than these to capture social life in Environments and Milieus as Ways of Living
space and time, while at the same time we do not necessarily need to regard While the two notions of environment and milieu belong in different phil-
each spatial notion as exclusive to others even when examining the same osophical traditions and have evolved to cope with different sets of phe-
object. So to recall the opening example of chapter 1, the Roman Colosseum nomena, it is possible that from a theoretical point of view they actually
may as well be taken as a manifestation of a territory (characterized by the designate something very similar, if not identical. Indeed, they both point
multiplicity of territorialized and territorializing effects); a place (singular, toward a level of reality that is relational instead of substantive, and com -
recognizable, experienced); a scale (as a local crowd collector scalable to positional instead of merely additive. As such, we propose to treat them as
the urban space of Rome as well as to its imperial space); and a network twin concepts. Their difference, we argue, is one of perspective: with the
(of similar game arenas built by the Romans as well as by following state environment observers are placed in a central position looking around,
powers and stretching up to contemporary stadiums). whereas with the milieu they are placed in a surrounding-perhaps even
While the analytical grid set up by Jessop, Brenner, and Jones (2008) liminal-position looking toward the center.'
may retain a certain utility, it ultimately runs the risk oflocking, instead of As first pointed out by Georges Canguilhem ([1952] 1965), the notion of
enabling, the imagination of new conceptual approaches as well as empir- environment is a modern one, first elaborated in physics and subsequently
ical research into social space. In this book we discuss places, scales, and inherited by biology. The problem from which the notion stems is that of
networks at various moments, but for us it is not so important to establish establishing the possibility of action at a distance in the new physical uni-
whether these notions can be accommodated within a single framework verse conceptualized by Isaac Newton. For Rene Descartes action between
or not. When it comes to territories, in any case, we are even less satisfied two bodies can be exercised only by direct clash, insofar as bodies are
by the stipulations of the TPSN framework. Indeed, Jessop, Brenner, and extensive and reciprocally external to each other; on the contrary, New-
Jones define territory as based on bordering, parcelization, and enclosure-a ton admits the existence of an "ether;' understood as a peculiar physical
fairly traditional and reified conceptualization clearly insufficient for our medium that conveys the action of one body on another. This is how grav-
purposes. A persistent underlying idea is that the territory is a kind of inert itation is supposed to be transferred and exercised. For Newton the ether
Environments, Atmospheres Environments, Atmospheres 39

is between bodies but also inside them: invisible and inconsistent, it plays ment are significant for the organism only insofar as they meet the same
purely the role of transmitting forces. As such, the ether could actually organism's anticipatory attitudes.
be said to designate a general state mediality. The subsequent notion of Life is inherently related to such movements whereby the animal selec-
field (developed by Michael Faraday in physics and much later imported tively picks up only some signals from the wealth offered to it by the sur-
into the social science) in this sense corresponds to a deessentialized or rounding world and treats them as meaningful. These signals are "inten-
desubstativized version of the ether. For his part Albert Einstein (1949) tional;' which means that reaction can never be explained as the simple
observed that the horror vacui that led Newton to fill empty space with the resultant of external chemical-mechanical stimulations. What signifies is
ether was owing to the latter's belief-widely shared at his time-that the the whole, not the parts, and the milieu corresponds to this whole within
fundamental laws of physics could be derived from experience (hypotheses which the animal can pose the terms of its own vital problem. Contrary to
non fin go )-something Einstein himself no longer admitted. Darwinian selection, the fact that the external circumstances put pressure
But Canguilhem ( [1952] 1965) indicates that this variant of the notion on the organism is only a limited case and one that signals pathological
of milieu is a determinist one: it has underpinned the Darwinian theory conditions or the proximity of death. During normal times the animal is at
of natural selection through adaptation and competition and has culmi- home in its milieu: even the paramecium floats in water "more secure than
nated in early twentieth-century behaviorism. At the polar opposite a a baby in his cradle" (as Merleau-Ponty [1995, 224] phrased it). Canguil-
nondeterminist notion has emerged from the tradition of human geog- hem thus concludes that "the milieu upon which the organism depends is
raphy, as well as from marginalized currents in medicine, such as the structured and organized by the organism itself: what the milieu can offer
psychiatrist Kurt Goldstein and, in biology, notably Jakob von Uexkiill. 2 to the living being is a function of the latter's demand" ( [1952] 1965, 195).
In this tradition (or these traditions, given that they can hardly be said to In chapter 7 we come back to certain aspects of this co-dependent relation
form any unitary body), animals and humans are observed essentially as between the living being and its environment through James Gibson (who,
in dialogue with their surroundings. While environmental determinism much like Maurice Merleau-Ponty, was interested in the perceptions of the
is an old shortcoming that afflicts geography since at least Hippocrates's active body) and his concept of affordance.
treaty On Airs, Waters and Places, it is within geography itself that a The real environmental problem, we could say, is not so much one of
new, antireductionist view has emerged. For instance, in Alexander von causation as one of valorization: it concerns how the living being can attach
Humboldt's geography, humans are not simply on the receiving side of importance and invest in certain significations that manifest themselves
external forces that put pressure on them; they are genuinely creative at the interface between its own self and the environment. Here we can
beings who give shape to their own environment. A similar insight can also observe in limine how the issue of territorialization appears-for, in
be found, in an even more expanded sense, in Uexkiill's environmental a certain sense, territories concern precisely the way in which these acts
biology. Here it is not just humans but all animals who entertain a non- of attachment can be expressed (we explore this theme more extensively
determinist relation with their milieu. As Canguilhem summarizes, the in chapter 4) . But even in Charles Darwin one has to acknowledge the
milieu "proposes solutions, but cannot impose them" ([1952] 1965, 181). existence of not only competition and selection but also variation. In other
Uexkiill's enormously influential notion of Umwelt conveys the sense of words, the first environment where the animal is placed is, for Darwin,
such a selective and elective opening of the organism to certain traits its own species. The field of each species is, so to speak, crisscrossed by a
in the surrounding world (Umgebung). Stimulations from the environ- multiplicity of random variations that tend to progressively map all the

40
possibilities inherent in that species, progressively shifting it toward new for Merleau-Ponty, is neither a force nor a substance, but as a relation it
species to come. In a way it is as if each individual creature has to submit certainly has special qualities insofar as it is characterized by certain ori-
its own biological proposal to the judgment of this double environment. entations. Thus, Merleau -Ponty suggests that the animal conceives its own
Consequently, in Darwin the animal can survive only if it is attuned to Umwelt not as an idea but only as a "theme that haunts consciousness"
both the natural and the social environment. Ultimately, a species; insofar (1995, 233). Perhaps the psychoanalytical notion of archetype and the math-
as it exists as a biological entity in transition through such an experimental ematical notion of attractor could provide some useful characterizations
and judgmental procedure, cannot but exist as an actual population or a of how the Umwelt can be present to the animal, not as an object but as a
set of such populations. The latter point strengthens the idea that there "haunting" theme. The Umwelt is characterized as a mode of knowing that
is some sort of intrinsic sociality to the milieu; that, in other words, the is active. This holds not only for the relations that the animal entertains
milieu itself provides a constant company for the animal-it accompanies with surrounding natural events but also for those that come to be estab-
it as a peculiar associate, as a socius.
lished between the animal and its territory, as well as between the animal
Ultimately, as we have seen, both the determinist and the indetermin- and other animals. This is extremely important for territoriology, in that
ist view emphasize a principle of relationality as key to the notion of the it shows how environments are naturally connected to a social-relational
environment: the location of each individual organism can be understood, understanding of territorializations.
and can make sense, only in relation to the ensemble of the population to We are going to explore this trope more in depth in the following chap-
which that organism belongs, as well as to the ensemble of connections ters. For now suffice to say that, from this point of view, Gilbert Simondon
among the multiplicity of consociated members as they exist in a species- is Merleau-Ponty's prime heir. In his theory of individuation, Simondon
specific Umwelt. The notion of milieu thus inherently evokes an ecological ([1964-89] 2013) shows how the formation of a new individual (understood
perspective, whereby elements are defined by relations. Interestingly, the as a moment in the "event" and the "operation'' of individuation) is always
Umwelt idea paved the way to the subsequent elaboration by Merleau-Ponty correlative to an "environmentalization:' Taken in itself, the individual is an
(1964) in his relentless search for a tertium quid between the subject and "incomplete reality" and, in fact, an abstraction. The living being is never
the object, as well as between mechanicism and vitalism. Eventually, the an isolated individual: not unity but always simultaneously less and more
French phenomenologist called this complex third reality "the flesh of the than "one:' Put differently, the individual and the milieu are two sides of the
world" (la chair du monde). In his course on nature from the late 1950s, same operation. In this theorization one can detect an implicit reference
Merleau-Ponty (1995) commented on Uexkiill, remarking on the similarity to the Umwelt notion: for Simondon, any new individual comes with an
between the Umwelt and a melody. It is a fruitful image, because melodies "associated milieu" that complements the individual vis-a-vis the original
indeed generate a peculiar sense ohime, a unity-in-unfolding (we return whole (synolon or system) from which the process of individualization
to this in chapter 6).
started. The Umwelt is, in fact, nothing else than the couple "individual plus
When a melody begins, Merleau-Ponty notices, all its notes are in a way associated milieu:' It is well known how much Gilles Deleuze was marked
already there: in other words, the whole melody is found on a single plane, by Simondon's theory of individuation. It may thus not be by coincidence
so there's a sense in which not only the past generates the future but also if, for Deleuze and Felix Guattari (1980, sec. 11), milieus are inherently
the future generates the past. All the notes of the melody, we could also related to territories. Indeed, in their attempt toward a renewed philosophy
say, virtually coexist when just one of them is actualized. The Umwelt, of nature, Deleuze and Guattari argue that milieus exist in the interplay of
42
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Liinan huoneessa oli liian kuuma. Kalle siirtyi saliin ja alkoi kävellä
edes takaisin. Levottomista liikkeistä saattoi arvata hänen
mielessään liikkuvan jotakin outoa. Näin hän ajatteli:
"Näin pitkälle sitä siis nyt on jouduttu. Voi minua poloista vieläkin.
Jos ilkeäisin itseltäni, niin raastaisin Liinan tukasta, tänne… ja
selvittäisin nyrkkipuheella, mikä hän on ja miksi hän on tehnyt
minutkin. Mutta tokkopa hän ymmärtää sittekään. Tuskin vain!… No,
onhan tuota syytä itsessänikin, miksi rupesin juomaan, niin miksi?
Heikko olen ollut, mutta sen tiedän, jos minulla olisi ollut kunnon
vaimo, en nyt tällainen olisi. Sen verran minussa toki on vielä häpyä,
että en viitsikään olla joka viilekkeen pilkattavana. Vai meillä muka ei
ole leipää sen tähden, että meillä ei ole emäntää, joka paistaisi! Ja
minäkö pidän eukkoani vain nukkena lasikaapissa? Totta totisesti
niin onkin; mutta kuka tuota viitsii kuulla syrjäisiltä, en minä
ainakaan. Loppu tästä elämästä pitää tulla tavalla tai toisella… Ja
loppuhan tästä tuleekin ihan itsestään. Pankkiin olisi huomenna
lähetettävä rahan, kauppiaalla on tuomio ja hän vaatii rahaa, leipään
tarvittaisiin rahaa ja isälle pitäisi toimittaa rahaa siitä tuonnoisesta
summasta, jonka vain vähäksi ajaksi lainasin. Rahaa, rahaa, rahaa,
eikä minulla penniäkään… Pahin pula on syömisestä. Rupeavat
palvelijatkin näljissään haukkumaan… Liinasta en välittäisi, nähköön
vähän nälkää, eikö sitte oppisi jotain tekemään. Ja lapsista kyllä isä
pitää huolen, sen tiedän ihan varmaan. Itse minä kyllä elän missä
hyvänsä… Voi sentäänkin, kun en alussa ollut jyrkempi Liinalle ja
pakottanut häntä ihmiseksi. Mutta kuka tuota jaksaa nähdä akkain
itkua ja vaikerrusta, ja säälihän tuota oli ajaakin herrasihmistä heti
läävään, kun muutenkin tuntui elämä olevan hänestä niin vaikea. Ja
se appiukko, rikkaaksi häntä kaikki luulivat, se se juuri minutkin petti,
kun tyttö vielä lisäksi oli niin vietävän suloinen… se ukko jätti meidät
ihan paljain käsin. Kutti, parahiksi, Kalle! kuka käski olemaan sokea
ja kosimaan herrasneittä? Ei kukaan muu kuin oma herruuteni. Nyt
olen hyväkin herra!… Peijakas kun rupee nälkä hiukomaan omaakin
vatsaani; se vain ei katso herruutta eikä narreutta! Mutta loppu tästä
pitää tulla!"
Kauan hän sillä tavalla mietiskellen käveli välistä hitaammin,

välistä taas kiireemmin, mikäli ajatukset milloinkin sujuivat. Unta ei
kuulunut. Aamu jo ehti valjeta hänen yhä astuskellessaan.
Viimein hän teki päätöksensä, pukeutui päällysvaatteihinsa, meni

tampuurin kautta ulos, valjasti hevosen, saman, jolla oli tullut kotiin ja
läksi ajamaan.
Liina yhä nukkui ja vasta hetkisen kuluttua heräsivät palvelijatkin,

tottuneet kun ajan pitkään olivat hekin enemmän makaamaan kuin
työtä tekemään! Renki kiepsahti vähän sukkelammin tavallista ylös
ja alkoi torua piikoja: "nyt teidät hukka perii, kun näin makaatte
selvään päivään asti, vaikka isäntä on kotona!" Mutta karjapiika,
käytyään elukoita katsomassa ja huomattuaan, että isännän hevosta
ei ollut tallissa eikä rekeäkään kotosalla, alkoi tupaan palattuaan
pilkata renkiä, että hän näljissään näki vain unia päivälläkin. Ja
siihen uskoon piiat jäivät, vaikka renki kuinka olisi vakuuttanut
käyneensä yöllä riisumassa isännän hevosen.
Kalle ajoi suoraa päätä Notkolaan. Vaikealta hänestä tuntui mennä

isäänsä yhä kiusaamaan ja vielä vaikeampi hänen oli kuulla isän
suusta jyrkkä vastaus, että oli turha ruveta kahta taloa hävittämään
yhden tähden. Kalle mielessään kuitenkin tunnusti isän olevan
oikeassa, hänhän oli itsekin koko aamun ajatellut samaa, ja nyt hän
ilmasi äsken tekemänsä päätöksen.
Kauan siinä keskusteltiin ja punnittiin asiaa kaikilta puolin.
Notkolan isäntä, huomattuaan poikansa nyt viimeinkin palaavan
väärältä tieltä, kehoitti Kallea vielä koettamaan pitää taloansa
pystyssä, vaan Kalle ei uskaltanut, hänellä kun ei enää ollut
luottamusta itseensäkään.
Aamiaisen syötyä läksi Kalle ajamaan omia teitänsä, ei kuitenkaan

kapakkaan, kuten ennen. Isänsä huusi hänelle vielä jäljestä: "ole
huoletta, kyllä minä korjaan lapset!" ja kyyneliä kiilsi nyt jo
vanhanpuoleisen miehen silmissä.
Mäkelässä palvelijat kyllästyivät odottamaan olematonta aamiaista

eivätkä ilenneet enää mennä lainailemaankaan, vaan karkasivat.
Niinpä Notkolan isäntä päivemmällä tapasi Liinan yksinään lasten
kanssa ja vei heidät kotiinsa. Mäkelän kartanot lukottiin ja elukat
korjattiin myöskin nälkää näkemästä Notkolaan toistaiseksi. Aikaa
myöten otti pankki saatavastaan talon haltuunsa ja irtaimiston veivät
muut saamamiehet.
*****
Tähän nyt kertomus oikeastaan saisi päättyä, sillä johan

arvaamme, että päähenkilöt, joiden elämän vaiheita olemme
seuranneet, olivat auttamattomasti elämänsä mukaista kylvöä
niittämässä ja että heidän lapsensa joutuivat hyviin käsiin. Kuitenkin
huvittanee vielä katsahtaa muutamia vuosia, ehkäpä
kymmenkunnankin eteen päin.
Silloin istui Liina huononpäiväisessä torpassa. Hän näet ei ollut

viihtynyt Notkolassa, jossa toisten uutteruus oli ikäänkuin ainaisena
pahana omanatuntona häntä rasittamassa, vaikka häntä ei
kovuudella kohdeltukaan, ja hän sen tähden oli lähtenyt omaan
vapauteensa. Huonoa hänen toimeentulonsa sitte oli ja ehkäpä hän
saamattomuudessaan olisi kuollut nälkäänkin, ell'eivät torpan
asukkaat, johon hän asettui elämään, olisi toimittaneet hänelle
syötävää ensin Notkolasta ja sitte kunnan vaivaisvaroista, kuin
Notkolan vanhukset kuolivat ja tila joutui Liinalle vieraampien
haltuun. Työhön oppimisesta ei nytkään tullut mitään. Torpanväen
kätkyitä hän vain kiikutteli ja muisteli ennen nuorempana lukemiansa
romaaneja.
Kallesta kuultiin sen verran, että hän toisissa pitäjissä piti

päällysmiehen ammattia tukin ajoissa ja uitoissa ja ansaitsi rahaa
runsaasti. Mutta Liinalle hän ei lähettänyt penniäkään, sillä viina oli jo
tullut hänelle niin rakkaaksi, että sen alttarille hän uhrasi joka
roponsa. Humalapäissään hän kuitenkin joskus kiroeli omaa
tyhmyyttänsä; koko tuo naimisissa olon aika häilyi hänen mielessään
vain pahana unena. Toimen miestä hänestä ei enää koskaan tullut,
siksi oli hänen oma tahtonsa jo vallan uupunut, ja oikea avun lähde,
niin se häneltä oli unhottunut jo ammoin ennen, kuin hän
herrasmaisuuden ja himon orjaksi joutuikaan.
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Designed and set in Minion Pro by L. Auten.

Chapters 3, 4, 5, and 6 are revised and extended versions of articles origi-

For a Science of Territories 11

12 For a Science of Territories

14 For a Science of Territories For a Science of Territories 15

For a Science of Territories 17

18 For a Science of Territories For a Science of Territories 19

22 For a Science of Territories For a Science of Territories 23

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30 For a Science of Territories For a Science of Territories 31

32 For a Science of Territories For a Science of Territories 33

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Environments, Atmospheres Environments, Atmospheres 39

Environments, Atmospheres Environments, Atmospheres 41

Kauan hän sillä tavalla mietiskellen käveli välistä hitaammin,

Viimein hän teki päätöksensä, pukeutui päällysvaatteihinsa, meni

Liina yhä nukkui ja vasta hetkisen kuluttua heräsivät palvelijatkin,

Kalle ajoi suoraa päätä Notkolaan. Vaikealta hänestä tuntui mennä

Aamiaisen syötyä läksi Kalle ajamaan omia teitänsä, ei kuitenkaan

Mäkelässä palvelijat kyllästyivät odottamaan olematonta aamiaista

Tähän nyt kertomus oikeastaan saisi päättyä, sillä johan

Silloin istui Liina huononpäiväisessä torpassa. Hän näet ei ollut

Kallesta kuultiin sen verran, että hän toisissa pitäjissä piti

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

START: FULL LICENSE

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free

Section 1. General Terms of Use and

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