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Croteau & Hoynes, Experience Sociology 3e
Chapter 7 – Interaction, Groups, and Organizations

Brief Outline
Culture and Social Interaction
Social Networks
Social Groups
Organizations and Bureaucracy
Power in Groups and Organizations
A Changing World: “Back-Stage” Privacy and Social Media

Learning Objectives
1. Describe interaction and the shared symbols that facilitate it.
2. Describe how social interactions are shaped by peoples’ statuses and roles.
3. Explain dramaturgy, and identify examples of impression management.
4. Describe the characteristics of social networks.
5. Differentiate between primary, secondary, and reference groups; and describe the ways in
which group size affects group interactions.
6. Define bureaucracy and describe its role within organizational structures.
7. Describe the power dynamics within groups and organizations, including the roles of
conformity, obedience, and groupthink.
8. Describe the effects of social media on privacy norms.

Lecture Outline
A. Culture and Social Interaction
1. Interaction: Arriving at Common Understandings
a. Shared Language
• Common references and shared understandings and terminology
b. Shared Knowledge
• Everyday life depends on intersubjectivity: a common understanding between
people about knowledge, reality, or an experience. Example: enjoyment of
television shows such as The Simpsons or The Big Bang Theory
2. Defining Situations as “Real”: The Thomas Theorem
• “If men define situations as real, they are real in their consequences”: Subjective
interpretations of reality have objective effects.
o Stereotypes

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 3. Three Steps to Constructing Social Reality
• Berger and Luckmann (1966), the steps of constructing social reality:
o Externalization
o Objectivation
o Internalization
4. Social Statuses and Roles
a. Statuses
• Status set, status category, ascribed statuses, achieved statuses, status hierarchy,
master status
b. Roles
• Role conflict, role strain
5. Dramaturgy: Playing at Social Life
• Dramaturgy: an approach to the study of social interaction that uses the metaphor
of social life as a theater
a. Role Expectations
• Costumes, props, language, and emotions; and role interpretation
• Expectations associated with a role are socially defined, but individuals in the role
actively “play” it.
b. Impression Management
• As social actors, we try to control the image others have of us through our
performance; in some situations, however, people want others to perceive a
difference between their role and their “real” selves. Example: self-conscious
manager
c. The Front Stage and the Back Stage
• On the back stage, actors become themselves. Example: waiter with customers or
with coworkers
B. Social Networks
• The collections of social ties that connect individuals to one another—whether
online or face-to-face
1. The Nature of Networks and Ties
• Rainie and Wellman: Different social networks provide different resources,
including havens, bandages, safety nets, and social capital.
• Networks come in different sizes and vary by the strength of their links, by the
characteristics of those involved, by physical distance, by kind of interaction, and
other characteristics.
o The stronger the ties with people, the more likely they are to provide
support.
2. Social Network Analysis
• Principle of homophily: race, age, religion, and class
C. Social Groups
• Collections of people who interact regularly with one another and who are aware
of their status as a group

IM – 7 | 2
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 1. Primary and Secondary Social Groups
• Primary groups: have regular contact, enduring relationships, significant
emotional attachment; especially influential agents of socialization
• Secondary groups: interact in a relatively impersonal way, usually to carry out a
task (coworkers, neighborhood watch group)
2. Reference Groups
• The groups against which we measure ourselves; the social groups we take into
account as we plan and assess our actions and norms
3. Group Size and Social Relationships: Dyads, Triads, and Beyond
• Group dynamics fundamentally change when a third person is added.
4. Social Networks and Groups in the Digital Age
• Rainie and Wellman: Three revolutions have enabled a major shift in social life:
o Increased significance of social networks versus densely knit groups
o Creation of the Internet
o Mobile communications
• Because we are no longer automatically part of social groups, social networking
can be both socially liberating and taxing.
D. Organizations and Bureaucracy
1. Organizational Structure
• Influenced by size, where smaller organizations can operate with few formal rules
but larger organizations typically develop more formal processes
2. Bureaucracy
• A hierarchical administration system with formal rules and procedures used to
manage organizations, commonly with these key features:
o A division of labor
o A hierarchy of authority and accountability
o Impersonality
o Written rules and records
3. Organizational Culture
• Examples: AOL’s brash, aggressive approach to business; Time Warner’s
reputation for being conservative and strait-laced
4. Organizational Environment
• Factors that exist outside of the organization but that potentially affect its
operation; includes organizational network, legal context, technology, and broader
cultural environment
E. Power in Groups and Organizations
1. In-Groups and Out-Groups
• Members of an in-group have a collective sense of “us.”
2. Conformity: The Asch Experiments
3. Obedience: The Milgram Experiments
4. Groupthink
• A form of uncritical thinking in which people reinforce a consensus rather than
ask serious questions or thoroughly analyze the issue at hand

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 5. Leadership, Oligarchy, and Power
• The iron law of oligarchy: the eventual and inevitable consolidation of power at
the top of bureaucratic organizations (Michels)
o Bureaucratic inequality can, however, be contested covertly; and some
bureaucratic organizations allocate positions through democratic
processes.
6. Scientific Management and Workplace Control
• Scientific management, or Taylorism: the process of deskilling ordinary workers
and increasing workplace efficiency through calculated study
F. A Changing World: “Back Stage” Privacy and Social Media
• Sharing information with unbounded audience can strip it of social context—a
“context collapse.”
• Privacy norms have changed but the distinction between front-stage life and
back-stage behaviors still survive in some form.
G. Sociology in Action: Overcoming Class Stereotypes
H. Through a Sociological Lens: Emotions and the Employee Role
I. Sociology Works: Mindy Fried and Organizational Change

Lecture Summary
1. Sociologists maintain that “reality” is socially constructed, insofar as people tend to see
the world through the lens of the culture they were socialized into. Culture provides the
common ground for individuals to construct shared understandings about the world. Of
course, individuals from different cultures and backgrounds often do not see or interpret
the world in the same fashion. This suggests that social definitions of reality are
subjectively-created products of social interaction.

2. Social interaction that occurs within structures and institutions is regulated by statuses
and roles. Dramaturgy, a perspective that considers social interaction as theater, is helpful
for illuminating ways in which people occupy social statuses and perform roles, in the
same way an actor might inhabit a character and dress, speak, and behave accordingly on
the stage.

3. Social network analysis, or the study of how individuals are linked and interact within a
web of relationships, can also illuminate patterns of social interaction. Networks come in
many different sizes and vary by the strength of their links, by the characteristics of those
involved, by the physical distances and types of interactions between members, and other
factors; but most networks are much more homogeneous than the population as a whole,
a reflection of the principle of homophily—social contact occurs at a higher rate among
people who are similar than among those who are different. In the digital age, the nature
of and significance of those similarities may be changing. Social networking has
expanded dramatically in response not only to the Internet but also to mobile
technologies that make physical location—often the genesis of traditional groups—less

IM – 7 | 4
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 important in contemporary life. The lines between work and leisure and between public
and private are blurred as never before.

4. Groups and organizations may be distinguished by the intensity and duration of contact
between group members, and the degree to which individuals measure themselves and
others against organizational norms. Group dynamics are also influenced by the number
of persons involved. In general, larger groups are more stable, and relationships between
members are less intense, compared to smaller groups. Organizations are groups with
formal structure and are constituted to accomplish particular tasks. Bureaucracies are
organizations with hierarchical structures, defined procedures, and formal rules for
interaction and information flow. Bureaucracies can efficiently manage the activities of
large numbers of people but often are seen as impersonal and resistant to change. Group
structures and dynamics can change with the adoption of new ideas and technologies.

5. Groups can exercise power by controlling who is included or excluded from membership.
Within groups, influence may be exerted on individuals through the promotion of
conformity and obedience. Tendencies toward group conformity can vary across cultures
and often depend on social context. However, a number of studies have revealed that
people are often susceptible to obeying authority figures and conforming to social
expectations, even when they may personally believe their actions to be wrong or
immoral. Groupthink occurs when group members value conformity to such an extent
that they fail to consider evidence and ideas that challenge the group’s assumptions.

Additional Lecture Ideas

1. When discussing conformity, The Milgram Experiment is once again useful. Have
students review what happened in that footage or have them watch it if they have not
already. When this experiment was initially discussed, we talked about how it was used
as a research tool; now it can be reviewed in terms of what we learned. How did the
“teachers” conform to the behavior that was expected of them? Why didn’t they act when
they thought they were hurting someone?

2. When discussing the Thomas theorem, The Stanford Prison Experiment is once again
useful. Have students review what happened in that footage or have them watch it if they
have not already. Why did the prison guards and prisoners act like they did? Why did the
guards participate in groupthink?

3. Have students read the article “How Groupthink Rules What We Like”
(www.wired.com/magazine/2009/12/st_clive_thompson/). How are we influenced by
what is popular? This article is about music, but what about clothing, hairstyles, books,
movies, or art? What does current research say about the power of groupthink?

4. Compare the organizational structure of communism to that of capitalism. What does

bureaucracy look like in these two economic systems? What is the difference between

IM – 7 | 5
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 how communism has been practiced and how it was meant to be practiced? Where is the
power located in these different structures?

Classroom Discussion Topics

Online Social Networks

1. Have students look at their Facebook page or other social networking site that they
belong to. Have them note how they know the people with whom they are “friends.” Are
these people a part of the students’ primary, secondary, or reference groups? Are they not
a part of any of their groups? Why are they friends with people that they do not really
know?

Language of the In-Crowd

2. Have students break into groups of no more than four. Have them make a list of
contemporary slang, what it means, and, if they can, how it developed. Is everyone in the
class familiar with the slang? If not, why? To what groups must you belong in order to
understand the slang?

Influence of Technology
3. Have students break into groups of no more than four. Have them list activities that used
to be done face-to-face that are no longer done that way—either the process is automated
or we now do it on the computer. How has society changed because we no longer
conduct these interactions in person? What interactions will always be done in person?
Why?

Dramaturgy in the Classroom

4. Have students break into groups of no more than four and write out the dramaturgy that
happens in the classroom. What happens in the front stage? Back stage? What are the
costumes and the props? What happens when a student or a professor does not follow the
script of the classroom? What might that look like?

IM – 7 | 6
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Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Akkra case
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.

Title: The Akkra case

Author: Miriam Allen De Ford

Illustrator: Dan Adkins

Release date: November 22, 2023 [eBook #72197]

Language: English

Original publication: United States: Ziff-Davis Publishing Company,

1961

Credits: Greg Weeks, Mary Meehan and the Online Distributed

Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AKKRA

CASE ***
 Miriam de Ford has given a good deal
of thought to crime and criminology
of other times and spaces (see
Editorial). Now she turns her talents
to constructing a "true crime" of the
future—and its solution. Herewith,
then, a criminologist's lecture-report
on:

THE AKKRA CASE

By MIRIAM ALLEN de FORD

Illustrated by ADKINS

[Transcriber's Note: This etext was produced from

Amazing Stories January 1962.
Extensive research did not uncover any evidence that
the U.S. copyright on this publication was renewed.]
Deliberate murder being so very rare a crime in our society, an
account of any instance of it must attract the attention not only of
criminologists but also of the general public. Very many of my
auditors must remember the Akkra case well, since it occurred only
last year. This, however, is the first attempt to set forth the bizarre
circumstances hitherto known only to the authorities and to a few
specialists.
On February 30 last, the body of a young girl was found under the
Central Park mobilway in Newyork I. She had been struck on the
head with some heavy object which had fractured her skull, and her
auburn hair was matted with congealed blood. Two boys illegally
trespassing on one of the old dirt roads in the park itself stumbled
upon the corpse. She was fully dressed, but barefoot, with her
socsandals lying beside her. An autopsy showed only one unusual
thing—she was a virgin, though she was fully mature.
Two hundred years ago, say, this would have been a case for the
homicide branch of the city police. Now, of course, there are no city
police, all local law enforcement being in the hands of the Federal
government, with higher supervision and appeal to the Interpol; and
since there has been no reported murder (except in Africa and
China, where this crime has not yet been entirely eradicated) for at
least 20 years, Fedpol naturally has no specialists in homicide.
Investigation therefore was up to the General Branch in Newyork
Complex I.
The murderer had stupidly broken off the welded serial number disc
from her wristlet—stupidly, because of course everybody's
fingerprints and retinal pattern are on file with Interpol from birth. It
was soon discovered that the victim was one Madolin Akkra, born in
Newyork I of mixed Irish, Siamese, and Swedish descent, aged 18
years and seven months. Since it is against the law for any minor
(under 25) to be gainfully employed, and there was no record of any
exemption-permit, she had necessarily to be a student. She was
found to be studying spaceship maintenance at Upper Newyork
Combined Technicum.
People who deride Fedpol and call it a useless anachronism don't
know what they are talking about. It is true that in our society criminal
tendencies are understood to be a disease, amenable to treatment,
not a free-will demonstration of anti-social proclivities. But it is also
true that every member of Fedpol, down to the merest rookie
policeman, is a trained specialist in some field, and that most of its
officers are graduate psychiatrists. As soon as Madolin Akkra's
identity was determined, it was easy to find out everything about her.
The circumstances surrounding her in life were sufficiently odd in
themselves. Her mother was dead, but she lived with her own father
and full younger sister in a small (only 20 stories and 80 living-units)
co-operative apartment house in the old district formerly called
Westchester, once an "exclusive" settlement but now considerably
run down, and populated for the most part by low-income families.
Few of the residents had more than one helicopter per family, and
many of them had to commute to their jobs or schools by public
copter. The building where the Akkras lived was shabby, its chrome
and plastic well worn, and showed the effects of a negligent local
upkeep system. The Akkras even prepared and ate some of their
meals in their own quarters—an almost unheard-of anachronism.
The father had served his 20 years of productive labor from 25 to 45,
and the whole family was therefore supported by public funds of one
sort or another. When the Fedpol officers commenced their
investigation by interviewing this man, they found him one of the
worst social throwbacks discovered in many years—doubtless a
prime reason for the bizarre misfortune which had overtaken his
misguided daughter. To begin with, the investigators wanted to know,
why had he not reported his daughter missing? To this, Pol Akkra
made the astonishing reply that the girl was old enough to know her
own business, and that he had never asked any questions as to
what she did! Everyone knows it is every adult's responsibility to
report any deviation by the young more serious than the mischievous
trespassing by the boys who had found Madolin Akkra's body, and
who at least had gone to Fedpol at once. The officers could get no
lead whatever from the girl's father.
To find the murderer, it was of first importance to establish the
background of this strange case. Access to the park is difficult—has
been difficult ever since, more than a century ago, the area became
a hunting-ground for thieves and hoodlums, and was transformed
into a cultivated forest and garden preserved for aesthetic reasons,
and to be viewed only from the mobilways above. (The boys who
found the body are, of course, proof that the sealing-off of the park is
not entirely effective—but surely only a daring and agile child could
insinuate himself under the thorn-set hedges surrounding the park,
or swing down to the tree-tops from the structure above.)
If the victim had been killed elsewhere, how was her body carried to
the spot where it was found? Both murderer and corpse would have
had to penetrate unobserved into an almost impenetrable area.
Could the body have been thrown from above? But if so, how could
the remains of a full-grown girl have been transported from either a
ground car or a copter on to the crowded mobilway, brightly lighted
all night long? She must have gone there alive, either under duress
or of her own accord.
The first and most natural question, to Fedpol, was: who did have
access to the park? The answer was, the gardeners. But the
gardeners were out: they were all robots, even their supervisor. No
robot is able to harm a human being. Moreover, no robot could have
brought the victim in from outside if she had been killed elsewhere.
The gardeners never leave the park, and they would repel any
strange robot from elsewhere who tried to enter it. And one could
hardly imagine a sane human being who would go to the park for a
rendezvous with a robot!

It was Madolin's little sister, Margret, who interrupted the futile

interrogation of the surly and resistant Pol Akkra and provided the
first clue. She caught the eye of the investigating officer, Inspector
Dugal Kazazian, and quietly went into the next room, where
Kazazian followed her after posting his assistant with the father.
"I promised Madolin I would never tell on her," she whispered, "but
now she's—now it doesn't matter." She had loved her sister; her
eyes were puffy from weeping. "She—she'd been going to Naturist
get-togethers."
Kazazian almost groaned aloud. He might have known—this was the
first time they had been linked with murder, but it seemed to him that
in almost every other affair he had investigated for the past few
years, the subversive Naturists somehow had crept in. And if he had
reflected, he would have suspected them already, since there seems
to be no school or college which does not harbor an underground
branch of these criminal lunatics.
I need hardly explain to my auditors who and what the Naturists are.
But to keep the record complete, let me say briefly that this
pernicious worldwide conspiracy, founded 50 years ago by the
notorious Ali Chaim Pertinuzzi, is engaged in an organized campaign
to tear down all the marvelous technical achievements of our
civilization. It pretends to believe that we should eat "natural" foods
and wear "natural" textiles instead of synthetics, walk instead of ride,
teach children the obsolete art of reading (reading what?—the
antique books preserved in museums?), make our own music,
painting, and sculpture instead of enjoying the exquisite products of
perfected machines, open up all parks and the few remaining rural
preserves to campers, hunters and fishers (if any specimens worth
hunting can be found outside zoos), and what they call "hikers"—in a
word, go back to the confused, reactionary world of our ancestors.
From this hodgepodge of "principles" it is a natural transition to
political and economic subversion. No wonder that the information
that Madolin Akkra had been corrupted by this vile outfit sent a chill
down Inspector Kazazian's spine.

It explained a great deal, however. The Naturists profess to oppose

our healthy system of sexual experimentation, and Madolin had been
a virgin. The weird family situation, and her father's attitude both
toward her and toward the Fedpol, aroused suspicion that he too
was affiliated with the Naturists, not simply that Madolin had flirted
with the outer edges of the treasonable organization, as a "fellow-
seeker," without her father's knowledge.
Suppose the girl, fundamentally decent and ethically-minded, had
revolted against the false doctrine and threatened to betray its
advocates? Then she might have been killed to silence her—and
what more likely than that, as a piece of brazen defiance, her
murdered corpse should have been deposited in the only bit of
"natural" ground still remaining in the Newyork area?
But how, and by whom?

The first step, of course, was to fling a dragnet around all known or
suspected Naturists in the district. In a series of flying raids they
were rounded up; and since there no longer exist those depositories
for offenders formerly known as prisons, they were kept
incommunicado in the psychiatric wards of the various hospitals. For
good measure, Pol Akkra was included. Margret, at 13, was old
enough to take care of herself.
Next, all Madolin's classmates at the Technicum, the operators of her
teach-communicators, and members of other classes with whom it
was learned she had been on familiar terms, were subjected to an
intensive electronic questioning. (Several of these were themselves
discovered to be tainted with Naturism, and were interned with the
rest.) One of the tenets of Naturism is a return to the outworn system
of monogamy, and the questioning was directed particularly to the
possibility that Madolin had formed half of one of the notorious
Naturist "steady couples," who often associate without or before
actual mating. But day after day the investigators came up with not
the slightest usable lead.
Please do not think I am underrating Fedpol. Nothing could have
been more thorough than the investigation they undertook. But this
turned out in the end to be a case which by its very nature
obfuscated the normal methods of criminological science. Fedpol
itself has acknowledged this, by its formation in recent months of the
Affiliated Assistance Corps, made up of amateurs who volunteer for
the detection of what are now called Class X crimes—those so far off
the beaten path that professionals are helpless before them.
For it was an amateur who solved Madolin Akkra's murder—her own
little sister. When Margret Akkra reaches the working age of 25 she
will be offered a paid post as Newyork Area Co-ordinator of the AAC.
Left alone by her father's internment, Margret began to devote her
whole time out of school hours to the pursuit of the person or
persons who had killed her sister. She had told Kazazian all she
actually knew; but that was only her starting-point. Though she
herself, as she had told the Inspector, believed that the murder might
be traced to Madolin's connection with the Naturist (and though she
probably at least suspected her father to be involved with them also),
she did not confine herself to that theory, as the Fedpol, with its
scientific training, was obliged to do.
Concealed under a false floor in her father's bedroom—mute
evidence of his Naturist affiliation—she found a cache of printed
books—heirlooms which should long ago have been presented to a
museum for consultation by scholars only. They dated back to the
20th century, and were of the variety then known as "mystery
stories." Margret of course could not read them. But she
remembered now, with revulsion, how, when she and Madolin were
small children, their mother had sometimes (with windows closed
and the videophone turned off) amused them by telling them ancient
myths and legends that by their very nature Margret now realized
must have come from these contraband books.
Unlike her father and her sister, and apparently her mother as well,
Margret Akkra had remained a wholesome product of a civilized
education. She had nothing but horror and contempt for the
subversive activities in the midst of which, she knew now, she had
grown up. The very fact, which became plain to her for the first time,
that her parents had lived together, without changing partners, until
her mother had died, was evidence enough of their aberration.
But, stricken to the heart as the poor girl was, she could not cease to
love those she had always loved, or to be diverted from her
resolution to solve her sister's murder. Shudder as she might at the
memory of those subversive books, she yet felt they might
inadvertently serve to assist her.
It was easy to persuade the school authorities that her shock and
distress over Madolin's death had slowed up her conscious mind,
and to get herself assigned to a few sessions with the electronic
memory stimulator. It took only two or three to bring back in detail the
suppressed memories, and to enable her to extrapolate from them.

One feature of these so-called "mysteries" that came back to her

struck Margret with especial force—the frequent assertion that
murderers always return to the scene of their crime. She decided
that she too must plant herself at the spot where her sister's body
had been found, and lie in wait for the returning killer.
It would be useless to try to obtain official permission, but she was
only 13, as lean and agile as any other child, and if boys could evade
the hedges and the robot gardeners, so could she. The audiovids
had displayed plenty of pictures of the exact scene, and Margret
knew where to find it. But an inspection of the hedges showed her
that it would be easier for her to get in from above, at night—a likelier
time also for her prey.
She located a place where the trees grew almost to the mobilway
and shaded a section of it between the lamps. Perched on the stand-
pave and watching for a pause in the stream of gliders-by, she
dropped lightly into a tree and climbed down to the park beneath.
Hiding from the gardeners, she made her way to the bushes where
the boys had discovered Madolin.
For nearly a week, fortified by Sleepnomer pills, Margret spent every
moment after dark in this hideaway. It was a long, nerve-wracking
vigil: the close contact with leaves and grass, the sound of the wind
in the trees, the unaccustomed darkness away from the lights above,
the frightening approach of wild squirrels and rabbits and even birds,
the necessity to stay concealed from passing robots, kept her on
edge. But stubbornly she persisted. And at last she was rewarded.
It was not late—only about 20 o'clock—when she heard a scramble
and bump not far from her own means of access to the park. It was
not the first time since her watch began that she had heard other
adventurers, invariably small and rather scared boys who dared one
another to walk for a few feet along the dirt paths, then in a panic
rushed back the way they had come. But this time the steps came
directly toward her—human footsteps, not the shuffle of a robot.
Hidden behind a bush, Margret saw them approach—two boys of
about her own age. And then, with a sickening lurch of her heart, she
recognized them. She had seen them, acclaimed as heroes, on the
videoscreen. They were the two who had found Madolin. She could
hear every word they said.
"Come on," one of them urged in a hoarse whisper. "There's nothing
to be afraid of."
"Yes, there is," the other objected. "Ever since then, they've got the
gardeners wired to describe and report anybody they find inside the
park."
"I don't care. We've got to find it. Give me the beamer."

Margret crouched behind the thickest part of the shrubbery, her infra-
red camera at the alert. The tape-attachment was already activated.
The second boy still held back. "I told you then," he muttered, "that
we shouldn't have reported it at all. We should have got out of here
and never said a word to anyone."
"We couldn't," the first boy said, shocked. "It would have been anti-
social. Haven't you ever learned anything in school?"
"Well, it's anti-social to kill somebody, too, isn't it?"
Margret pressed the button on the camera. Enlarged enough, even
the identification discs on the boys' wristlets would show.
"How could we guess there was a human being there, except us?
What was she doing here, anyway? Come on, Harri, we've got to
find that thing. It's taken us long enough to get a chance to sneak in
here."
"Maybe they've found it already," said Harri fearfully.
"No, they haven't; if they had, they'd have taken us in as soon as
they dusted the fingerprints."
"All right, it's not anywhere on the path. Put the beamer on the
ground where it will shine in front of us, and let's get down on our
stomachs and hunt underneath the bushes."
Grabbing her camera, Margret jumped to her feet and dashed past
the startled boys. She heard a scream—that would be Harri—and
then their feet pounding after her. But she had a head start, and her
eyes were more accustomed to the dark than theirs could be. She
reached a tree, shinnied up it, jumped from one of its limbs to
another on a higher tree beneath the mobilway, chinned herself up,
and made her way out safely.
She went straight to Fedpol headquarters and asked for Inspector
Kazazian.
The frightened boys were picked up at once. They were brought into
headquarters, where they had been praised and thanked before, and
as soon as they saw the pictures and heard the tape-recording they
confessed everything.
That night, they said, they were being initiated into one of those
atavistic fraternities which it seems impossible for the young to
outgrow or the authorities to suppress. As part of their ordeal, they
had been required to sneak into Central Park and to bring back as
proof of their success a captured robot gardener. Between them they
had decided that the only way they could ever get their booty would
be to disassemble the robot, for though it could not injure them, if
they took hold of it, its communication-valve would blow and the
noise would bring others immediately; so they had taken along what
seemed to them a practical weapon—a glass brick pried out of the
back of a locker in the school gym. Hurled by a strong and practiced
young arm, it could de-activate the robot's headpiece.
When, as they waited in the darkness for a gardener to appear, they
saw a figure moving about in the shrubbery bordering the path, one
of them—neither would say which one it was—let fly. To their horror,
instead of the clang of heavy glass against metal, they heard a
muffled thud as the brick struck flesh and bone. They started to run
away. But after a few paces they forced themselves to return.
It was a girl, and the blow had knocked her flat. Her head was
bleeding badly and she was moaning. Terrified, they knelt beside
her. She gasped once and lay still. One of the boys laid a trembling
hand on her breast, the other seized her wrist. There was no heart-
beat and there was no pulse. On an impulse, the boy holding her
wrist wrenched away her identification disc.
Panic seized them, and they dashed away, utterly forgetting the
brick, which at their first discovery one of them had had the foresight
to kick farther into the shrubbery, out of view. Sick and shaking, they
made their way out of the park and separated. The boy who had the
disc threw it into the nearest sewer-grating.
The next day, after school, they met again and talked it over. Finally
they decided they must go to Fedpol and report; but to protect
themselves they would say only that they had found a dead body.

Day after day, they kept seeing and hearing about the case on the
videaud, and pledged each other to silence. Then suddenly one of
the boys had a horrible thought—they had forgotten that the brick
would show their fingerprints!... They had come desperately to
search for it when Margret overheard them. Kazazian's men found it
without any difficulty; it had been just out of the gardeners' regular
track.
In view of the accidental nature of the whole affair, and the boys' full
confession, they got off easy. They were sentenced to only five
years' confinement in a psychiatric retraining school.
The suspects against whom nothing could be proved were released
and kept under surveillance. Pol Akkra, and all the proved Naturists,
were sentenced to prefrontal lobotomies. Margret Akkra, in return for
her help in solving the mystery, secured permission to take her father
home with her. A purged and docile man, he was quite capable of
the routine duties of housekeeping.
The killing of Madolin Akkra was solved. But one question remained:
how and why had she been in Central Park at all?
The answer, when it came, was surprising and embarrassingly
simple. And this is the part that has never been told before.
Pol Akkra, a mere simulacrum of the man he had been, no longer
knew his living daughter or remembered his dead one. But in the
recesses of his invaded brain some faint vestiges of the past
lingered, and occasionally and unexpectedly swam up to his
dreamlike consciousness.
One day he said suddenly: "Didn't I once know a girl named
Madolin?"
"Yes, father," Margret answered gently, tears in her eyes.
"Funny about her." He laughed his ghastly Zombie chuckle. "I told
her that was a foolish idea, even if it was good Nat—Nat-something
theory."
"What idea was that?"
"I—I've forgotten," he said vaguely. Then he brightened. "Oh, yes, I
remember. Stand barefoot in fresh soil for an hour in the light of the
full moon and you'll never catch cold again.
"She was subject to colds, I think." (About the only disease left we
have as yet no cure for.) He sighed. "I wonder if she ever tried it."
THE END
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AKKRA
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