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Chapter 09: Stocks and Their Valuation
1. A proxy is a document giving one party the authority to act for another party, including the power to vote shares of
common stock. Proxies can be important tools relating to control of firms.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
REFERENCES: 9-1 Legal Rights and Privileges of Common Stockholders
QUESTION TYPE: True / False
HAS VARIABLES: False
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: FOFM.BRIG.17.09.01 - Legal Rights and Privileges of Common Stockholders
NATIONAL STANDARDS: United States - BUSPROG.FOFM.BRIG.17.06 - Reflective thinking
STATE STANDARDS: United States - OH - DISC.FOFM.BRIG.17.01 - Stocks and bonds
LOCAL STANDARDS: United States - OH - Default City - Tier 2: - Capital structure
TOPICS: Proxy
KEYWORDS: Bloom's: Remember
DATE CREATED: 8/10/2018 9:07 AM
DATE MODIFIED: 8/10/2018 9:07 AM
2. The preemptive right gives current stockholders the right to purchase, on a pro rata basis, any new shares issued by the
firm. This right helps protect current stockholders against both dilution of control and dilution of value.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
TOPICS: Preemptive right
3. If a firm's stockholders are given the preemptive right, then they can call for a meeting to vote to replace the
management. Without the preemptive right, dissident stockholders must seek a change in management through a proxy
fight.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
POINTS: 1
Copyright Cengage Learning. Powered by Cognero. Page 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
KEYWORDS: Bloom's: Understand
4. Classified stock differentiates various classes of common stock. Using it is one way companies can meet special needs,
such as when owners of a start-up firm need additional equity capital but don't want to relinquish voting control.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
REFERENCES: 9-2 Types of Common Stock
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: FOFM.BRIG.17.09.02 - Types of Common Stock
TOPICS: Classified stock
5. Founders' shares, a type of classified stock owned by the firm's founders, generally have more votes per share than the
other classes of common stock.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY

TOPICS: Founders' shares
6. The total return on a share of stock refers to the dividend yield less any commissions paid when the stock is purchased
and sold.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
REFERENCES: 9-4 The Discounted Dividend Model
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: FOFM.BRIG.17.09.04 - The Discounted Dividend Model
TOPICS: Total stock returns
7. The cash flows associated with common stock are more difficult to estimate than those related to bonds because stock
has a residual claim against the company versus a contractual obligation for a bond.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
TOPICS: Common stock cash flows
8. According to the basic DCF stock valuation model, the value an investor should assign to a share of stock is dependent
on the length of time he or she plans to hold the stock.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
TOPICS: Stock valuation
9. When a new issue of stock is brought to market, the marginal investor determines the price at which the stock will
trade.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
TOPICS: Marginal investor and price
10. The constant growth DCF model used to evaluate the prices of common stocks is conceptually similar to the model
used to find the price of perpetual preferred stock or other perpetuities.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
REFERENCES: 9-5 Constant Growth Stocks
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: FOFM.BRIG.17.09.05 - Constant Growth Stocks
TOPICS: Constant growth model
11. According to the nonconstant growth model discussed in the textbook, the discount rate used to find the present value
of the expected cash flows during the initial growth period is the same as the discount rate used to find the PVs of cash
flows during the subsequent constant growth period.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
REFERENCES: 9-6 Valuing Nonconstant Growth Stocks
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: FOFM.BRIG.17.09.06 - Valuing Nonconstant Growth Stocks
TOPICS: Nonconstant growth model
12. The corporate valuation model can be used only when a company doesn't pay dividends.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
REFERENCES: 9-7 Enterprise-Based Approach to Valuation
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: FOFM.BRIG.17.09.07 - Enterprise-Based Approach to Valuation

TOPICS: Corporate valuation model
13. The corporate valuation model cannot be used unless a company pays dividends.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
TOPICS: Corporate valuation model
14. Projected free cash flows should be discounted at the firm's weighted average cost of capital to find the firm’s total
corporate value.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
TOPICS: Free cash flows and valuation

15. Preferred stock is a hybrid—a cross between a common stock and a bond—in the sense that it pays dividends that
normally increase annually (like a stock), but its payments are contractually guaranteed (like interest on a bond).
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
RATIONALE: Preferred dividends don't normally grow, and they are not guaranteed.
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
REFERENCES: 9-8 Preferred Stock
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: FOFM.BRIG.17.09.08 - Preferred Stock
TOPICS: Preferred stock
16. From an investor's perspective, a firm's preferred stock is generally considered to be less risky than its common stock
but more risky than its bonds. However, from a corporate issuer's standpoint, these risk relationships are reversed: bonds
are the most risky for the firm, preferred is next, and common is least risky.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
REFERENCES: 9-8 Preferred Stock
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: FOFM.BRIG.17.09.08 - Preferred Stock
TOPICS: Preferred stock
17. If a stock's expected return as seen by the marginal investor exceeds his or her required return, then the investor will
buy the stock until its price has risen enough to bring the expected return down to equal the required return.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
REFERENCES: 9A Stock Market Equilibrium
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: FOFM.BRIG.17.09.09A - Stock Market Equilibrium
TOPICS: Stock market equilibrium
18. If a stock's market price exceeds its intrinsic value as seen by the marginal investor, then the investor will sell the
stock until its price has fallen down to the level of the investor's estimate of the intrinsic value.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
19. For a stock to be in equilibrium, two conditions are necessary: (1) The stock's market price must equal its intrinsic
value as seen by the marginal investor, and (2) the expected return as seen by the marginal investor must equal his or her
required return.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY


KEYWORDS: Bloom’s: Remember
20. Two conditions are used to determine whether a stock is in equilibrium: (1) Does the stock's market price equal its
intrinsic value as seen by the marginal investor, and (2) does the expected return on the stock as seen by the marginal
investor equal his or her required return? If either of these conditions, but not necessarily both, holds, then the stock is
said to be in equilibrium.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
RATIONALE: If one condition holds, then the other must also hold.
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
KEYWORDS: Bloom’s: Remember
21. Which of the following statements is CORRECT?

a. The constant growth model is often appropriate for evaluating start-up companies that do not have a stable
history of growth but are expected to reach stable growth within the next few years.
b. If a stock has a required rate of return rs = 12% and its dividend is expected to grow at a constant rate of 5%,
then the stock’s dividend yield is also 5%.
c. The stock valuation model, P0 = D1/(rs - g), can be used to value firms whose dividends are expected to
decline at a constant rate, i.e., to grow at a negative rate.
d. The price of a stock is the present value of all expected future dividends, discounted at the dividend growth
rate.
e. The constant growth model cannot be used for a zero growth stock, wherein the dividend is expected to remain
constant over time.
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
QUESTION TYPE: Multiple Choice

OTHER: Multiple Choice: Conceptual
22. An increase in a firm’s expected growth rate would cause its required rate of return to
a. increase.
b. decrease.
c. fluctuate less than before.
d. fluctuate more than before.
e. possibly increase, possibly decrease, or possibly remain constant.
ANSWER: e
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY
NATIONAL STANDARDS: United States - BUSPROG.FOFM.BRIG.17.03 - BUSPROG: Analytic
TOPICS: Required return
23. If a given investor believes that a stock’s expected return exceeds its required return, then the investor most likely
believes that
a. the stock is experiencing supernormal growth.
b. the stock should be sold.
c. the stock is a good buy.
d. management is probably not trying to maximize the price per share.
e. dividends are not likely to be declared.
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY

24. The preemptive right is important to shareholders because it

a. allows managers to buy additional shares below the current market price.
b. will result in higher dividends per share.
c. is included in every corporate charter.
d. protects the current shareholders against a dilution of their ownership interests.
e. protects bondholders and thus enables the firm to issue debt with a relatively low interest rate.
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: MODERATE
25. If markets are in equilibrium, which of the following conditions will exist?
a. Each stock's expected return should equal its realized return as seen by the marginal investor.
b. Each stock's expected return should equal its required return as seen by the marginal investor.
c. All stocks should have the same expected return as seen by the marginal investor.
d. The expected and required returns on stocks and bonds should be equal.
e. All stocks should have the same realized return during the coming year.
ANSWER: b
RATIONALE: Statement b is true, because if the expected return does not equal the required return, then
markets are not in equilibrium and buying/selling will occur until the expected return equals
the required return.
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: EASY

TOPICS: Market equilibrium
26. Companies can issue different classes of common stock. Which of the following statements concerning stock classes
is CORRECT?
a. All common stocks fall into one of three classes: A, B, and C.
b. All common stocks, regardless of class, must have the same voting rights.
c. All firms have several classes of common stock.
d. All common stock, regardless of class, must pay the same dividend.
e. Some class or classes of common stock are entitled to more votes per share than other classes.
ANSWER: e
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: Classified stock
27. Stocks A and B have the following data. Assuming the stock market is efficient and the stocks are in equilibrium,
which of the following statements is CORRECT?
A B
Required return 10% 12%
Market price $25 $40
Expected growth 7% 9%
a. These two stocks should have the same price.

b. These two stocks must have the same dividend yield.

c. These two stocks should have the same expected return.

d. These two stocks must have the same expected capital gains yield.
e. These two stocks must have the same expected year-end dividend.
ANSWER: b
RATIONALE: The following calculations show that answer b is correct. All the others are wrong.
A B
Expected return 10% 12%
Dividend yield 3% 3%
POINTS: 1
KEYWORDS: Bloom's: Analyze
A B
Price $25 $40
a. The two stocks should have the same expected dividend.

b. The two stocks could not be in equilibrium with the numbers given in the question.
c. A's expected dividend is $0.50.
d. B's expected dividend is $0.75.
e. A's expected dividend is $0.75 and B's expected dividend is $1.20.
ANSWER: e
RATIONALE: The following calculations show that answer e is correct. The others are all wrong.
A B
Price $25 $40
A = P0= D1/(r – g) = D1= P0(r) – P0(g) = $0.75
B = P0= D1/(r – g) = D1= P0(r) – P0(g) = $1.20
POINTS: 1
29. Stocks A and B have the same price and are in equilibrium, but Stock A has the higher required rate of return. Which
of the following statements is CORRECT?
a. If Stock A has a lower dividend yield than Stock B, then its expected capital gains yield must be higher than
Stock B’s.
b. Stock B must have a higher dividend yield than Stock A.
c. Stock A must have a higher dividend yield than Stock B.
d. If Stock A has a higher dividend yield than Stock B, then its expected capital gains yield must be lower than
Stock B’s.
e. Stock A must have both a higher dividend yield and a higher capital gains yield than Stock B.
ANSWER: a
RATIONALE: Statement a is true, because if the required return for Stock A is higher than that of Stock B,
and if the dividend yield for Stock A is lower than Stock B’s, the growth rate for Stock A
must be higher to offset this.
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: Dividend yield and g
30. Two constant growth stocks are in equilibrium, have the same price, and have the same required rate of return. Which
of the following statements is CORRECT?
a. The two stocks must have the same dividend per share.
b. If one stock has a higher dividend yield, then it must also have a lower dividend growth rate.
c. If one stock has a higher dividend yield, then it must also have a higher dividend growth rate.
d. The two stocks must have the same dividend growth rate.
e. The two stocks must have the same dividend yield.
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
31. Which of the following statements is CORRECT, assuming stocks are in equilibrium?
a. The dividend yield on a constant growth stock must equal its expected total return minus its expected capital
gains yield.
b. Assume that the required return on a given stock is 13%. If the stock’s dividend is growing at a constant rate
of 5%, then its expected dividend yield is 5% as well.
c. A stock’s dividend yield can never exceed its expected growth rate.
d. A required condition for one to use the constant growth model is that the stock’s expected growth rate exceed
its required rate of return.
e. Other things held constant, the higher a company’s beta coefficient, the lower its required rate of return.
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
32. A stock is expected to pay a year-end dividend of $2.00, i.e., D1 = $2.00. The dividend is expected to decline at a rate
of 5% a year forever (g = -5%). If the company is in equilibrium and its expected and required rate of return is 15%, then
a. The company’s current stock price is $20.
b. The company’s dividend yield 5 years from now is expected to be 10%.
c. The constant growth model cannot be used because the growth rate is negative.
d. The company’s expected capital gains yield is 5%.
e. The company’s expected stock price at the beginning of next year is $9.50.
ANSWER: e
RATIONALE: Note that P0 = $2/(0.15 + 0.05) = $10. That price is expected to decline by 5% each year, so
P1 must be $10(0.95) = $9.50. Therefore, answer e is correct, while all the others are false.
POINTS: 1
TOPICS: Declining constant growth
33. Which of the following statements is CORRECT?

a. The constant growth model takes into consideration the capital gains investors expect to earn on a stock.
b. Two firms with the same expected dividend and growth rate must also have the same stock price.
c. It is appropriate to use the constant growth model to estimate a stock's value even if its growth rate is never
expected to become constant.
d. If a stock has a required rate of return rs = 12%, and if its dividend is expected to grow at a constant rate of
5%, then the stock’s dividend yield is also 5%.
e. The price of a stock is the present value of all expected future dividends, discounted at the dividend growth
rate.
ANSWER: a
RATIONALE: Statement a is true, because the expected growth rate is also the expected capital gains yield.
All the other statements are false.
POINTS: 1

34. If a stock’s dividend is expected to grow at a constant rate of 5% a year, then which of the following statements is
CORRECT? The stock is in equilibrium.
a. The expected return on the stock is 5% a year.
b. The stock’s dividend yield is 5%.
c. The price of the stock is expected to decline in the future.
d. The stock’s required return must be equal to or less than 5%.
e. The stock’s price one year from now is expected to be 5% above the current price.
ANSWER: e
RATIONALE: Statement e is true, because the stock price is expected to grow at the constant growth rate.
POINTS: 1
A B
Price $25 $25
Expected growth (constant) 10% 5%
a. Stock A's expected dividend at t = 1 is only half that of Stock B.

b. Stock A has a higher dividend yield than Stock B.

c. Currently the two stocks have the same price, but over time Stock B's price will pass that of A.
d. Since Stock A’s growth rate is twice that of Stock B, Stock A’s future dividends will always be twice as high
as Stock B’s.
e. The two stocks should not sell at the same price. If their prices are equal, then a disequilibrium must exist.
ANSWER: a
RATIONALE: Statement a is correct, because if both stocks have the same price and the same required
return, and A’s growth rate is twice that of B, then A’s dividend and dividend yield must be
half that of B. This point is illustrated with the following example.
A B
Price $25 $25
g 10% 5%
r 15% 15%
Div. Yield = r - g = 5% 10%
D1= P(Div Yield) = $1.25 $2.50
POINTS: 1
36. Stocks X and Y have the following data. Assuming the stock market is efficient and the stocks are in equilibrium,
X Y
Price $30 $30
Expected growth (constant) 6% 4%
a. Stock X has a higher dividend yield than Stock Y.

b. Stock Y has a higher dividend yield than Stock X.
c. One year from now, Stock X’s price is expected to be higher than Stock Y’s price.
d. Stock X has the higher expected year-end dividend.
e. Stock Y has a higher capital gains yield.
ANSWER: c
RATIONALE: The correct answer is statement c. Both prices are currently the same, but X's price should
grow at 6% vs. 4% for Y, so X's price should be higher a year from now.
POINTS: 1

37. Stock X has the following data. Assuming the stock market is efficient and the stock is in equilibrium, which of the
following statements is CORRECT?
Expected dividend, D1 $3.00

Current Price, P0 $50
Expected constant growth rate 6.0%
a. The stock’s required return is 10%.

b. The stock’s expected dividend yield and growth rate are equal.
c. The stock’s expected dividend yield is 5%.
d. The stock’s expected capital gains yield is 5%.
e. The stock’s expected price 10 years from now is $100.00.
ANSWER: b
RATIONALE: The correct answer choice is b. One could quickly calculate the dividend yield and see that it
equals the growth rate, but here are some numbers that provide more information.
D1 $3.00 D1/P0 6.0%
P0 $50.00 rX 12.0%
POINTS: 1

38. Stocks X and Y have the following data. Assuming the stock market is efficient and the stocks are in equilibrium,
X Y
Price $25 $25
Expected dividend yield 5% 3%
a. Stock Y pays a higher dividend per share than Stock X.

b. Stock X pays a higher dividend per share than Stock Y.
c. One year from now, Stock X should have the higher price.
d. Stock Y has a lower expected growth rate than Stock X.
e. Stock Y has the higher expected capital gains yield.
ANSWER: b
RATIONALE: Dividend = Yield × Price: X Dividend = $1.25 Y dividend = $0.75
Stock X has a dividend yield of 5% versus a dividend yield of 3% for Y. Since they both
have the same stock price, X must pay a higher dividend.
POINTS: 1
39. The expected return on Natter Corporation’s stock is 14%. The stock’s dividend is expected to grow at a constant rate
of 8%, and it currently sells for $50 a share. Which of the following statements is CORRECT?
a. The stock’s dividend yield is 7%.
b. The stock’s dividend yield is 8%.
c. The current dividend per share is $4.00.
d. The stock price is expected to be $54 a share one year from now.
e. The stock price is expected to be $57 a share one year from now.
ANSWER: d
RATIONALE: P1 = P0(1 + g) = $54. Therefore, d is correct. All the other answers are false. P1 = $54.00
POINTS: 1

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Immediately on his arrival he began to speak and write Greek, to
openly frequent the studios of sculptors and painters, to buy statues
and pictures, and to compose works on the fine arts. The Athenians
were as much delighted as surprised to see one of their conquerors
partake in their most cherished tastes, and thus protest against the
unjust disdain of the rest. Their gratitude, which was always very
noisy, as we know, overwhelmed Atticus with all sorts of flattery.
Decrees in his honour were multiplied, he was offered all the
dignities of the city; they even wished to raise statues to him. Atticus
hastened to refuse everything; but the effect was produced, and the
report of such great popularity did not fail to reach Rome, carried by
those young men of high family who had just finished their education
in Greece. In this manner the reputation of Atticus lost nothing by
his absence; people of taste talked of this enlightened connoisseur of
the arts who had made himself remarked even at Athens; and during
this same time the politicians, no longer seeing him, lost the habit of
classing him with a political party.
This was an important step. There remained a more important one
to take. Atticus had seen betimes that to be rich is the first condition
of independence. This general truth was even more evident at that
time than at any other. How many people were there whose conduct
during the civil wars can only be explained by the state of their
fortunes! Curio had but one motive for serving Caesar, whom he did
not like, namely, the pressure of his creditors; and Cicero himself
puts among the chief reasons that prevented him going to Pompey’s
camp, whither all his sympathies called him, the money that Caesar
had lent him, and which he could not repay. To escape
embarrassments of this kind and gain entire liberty, Atticus resolved
to become rich, and became so. It is of importance, I think, to give
here a few details to show how people got rich at Rome. His father
had left him a rather moderate fortune, two million sesterces
(£16,000). When he left Rome he sold almost all the family property,
that he might leave nothing behind to tempt the proscribers, and
bought an estate in Epirus, in that country of large herds, where the
land brought in so much. It is probable he did not pay much for it.
Mithridates had just ravaged Greece, and, as there was no money,
everything went at a low price. This domain quickly prospered under
skilful management; new lands were bought every year out of the
surplus revenue, and Atticus became one of the great landed
proprietors of the country. But is it likely that his wealth came to him
solely through the good management of his land? He would have
willingly had this believed, in order to resemble somewhat in this
manner Cato and the Romans of the old school. Unluckily for him,
his friend Cicero betrays him. In reading this unreserved
correspondence we are not long in perceiving that Atticus had many
other ways of enriching himself besides the sale of his corn and
herds. This skilful agriculturalist was at the same time a clever
trader, who carried on all businesses successfully. He excelled in
drawing a profit, not only from the follies of others, which is
common, but even from his own pleasures, and his talent consisted
in enriching himself where others ruin themselves. We know for
instance that he was fond of fine books; then, as now, this was a very
costly fancy, but he knew how to make it a source of handsome
profits. He collected in his house a large number of skilful copyists
whom he trained himself; after having made them work for him,
when his passion was satisfied he set them to work for others, and
sold the books they copied to the public very dear. He was thus a
veritable publisher for Cicero, and as his friend’s works sold well it
happened that this friendship, which was full of charm for his heart,
was not without use to his fortune.[144] This commerce might be
avowed, and a friend to letters was not forbidden to become a
bookseller; but Atticus engaged as well in many transactions that
ought to have been more repugnant to him. As he saw the success
that everywhere attended gladiatorial fights, and that no festival took
place without one of these grand butcheries, he thought of raising
gladiators on his estates. He had them carefully instructed in the art
of dying gracefully, and hired them out at a high rate to cities that
wished to amuse themselves.[145] It must be acknowledged that this is
not a suitable trade for a scholar and a philosopher; but the profits
were large, and the philosophy of Atticus was accommodating as
soon as there was a good profit to make. Besides, he was a banker
when the opportunity offered, and lent at a high rate of interest, as
the greatest nobles of Rome did without scruple. Only, he was more
circumspect than others, and took care to appear as little as possible
in the affairs that he conducted, and he had, no doubt, in Italy and
Greece, clever agents who made the most of his capital. His business
relations extended throughout the world; we know of his debtors in
Macedonia, Epirus, Ephesus and Delos, almost everywhere. He lent
to private persons; he lent also to cities, but quite secretly, for this
business was then as little esteemed as it was lucrative, and persons
who took to it were not considered either honest or scrupulous. So
Atticus, who thought as much of his reputation as of his fortune,
would not let any one know that he conducted this sort of business.
He carefully concealed it even from his friend Cicero, and we should
be ignorant of it now if he had not experienced some untoward
accidents in this risky business. Although usually great profits were
gained, some dangers also were run. After having suffered the
Roman domination for two centuries, all the cities, allied and
municipal, and especially those of Asia, were completely ruined.
They all had less revenue than debts, and the proconsuls, combined
with the farmers of the taxes, carried off their resources so
completely that there was nothing left for the creditors to take,
unless they exerted themselves. This is what happened once to
Atticus, notwithstanding his activity. We see that Cicero rallies him
in one of his letters about the siege he is going to lay to Sicyon;[146]
this siege was evidently that of some recalcitrant debtors; Atticus
never made any other campaigns; and, in truth, this one succeeded
badly. While he thus went to war against this unfortunate indebted
town, the senate took pity on it, and protected it by a decree against
its too exacting creditors, so that Atticus, who set out from Epirus as
a conqueror, with flying banners, was reduced, says Cicero, when he
had arrived under the walls, to extract from the Sicyonians a few
poor crowns (nummulorum aliquid) by means of prayers and
flatteries.[147] We must, however, suppose that Atticus was usually
more lucky in the investment of his funds, and by his well-known
prudence we are assured that he knew how to choose more solvent
debtors. All this business that he carried on would certainly soon
have made him very rich; but he had no need to take so much
trouble, for while he was working so skilfully to make his fortune it
came to him ready made from another quarter. He had an uncle, Q.
Caecilius, who passed for the most terrible usurer of Rome, where
there were so many, and who only consented to lend to his nearest
relations, and as a special favour, at the rate of one per cent. per
month. He was a hard, inflexible man, who had rendered himself so
hateful to everybody that the people could not be prevented from
outraging his corpse on the day of his funeral. Atticus was the only
person who had been able to get on with him. Caecilius adopted him
by will, and left him the greater part of his property, ten million
sesterces, a little more than £80,000. Henceforth his fortune was
made, he was independent of everybody, and free to follow his own
inclinations.
But was it not to be feared, that when he was back in Rome, the
resolution that he took to shun all ties would have a bad look? He
could not decently pretend indifference or fear as a reason for
keeping aloof from parties; he had to find a more honourable motive
and one that he might proclaim; a school of philosophy furnished
him with it. The Epicureans, sacrificing everything to the
conveniences of life, said that it was good to abstain from public
employments to avoid the worry they brought. “Do not engage in
politics,” was their favourite maxim. Atticus professed to be an
Epicurean; henceforth his abstention had a plausible pretext, fidelity
to the opinions of his sect, and if he was blamed, the blame fell upon
the whole school, which always makes the share of each individual
very light. Was Atticus in reality a veritable and complete Epicurean?
This is a question that the learned discuss, and that the character of
this personage easily permits us to solve. To suppose that in anything
whatever he attached himself scrupulously to a school, and pledged
himself to be a faithful disciple of it, would be to know him ill. He
had studied them all for the pleasure that this study gave to his
inquisitive mind, but he was determined not to be a slave to their
systems. He had found a principle in the Epicurean morals that
suited him, and seized it in order to justify his political conduct. As to
Epicurus himself and his doctrine, he cared very little about them,
and was ready to abandon them on the first pretext. Cicero shows
this very pleasantly in a passage of the De Legibus. He represents
himself in this work chatting with Atticus on the banks of the
Fibrenus, under the delightful shades of Arpinum. As he wishes to
trace back the origin of laws to the gods, it is necessary for him first
to lay down that the gods concern themselves with men, which the
Epicureans denied. He turns then to his friend, and says: “Do you
admit, Pomponius, that the power of the immortal gods, their
reason, their wisdom, or, if you like it better, their providence, rule
the universe? If you do not admit it I must begin by demonstrating it.
—Well then, replies Atticus, I admit it, if you like, for thanks to these
birds that are singing, and to the murmuring of these brooks, I have
no fear that any of my fellow-disciples may hear me.”[148] Here is a
very accommodating philosopher, and the school will not get very
much good from an adept who abandons it as soon as he is sure that
it will not be known. The character of Atticus is here well seen. To
embrace an opinion resolutely is to pledge oneself to defend it, and
to expose oneself to the necessity of fighting for it. Now,
philosophical quarrels, although they be not bloody, are no less
desperate than others; this is war all the same, and Atticus wishes for
peace in all things, at least for himself. It is amusing to examine the
part that Cicero gives him in the philosophical dialogues into which
he introduces him. In general he does not discuss, he incites to
discussion. Inquisitive and insatiable, he asks, he interrogates
continually; he compels a reply, he raises objections, he animates the
combatants, and during this time he quietly enjoys the fight without
ever taking part in it. We shall see, by and by, that this was exactly
the part he took in politics.
Atticus remained twenty-three years away from Rome, only
visiting it at long intervals and usually remaining but a very short
time. When he thought that, by his long absence, he was quite free
from the ties that attached him to the political parties, when he had
gained independence with wealth, when he had secured himself
against all the reproaches that might be made him on his conduct by
giving his prudence the appearance of a philosophical conviction, he
thought of returning definitively to Rome and there resuming his
interrupted course of life. He chose a moment for returning when all
was calm, and, as if to break entirely with his past, he came back with
a new surname, by which people soon learnt to call him. This name
of Atticus, which he brought back from Athens, seemed to indicate
clearly that he would only live henceforth for the study of letters and
the enjoyment of the arts.
From this moment he divided his time between residence in Rome
and in his country houses. He quietly wound up his banking affairs,
some of which were still standing over, and took measures to hide
from the public the sources of his wealth. He kept only his estates in
Epirus and his houses in Rome, which brought him in a good deal,
and the profits of which he could acknowledge. His property
continued to increase, thanks to the way in which he managed it.
Besides, he had none of those weaknesses which might have
endangered it; he did not care about buying or building, he did not
possess any of those splendid villas at the gates of Rome or at the
sea-side, the keeping up of which ruined Cicero. He still sometimes
lent money, but, as it appears, rather to oblige than to enrich himself.
He was careful, besides, to choose safe persons, and showed himself
without pity when debts fell due. This he did, he said, in the interest
of his debtors, for, in tolerating their negligence he would encourage
them to ruin themselves. But he did not stand upon ceremony in
dismissing those with whom his money would have run some risk,
even if they were his nearest relations. Cicero, relating to him one
day that their common nephew, the young Quintus, had come to him
and tried to move him by the picture of his poverty, added: “I took
then something of your eloquence; I answered nothing.” It was a
good contrivance, and Atticus must have employed it more than once
with regard to his brother-in-law and his nephew, who were always
without money. He had learnt how to make for himself a high social
position at small cost. He lived in his house on the Quirinal—which
was more spacious and commodious within than handsome without,
and which he repaired as little as possible—among the works of art
that he had selected in Greece, and the lettered slaves whom he had
carefully trained himself, and whom everybody envied him. He often
assembled the cultivated people of Rome at feasts where there was a
great display of learning. His hospitality did not cost much, if it is
true, as Cornelius Nepos, who had seen his accounts, asserts, that he
only spent 3000 asses (£6) a month on his table.[149] Cicero, always
indiscreet, relates that Atticus often served to his guests very
common vegetables on very costly dishes;[150] but what did it matter?
every one considered himself fortunate in taking part in these select
parties, where they heard Atticus talk and Cicero’s finest works read
before they were published, and it may be said that all the most
distinguished persons of that great period held it an honour to
frequent that house on the Quirinal.
II.
Of all the advantages of Atticus, one is most tempted to envy him
his good fortune in attaching to himself so many friends. He took
much trouble to do so. From his arrival at Rome we see him busied
in putting himself on good terms with everybody, and using every
means to please men of all parties. His birth, his wealth, and the
manner in which he had acquired it, drew him towards the knights;
these rich farmers of the taxes were his natural friends, and he soon
enjoyed a great reputation among them; but he was not less
connected with the patricians, usually so disdainful of all who were
not of their caste. He had taken the surest means to conciliate them,
which was to flatter their vanity. He took advantage of his historical
knowledge to manufacture for them agreeable genealogies, in which
he made himself partaker in a good many lies, and supported their
most fanciful pretensions by his learning. This example shows at
once his knowledge of the world, and the advantage he drew from it
when he wished to gain the friendship of anybody. We can see what a
close observer he must have been, and the talent that he had for
seizing and profiting by the weak side of people, merely by
considering the nature of the services that he rendered to each
person. He had proposed to Cato to undertake the management of
his affairs at Rome during his absence, and Cato hastened to accept
this: a steward of such capacity was not to be despised by a man who
cared so much for his wealth. He had gratified the vain Pompey, by
busying himself in selecting in Greece some fine statues to ornament
the theatre he was building.[151] As he well knew that Caesar was not
accessible to the same kind of flattery, and that, to attract him, more
real services were necessary, he lent him money.[152] Naturally, he
attached himself by preference to the heads of parties; but he did not
neglect others when he could serve them. He carefully cultivated
Balbus and Theophanes, the confidants of Caesar and Pompey; he
even went sometimes to visit Clodius and his sister Clodia, as well as
other people of doubtful reputation. Having neither rigid scruples
like Cato, nor violent aversions like Cicero, he accommodated
himself to everybody; his good-nature lent itself to everything; he
suited all ages as well as all characters. Cornelius Nepos remarks
with admiration, that while yet very young he charmed the old Sulla,
and that when very old he could please the young Brutus. Atticus
formed a common link between all these men who were so different
in temper, rank, opinions, and age. He went continually from one to
the other, as a sort of pacific ambassador, trying to bring them
together and unite them, for it was his habit, says Cicero, to form
friendships between others.[153] He removed the suspicions and
prejudices which prevented them knowing one another; he inspired
them with the desire to see each other and become intimate, and if,
later, any differences arose between them, he became their
intermediary, and brought about explanations which made them
friends again. His masterpiece in this line is to have succeeded in
reconciling Hortensius and Cicero, and making them live amicably
together notwithstanding the violent jealousy that separated them.
What trouble must he not have had to calm their irritable vanity,
which was always ready to fly out, and which fate seemed to take
pleasure in exciting still more, by putting them in constant rivalry!
All these acquaintanceships of Atticus were certainly not real
friendships. He visited many of these personages only for the
advantage that his safety or his wealth might draw from them; but
there are a great number of others who were really his friends. To
confine ourselves to the most important, Cicero loved no one so
much as he did him; Brutus showed him an unreserved confidence to
the last, and on the eve of Philippi wrote him his last confidences.
There remain too many striking proofs of these two illustrious
friendships for them to be called in question, and we must admit that
he was able to inspire a lively affection in two of the noblest minds of
that time. At first we are very much surprised at this. His prudent
reserve, that openly avowed determination to keep clear of all
entanglements in order to escape all danger, ought, as it seems, to
have kept aloof from him men of conviction who sacrificed fortune
and life for their opinions. By what merit was he nevertheless able to
attach them to himself? How was a man so taken up with himself
and so careful of his interests able to enjoy so fully the pleasures of
friendship, which seem at first sight, to exact devotedness and self-
forgetfulness? How did he succeed in making the moralists, who
assert that egotism is the death of true affection, belie themselves?
[154]
This is still one of those problems of which the life of Atticus is full,
and it is the most difficult to solve. Seen from a distance, even
through the praises of Cicero, Atticus does not seem attractive, and
one would not be tempted to choose him for a friend. And yet it is
certain that those who lived with him did not judge him as we do.
They loved him, and felt themselves from the first inclined to love
him. That general good-will that he inspired, that determination of
every one to pardon or not to see his defects, those lively friendships
that he called forth, are evidences that it is impossible to resist,
whatever surprise they may cause us. There was, then, about this
personage something else than we see; he must have possessed a
kind of attraction that is inexplicable to us, which was personal to
him, and which has disappeared with him. For this reason it is no
longer possible for us to understand thoroughly that strange
attraction that he exercised at first sight on all his contemporaries.
We can, however, form some idea of it, and the writers who knew
him, especially Cicero, give a glimpse of some of those brilliant or
solid qualities by which he gained over those who approached him. I
shall enumerate them according to their testimony, and if they still
do not seem sufficient to justify altogether the number of his
friendships and their ardour, we must join to them in thought that
personal charm that it is impossible now to define or recover because
it vanished with himself.
Firstly, he had a good deal of cultivation, everybody agrees about
that, and a sort of cultivation especially agreeable to the society that
he frequented. He was not solely one of those pleasant triflers who
charm for a moment on a passing acquaintance, but who have not
the qualifications for a longer connection. He was a person of many
attainments and solid knowledge; not that he was a man of deep
learning, this title is not a great recommendation in the intercourse
of society; Cicero thought that people like Varro, who are perfect
mines of knowledge, are not always amusing, and relates that when
the latter came to see him at Tusculum he did not tear his mantle in
trying to retain him.[155] But, without being really a scholar, Atticus
had touched on everything in his studies, the fine arts, poetry,
grammar, philosophy, and history. Upon all these subjects he
possessed just and sometimes original ideas; he could discuss
matters with learned men without too great disadvantage, and he
always had some curious detail to tell those who were not so. Pascal
would have called him a cultivated gentleman (honnête homme); in
everything he was an intelligent and enlightened amateur. Now, for
several reasons, the knowledge that an amateur acquires is of the
kind most current in society. Firstly, as he does not study according
to rule, he interests himself above all in curiosities; he learns by
preference racy and novel details, and it is precisely these that people
of society want to know. Besides, the very multiplicity of the studies
which tempt him, prevents him exhausting any; his caprice always
carries him off elsewhere before he has thoroughly examined
anything. The result is that he knows a great many things, and
always within the limits in which it pleases men of the world to know
them. In fact, the characteristic of the amateur is to do everything,
even what he only does for a moment, with enthusiasm. As it is a
personal taste that draws him to his studies, and as he only continues
them as long as they interest him, his language is more lively when
he speaks of them, his tone freer and more original, and
consequently more agreeable, than that of scholars by profession.
Such is the notion we must form of the learning of Atticus. It was too
extensive for his conversation ever to become monotonous; it was
not deep enough to run the risk of being tedious; it was, in fine,
living, for when things are done with enthusiasm it is natural to
speak of them with interest. This is what made his conversation so
attractive, and this is how he charmed the most fastidious and least
favourably disposed minds. He was still quite young when the aged
Sulla, who had no reason to like him, met him at Athens. He took so
much pleasure in hearing him read Greek and Latin verses and talk
about literature, that he would not leave him, and wished by all
means to take him back with him to Rome. Long after, Augustus felt
the same charm; he was never tired of hearing Atticus talk, and when
he could not go to see him, he wrote to him every day simply to
receive his answers, and thus to continue, in some sort, those long
conversations with which he was so delighted.
We can imagine, then, that the first time people met this
accomplished man they felt themselves drawn towards him by the
charm of his conversation. In proportion as he was better known,
other and more solid qualities were discovered, which retained those
whom his culture had attracted. In the first place there was a great
security in his intercourse. Although he was connected with people
holding very diverse opinions, and though, through them, he had the
secrets of all parties, he was never reproached with having betrayed
these to anybody. We cannot see that he ever furnished a serious
cause to any of his friends to keep aloof from him, or that any of his
connections were broken otherwise than by death. This intercourse,
so secure, was at the same time very easy. No one was ever more
indulgent and accommodating. He took care not to weary by his
demands or to repulse by bluntness. Those storms which so often
troubled the friendship of Cicero and Brutus were not to be feared in
his. It was rather one of those calm and uniform intimacies which
grow stronger from day to day by their regular continuance. It was
this especially that must have charmed those politicians who were
oppressed and fatigued by that bustling activity which used up their
lives. On coming out of this whirlwind of business, they were happy
to find, at a few paces from the Forum, that peaceful house on the
Quirinal into which outside quarrels did not enter, and to go and
chat for a moment with that even-tempered and accomplished man
who always received them with the same smile, and in whose good-
will they had such a tranquil confidence.
But nothing, assuredly, could have won him so many friends as his
readiness to oblige them. This was inexhaustible, and it could not be
asserted that it was interested, since, contrary to custom, he gave
much and demanded nothing. Here again is one of the reasons why
his friendships were so lasting, for it is always this sort of
interchange that we think we have a right to demand, and the
comparisons that we make, in spite of ourselves, between good
offices which we render and those which we receive, which in the end
disturb the most firm friendships. Atticus, who knew this well, had
so contrived as to have need of nobody. He was rich, he never had
law-suits, he did not seek public employments, so that a friend who
was determined to recompense the services he had received could
never find the opportunity,[156] and remained always under
obligations to him, and his debt continued to increase, for Atticus
never wearied of being useful. We have an easy means of
appreciating the extent of this serviceableness, to see it close, and, so
to say at work, namely, to rapidly recall the services of all sorts that
he had rendered Cicero during their long intimacy. Cicero had much
need of a friend like Atticus. He was one of those clever men who
cannot reckon; when his account-books were presented to him he
would gladly have said, like his pupil, Pliny the Younger, that he was
used to another sort of literature: aliis sum chartis, aliis litteris
initiatus. Atticus became his man of business; we know his talent for
this profession. He leased Cicero’s property very dear, saved as much
as he could out of the income and paid the most pressing debts.
When he discovered new ones, he dared to scold his friend, who
hastened to reply very humbly that he would be more careful for the
future. Atticus, who did not much believe this, set to work to make
up the deficit. He went to see the wealthy Balbus or the other great
bankers of Rome with whom he had business relations. If the
calamities of the times made it difficult to get credit, he did not
hesitate to dip into his own purse. Those who know him will not
think this generosity without merit. When Cicero wished to buy some
estate, Atticus at first would get angry; but if his friend did not give
way, he quickly went to visit it and discuss the price. If it was a
question of building some elegant villa, Atticus lent his architect,
corrected the plans, and overlooked the work. When the house was
built, it had to be adorned, and Atticus would send to Greece for
statues. He excelled in selecting them, and Cicero was inexhaustible
in his praises of the Hermathenae in Pentelican marble that he had
procured for him. In a villa of Cicero, we can well understand that
the library was not forgotten, and it was from Atticus again that the
books came. He traded in them, and kept the handsomest for his
friend. The books being bought, it was necessary to arrange them, so
Atticus sent his librarian Tyrannion with his workmen, who painted
the shelves, pasted together the detached leaves of papyrus, put the
labels on the rolls, and arranged the whole in such good order that
Cicero, enchanted, wrote: “Since Tyrannion has arranged my books
one would say that the house has a soul.”[157]
But Atticus did not stop at these services, which we might call
external; he penetrated into the home, he knew all its secrets. Cicero
kept nothing from him, and confided to him unreservedly all his
domestic griefs. He tells him about the violent temper of his brother
and the follies of his nephew; he consults him on the vexations that
his wife and son cause him. When Tullia was of an age to marry, it
was Atticus who sought her a husband. The one he proposed was the
son of a rich and well-conducted knight. “Return,” he said sagely to
Cicero, “return to your old flock.” Unfortunately he was not listened
to. They preferred to the rich financier a broken-down nobleman,
who squandered Tullia’s dowry and forced her to leave him. When
Tullia was dead, of grief perhaps, Atticus went to the nurse’s to visit
the little child she had left, and took care that it wanted for nothing.
At the same time Cicero gave him plenty of occupation with his two
divorces. After he had divorced his first wife, Terentia, it was Atticus
whom he charged to get her to make a will in his favour. It was to
him also that he gave the disagreeable commission to remove the
second, Publilia, when she was determined to forcibly re-enter the
home of her husband, who would have nothing more to do with her.
These are doubtless great services; he rendered others still more
delicate, still more appreciated. It was to him that Cicero entrusted
what was most dear to him in the world, his literary glory. He
communicated his works to him as soon as he had written them, he
took his advice in making corrections, and waited for his decision to
publish them. Thus he treated him as a friend with whom one feels at
home, and to whom one unbosoms oneself completely. Although he
was eager that his eloquence should be taken seriously, when he was
sure of being heard by Atticus only, he made no scruple of joking
about himself and his works. He introduced him without reserve to
all the secrets of the craft, and showed him the receipts for his most
popular effects. “This time, said he gaily, I employed the whole scent-
box of Isocrates, and all the caskets of the disciples.”[158] Nothing can
be more curious than the way in which he related to him one day,
one of his greatest oratorical successes. It was a question of
celebrating the fame of the great consulship, a subject upon which, as
we know, he was inexhaustible. That day he had a reason for
speaking with more brilliancy than usual. Pompey was present; now
Pompey had the weakness to be jealous of Cicero’s glory. It was a
good opportunity to enrage him, and Cicero took care not to neglect
it. “When my turn came to speak, he writes to Atticus, immortal
gods! what rein I gave myself! What pleasure I took in loading myself
with praises in the presence of Pompey, who had never heard me
extol my consulship! If I ever called to my aid periods, enthymemes,
metaphors, and all the other figures of rhetoric, it was then. I did not
speak, I shouted, for it was a question of my stock subjects, the
wisdom of the senate, the good-will of the knights, the union of all
Italy, the smothered remains of the conspiracy, peace and plenty re-
established, etc. You know my thunders when I speak of these
subjects. They were so fine that day that I have no need to tell you
more about them; you may often have heard the like at Athens!”[159]
It is impossible to quiz oneself with greater lightheartedness. Atticus
repaid these confidences by the trouble he took for the success of his
friend’s works. As he had seen their birth, and had busied himself
with them before they were known to the public, he almost regarded
himself as their parent. It was he who took upon himself to start
them in the world and make them succeed. Cicero says that he was
admirably well skilled in this, and it does not surprise us. The means
he most frequently employed to create a good opinion of them, was
to have the finest passages read by his best readers to the clever men
whom he assembled round his table. Cicero, who knew the usual
frugality of his repasts, begged him to deviate from it a little on these
occasions. “Have a care, he writes to him, to treat your guests well,
for if they are in a bad humour with you, they will vent it on me.”[160]
It was natural that Cicero should be extremely grateful for all these
services; but it would be judging him ill to suppose that he was only
attached to him for the benefits he received from him. He really
loved him, and all his letters are full of evidences of the most sincere
affection. He was always happy with him; he was never tired of
associating with him; he had scarcely left him than he ardently
wished to see him again. “May I die, he wrote to him, if either my
house at Tusculum, where I feel so comfortable, or the Isles of the
Blest could please me without you!”[161] Whatever pleasure he
experienced at being fêted, applauded, flattered, at having around
him an obsequious and admiring multitude, in the midst of this
crowd and noise he always turned with regret towards his absent
friend. “With all these people, he tells him, I feel myself more alone
than if I had only you.”[162] All these people, in fact, are composed of
political friends who change with circumstances, whom a common
interest brings to you, and a rival ambition takes away again; with
them Cicero is obliged to be reserved and careful, which is a torture
for such an open-hearted nature. On the other hand, he can tell
Atticus everything, and confide in him without restraint. So he
hastens to demand his presence when the least annoyance happens
to him. “I want you, he writes to him, I have need of you, I am
waiting for you. I have a thousand things that disturb and vex me,
and a single walk with you will relieve me.”[163] We should never end
if we were to collect all those charming expressions of which the
correspondence is full, and in which his heart plainly speaks. They
leave no doubt about Cicero’s feelings; they prove that he regarded
Atticus not only as one of those steadfast and serious friends on
whose support he could count, but also, which is more surprising, as
a sensitive and tender soul: “You take your share,” he tells him, “in
all the troubles of others.”[164]
Here is something far removed from the notion we usually have of
him, and yet we cannot resist such clear testimony. How can we
contend that he had only a doubtful affection for his friends when we
see all his friends contented with it? Are we to be more exacting than
they, and would it not be wronging men like Brutus and Cicero to
suppose that they had been dupes so long without perceiving it? On
the other hand, how can we explain the fact that posterity, which
only judges by the documents that the friends of Atticus have
furnished it, draws from these very documents an opinion quite the
reverse of that held by them? Evidently it is because posterity and
contemporaries do not judge men from the same stand-point. We
have seen that Atticus, who had made a rule not to engage in public
affairs, did not think himself obliged to partake the dangers that his
friends might run, through having taken part in them. He left them
both the honours and the perils. Sensitive, obliging, devoted to them
in the ordinary business of life, when a great political crisis occurred
that compromised them, he stood aside, and left them to expose
themselves alone. Now, when we look at the facts from a distance,
and are separated from them, as we are, by several centuries, we only
perceive the most important events, and especially the political
revolutions, that is to say, precisely those circumstances with which
the friendship of Atticus had nothing to do. Hence the severe
judgment we pronounce upon it. But his contemporaries judged
otherwise. Those great crises are, after all, but rare and passing
exceptions; without doubt contemporaries are much struck by them,
but they are still more impressed by those numberless small
incidents which make up every-day life, and which posterity does not
perceive. They judge of a man’s friendship by those services which
are rendered every moment, and which are important by their mere
number, much more than by any exceptional service which may be
given on one of these great and rare occasions. This accounts for the
fact that they had an opinion of Atticus so different from ours.
It is, beyond doubt, one of the characteristic traits of this person,
that it was a necessity to him to have many friends, and that he took
trouble to attract and retain them. We may refuse to admit, if we will,
that this need was, with him, the effect of a generous and
sympathetic nature, that it came from what Cicero admirably calls
“the impulse of the soul that desires to love;” but, even supposing
that he only thought of occupying and filling up his life, we must
acknowledge that to fill it up in this manner is not a mark of a vulgar
nature. This refined Epicurean, this master in the art of living at
ease, knew “that life is no longer life if we cannot repose on the
affection of a friend.”[165] He had given up the excitement of political
strife, the triumphs of eloquence, the joys of satisfied ambition, but,
as a compensation, he was determined to enjoy all the pleasures of
private life. The more he confined and limited himself to it, the more
particular and refined he became with regard to the pleasures it
could give; as he had only left himself these, he wished to enjoy them
fully, to relish them, to live on them. He needed friends, and among
them the greatest minds, the noblest souls of his time. He expended
all that energy which he did not employ in anything else, in
procuring for himself those pleasures of society that Bossuet calls the
greatest good of human life. Atticus enjoyed this good even beyond
his desires, and friendship generously repaid him for all the trouble
he had taken for it. It was his single passion; he was able to satisfy it
completely, and friendship, after having adorned his life, has shed a
lustre on his name.
III.
Atticus appears in a favourable light in private life. He is less
fortunate when we study the course he followed in public affairs. On
this point he has not been spared blame, and it is not easy to defend
him.
We should not however be very unfavourable to him if we judged
his conduct entirely according to the ideas of our days. Opinion has
become less severe now on those who openly make profession of
living apart from politics. So many men aspire to govern their
country, and it has become so difficult to make choice among this
multitude, that we are tempted to look kindly upon those who have
not this ambition. Far from being blamed, they are called moderate
and wise; they form an exception which is encouraged in order to
lessen the number of aspirants. At Rome they thought otherwise, and
it is not difficult to find reasons for this difference. There, what we
may call the political body was in reality very circumscribed. Besides
the slaves, who did not count, and the common people, who
contented themselves with giving or rather selling their votes in the
elections, and whose greatest privilege it was to be entertained at the
expense of the candidates, and fed at the expense of the public
treasury, there remained only a few families of ancient lineage or
more recent celebrity who divided all public employments among
themselves. The aristocracy of birth and of fortune was not very
numerous, and scarcely sufficed to furnish the required number of
officials of all sorts to govern the world. It was necessary therefore
that no one should refuse to take his part, and to live in retirement
was considered a desertion. It is not the same in our democracy. As
all offices are open to everybody, and as, thanks to the diffusion of
education, men worthy to occupy them may arise in all ranks, we
need no longer fear lest the absence of a few quiet people, friends of
peace and repose, will make a sensible and regrettable gap in the
serried ranks of those who struggle from all quarters for power.
Moreover, we think now that there are many other ways of serving
one’s country besides public life. Romans of high birth knew no
other; they looked upon commerce as a not very honourable
means[166] that a private man might employ to make his fortune, and
did not see what the state might gain by it; literature seemed an
agreeable but trivial pastime, and they did not understand its social
importance. It follows that among them, a man of a certain rank
could only find one honourable mode of employing his activity and
being useful to his country, namely, to fill political offices.[167] To do
anything else was, according to their ideas, to do nothing; they gave
the name of idlers to the most laborious scholars, and it did not come
into their heads that there was anything worth the trouble of
occupying a citizen’s time beyond the service of the state. All the
ancient Romans thought thus, and they would have experienced a
strange surprise if they had seen any one claim the right, as Atticus
did, not to serve his country within the limits of his powers and
talents. Assuredly Cato, who never rested, and who, at ninety years of
age, bravely quitted his villa at Tusculum to go and accuse Servius
Galba, the butcher of the Lusitanians, would have thought that to
remain in his house on the Quirinal, or on his estate in Epirus in the
midst of his books and statues, while the fate of Rome was being
decided in the Forum or at Pharsalia, was to commit the same crime
as to remain in his tent on the day of battle.
This systematic abstention of Atticus was not, then, a Roman
custom; he had it from the Greeks. In those small ungovernable
republics of Greece, where they knew no repose, and which passed
constantly and without warning from the sternest tyranny to the
most unbridled licence, we can understand that quiet and studious
men should have grown weary of all this sterile agitation, and ceased
to desire public employments which were only obtained by flattering
the capricious multitude, and only kept on condition of obeying it.
Moreover, what value could this power, so hardly acquired, so
seldom preserved, have, when it was necessary to share it with the
most obscure demagogues? was it really worth while to take so much
trouble in order to become the successor or the colleague of Cleon?
At the same time that weariness and disgust kept honourable men
aloof from these paltry struggles, philosophy, more studied every
day, communicated to its disciples a sort of pride which led them to
the same result. Men who passed their time in meditating upon God
and the world, and who endeavoured to understand the laws that
govern the universe, did not deign to descend from these heights to
govern states a few leagues square. Thus they constantly discussed in
the schools, whether a man should occupy himself with public
affairs, whether the sage ought to seek public office, and whether the
active or the contemplative life was the better. A few philosophers
hesitatingly gave the preference to active life, the greater number
sustained the opposite opinion, and under cover of these discussions
many men thought themselves authorized to create a sort of elegant
indolence in voluptuous retreats embellished by letters and the arts,
where they lived happily while Greece was perishing.
Atticus followed their example. Importing this custom from Greece
into Rome, he openly announced his resolution not to take part in
political discussions. He began by adroitly keeping aloof during all
those quarrels that continually agitated Rome from the time of
Cicero’s consulship to the civil wars. At the very moment when these
struggles were most active he frequented all parties, he had friends
on all sides, and found in these widespread friendships a new pretext
for remaining neutral. Atticus was more than sixty years old when
Caesar passed the Rubicon, an age when the obligation of military
service ceased among the Romans. This was another reason for
remaining quiet, and he did not fail to use it. “I have taken my
discharge,”[168] he replied to those who wished to enrol him. He held
the same course, and with the same success, after the death of
Caesar; but he then disappointed public opinion still more. He was
so well known to be the friend of Brutus that it was thought he would
not hesitate to take his side this time. Cicero himself, who ought to
have known him, reckoned upon it; but Atticus was not inconsistent
with himself, and took advantage of an important occasion to let the
public know that he would not be drawn in against his will. While
Brutus was raising an army in Greece, some knights, his friends,
started the idea of raising a subscription among the richest men of
Rome to give him the means of maintaining his soldiers. They
applied at first to Atticus, whose name they wished to put at the head
of the list. Atticus bluntly refused to subscribe. He answered that his
fortune was at the service of Brutus, if he had need of it, and asked
him as a friend, but he declared at the same time that he would take
no part in a political manifestation, and his refusal caused the failure
of the subscription. At the same time, true to his habit of flattering all
parties, he welcomed Fulvia, Antony’s wife, as well as Volumnius the
superintendent of his workmen, and, sure of having friends
everywhere, he waited for the result of the struggle without much
fear.
The strangest thing is that this man, while so persistent in
remaining neutral, was not indifferent. His biographer gives him this
praise, that he always belonged to the best party,[169] and that is true;
only he made it a rule not to serve his party; he was contented with
giving it his good wishes. But these good wishes were the warmest
imaginable. He had, though we should scarcely believe it, political
passions which he dared to express in private with incredible vigour.
He hated Caesar so much that he went as far as to blame Brutus for
having permitted his interment.[170] He would have wished, no doubt,
as the most furious demanded, that his corpse should be thrown into
the Tiber. Thus he did not abstain from having preferences, and
showing them to his most intimate friends. His reserve only began
when it was necessary to act. He never consented to take part in the
struggle; but if he did not share its danger he felt at least all its
excitement. We smile at seeing him become animated and excited as
if he were a real combatant; he takes his share in all successes and all
reverses, he congratulates the energetic, he entreats the lukewarm,
and even scolds the faltering, and permits himself to advise and
reprimand those who seem to him, who did not act at all, to act too
languidly. It is amusing to hear the reproaches he addresses to Cicero
when he sees him hesitating to go and join Pompey; he adopts the
most pathetic tone, he reminds him of his actions and his words, he
entreats him in the name of his glory, he quotes his own words to
him to persuade him.[171] This excess of audacity into which he allows
himself to be drawn for others, sometimes produces rather comic
incidents. At the moment when Pompey had just shut himself up in
Brundusium, Atticus, moved by the most lively grief, wished for
some attempts to be made to save him, and went so far as to ask
Cicero to do some striking action before leaving. “It only requires a
banner,” said he, “every one will flock to it.”[172] The worthy Cicero
felt himself quite excited by these lively exhortations of his friend,
and there were times when he was tempted to be bold, and when he
only demanded the opportunity to strike a heavy blow. The
opportunity came, and he relates in the following words how he took
advantage of it. “As I arrived at my house at Pompeii, your friend
Ninnius came to tell me that the centurions of three cohorts who
were there, asked to see me the next day, as they wished to deliver up

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STATE STANDARDS: United States - OH - DISC.FOFM.BRIG.17.01 - Stocks and bonds

STATE STANDARDS: United States - OH - DISC.FOFM.BRIG.17.01 - Stocks and bonds

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STATE STANDARDS: United States - OH - DISC.FOFM.BRIG.17.01 - Stocks and bonds

21. Which of the following statements is CORRECT?

NATIONAL STANDARDS: United States - BUSPROG.FOFM.BRIG.17.06 - Reflective thinking

LEARNING OBJECTIVES: FOFM.BRIG.17.09.05 - Constant Growth Stocks

24. The preemptive right is important to shareholders because it

REFERENCES: 9A Stock Market Equilibrium

a. These two stocks should have the same price.

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c. These two stocks should have the same expected return.

a. The two stocks should have the same expected dividend.

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33. Which of the following statements is CORRECT?

HAS VARIABLES: False

a. Stock A's expected dividend at t = 1 is only half that of Stock B.

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a. Stock X has a higher dividend yield than Stock Y.

REFERENCES: 9-5 Constant Growth Stocks

Expected dividend, D1 $3.00

a. The stock’s required return is 10%.

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a. Stock Y pays a higher dividend per share than Stock X.

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