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An Anatomy of
Chinese Offensive
Words
A Lexical and Semantic Analysis
Adrian Tien (Deceased)
Lorna Carson
School of Linguistic, Speech and Communication Sciences
Trinity College Dublin
Dublin, Ireland
Ning Jiang
Trinity Centre for Asian Studies
Trinity College Dublin
Dublin, Ireland
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
This book is dedicated to Adrian’s memory and to his mother,
Mrs Feng Tien.
Foreword
vii
viii Foreword
Professor David Singleton’s mots justes) was never lost on his contempo-
raries. Adrian’s life and research career were cut off in their prime. His loss
to the international academic community, to his students and friends, is
simply too great to be described here. He was a beloved scholar, friend
and son, and we were honoured to know him. We hope that this book
will convey his passion and expertise as well as help to deepen knowledge
of Chinese language and culture in the English-speaking world.
Preface
I first met Adrian Tien in August 1990. I was teaching a first-year course
on Cross-Cultural Communication in the Department of Linguistics at
the Australian National University, and it was the first lecture of this
course. That year, it was held in a large lecture room in the John Dedman
Building. I had already started addressing the students when the door
opened and a very young and anxious-looking student came in. It was
Adrian. He was 17 years old. He approached me after the lecture, very
serious and very intense, and immediately started telling me about his
great dilemma: should he study linguistics or music? He loved both, he
said: ‘what to do?’ I encouraged him to stay with both linguistics and
music, and he did: throughout his all-too-brief life, he pursued both lin-
guistics (in particular, semantics, i.e., the study of meaning) and music,
and had great achievements in both fields.
In 1997, in Australia he was bestowed the title QTA (Queen’s Trust
Achiever Award) by the Governor General of Australia as a Young
Australian Achiever, an award which honoured his achievements in
both fields.
He went on to complete his Ph.D. in 2005 at the University of New
England, Australia, supervised by Professor Cliff Goddard. This led to his
first book Lexical Semantics of Children’s Mandarin Chinese during the
First Four Years (2011). In it, he looked deeply into the relationships
between words and thought in the developing mind of a young child.
ix
x Preface
our last meeting. I discovered that Adrian had deep and serious faith and
was clear in his mind about the purpose and meaning of his life.
He was serene and mature. He loved his life in Dublin. He also loved
travelling to linguistic conferences in different countries and on different
continents, and presenting his NSM-based work there. He felt that he
was receiving very good responses from the international audiences: he
felt that people were interested, often fascinated, that his work was valued.
At those working lunches in 2015, Adrian also spoke to me about his
mother Feng, who stayed close to him all his life and provided an emo-
tional anchor for him. She lived with him in Dublin. Seeing him in 2015
as a confident researcher and university teacher, full of life, I understood
how his mother Feng was a constant in his life and how grateful he was
to her and for her.
Those lunches at Pancake Parlour were the last times I saw Adrian.
When the tragic news of his death came three years later, the memory of
those meetings was a consolation to me. Adrian truly loved his work, the
big picture and the smallest details—he was passionate about both. This
love of both the big ideas and the smallest details (seen in the context of
the big picture) illuminates his third book (An Anatomy of Chinese
Offensive Words: A Lexical and Semantic Analysis), which he wasn’t given
time to finish but which his colleagues in Dublin have now so lovingly
completed and prepared for publication.
The NSM community, scattered around the world but united in spirit
and in the love of the ideas and goals that we share, pays tribute to Adrian
Tien, with love.
Canberra, Australia
Anna Wierzbicka
Contents
xiii
xiv Contents
Appendix A: Inventory of Natural Semantic Metalanguage
(NSM) Semantic Primes213
Index239
About the Authors
xv
xvi About the Authors
xvii
List of Tables
xix
1
What Is All the Fuss About?
Caldwell-Harris (2014, 1), for instance, pointed out that there are cer-
tain ‘emotionality differences between a native and a foreign language’, in
the sense that bilingual speakers feel a difference when they are swearing
in a non-native language as opposed to their native language. Dewaele’s
(2013) research showed that offensive words, among other emotion-
laden words, carry less ‘emotional weight’ for the non-native speakers
than they do for native speakers. Dewaele (2016, 112) further discovered
that non-native speakers ‘overestimate the offensiveness of most words,
with the exception of the most offensive one in the list’, and compared to
native speakers, they are ‘less sure about the exact meaning’ of offensive
words and seem to show a different distributional pattern of offensive
words (see also Dewaele 2010). It appears that mastery of offensive words
in the non-native language is linked with speakers’ proficiency of that
language—or at least part of that proficiency—and factors such as prior
experience of immersion in the non-native language (e.g. experience liv-
ing in that linguistic environment) and having been socialized into the
various uses of offensive words, including the kinds of ‘inhibitions that
usually constrain usage’ of these words (Wajnryb 2004, 164) play a vital
role in this mastery. On account of this, Mercury (1995) called for offen-
sive words to be properly taught to non-native speakers as part of the
language teaching curriculum, including what, when, where, to whom,
why and how these words may be used as they are by native speakers.
There are many labels for what we understand to be offensive language:
‘swear words’, ‘dirty words’, ‘bad words’, ‘foul language’, ‘rude language’,
‘taboo language’, ‘obscene words’ or ‘obscenity’, ‘profane words’ or ‘pro-
fanity’, ‘vulgar words’ or ‘vulgarity’, ‘curse words’ or ‘cursing’, ‘blasphemy’,
‘expletives’, ‘insults and slurs’, ‘slang’, ‘scatology’, even ‘colourful meta-
phors’ and ‘sexual innuendoes’. There must be a reason why offensive
words exist at all as part of a language’s lexicon, whether or not these
words are accessed by every language user (noting that while one person
may declare never having used offensive words, another may confess to
using offensive words on the odd occasion or on a regular basis). It appears
that, one way or the other, humans cannot do without offensive words,
and there is plenty of evidence to suggest this. In situations of language
contact, for example, offensive words are usually among some of the first
vocabulary items in a language (the source language) to creep into the
4 A. Tien et al.
• However, ‘context can negate a demeaning intention’ (129). For example, the
intimate use of the ‘n-word’ between African Americans and other youths to
denote friendship.
• ‘One needs not know the meanings of the words in order for the intention to
insult to be successfully conveyed. Indeed, the speaker can transform mean-
ings, provided that the manner of expression and the context make the emo-
tional point clear’ (117). Neu’s example is a three-year-old uttering You lamp!
You towel! You plate! as words of insult.
• ‘One’s words can mean more than one consciously intends’ (130). For exam-
ple, innuendoes or insinuations (though it may be argued that the speaker
still has a ‘conscious intention’ in uttering words of these kinds, which the
addressee can find offensive).
the use of forbidden words and so the breaking of […] taboos]’ (e.g.
naming taboos) (124). It appears that ‘taboo’ or ‘forbidden’ words encap-
sulate in them (or in their meanings) certain societal or cultural attitudes
that have been conventionalized over time and violating such conven-
tions, or conventionalized attitudes, leads to a breaking of established
social or cultural taboos. Neu (125) elaborates further: ‘attitudes [driving
at taboos] are socially shaped, sometimes perhaps for good reasons, some-
times for no reason at all […] Society seeks to constrain both the activi-
ties and the language used for describing [things/themes considered
tabooed].’ However, Neu points out that ‘we have our boundaries, both
personal and conventional, and verbal crossings of those boundaries can
carry great emotional force’. In other words, sometimes offence is caused
because the meaning of a word contravenes the shared conventional and
societal attitudes; other times offence is caused by this word because it
steps over the line in terms of what an individual considers acceptable or
tolerable.
Anthropologist Ashley Montagu penned the well-known work The
Anatomy of Swearing (Montagu 1967), examining the history and usage
of offensive language in English. Here, our proffered anatomy of contem-
porary offensive language in Chinese examines such words not only in
Chinese Mandarin but also in some Chinese dialects, notably Hokkien
and Cantonese, as well as some non-standard varieties of these.
Importantly, representative offensive words have been subjected to rigor-
ous semantic, linguistic and cultural analysis, using the Natural Semantic
Metalanguage approach. Our findings contribute to the understanding
of Chinese language and culture in some new and innovative ways. Some
of the main claims which will be explored in the following chapters can
be summarized as follows:
• Using offensive words is more than just about accessing a socially sensitive or
tabooed part of our languages on impulse. It is about the kind of linguistic
choices that we make and not only are we conscious of the linguistic choices
that we are making, but as proficient speakers, we are aware of any social
taboo which is behind the offensive word.
• If offensive words are socially tabooed because they pose a kind of challenge
to certain social norms or cultural values—to mention the ‘unmention-
12 A. Tien et al.
This book will proceed with a chapter which contextualizes the study
of the offensive lexicon in Chinese (Chap. 2). It will tackle some key
representative offensive words that are known to all Chinese and to all
those who have proficiency in Chinese (Chap. 3). Tapping into some
representative offensive words will reveal some of those immensely sig-
nificant social norms or cultural values that really matter to those who
live, think and behave in Chinese culture (Chap. 4). We will then survey
offensive words in selected Chinese dialects and their varieties (Chap. 5),
because offensive words can illustrate linguistic variation across different
dialects or varieties of the same language; the same offensive meaning
expressed by similar yet different lexical forms or conversely, the same
lexical form expressing similar yet different offensive meanings. A study
on offensive words in contemporary Chinese cyberspace (Chap. 6) probes
a few high-frequency terms found in Chinese online communication that
reflect highly dynamic and flexible language use. Then, an investigation
into the emergence of offensive words and offensive language generally in
the context of early acquisition of Chinese (Chap. 7) traces when, why
and how young children come to deploy offensive words during the early
years of life. Last but not least, the examination of Chinese offensive lexi-
con takes us to Singapore, where offensive words may serve as a way of
reinstating sociocultural homogeneity (Chap. 8). Here, we demonstrate
that people use offensive words not just to offend others but, in a curious
way, to bond with others.
A few notes on what is to follow. We use an extensive range of real-life
examples, drawn from online discussion boards, social media, newspa-
pers, corpora and other sources. Given the shifting nature of online
sources and a desire to focus on the linguistic content rather than the
individual author, we do not link each and every example to the specific
1 What Is All the Fuss About? 13
source post, especially for those drawn from discussion boards. Rather we
provide a list of the principal resources that we mined in the appendix to
this book. Most of our examples are drawn from written sources, although
the chapter on child language use is drawn from an oral corpus. Finally,
to close this introductory chapter and to kick-start our ensuing discus-
sions, we quote Tien (2015, 164), who reminds us that offensive words
‘represent a fascinating and compelling source of enquiry, richly packed
with cultural information waiting to be discovered’. With this promise,
the chapters of this book will take readers through a discovery of Chinese
offensive words as rich as the cultural information that lies behind them.
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2
An Anatomy of the Chinese Offensive
Lexicon
2.1 Introduction
While offensive words are found in the lexicons of the world’s languages
and despite some of their similarities, offensive words are not cross-
linguistically transferrable or translatable. Nevertheless, it is possible to
sketch out some general linguistic properties and characteristics of offen-
sive words across languages. As a matter of fact, offensive words them-
selves constitute only the lexical representation of offensive language, in
terms of words or lexical items (e.g. whore, bitch in English). Offensive
language may also be represented morphologically or syllabically, in
affixes that offend (e.g. in Japanese, when offensive morphemes are
attached to the verb fuzakeru ‘to joke around’, modifying it, forming
offensive predicates such as fuzakeru na ‘don’t bullshit me!’ and fuzakeru
na yo ‘don’t you fucking bullshit me!’) as well as syntactically or phrasally,
and in phrases that offend.
Ljung argues that Pinker’s offensive ‘categories’ are probably ‘too few
and too broad’, and adds McEnery’s (2006, 32) typology of swearing,
which comprises 15 categories as follows:
The third function, replacive swearing, refers to ‘taboo words that may
replace an almost infinite number of ordinary non-taboo nouns and verbs
which are given new literal meanings which are interpreted in terms of
the linguistic and situational settings in which they are used’ (35). For
instance, the word shit in Jimmy is a piece of shit (162) is an offensive
noun (or more precisely, a noun in an offensive nominal phrase, includ-
ing its preceding noun classifier, a piece of) whose literal meaning no lon-
ger has anything to do with the original referent which is the bodily
excretion, even though it remains demeaning.
On the swearing themes across languages, Ljung (35–44) notes that
these have to do with the religious/supernatural, scatological, sex organs,
sexual activities, mother/family, ancestors, animals, death, disease and
prostitution. It should be reiterated here that the general linguistic
20 A. Tien et al.
often with the intention of making that person also feel bad (‘I feel some-
thing very bad towards you’ and ‘because of this, I want to say something
bad to you’) (c.f. Goddard 2015, 202). Or these words may be uttered
merely as a way of venting one’s negative emotions (‘I feel something
bad’), without being directed at anyone (197). Last but not least, people
can make someone else feel bad when they say something about someone
else or something. For example, while the offensive word motherfucker
offends not because of its literal meaning, its non-literal meaning, which
is intensely disrespectful, must have emerged as a result of semantic
extension from reference to the illicit act of having sex with one’s mother.
On the dichotomic contrast between literal and non-literal meanings
of offensive words, the terms ‘connotative’ versus ‘denotative’ often crop
up in the literature (e.g. Mohr 2013, 6; Jay 1992, 10–12). An example is
the word prick, whose literal and denotative meaning refers to the penis
and whose non-literal and connotative meaning is emotionally charged
to offend someone, usually male, as a way of denigrating them. Even so,
it appears feasible to surmise that there is probably some kind of a seman-
tic association between the connotative/non-literal and denotative/literal
meanings of an offensive word. In the case of the example just given, the
offensive sense of the word prick (the connotative meaning) probably
stems from blatantly mentioning the male body part (the denotative
meaning), because the verbal offender is being deliberately insensitive
towards the social custom that the private body part is not usually some-
thing which is openly and uninhibitedly mentioned. If there was not any
semantic association between the connotative/non-literal and denotative/
literal meanings of an offensive word, then one might as well have used
the word penis as an emotional and offensive word, in place of the word
prick (noting that penis is normally an unemotional word used denota-
tively to refer to the anatomical part).
there may not be any single words that exist in the language to represent
them. NSM explications of these characteristics, typically introduced by
a semantic component along the lines of ‘many people think as fol-
lows …’, are known as ‘scripts’ as they capture the cultural meanings
behind such shared cultural characteristics, articulating them metalin-
guistically based on primes. Coming to grips with cultural scripts in rela-
tion to the assumptions that underlie the meanings of offensive words—or
categories of offensive words—or the attitudes towards use of these offen-
sive words will be pivotal to tapping into important cultural underpin-
nings of offensive language.
Another interesting NSM notion which is relevant here is the idea of
cultural key words. According to Wierzbicka (1991, 333; 1997, 15–17),
a word may qualify as a key word if it encapsulates vital cultural informa-
tion on the commonly held characteristics of the community of people in
a culture and if it is problematic to translate into other languages.
Sometimes a cultural key word may have a high frequency of occurrence
in the language’s lexicon, and sometimes it may belong to a cluster of
words in the language which elaborate on a significant aspect of the cul-
ture, describing or referring to that aspect (this is the idea of ‘cultural
elaboration’; see Wierzbicka 1997, 10–11). It will become evident from
analyses of offensive words in this book that offensive words are also cul-
tural key words, since they fulfil some or all the criteria as outlined by
Wierzbicka. After all, there is no stipulation that a cultural key word has
to sound ‘good’ (in this sense, an analogy may again be drawn with the
jigsaw puzzle: it is what it is, even if it does not look ‘pretty’).
Some of the past NSM literature demonstrating how it is possible to
get inside the meaning of offensive words include Wierzbicka (1992,
2002), who analyzed the meanings of the offensive b-words in Australian
English (bloody, bastard, bugger and bullshit). In fact, nearly all of the
NSM studies have focused on selected offensive words and offensive lan-
guage generally in Australian English. Hill’s (1992) article investigated
the difference between imprecatory interjectional expressions (‘God
knows’ and ‘goodness knows’) in Australian English. Kidman’s (1993)
unpublished thesis was a study of the ‘semantics of swearing in Australia’,
concentrating on four-letter words. More recently, Stollznow (2002,
2004) analysed terms of abuse in Australian English, including whinger,
24 A. Tien et al.
many people can feel something very bad when they hear this word
many people think like this: it is very bad if someone says this word
In fact, exactly the same semantic component also goes in the met-
alexical awareness section in the semantic template of the NSM
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