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The invention of imaginary worlds (“paracosms”) is a creative activity of middle childhood that has previ-
ously been investigated primarily with retrospective adult reports and biographical accounts. In descriptions
collected from 8- to 12-year-old children, the prevalence was 16.9% in Study 1 (n = 77) and 17.4% in Study 2
(n = 92). Children with and without paracosms did not differ in verbal comprehension, divergent thinking
(Studies 1 and 2) or working memory (Study 2). However, children with paracosms had more difficulty with
inhibitory control (Study 2) and had higher creativity scores on a story-telling task (Studies 1 and 2). Para-
cosms provided a vehicle for stories associated with imaginary companions and/or for developing complex
narratives alone or with friends.
Story telling is a universal and early developing & Levernier, 2015). These sources indicate that
human activity that is believed to promote insight paracosms are often highly elaborated with, for
into behavior, contribute to empathy, help us find example, their own governments, geographies,
meaning in life events, and extend our experience languages, cultures, and associated artifacts. Root-
beyond personal circumstance (Bruner, 1986; Green Bernstein and Root-Bernstein (2006) have specu-
& Donahue, 2009; Nelson, 1989). There are many lated that this type of storytelling might be an early
types of childhood narrative activities, differing in sign of exceptional creativity or might set the stage
the extent to which they are social or private, based for later creative endeavors by providing “an early
on fictional or real experiences, acted out in pretend apprenticeship in absorption and persistence, dis-
play or communicated solely through language, covery, synthesis, and modeling” (p. 421). Perhaps
and focused on character or plot development the production of a paracosms develops from ear-
(Engel, 2005). lier pretend play involving imaginary companions,
In this research, we investigated an impressive, an activity that has been associated with advanced
but understudied, narrative activity associated with social understanding (Lillard & Kavanaugh, 2014;
middle childhood—the spontaneous production of Taylor & Carlson, 1997), as well as creative story
imaginary societies or worlds known as “para- telling (Mottweiler & Taylor, 2014; Trionfi & Reese,
cosms” (Silvey & MacKeith, 1988). Most of what is 2009). We explored these possibilities in two studies
known about paracosms comes from adult retro- in which the children themselves were interviewed
spective descriptions (Cohen & MacKeith, 1991; about paracosms, instead of relying on what a
Root-Bernstein & Root-Bernstein, 2006), historical sample of adults could remember about their
accounts (Root-Bernstein, 2014), and case studies childhoods.
(Root-Bernstein, 2014; Taylor, Mottweiler, Naylor,
Past Research on Paracosms
This work was supported by a grant from the Templeton
Foundation to Marjorie Taylor and a Graduate Research Fellow- The early literature on paracosms mostly
ship from the National Science Foundation to Candice Mot-
tweiler. The opinions expressed in this publication are those of includes accounts in the biographies and autobi-
the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the John ographies of individuals who later became famous
Templeton Foundation. We are grateful for the help of Sarah for their creative work. Root-Bernstein (2014) has
Amini, members of the UO Imagination Lab, and all the families
who participated in this study.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Marjorie Taylor, Department of Psychology, 1227 University © 2018 Society for Research in Child Development
of Oregon, Eugene, OR, 97405. Electronic mail may be sent to All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2018/xxxx-xxxx
[email protected]. DOI: 10.1111/cdev.13162
2 Taylor, Mottweiler, Aguiar, Naylor, and Levernier
provided a comprehensive review of such historical are believed to be most common (8–12 years) were
examples, including descriptions of paracosms cre- asked about them, possibly because Cohen and
ated by Emily, Charlotte, Anne, and Branwell MacKeith (1991) believed paracosms to be rare.
Bront€e, Robert Louis Stevenson, J. R. R. Tokien, C. However, this belief was based primarily upon ret-
S. Lewis, Desmond Morris, Friedrich Nietzsche, and rospective data from adults who responded to
others. These accounts establish the substantial vari- magazine advertisements—not the most reliable
ability in the characteristics of paracosms and sug- source of information about childhood activities.
gest the possibility of a link with adult creativity. Root-Bernstein and Root-Bernstein’s (2006) esti-
Robert Silvey launched empirical research on this mated the prevalence to be 3%–12% in the general
topic by advertising widely in British newspapers population and 5%–26% in the sample of
and was able to collect descriptions of paracosms MacArthur Fellows, suggesting that although the
from 57 individuals (almost all adults; Cohen & creation of an imaginary world is not widespread,
MacKeith, 1991; Silvey & MacKeith, 1988). The it is not limited to a few rare individuals.
paracosms in this sample varied in content (e.g., the The ranges in Root-Bernstein and Root-Bern-
extent to which they were magical or naturalistic) stein’s (2006) estimates reflect their recognition of
and whether or not they were based on toy or methodological limitations in their study. Their
object props or entirely in the minds of the creators. samples were self-selected; a minority of the indi-
They appeared to serve as vehicles for story telling viduals who were sent queries about imaginary
and as a way to explore real-life interests (e.g., two worlds elected to participate (i.e., 90 of 505
boys invented “Possumbulese” as the language spo- MacArthur Fellows and 262 of about 1,000 college
ken in “Possumbol” when they started studying students). Of the individuals who completed the
languages at school) and real-life events (e.g., a gen- questionnaires, 43% of MacArthur Fellows and 40%
eral election in Britain was followed by one in of college students initially reported that they had
“Bearland”). In this self–selected sample, the cre- invented paracosms as children, but many of the
ation of paracosms peaked at about age nine and descriptions were ambiguous or included day-
was less common after age 12. dreams or play that did not involve the creation of
Research by Root-Bernstein and Root-Bernstein an imaginary world. The final estimates were based
(2006; Root-Bernstein, 2014) underscores the poten- on coding by the authors. Despite the self-selected
tial developmental significance of paracosms (also sample, coding that was not blind to group, and
referred to as “worldplay”). They reported that issues with retrospective data, Root-Bernstein and
childhood paracosms were more common for recip- Root-Bernstein’s results indicate that paracosms are
ients of MacArthur Awards than for a comparison less rare than Cohen and MacKeith (1991) believed.
group of college students, suggesting that highly To get a more accurate estimate of prevalence, we
creative people were more likely to have them. interviewed a relatively large sample of children in
Many of the participants assigned importance to the age range when paracosms are believed to peak.
having a childhood paracosm and saw it as being In addition to asking about paracosms, we included
connected to their work as adults (e.g., developing a variety of other measures as an exploratory investi-
the capacity to consider alternative possibilities). gation of the characteristics that might distinguish
Although Cohen and MacKeith (1991) speculated children who create paracosms from other children,
that paracosms might be particularly likely for indi- including assessments of creativity. The children and
viduals who later pursued artistic careers, the their parents were asked about imaginary compan-
MacArthur Fellows who reported having para- ions as well as paracosms because it seemed possible
cosms represented a wide range of disciplines, a that the creation of imaginary companions leads to
result that is consistent with Root-Bernstein and the invention of worlds for them to live in. Note,
Root-Bernstein’s (2006) interdisciplinary view of cre- however, that both Cohen and MacKeith (1991) and
ativity; “imagination and make-believe exercise Root-Bernstein (2014) are careful to distinguish
general, not specialized, skills that are relevant to between imaginary companions and paracosms,
pursuits across the arts, humanities, social sciences, describing paracosms as a later developing and less
and sciences” (p. 421). common type of imaginative activity that, unlike
play with imaginary companions, usually involves
extensive documentation (e.g., written histories,
Current Studies
maps, etc.). Perhaps the content of these imaginative
To date, there are no previous large-scale studies activities are distinct, although both might reflect an
in which children in the age range when paracosms interest in story telling.
Paracosms 3
had an imaginary companion or ever had one in about the participants. For the divergent thinking
the past, the child was asked a series of questions tasks (unusual uses and consequences) in which
about the companion (e.g., name, age, gender, children generated more than one response, it was
appearance, whether it was an invisible friend or a not possible to identify if the same or different par-
personified object, the activities that the child ticipants had generated the responses. This master
engaged in with the pretend friend, and what the list was reviewed by three individuals with some
child liked and disliked about the pretend friend). expertise in the development of imagination and cre-
ativity in childhood (e.g., undergraduate research
assistants) who then scored each response/product
Laboratory Creativity Tasks
for creativity from 1 (not creative) to 5 (highly cre-
In past research, creativity has most commonly ative). Following the recommendations of Amabile,
been assessed with divergent thinking tasks such as the judges were instructed to use their own subjec-
the unusual uses task in which participants are tive criteria for creativity and were not trained.
asked to list possible uses for an everyday object However, they were told to avoid using verbal abil-
(Wallach & Kogan, 1965). Uniqueness—the number ity or how much children said as the basis for the
of uses that are not mentioned by other participants ratings. The mean score for each response was com-
—is interpreted as an index of creativity. However, puted and the dependent measure was the child’s
uniqueness scoring has been criticized because highest score.
inappropriate or bizarre responses tend to be identi- Unusual uses task—nonsocial content. This is a
fied as unique and thus inflate creativity scores (Sil- divergent thinking task in which children generate
via et al., 2008). Silvia et al. recommend using as many uses as possible for a common object
creativity judgments instead, which also have the (Guilford, 1967). The experimenter placed a milk
advantage that they can be used with many differ- carton on the table and said,
ent types of creativity tasks. Here we used Ama-
bile’s (1982) consensual assessment technique in This is a milk carton. It’s empty; I’ve poured all
which participants’ products are presented in ran- of the milk out. You might be able to use this in
dom orders and scored for overall creativity by different ways. What I want you to do now is to
“appropriate” judges (i.e., “observers who are think of all of the different ways you could use a
familiar with the domain in which the product was milk carton. What are the different uses that you
created or the response articulated,” p. 1001). can think of for a milk carton?
Another concern about the unusual uses task is
that it focuses narrowly on how physical objects Collage task—nonsocial content. The experi-
might be used or manipulated. Mottweiler and Tay- menter placed black paper, a glue stick and 144
lor (2014) found that preschool children with imagi- paper shapes (squares, rectangles, triangles, circles,
nary companions responded more creatively than stars, and moons in eight colors) in front of the
other children for laboratory tasks that involve child and said, “I want you to make an interesting,
social content, and more generally, Mouchiroud silly design by gluing these shapes onto this piece
and Lubart (2002) have argued that creativity in the of paper (Amabile, 1982).” Children were told they
social domain is a particularly important to explore could use as many or as few shapes as they wanted
and understand. Here we included three tasks that and were given 10 min to complete their collages.
had social content: a divergent thinking task in When the collage was finished, the experimenter
which children were asked to generate possible asked the child to describe the collage and took a
consequences for a fantasy scenario (i.e., people photograph of it.
having tails), a drawing task in which children Story-stem completion task—social content. This
made up a pretend person, and a story-telling task task was based on the MacArthur Story Stem Battery
in which children completed a story begun by the in which an experimenter tells the beginning of a
experimenter. The assessment of creativity also story with the use of dolls and props and then asks
included two tasks that could be completed without children to finish the story (“Show me and tell me
reference to people: the unusual uses task and a what happens now”; Emde, Wolf, & Oppenheim,
collage task in which children were asked to make 2003; Mottweiler & Taylor, 2014). We presented chil-
a design with geometric shapes. dren with a story stem that was designed to elicit a
For each task, every response/product from range of narratives that could be assessed for creativ-
every participant was listed in a randomized order ity. The experimenter placed a felt path, a small key,
to create a master list that had no information and a small doorway on the table and walked two
Paracosms 5
small dolls down the path. (Susan and Jane were Carlson and Moses (2001), fixed orders are stan-
used to act out the story stem for female participants; dard practice for individual differences research
George and Bob were used for male participants.) because “it is critical that the individuals be
The experimenter started the story by saying, exposed to identical stimulus contexts” (p. 1035),
“Susan/George and Jane/Bob are going for a walk including the order in which stimuli are pre-
in the woods when they see something on the sented (see Carlson & Moses for discussion of
ground. Susan/George says ‘what’s this’? Jane/Bob the interpretive problems that arise if counterbal-
says, ‘It’s a key and look! There’s a door over there’. anced orders are used in this type of research).
Susan/George says, ‘Let’s see if it fits in the door’.” The test session also included an assessment of
Then the experimenter said to the child, “Now it’s moral judgment that was part of another project
your turn—what happens next?” and will not be discussed further.
Consequences task—social content. Consequences
tasks involve divergent thinking about the conse-
Parent Measures
quences of some unusual scenario (adapted from
Christensen, Merrifield, & Guilford, 1958). For this The parents completed two questionnaires asking
study, we developed a consequences task that about their children’s creation of imaginary com-
involved thinking about people. The experimenter panions and paracosms. In addition, the parents
asked the child to list “all of the ways the world filled out the Autism Spectrum Quotient: Children’s
would be different if people had tails.” Version (AQ-child; Auyeung, Baron-Cohen, Wheel-
Draw-a-pretend-person task—social content. Our wright, & Allison, 2007). Parents indicated on a
drawing task was adapted from Karmiloff-Smith’s 4-point scale from definitely agree to definitely dis-
(1990) procedure for assessing the development of agree the extent to which 50 statements described
drawing, in which children are asked to draw real their child, with higher scores indicating that the
and pretend versions of the same object. Children child had more behaviors that are characteristic of
were provided with white paper and colorful mark- children with ASD (e.g., poorer social and commu-
ers and were asked to draw “a real person” and then nication skills).
draw “an imaginary or pretend person, someone that
you make up.” After children were finished, they
were asked to describe what they had drawn. Results and Discussion
Paracosms
Children’s Coping Strategies Checklist–Revised
Thirty-three of the 77 children (42.9%) reported
This is a 54-item interview measure in which that they did not think about an imaginary place
children were asked how often (on a 4-point scale (n = 28) or said they did but could not provide any
from never to most of the time) they used a variety of information about it (n = 5). For the 44 children who
coping strategies read to them by the experimenter said they thought about an imaginary place and pro-
(Ayers, Sandler, West, & Roosa, 1996). vided a description, the interviews were reviewed by
two researchers who also read the parent question-
naires and categorized the children as describing (a)
Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test, 4th ed
a paracosm; (b) a “preparacosm” defined as a speci-
This is a standardized measure of receptive fic place, either partly or wholly imaginary, but with
vocabulary in which the experimenter says a series little or no evidence of repeated engagement with the
of words and the child indicates the picture from a place and /or not much elaborated detail; (c) a fic-
set of four pictures that best represents each word. tional place from a book, movie or video game as
originally described by the author (i.e., the child had
not elaborated the place with personal details and
Task Order
involvement to transform it into a paracosm); (d)
The tasks were administered in the following common pretend play themes (e.g., playing with
fixed order: (a) collage, (b) consequences, (c) story- dolls); (e) a real place the child had visited or would
stem completion, (d) draw-a-pretend-person, (e) like to visit in the future (e.g., Venice), or (f) other
unusual uses, (f) Children’s Coping Strategies (e.g., a dream; see Table 1).
Checklist—Revised (CCSC–R), (g) Peabody Pic- The reliability for the coding was 82% with dis-
ture Vocabulary Test (PPVT), and (h) imaginary agreements resolved by discussion. The primary
companion/paracosm interview. According to source of information was the children’s interviews,
6 Taylor, Mottweiler, Aguiar, Naylor, and Levernier
Table 2
Relations Between Laboratory Creativity Tasks Controlling for Verbal Comprehension, Gender and Age (Studies 1 and 2)
Story stem
Study 1 .315 .343 — .08 .06
p = .009 p = .004
Study 2 .219 .378 .207 .226 .17
p = .054 p = .001 p = .069 p = .047
Draw-a-pretend-person
Study 1 — .22 — .017 .13
p = .071
Study 2 .011 .182 .17 .18
Consequences
Study 1 — — — .11 .076
Study 2 .29 .21 .30
p = .01 p = .06 p = .007
Making friends
Study 2 — — — .18 .35
p = .001
Collage
Study 1 .16
Study 2 — — — — .19
than for boys (M = 2.30, SD = 0.91), t(71) = 2.31, collage) were not significant. See Table 3 for the
p = .02; Cohen’s d = .55, but were not related to mean creativity scores for the five laboratory tasks
verbal comprehension or age, ps > .05. as a function of having a paracosm.
Table 2 shows the correlations for the five labo-
ratory measures of creativity, controlling for verbal
Coping Strategies and Autism Quotient
comprehension (PPVT 4th ed–), gender, and age.
The dependent measures used for the divergent The CCSC–R1 has two subscales that are consid-
thinking tasks (consequences and unusual uses) in ered to involve positive strategies: Active Coping
these analyses were based on the highest ratings (e.g., “think about which things are best to do to han-
according to the judges. The creativity measures dle the problem”) and Support Seeking (e.g., “you
with social content (i.e., story-stem completion, con- talked to someone who could help you figure out
sequences, and draw-a pretend-person tasks) were what to do”). These subscales were collapsed to form
correlated with each other but not with the creativ- a Positive Strategies Aggregate (M = 2.37,
ity measures that did not have social content (i.e., SD = 0.46). The other two subscales involve less pos-
collage and unusual uses tasks). The collage and itive strategies: Distraction (e.g., “you did something
unusual uses tasks were not related to each other like video games or a hobby”) and Avoidance (e.g.,
or any of the other measures. These results support “try to put it out of your mind”). These subscales
the view of creativity as a multifaceted construct were collapsed to form a Less Positive Strategies
and the need to include measures that involve the Aggregate (M = 2.28, SD = 0.43). Neither coping
social world in addition to the more standard mea- aggregate was related to verbal comprehension, gen-
sures that typically involve the manipulation of der, or age, ps > .05. Children with paracosms scored
physical objects. higher (M = 2.80, SD = 0.63, n = 13) than other chil-
dren (M = 2.42, SD = 0.51, n = 63) for Active Coping
Strategies, t(74) = 2.35, p = .02, Cohen’s d = .66.
Relations Between Paracosms and Laboratory Tests of
Scores on the Autism Quotient (M = 57.31,
Creativity
SD = 17.06; range = 22–104) were somewhat higher
Children with paracosms scored higher on the than in Auyeung et al.’s sample of children aged 4
story stem completion task and the draw-a-pretend- to 11 years (84.4% below cutoff of 76 compared
person task than children without paracosms. The with 95%). Scores were not related to verbal com-
comparisons for the consequences task and the two prehension or age; boys scored higher (M = 61.95,
tasks with nonsocial content (i.e., unusual uses and SD = 19.17) than girls (M = 53.02, SD = 13.73),
8 Taylor, Mottweiler, Aguiar, Naylor, and Levernier
Creativity
Results and Discussion
Creativity scores for the unusual uses (M = 3.12,
Paracosms
SD = 0.87; Cronbach’s a = .80), collage (M = 2.92;
Sixteen of the 92 children (17.4%) were catego- SD = 0.89; Cronbach’s a = .80), draw-a-pretend-per-
rized as having paracosms, a prevalence that is simi- son (M = 2.89, SD = 0.99; Cronbach’s a = .82), and
lar to Study 1 (16.9%). See Table 1 for more consequences tasks (M = 3.46, SD = 0.79; Cron-
information about children’s responses. Reliability bach’s a = .68) were not related to verbal compre-
for the two coders was 84.8% with disagreements hension, gender, or age, ps > .05. Making friends
resolved by discussion. As in Study 1, children cate- (M = 2.98; SD = 0.83; Cronbach’s a = .82) and story
gorized as having paracosms did not differ in verbal stem completion tasks (M = 2.37, SD = 1.17; Cron-
comprehension or age from children who did not bach’s a = .95) were correlated with verbal compre-
have paracosms, ps > .05; however, in this sample, hension (r = .27, p = .01; r = .24, p = .03,
girls (12 of 48, 25%) were somewhat more likely than respectively) but not with age or gender, ps > .05.
boys (4 of 44, 9%) to describe paracosms, Fisher’s Table 2 shows the correlations for the six labora-
Exact Test (two tailed), p = .06, Cramer’s V = .21. tory measures of creativity, controlling for age, gen-
der, and verbal comprehension. In this sample,
there were more relations between the measures
Imaginary Companions
that involved divergent thinking than in Study 1.
This interview was identical to Study 1. Agree- For example, whereas the unusual uses task in
ment for the two coders was 88% with disagree- Study 1 did not correlate with any other measure,
ments resolved by discussion. Fifty-one of the 92 in Study 2, unusual uses correlated with the other
children (55.4%) reported having imaginary divergent thinking tasks (i.e., consequences and
Paracosms 11
making friends). It is possible that the target object trials (M = 0.99; SD = 0.11), with higher scores
in Study 2 (brick) worked better for this age group indexing greater difficulty with inhibitory control.
than the one used in Study 1 (milk carton), and Flanker scores did not differ for boys and girls,
thus allowed for relations based on the similar p > .05, but were negatively correlated with verbal
methodology (i.e., divergent thinking). The new comprehension, r = .29, p = .01 and age, r = .34,
making friends task was related to tasks that also p = .002. Trail-making scores did not differ for boys
involved divergent thinking rather than to tasks and girls, and were not related to verbal compre-
that were also social in content. Overall, the distinc- hension, ps > .05, but were negatively correlated
tion between social and nonsocial content in Study with age, r = .357, p = .001.
2 was not as clear as in Study 1. The two measures of inhibitory control (i.e.,
Flanker and Trail-making) were correlated
(r = .373, p = .002), controlling for age, gender, and
Relations Between Paracosms and Laboratory Tests of
verbal comprehension. Neither measure was
Creativity
related to digit span or any of the measures of cre-
Children with paracosms scored higher than chil- ativity. However, children with paracosms scored
dren without paracosms on the story-stem comple- higher (indicative of less inhibitory control) on
tion and making friends tasks. As in Study 1, there both the flanker task (M = 0.18, SD = 0.13) and the
were no differences for the two nonsocial tasks trail-making task (M = 84.62, SD = 34.41) com-
(unusual uses and collage) and the consequences pared with children who did not have paracosms
task. In contrast to Study 1, there was no difference (flanker M = 0.11, SD = 0.11; trail-making
in performance for the draw-a-pretend-person task. M = 58.21, SD = 39.27), t(80) = 2.25, p = .027,
Table 3 shows the mean creativity scores for the six Cohen’s d = .72 and, t(80) = 2.27, p = .026, Cohen’s
tasks as a function of having a paracosm. d = .61, respectively.
stepwise elimination was used to identify a more pretending, but there were also children whose
parsimonious model. The final model yielded three paracosms and imaginary companions were unre-
positive predictors: (a) imaginary companions, lated in content. Perhaps the relation between these
B = 1.68, Wald(1) = 9.07, p = .003, semi-partial activities is based more generally on a proclivity for
r = .22, (b) story-stem completion, B = 0.44, Wald story telling. Preschool children often use imaginary
(1) = 4.18, p = .04, semipartial r = .12, and (c) draw- companions as the vehicles for stories (Taylor,
a-pretend-person, B = 0.60, Wald(1) = 5.49, p = .02, 1999), and the construction of a narrative is one of
semi-partial r = .16. Age, AQ, positive coping, col- the central features in the development of para-
lage, and whether the child participated in Study 1 cosms (Root-Bernstein, 2014). However, we do not
or Study 2 were not significant predictors, control- want to overinterpret the relation between para-
ling for all other variables. This reduced model was cosms and imaginary companions because a limita-
a significant improvement over the null model, tion of our research is that the paracosm and
v2(4) = 30.51, p < .001, accounting for 18.5% of the imaginary companion interviews were conducted in
variance in the creation of paracosms. the same session.
boys had imaginary companions in Study 2) and paracosms and that those interactions were deeply
elsewhere in the literature. In general, it is often absorbing (Taylor et al., 2015).
reported that girls are more likely than boys to There were no substantial differences between
have imaginary companions (e.g., Carlson & Taylor, children with and without paracosms in verbal com-
2005; Gleason, 2004), but in many studies, there are prehension (Studies 1 and 2) or working memory
no gender differences (e.g., Singer & Singer, 1990; (Study 2). Where we did find cognitive differences
Tahiroglu, Mannering, & Taylor, 2011). Note, how- was in Study 2 with the inhibitory control tasks. For
ever, that when differences are found, the direction both tasks, children with paracosms did not perform
of the difference is consistent. To our knowledge, as well as the other children. In other studies, inhibi-
there are no studies in which more boys than girls tory control is also sometimes negatively correlated
have imaginary companions. Our interpretation is with creative behavior (e.g., White & Shah, 2006).
that gender differences for imaginary companions, On the other hand, there is evidence of a positive
and possibly for paracosms, reflect variations in relation between the development of inhibitory con-
sample characteristics and methodologies. In the trol and imagination tasks involving pretend play in
absence of a meta-analysis to settle the matter, our preschool children (e.g., Carlson, White, & Davis-
best guess is that the gender differences for these Unger, 2014). In their literature review, Carlson and
types of imaginative play are likely to be relatively White (2013) acknowledge the complexity of this
small. relation and report the existence of a subset of
There were also inconsistencies in our results for highly imaginative children who have difficulty
the Autism Quotient and Coping Assessment. In with inhibitory control. One of the challenges for
Study 1, children with paracosms endorsed more future research will be to integrate the evidence for
positive forms of coping and were rated as having a positive relation between inhibitory control and
fewer of the characteristics associated with ASD, imagination with the results suggesting the opposite
but these results did not replicate in Study 2. Simi- pattern. Our finding of a negative correlation
lar problems with replication sometimes are found between inhibitory control and paracosms needs
in the literature on imaginary companions. For replication but could be one piece of the puzzle.
example, in some studies preschool children with
imaginary companions score higher on social
understanding tasks such as theory of mind (Lillard
Limitations of This Research
& Kavanaugh, 2014; Taylor & Carlson, 1997), but
this finding does not always replicate (Davis, An important limitation of this research is that our
Meins, & Fernyhough, 2011). participants were mostly European-American chil-
Our results do not support the claim that para- dren from a middle-class well educated community.
cosms are primarily private. Root-Bernstein and In both studies, the children’s verbal comprehen-
Root-Bernstein (2006) list the privacy of the activity sion scores were higher than populations norms
as a corroborating factor for identifying paracosms, (Study 1 M = 118.55, SD = 12.9; Study 2 M =
but 12 of the 29 children with paracosms in our 122.81, SD = 13.74). Thus the prevalence of para-
research (41.4%) reported that developing their cosms in this sample might not be representative of
paracosms was a social activity shared with family children in other communities. We hope that
members or friends. In one case, the paracosm was researchers with access to more diverse populations
widely shared among a large number of children will be encouraged by our findings to include ques-
who developed its structure and narrative both tions about paracosms in their studies.
individually and in various group settings. In fact, Our inclusion of interviews about paracosms and
Cohen and McKeith (1991)—who also defined para- imaginary companions in the same test session
cosms as private activities—“were surprised when might have inflated the extent that the two activities
they discovered that, often, these were not solitary were found to be related. It is also possible that the
games. Children shared their worlds either with creativity scores in our studies might have been
brothers or sisters, or, sometimes with friends” (p. enhanced by recruitment procedures. We avoided
102). Indeed, for some children, paracosms are cen- explicit mention of “imaginary worlds” during
tral to social interactions. For example, in a qualita- recruitment, but parents’ knowledge that the
tive study of four children with paracosms, all four research concerned creativity might have resulted in
parents indicated that their children frequently a sample of children whose parents believed them
worked together on the narratives for their to be particularly creative.
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