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Ballantine, Carl A. Hoeger, Virginia E. Peterson
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Fundamentals of General, Organic, and Biological Chemistry, 7e (McMurry)

Chapter 1 Matter and Measurements

1) Which of the following is a chemical property?

A) melting point
B) mass
C) flammability
D) volume
E) temperature
Answer: C
Diff: 1
Section: 1.1

2) All of the following are examples of matter except

A) heat.
B) air.
C) water.
D) salt.
E) plants.
Answer: A
Diff: 1
Section: 1.1

3) Which of the following is a physical property?

A) flammability
B) conductivity
C) ability to support combustion
D) corrosiveness
E) inertness
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Section: 1.1

4) Which is an example of matter?

A) electrical current
1
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B) conductivity
C) reactivity
D) plastic
E) anxiety
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Section: 1.1

2
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5) Which of the following is a chemical property of aspirin?
A) It does not decompose when protected from moisture.
B) It does not readily dissolve in water.
C) It can be compressed into tablets when mixed with cornstarch.
D) It melts at 135°C.
E) It is a white crystalline solid in pure form at room temperature.
Answer: A
Diff: 1
Section: 1.1

6) Which of the following is a physical change?

A) the rusting of iron
B) the condensation of water vapor
C) the baking of a potato
D) the explosion of nitroglycerin
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Section: 1.1

7) Which statement describes a physical change?

A) winding an alarm clock
B) turning on a flashlight
C) digesting your lunch
D) burning the morning toast
E) lighting a match
Answer: A
Diff: 1
Section: 1.1

8) Which of the following causes a chemical change?

A) winding an alarm clock
B) metabolizing fat
C) slicing a tomato
D) digging a hole
E) pumping gasoline
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Section: 1.1

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9) A chemist is given an unknown gas sample. Which observation describes a chemical property of the
sample?
A) It extinguishes a glowing splint.
B) It has a sharp, stinging odor.
C) It is colorless.
D) Its density is greater than that of air.
E) It weighs 11.2 grams.
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Section: 1.1

10) Which of the following is an example of matter?

A) light
B) clothing
C) forgiveness
D) jealousy
E) wisdom
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Section: 1.2

11) Chemistry is important to the study of which of the following subjects?

A) Geology
B) Biology
C) Astronomy
D) Physics
E) All of these
Answer: E
Diff: 1
Section: 1.1

12) A chemist is given an unknown sample. Which of her observations is not a physical property?
A) The sample is a colorless liquid.
B) The sample has an odor similar to gasoline.
C) The sample is flammable.
D) The sample size is 55 mL.
E) The density of the liquid is 0.789 g/mL.
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Section: 1.1

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13) Which of the following is a physical property of aspirin?
A) Aspirin can moderate some heart disorders when ingested.
B) Aspirin does not decompose when tightly sealed in a bottle.
C) Aspirin yields carbon dioxide and water vapor when burned.
D) Aspirin can be pressed into tablets when mixed with cornstarch.
E) Aspirin reacts with water to produce salicylic acid and acetic acid.
Answer: D
Diff: 3
Section: 1.1

14) Which best describes the size and shape of a sample of gas?
A) It has definite volume and definite shape.
B) It has definite volume, but shape is determined by the container.
C) Its volume is determined by the container, but it has a definite shape.
D) Volume and shape are both determined by the container.
E) Volume and shape cannot be described.
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Section: 1.2

15) Which term does not describe a conversion between states of matter?
A) condensation
B) evaporation
C) freezing
D) melting
E) mixing
Answer: E
Diff: 1
Section: 1.2

16) 1-butanethiol, one of the compounds giving skunks their distinctive odor, freezes at -115.7°C and
boils at 98.5°C. What is its phase at 37°C, the normal body temperature of humans?
A) solid
B) liquid
C) gas
D) a mixture of solid and liquid
E) a mixture of liquid and gas
Answer: B
Diff: 3
Section: 1.2

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17) Malic acid, a compound used to increase the acidity of fruit-flavored products, freezes at 128°C and
boils at 150°C. What is its phase at 100°C, a temperature used in food processing applications?
A) solid
B) liquid
C) gas
D) a mixture of solid and liquid
E) a mixture of liquid and gas
Answer: A
Diff: 3
Section: 1.2

18) Which factor determines the state of matter in which a substance exists?
A) amount
B) color
C) density
D) odor
E) temperature
Answer: E
Diff: 3
Section: 1.2

19) Which of the following are states of matter?

A) solid
B) suspension
C) solution
D) precipitate
E) all of the above
Answer: A
Diff: 1
Section: 1.2

20) Barium sulfate is described as a white crystalline solid that melts at 1580°C and decomposes at
1600°C. At a temperature of 500°C, you would expect a sample of barium sulfate to be a
A) colorless liquid.
B) white crystalline solid.
C) yellow liquid.
D) white cloud of vapor.
E) form that cannot be determined.
Answer: B
Diff: 3
Section: 1.2

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21) Which of the following is a pure substance?
A) root beer
B) bleach
C) eggs
D) gasoline
E) neon
Answer: E
Diff: 1
Section: 1.3

22) Which of the following observations demonstrates that a solid sample is a compound?
A) It cannot be broken down into simpler substances by chemical methods.
B) It cannot be broken down into simpler substances by physical methods.
C) Heating the substance causes it to melt, then to boil.
D) Heating the substance causes no visible color change.
E) Crushing the sample does not affect its other properties.
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Section: 1.3

23) A pure substance

A) always has the same elemental composition.
B) is composed of more than one element.
C) can be broken into its components by physical means.
D) is chemically inert.
E) changes color when placed in bright sunlight.
Answer: A
Diff: 1
Section: 1.3

24) Which of the following is a mixture?

A) cough syrup
B) iron
C) helium
D) sodium hydrogen carbonate
E) steam
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Section: 1.3

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25) Which of the following can be classified as a pure compound?
A) alcohol in water, C2H5OH in H2O
B) sugar, C12H22O11
C) carbon, C
D) iodine, I2
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Section: 1.3

26) List and describe two differences between pure substances and mixtures.
Answer:
1. The composition of a pure substance is always the same, regardless of the source, but the
composition of a mixture can vary.
2. Mixtures can be separated into their components by physical changes; some pure substances can be
separated into components by chemical change.
Diff: 1
Section: 1.3

27) List three examples of pure substances and three examples of mixtures that have not been
previously discussed in class.
Answer: Anything that makes sense in your class.
Diff: 1
Section: 1.3

28) Vegetable oil is a(an) ________, and is found in the ________ phase.
A) element; liquid
B) compound; solid
C) mixture; liquid
D) compound; gas
E) mixture; solid
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Section: 1.3

29) A reddish powder is heated gently in a loosely covered container. After the heating a silvery metal
remains in the container, and a glowing wooden splint placed into the container bursts into flame. The
original substance is a(an) ________, and the solid and gas produced are ________.
A) element; compounds
B) compound; elements
C) mixture; compounds
D) compound; compounds
E) mixture; elements
Answer: B
Diff: 3
Section: 1.3

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30) Each symbol denotes an element except
A) Co.
B) CO.
C) Cu.
D) C.
E) Cl.
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

31) Which of the following is an element?

A) fire
B) iron
C) salt
D) water
E) wine
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

32) What is the chemical symbol for chlorine?

A) C
B) Ca
C) Cl
D) Cr
E) Cu
Answer: C
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

33) What is the chemical symbol for calcium?

A) C
B) Ca
C) Cl
D) Cr
E) Cu
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

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34) What is the chemical symbol for copper?
A) C
B) Ca
C) Cl
D) Cr
E) Cu
Answer: E
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

35) What is the chemical symbol for chromium?

A) C
B) Ca
C) Cl
D) Cr
E) Cu
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

36) The most common element by mass percent in the human body is
A) carbon.
B) hydrogen.
C) oxygen
D) sulfur.
E) phosphorus.
Answer: C
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

37) Xylene, a compound with the formula C8H10, is composed of

A) any combination of atoms of carbon and hydrogen in a four to five ratio.
B) eight atoms of carbon and ten atoms of hydrogen.
C) eight atoms of calcium and ten atoms of helium.
D) ten atoms of carbon and eight atoms of hydrogen.
E) any combination of atoms of carbon and hydrogen that add up to 18 total.
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

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38) Which symbol does not denote a compound?
A) CO2
B) CCl4
C) C2H4
D) Cr
E) CaCO3
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

39) Which element is not essential for human life?

A) C
B) H
C) P
D) Pb
E) Ca
Answer: D
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

40) What is the symbol for tungsten?

A) W
B) Tu
C) Sn
D) St
E) Ti
Answer: A
Diff: 1
Section: 1.4

41) What element is represented by the chemical symbol K?

A) kaolin
B) phosphorus
C) potassium
D) silver
E) sodium
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Section: 1.4

11
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42) What element is represented by the chemical symbol Ag?
A) argon
B) arsenic
C) gold
D) mercury
E) silver
Answer: E
Diff: 2
Section: 1.4

43) Of the elements listed, the most abundant by mass percent in the earth's crust is
A) silicon.
B) aluminum.
C) hydrogen.
D) iron.
E) sodium.
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Section: 1.4

44) The formula for ammonia, NH3, represents a compound composed of

A) one atom of nickel and three atoms of hydrogen.
B) one atom of nitrogen and three atoms of hydrogen.
C) three atoms of nitrogen and three atoms of hydrogen.
D) three atoms of nitrogen and one atom of hydrogen.
E) one atom of nitrogen and three atoms of helium.
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Section: 1.4

45) The formula for sodium carbonate, Na2CO3, represents a compound composed of
A) two atoms of sodium, three atoms of carbon, and three atoms of oxygen.
B) two atoms of sodium, one atom of carbon, and three atoms of oxygen.
C) six atoms of sodium, two atoms of carbon, and six atoms of oxygen.
D) one atom of sodium and one atom of carbonate.
E) two atoms of sodium and three atoms of carbonate.
Answer: B
Diff: 2
Section: 1.4

12
Copyright © 2013 Pearson Education, Inc.
46) The formula for calcium sulfate, CaSO4, represents a compound composed of
A) two atoms of calcium, four atoms of sulfur, and four atoms of oxygen.
B) one atom of calcium, four atoms of sulfur, and four atoms of oxygen.
C) one atom of calcium, one atom of sulfur, and four atoms of oxygen.
D) one atom of calcium and four atoms of sulfate.
E) one atom of calcium and one atom of sulfate.
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Section: 1.4

47) The formula for glucose, C6H12O6, represents a compound composed of

A) six atoms of carbon, twelve atoms of hydrogen, and six atoms of oxygen.
B) six atoms of carbon, ten atoms of hydrogen, and four atoms of oxygen.
C) one atom of carbon, two atoms of hydrogen, and one atom of oxygen.
D) six atoms of carbon and six atoms of water.
E) six atoms of carbon and two atoms of water.
Answer: A
Diff: 2
Section: 1.4

48) The formula BaSO4 represents a compound composed of

A) two atoms of barium, four atoms of sulfur, and four atoms of oxygen.
B) one atom of barium, four atoms of sulfur, and four atoms of oxygen.
C) one atom of barium, one atom of sulfur, and four atoms of oxygen.
D) one atom of boron, four atoms of sulfur, and four atoms of oxygen.
E) one atom of boron, one atom of sulfur, and four atoms of oxygen.
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Section: 1.4

49) Amphetamine, a commonly abused drug, is composed of nine atoms of carbon, 13 atoms of
hydrogen, and one atom of nitrogen. The chemical formula of amphetamine is written
A) C9H13N1
B) C9H13
C) C9H13N
D) C13H93N0
E) C9H1N13
Answer: C
Diff: 3
Section: 1.4

13
Copyright © 2013 Pearson Education, Inc.
50) Caffeine, the active ingredient in coffee, is composed of eight atoms of carbon, ten atoms of
hydrogen, and four atoms of nitrogen. The chemical formula of caffeine is written
A) CHNO
B) C8H10N4O2
C) C8H10N4
D) C8H12N4O4
E) C8H10N4O
Answer: B
Diff: 3
Section: 1.4

51) Element Z has the following properties:

a. noncombustible
b. unreactive
c. colorless, odorless gas at room temperature
d. nonconductor of electricity
Element Z can be classified as a ________ and will be found ________ the zigzag line of the periodic
table.
A) metal; to the left of
B) metalloid; along side of
C) non-metal; to the right of
D) non-metal; along side of
E) metal; to the right of
Answer: C
Diff: 3
Section: 1.5

52) Which chemical symbol represents a non-metal?

A) Al
B) B
C) Ga
D) Si
E) P
Answer: E
Diff: 1
Section: 1.5

53) Which chemical symbol represents a metallic element?

A) Ar
B) Br
C) Ca
D) H
E) P
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Section: 1.5

14
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54) Which chemical symbol represents a metalloid?
A) Al
B) B
C) Ga
D) Zn
E) Ar
Answer: B
Diff: 1
Section: 1.5

55) Element Z has the following properties:

a. silvery-white solid at room temperature
b. malleable
c. used as a catalyst
d. conducts electricity
Element Z can be classified as a ________ and will be found ________ the zigzag line of the periodic
table.
A) metal; along side of
B) metalloid; along side of
C) non-metal; to the right of
D) non-metal; along side of
E) metal; to the left of
Answer: E
Diff: 3
Section: 1.5

56) Consider the chemical reaction described as

mercury(II) oxide mercury + oxygen.

Identify the reactant(s) in this example.

A) heat
B) mercury + oxygen
C) mercury(II) oxide
D) mercury
E) oxygen
Answer: C
Diff: 2
Section: 1.6

15
Copyright © 2013 Pearson Education, Inc.
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the blessing of the Almighty for the trust he had reposed in the
cause of truth and righteousness. But the actual result was simply
the utter wrack of his worldly affairs. Efforts were indeed made to
repay his advances, but wholly without effect. In 1652, he
proceeded to London, to urge the government to do him justice. By
this time, his affairs had got into confusion, his credit as a merchant
was gone, and his creditors were pressing upon him. It does not
appear that he succeeded in wringing more than a thousand pounds
out of the hands of the Commonwealth men. Finally, incurring fresh
debts for his subsistence in the metropolis, he was thrown into
prison in Westminster—a memorable example of the reverses of
fortune incidental to a time of civil strife.
A curious and very rare pamphlet in folio, entitled
The Lamentable Estate and Distressed Case of the 1655.
Deceased Sir William Dick in Scotland and his
Numerous Family and Creditors for the Commonwealth, contains two
prints, the first representing Sir William at the crisis when he was so
serviceable to the cause of the Covenant, mounted on a handsome
dress, and with a goodly retinue, his horse trampling on money and
money-bags scattered along the ground. On one hand is seen
Hamilton’s fleet in the Firth of Forth, with the significant date 1639
inscribed on one of the vessels; on the other, Edinburgh Castle
undergoing siege, with the date 1640, evidently referring to the
leaguer which the Castle underwent when the Covenanters were
endeavouring to wrest it from the officer who held it for the king.
Below this print is inscribed:

‘See here a Merchant who for’s country’s good,

Leaves off his trade to spend both wealth and blood,
Tramples on profit to redeem the fate
Of his decaying church, and prince, and state.
Such traffic sure none can too highly prize,
When gain itself is made a sacrifice.
But oh, how ill will such examples move,
If Loss be made the recompense to Love.’
Sir William’s favourite mottoes are inscribed above—Publica Salus
nunc mea Merces, and Pro Foedere, Rege, et Grege. The second print, of
which the original painting is still preserved at Prestonfield House,
near Edinburgh, represents the unfortunate merchant in his prison-
cell, seated on a bulk in a mean dress, manacled and fettered, with
his family weeping around him, and four officers of the law at his
back, scourges and fetters being scattered about the floor. Below are
inscribed the motto, Publica Fides nunc mea Servitus, and these lines:

‘He whom you see thus by vile sergeants torn,

Was once his country’s pattern, now their scorn;
Whilst into prison dragged, he there complains,
Who least deserves doth soonest suffer chains.
And who for public doth his faith engage,
Changes his palace for an iron cage.
Then add, to shew his unbecoming fate,
He had been free had he not served the state.’

The preface to the pamphlet speaks of him as

once ‘renowned at home and abroad as a famous 1655.
merchant. When all men have sought their own,
he, contrary to the principles of his outward calling, in the time of
public calamity, did cheerfully embark himself, his estate, which was
very considerable, and his credit, which was greater, known by his
fame abroad that his bills were never protested, but accepted
through all Christendom, yea even in the dominions of the Turks—
and this not out of any private end, but for the public good cause,
which had so many prayers laid out for it then, which he believed
would be answered in due time.’ In the ‘Case’ as addressed to
parliament, after a recital of his loans and the many
acknowledgments and efforts to pay previously made, it is said:
‘Notwithstanding all this, and of the aforesaid Sir William Dick his
expense and painful satisfaction by agents and friends the space of
sixteen years, and of his own personal attendance upon three
parliaments and his highness’s council from November 1652 until
November 1655, in his great old age of seventy and five years, and
gray hairs full of sorrow and heaviness of heart, for such deplorable
sufferings in credit and estate, by so good service performed in
England, and with his cries to heaven for justice and mercy to his so
deep afflictions for well-doing; yet, nevertheless, little or nothing
was recovered all his time here, but one small sum of one thousand
pounds in August 1653; insomuch that, by reason of this delay,
floods of desolation and distress have overwhelmed him and his
children with their numerous families and little ones; their lands and
houses being extended and possessed by the creditors in the cruel
execution of the law; their chattels and goods, too, yea their
ornaments, the covering of their nakedness, and the coverlet in
which they should sleep, being publicly distrained and seized upon
for these debts and disbursements engaged in by them to promote
the public service. Neither is this all; one woe is past, and behold
two woes come after this. Ah! the old man himself was once and
again disgracefully cast into prison for small debts contracted for
necessary livelihood, during his attendance for satisfaction.’ ‘In the
end, through heart-break by so long disappointment,’ he died, ‘in
great misery and want, and without the benefit of a decent funeral,
after six months’ petitioning for some little money towards the same.
And to complete the third woe and perfection of sorrowful afflictions,
his children are cast at this day, and lying in prisons these twenty
months past for public debts, in great sufferings of their persons,
credit, and calling, and weariness of life, longing for death more
than for treasures, and where they and their numerous families had
already perished for want of bread, if some little supply by his
highness’s goodness had not been lately appointed them.’
It appears that after the Restoration the
parliament, as might have been expected, declined 1655.
to acknowledge the debts contracted by the
irregular governments of the preceding twenty years; so Sir William’s
large loans were never refunded. An advance (100,274 merks) on
the Orkney revenues was ignored in 1669, still further wrecking the
property of the family. The only compensation which Sir Andrew
Dick, son of Sir William, could obtain, was a pension of £132
sterling, which lasted for a few years only.177

The spring being alarmingly bad, ‘the presbytery of

Lothian did conclude a fast to be keepit in the 1656. Apr.
beginning of May; whilk was keepit in all the kirks
of the presbytery, and although with great waikness, yet it wanted
not the awn happy effect and blessing, for frae that day the Lord did
produce much fair and pleasant weather,’ and ‘the like summer and
harvest was never seen in this age.’—Nic.
‘This year produced abundance of bestial, such as horse, nolt,
sheep, and some of these at ane very easy price. A mart cow was
sold for [£1, 6s. 8d.], these bestial being abundant, and the money
exceedingly scant.... There was also exceeding great numbers of
salmon and all other sorts of fish taken this year.’—Nic.

It is remarked how much of deceit and cheating

was practised at this time among certain traders in June.
Edinburgh. The beer, ale, and wine sold in the city
were all greatly adulterated. It was customary to mix wine with milk,
brimstone, and other ingredients. ‘Ale was made strong and heady
with hempseed, coriander-seed, Turkish pepper, soot, salt, and by
casting in strong wash under the caldron when the ale was in
brewing.’ Blown mutton and corrupted veal, fusty bread and light
loaves, false measures and weights, were common. In all these
particulars, the magistrates were negligent, so that ‘the people were
abused and neglectit.’—Nic.
‘This year the Lord Cranstoun, having got a
colonel’s commission, levied a new regiment of June.
volunteers for the King of Pole’s [Poland’s] service;
and it trysted well for his management and 1656.
advantage. The royalists chose rather to go
abroad, though in a very mean condition, than live at home under a
yoke of slavery. The colonel sent one Captain Montgomery north in
June, and he had very good luck, listing many for the service. In
August the colonel himself followed after, and residing at Inverness,
sallied out to visit the Master of Lovat, and, in three days, got forty-
three of the Frasers to take on. Amongst the rest, Captain James
Fraser, my Lord Lovat’s son, engages, and, without degradation,
Cranstoun gives him a captain’s commission. Hugh Fraser, young
Clanvacky, takes on as lieutenant; William Fraser, son to Mr William
Fraser of Phopachy, an ensign; and James Fraser, son to Foyer, a
corporal. The Lord Lovat’s son had twenty-two young gentlemen
with the rest, who engaged by themselves, out of Stratherrick,
Abertarff, Aird, and Strathglass. I heard the colonel say he was vain
of them for gallantry—not so much that they were free and willing,
but valorous. I saw them march out of Inverness, and most of the
English regiment there looking on with no small commendation, as
well as emulation of their bravery.’—Fraser of Kirkhill. This gallant
little levy proved unfortunate, most of them being cut off early.
Fourteen years later, the same diarist gives us some particulars of
the few then surviving. ‘This October’ [1670], says he, ‘came to this
country my brother-german, William Fraser. He went abroad in the
Lord Cranstoun’s regiment, for the service of Carolus Gustavus, King
of Sweden, and after the peace he went up to Poland, with other
Scottish men, and settled at Plock as a merchant, and was married.
He had given trust and long delay to the Aberdeen’s men, and was
necessitated to take the occasion of a ship and come to Scotland to
crave his own. He and young Clanvacky Hugh are the only surviving
two of the gallant crew who ventured over seas with their chief’s
son, Captain James. And he is glad of this happy occasion to see his
old mother and brethren. He continued here among his friends all
the winter, and returned back in the spring, never to see his country
again. Two of his foster-brothers ventured with him, Farquhar and
Rory—very pretty boys. We were six brothers mustered one day
together upon a street, and six sisters waiting us in my uncle’s house
—a pleasant sight. We were not vain of it, but willing to see one
another in one society. We never were all convened again. We are
here in this world planted in order to our transplantation, where we
shall, I hope, one day meet never to separate.’

At four o’clock in the morning, according to Baillie,

there was ‘a sensible earthquake’ in all parts of the Aug. 17.
town of Glasgow, ‘though I felt it not.’ ‘Five or six
years ago, there was ane other in the afternoon, 1656.
which I felt, and was followed by that fearful
burning, and all the other shaking [that] has been among us since.
The Lord preserve us from his too well-deserved judgments!’

The efforts of the presbytery of Lanark to make

sincere Presbyterians of the Marquis and Sep. 4.
Marchioness of Douglas had signally failed. Their
parish minister reported sundry ‘outbreakings of sin’ in their house,
‘whereof he could get no order;’ above all, there was a neglect of
family worship. After many ineffectual dealings, the presbytery
declared at this date, that, ‘considering how the marquis and his
lady and family continue to be an ill example, and scandalous divers
ways, in regard that he himself does not ordinarily attend the public
ordinance, but some time the forenoon withdrawing himself, and
ofttimes the servants in the afternoon, in sight of the whole
congregation; [and that] he and his lady cometh scarce to the kirk
once in a year, and that there is no worship of God at all in their
family,’ they must, ‘if he do not redress the foresaid scandals in some
satisfying way, enter in process of excommunication with him and
his lady at the next meeting.’
After many months, the reverend brethren are still found only
‘dealing’ with the noble marquis and his lady. A peer or peeress
seems to have been a particularly difficult person to excommunicate.
Years elapse in such cases without effecting the object, while a
Quaker villager could be conclusively thrust out of the church in a
few weeks.—R. P. L.

Cromwell having been formally installed as

Protector, Mr Robert Baillie notes a popular 1657. June.
expectation in Scotland that a storm—that is, a
storm of political trouble—would follow; and some things seemed to
foretell it: for example, the blowing up of a powder-magazine,
destroying many houses and persons; an army of pikemen
appearing about the house of Foggo Muir, near Dunse Law; and the
discovery of some thousands of objects in the form of cannon,
shaped from snow without the hand of man. Yet, to the surprise of
the reverend gentleman, months passed on without any interruption
of peace.
The same writer, addressing a friend abroad, tells
of many painful occurrences which broke the calm 1657.
tenor of life in Scotland in this and the next
preceding and following years. Several young noblemen were carried
off by acute diseases. Lord Lorn, son of the Marquis of Argyle,
playing at a game in Edinburgh Castle, where stone-bullets were
used, one of them striking him on the head, he fell down as one
dead, and continued so for some time. Three judges died suddenly,
one of them in the court, as he was about to seat himself on the
bench. Imprudence and vice also attracted attention. ‘The Earl of
Eglintoun’s heir, the Lord Montgomery, convoying his father to
London, runs away without any advice, and marries a daughter of
my Lord Dumfries, who is a broken man, when he was sure of my
Lady Buccleuch’s marriage, the greatest match in Britain; this
unexpected prank is worse to all his kin than his death would have
been. The Earl of Moray did little better, for at London, without any
advice, he ran and married Sir William Balfour’s second daughter.’
The Earl of Rothes was clapped up in Edinburgh Castle, by the
Protector’s orders, in great infamy on account of a certain light-
mannered Lady Howard, who had come to his lordship’s house on a
visit, and whose husband was now in Scotland, bent on obtaining a
bloody satisfaction for his dishonour. At the same time, the wife of
Lord Forrester sunk into the grave, through grief excited by the
misconduct of her husband and her sister.
The number of cases of uncommon turpitude in a time of
extraordinary religious purism forces itself upon attention. One
Foyer, who was under the notice of the English judges at Glasgow in
the spring of 1659, is described by Robert Baillie as ‘a most wicked
hypocrite, who, under the colour of piety and prayer, has acted
sundry adulteries.’ Being libelled for one only, ‘he was but scourged:
many were grieved that he was not hanged.’ The reverend writer
adds: ‘Great appearance of his witchery also, if he had been put to a
real trial.’
Offences of a horrible and unnatural kind continued to abound to a
degree which makes the daylight profligacy of the subsequent reign
shine white in comparison. ‘More,’ says Nicoll, ‘within these six or
seven years nor within these fifty years preceding and more.’ Culprits
of all ages, from boys to old men, are heard of every few months as
burnt on the Castle Hill of Edinburgh; sometimes two together.
Young women, who had murdered their own infants—on one
occasion it was ‘ane pretty young gentill woman’—were frequently
brought to the same scene of punishment. John Nicoll states that on
one day, the 15th October 1656, five persons, two men and three
women, were burnt on the Castle Hill for offences of the several
kinds here glanced at; while two others were scourged through the
city for minor degrees of the same offences.
Burnings of warlocks and witches were of not less
appalling frequency. In February 1658, two women 1657.
and a man were prisoners for this crime in the
Tolbooth of Edinburgh. One of the women died in prison; the
warlock was executed. The other woman, named Jonet Anderson,
who had been married three months before, confessed that she had
previously given herself up, body and soul, to the devil, and that at
her nuptials she saw her spiritual lover standing in the church behind
the pulpit. Though this must have been merely such a case of
hallucination as would now require simply medical treatment, Jonet
was only spared till it was ascertained that she was not pregnant.
‘She made ane happy end, and gave singular testimonies of her
repentance by frequent prayers, and singing of psalms, before her
execution.’ In the ensuing August, four women, ‘ane of them a
maiden,’ were burnt on the Castle Hill, ‘all confessing the sin of
witchcraft.’ Not long after, we hear of five women belonging to
Dunbar, burnt on the Castle Hill together, all confessing that they
had covenanted with Satan, renounced to him their baptism, and
taken from him new names, with suitable marks impressed on their
flesh. And presently follows again the case of nine from the parish of
Tranent, all dying with similar confessions on their lips.—Nic.
Although these executions appear to us as tolerably numerous, they
were not enough to satisfy the zealous people of that day. ‘There is
much witchery up and down our land,’ says Robert Baillie; ‘the
English be but too sparing to try it, but some they execute.’
It is to be feared that, so long as reputation is to be gained by mere
religious professions, or the adherence to certain systems of
doctrine, cases of hypocrisy like that of Foyer will be occasionally
heard of. Nor will it be doubted that a moral code which presses too
severely upon the natural affections is calculated in all circumstances
to have the consequences here adverted to. Of the cases of
witchcraft, we can only deplore, with humiliation, that such delusions
should have formed a part of the religious convictions of the age. In
the seventeenth century, the ruling minds had a clear apprehension
of what they thought the truth, and went right to their point in
seeking to work it out. Distinctions, refinements, explained-away
texts, moderating reflections, fears of reaction, were reserved for a
later day.

The magistrates of Glasgow at this time provided

themselves with an engine ‘for the occasion of June.
sudden fire, in spouting out of water thereon,’ after
the form of one recently established in Edinburgh. 1657.
—M. of G.

The magistrates of Glasgow, feeling the need for

‘ane diurnal’—that is, newspaper, a luxury hitherto Sep.
little known in Scotland—‘appoint John Fleming to
write to his man wha lies at London,’ to cause one be sent for the
town’s use. Whether John Fleming’s man, from the fact of his lying
at London, is to be presumed as himself connected with the public
press, may be left to the consideration of the reader.
Before this time, it appears that John Nicoll, a legal agent in
Edinburgh, often quoted here on account of his Diary, had supplied
the magistrates of Glasgow with weekly intelligence.

Mr Thomas Stewart, the hero of the plague anecdote of 1645,

married in 1654, and retired to enjoy a quiet country life on his
father’s estate of Coltness, in Lanarkshire. His relative, Sir Archibald,
gives us a minute recital of what he did with the old place, in
extending its accommodations and ornamenting its environs, and the
result is that we get a tolerably clear idea of a Scotch gentleman’s
country-house, according to the views and tastes which prevailed in
the time of the Commonwealth.
‘He set himself to planting and enclosing, and so to
embellish the place. But [as] the old mansion was 1657.
straitening, and their family likely to increase, he
thought of adding to the old tower (which consisted only of a vault
and two rooms, one above the other, with a small room on the top
of the turnpike stair, and a garret) a large addition on the south side
of the staircase, of a good kitchen, cellar, meat-room or low parlour;
a large hall or dining-room, with a small bedchamber and closet;
over these, and above that, two bedchambers with closets; and yet
higher, in a fourth story, two finished roof-rooms. And thus he made
an addition of a kitchen, six fire-rooms with closets; and the vault in
the old tower, built by Hamilton of Uddeston, was turned to a
convenient useful cellar, with a partition for outer and inner
repositories. The office-houses of bake-house, brew-house, garner-
room, and men-servants’ bedchamber, were on the north of a paved
court; and a high front wall towards the east, with an arched entry
or porch, enclosed all. Without this arched gate was another larger
court, with stables on the south side for the family and strangers’
horses, and a trained up thorn with a bower in it. Opposite to the
stables, north from the mansion-house, with an entry to a good
spring draw-well, as also leading to the byre, sheep-house, barn,
and hen-house, all which made a court, to the north of the other
court, and separate from it with a stone-wall; and on the east part of
the court was a large space for a dunghill. The gardens were to the
south of the house, much improved and enlarged; and the nursery-
garden was a small square enclosure to the west of the house. The
slope of the grounds to the west made the south garden, next the
house, fall into three cross terraces. The terrace fronting the south
of the house was a square parterre, or flower-garden, and the easter
and wester, or the higher and lower plots of ground, were for cherry
and nut gardens, and walnut and chestnut trees were planted upon
the head of the upper bank, towards the parterre; and the slope
bank on the east side the parterre was a strawberry border.
‘These three terraces had a high stone-wall on the south, for
ripening and improving finer fruits; and to the south of this wall, was
a good orchard and kitchen-garden, with broad grass-walks, all
enclosed with a good thorn-hedge; and without this, a ditch and dry
fence, enclosing several rows of timber-trees for shelter; to the west
of the house, and beyond the square nursery-garden, was a large
timber tree park, with birches towards the house, and on the other
three sides rows of ash and plane, and in the middle a goodly thicket
of firs. To the north, the barn court; and north from the house was a
grass enclosure of four acres, with a fishpond in the corner for pikes
and perches. All was enclosed with a strong wall and hedgerows of
trees: so the whole of this policy might consist of an oblong square,
and the longer side of the square fronted to the south; the ordinary
entries to the house were from east to west, but the main access
from the east.
‘It was found still a convenient nursery was wanted
for an interesting young family, and a lower 1657.
addition was made to the east end of the new
buildings, and to run parallel with the south side of the high house,
towards the gardens. The low room was for a woman-house, and
the upper room was the nursery; and both nursery and woman-
house had passage to the great house, by proper doors, and a
timber trap-stair made a communication betwixt the nursery and the
woman-house. In short, after all was finished, the fabric was wholly
irregular as to the outside appearance, and both house and policy
were more contrived for conveniency and hospitality, than for beauty
or regular proportion; and so was the humour of these times, that, if
there was lodging, warmness, and plenty within doors, a regular
front or uniform roof were little thought of. All above was executed
the three years 1657, 1658, as appears from the dates on the upper
lintel ornaments of the window.’
Notwithstanding a good harvest, ‘poverty and
scarcity of money daily increased, by reason of the Dec.
great burdens and charges imposed upon the
people, which constrained them to sell not only their lands and
estates, but even their household geir, insight, and plenishing, and
some their claiths and habulyiements. Witness the bell, which did
daily ring in Edinburgh, making intimation to the inhabitants of such
frequent rouping as was in use.’—Nic.

Stage-coaches were at this time advertised as to

go from ‘the George Inn without Aldersgate’ to 1658. May.
sundry parts of England thrice a week; to Leeds,
Wakefield, and Halifax once a week, charge 40s.; to Durham and
Newcastle, once a week, charge £3; and ‘to Edinburgh in Scotland,
once in three weeks, for £4, 10s.’—in all cases, ‘with good coaches
and fresh horses on the roads.’178

During this year, the people of Edinburgh, Glasgow, and other

considerable towns, were amused in succession with the
performances of a horse brought from England, ‘wha, being trained
up in dancing and other conceits of that kind, did afford much sport
and contentment to the people, but not without gain, for none was
admitted to see the dancing without twopence the piece, and some
more.’—Nic.

A supplication was this day given in to the Town

Council of Glasgow by one Robert Marshall, Oct. 1.
shewing that he was willing, if permitted, to
exercise the calling of a house-painter in the city. The Council,
having had it represented to them that there was ‘but one the like
within this burgh, and not ane other in all the west of Scotland,’ gave
Robert permission to wash and paint houses to any who pleased to
employ him.—M. of G.
This gives a curious idea of Glasgow two centuries
ago. The magistrates had a little before this time 1658.
induced a printer to come from Edinburgh and
settle amongst them. The man does not seem to have succeeded,
for in May 1660, they give him fifty merks, ‘to help to transport his
guids and flitting to Edinburgh again.’ A few months after this date,
Robert Sanders was encouraged to set up a printing-office in
Glasgow, with a pension of £40 a year, ‘he to print gratis anything
that the town shall employ him to print.’ In 1660, they caused a
plasterer to be sent for from Perth, ‘to come here for plastering of
Hucheson’s Hospital.’—M. of G.

The lamentations, of which we have seen several

examples, over the depressed condition of Nov.
Scotland under the English tyranny, are repeated
at this time by a man of moderate and sagacious character, the Rev.
Robert Baillie. He says: ‘The country lies very quiet; it is exceeding
poor; trade is nought; the English has all the moneys. Our noble
families are almost gone: Lennox has little in Scotland unsold;
Hamilton’s estate, except Arran and the barony of Hamilton, is sold;
Argyle can pay little annual-rent [interest] for seven or eight
hunched thousand merks [of debt]; and he is no more drowned in
debt than public hatred, almost of all, both Scotch and English. The
Gordons are gone; the Douglases little better; Eglintoun and
Glencairn on the brink of breaking. Many of our chief families’ states
are cracking; nor is there any appearance of any human relief for the
time.’179 It may give some idea of the reduced state of the nobility
during these evil days, that the allowance made by the English
government out of the sequestered estates of the Balcarres family
for the earl, a minor, and his younger brother, was only ten pounds a
year!180
Nicoll, adverting to the same time, says: ‘The condition of this nation
of Scotland yet remains sad, by reason of poverty and heavy
burdens.’ The crop of the year ‘was very poor by reason of the
spring-time, whilk was very cold and weety the space of many
weeks.’ The price of victual was consequently for this year double
what it had recently been.
A Mr Tucker, who was commissioned by Cromwell
in 1656 to introduce order into the customs duties 1658.
of Scotland, has left a report from which we obtain
particulars as to the trade then carried on with foreign countries.
Notwithstanding that duties were in those days imposed equally on
exported and imported goods, the revenue of Leith port was only
£2335; that of Aberdeen, £573; Glasgow, £554. The respective sums
drawn from these ports, for imports only, in 1844, were £631,926,
£76,259, and £551,841. Other ports were in proportion, though not
uniformly; thus Burntisland, which is now merely a ferry harbour,
then drew nearly as much revenue as Glasgow. The native shipping,
consisting of vessels of from twelve to a hundred and fifty tons, was
in not less marked contrast to that of our day. Glasgow had only
twelve such vessels; Kirkcaldy, an equal number, but not one above
a hundred tons; Dundee and Anstruther, ten; Burntisland, seven;
Wemyss, six; Dysart, four. The extreme narrowness of the resources
of Scotland is strikingly shewn in these facts, and makes us the more
disposed to wonder at the comparatively great sacrifices which the
people had been making for many years for the sake of their church
and for its promotion in other lands.
At the same time that so great poverty prevailed, there was such a
protection to life and property as had never before been known. It
was not, we believe, without cause that the famous Colonel
Desborough, in a speech in the House of Commons (March 17,
1659), made it a boast for his party, that ‘a man may ride over all
Scotland, with a switch in his hand and a hundred pounds in his
pocket, which he could not have done these five hundred years.’181

The people of Edinburgh were regaled with the

sight of a travelling dromedary, probably the first 1659. Jan.
that had ever come into Scotland. ‘It was very big,’
says Nicoll, ‘of great height, and cloven-footed like a cow, and on the
back ane seat, as it were a saddle, to sit on.’ ‘Being kept close in the
Canongate, none had a sight of it without threepence the person.
There was brought in with it ane little baboon, faced like unto an
ape.’

At this time the public received a great surprise in

the sudden reappearance of a nobleman, Lord Jan.
Belhaven, who was understood to have been dead
for the last six years and upwards. At the forfeiture 1659.
of the Hamilton family under the English tyranny,
Lord Belhaven found himself engaged as security to the creditors of
that house for a much larger sum than he could pay; so, to escape
comprisings of his lands and imprisonment of his person, he fell
upon an extraordinary expedient. He took a journey to England, and
when he had passed Solway Sands, he caused his servant to come
back to his wife with his cloak and hat, and had it given out that he
and his horse had sunk in the quicksands, and were drowned. None
were privy to the secret but his lady and the servant. The report
passed everywhere as authentic, and to make it more plausible, his
lady and children went in mourning for two years. Passing into
England, Lord Belhaven put on a mean suit of apparel, hired himself
to be a gardener, and worked at this humble employment during the
whole time of his absence, no one knowing this part of his course
but his lady. During his absence, his only son, ‘a very hopeful youth
and pretty scholar,’ was struck with a fever, which in a few days
carried him off. ‘In this real death by God’s hand, who will not be
mocked, the hope of that house perished.’—Bail. The Duchess of
Hamilton having at length come to a composition with her creditors,
his lordship returned to Scotland, and resumed his rank, ‘to the
admiration of many.’—Nic.

The Countess of Buccleuch in her own right, a

child of eleven years of age, the greatest heiress of Feb. 9.
her time in Scotland, was married at the place of
Wester Wemyss in Fife, to Walter Scott, son of Scott of Highchester,
a youth of fourteen. These indecent nuptials were performed,
without proclamation, by virtue of an order from the presbytery of
Kirkcaldy, ‘purchased by the Earl of Wemyss and some of the name
of Scott:’ that is, obtained by their influence. The Countess of
Wemyss, ‘a witty, active woman,’182 was mother of the bride. ‘This
marriage was celebrate upon a great suddenty, few or none of her
friends made privy to it till the day before, which day they were
contracted. Many expected she should have got some great match
(for both Scots and English had an aim for her); but this youth, that
her mother (who was the only doer of this business) made choice of
for her daughter, was only one of her own vassal’s sons—namely, an
oy [grandson] of the Laird of Harden....’—Lam.
An unsuccessful attempt was made by Sir John
Scott of Scotstarvet to reduce the marriage, on the 1659.
ground that he, her tutor, had not consented.
While the question hung suspended, for there existed then no
judicatory in Scotland, the young lady in August 1659 attained the
age of twelve, at which it was competent for her to effect a marriage
of her own will. She then accordingly emitted a declaration of her
marriage, and her husband meeting her at Leith, amidst great
demonstrations of joy, they went that same night to Dalkeith, to
commence married life.—Nic.
This poor victim of the cupidity of her seniors was taken by her
mother next year to London, to be touched for the cruels by the
king, and died in the next ensuing year, leaving the succession to her
younger sister Anne, who became the victim of an equally
discreditable affair, in being married while still a child to the king’s
natural son, a boy, subsequently Duke of Monmouth.
The marrying of heiresses under twelve years of age was a not
infrequent misdemeanour in the seventeenth century. ‘1st March
1677, Trotter, Lady Craigleith, was fined at Secret Council, in 6000
merks, for conveying away her daughter, heiress of Craigleith, and
sending her to Berwick, where she married young Prestongrange
(Morison), and stayed some two or three months, till she completed
her twelve years of age, after which the marriage could not be
dissolved, nor she resile.... Her maternal uncle, Mortonhall, was
fined for his accession in 3000 merks, and young Prestongrange in
1000 merks.’—Foun.
In 1680, Patrick Carnegie, brother of the Earl of Northesk, was
prosecuted for conveying away Mary Gray, daughter of the Laird of
Baledgarnie, in the Carse of Gowrie, she being but eleven years and
one month old. ‘Some spoke harsh things, that if he could be got, he
deserved hanging, for ane example to secure men’s children from
such attempts.’ While Patrick escaped from justice, his assistants
Kinfauns, Finhaven, and Pitcur were sent to Edinburgh Castle, and
‘ordained, under highest pains, to produce him who wounded the
servant while he was resisting their rapt: they came weel off, that
their acknowledgment of the fault was accepted instead of a fine.’—
Foun.
Died this day, ‘sitting in his chair at his awn house,
without any preceding sickness,’ and but ‘little Mar. 27.
lamented’ (Nic.), John Earl of Traquair—a
remarkable example of the mutabilities of fortune 1659.
in a period of civil broil and revolution. By
cleverness and address, unaccompanied by any nobler qualities, and
by making himself useful to Laud in his views for the reformation of
the Scotch church, he had risen from the condition of a private
gentleman to titles, wealth, and the office of Lord High Treasurer. Of
his means and taste at the zenith of his fortunes, the house of
Traquair, with its formal avenues and garden, is an interesting
surviving monument. Clerical zeal ruined what the skill of Traquair
might have built up. The Service-book was pushed on against his
advice, and he could not control the storm. The most conspicuous
service he rendered after that period was to act as his majesty’s
commissioner to the Scottish parliament and General Assembly of
1640. He did his best to maintain the royal authority, but all was in
vain. His subsequent conduct was not of a bold character; but there
is all reason to believe that he continued a loyalist and a friend of
Episcopacy at heart. Accompanying the army of the Engagement in
1648, along with a regiment of horse of his own raising, he was
taken prisoner at Preston, and committed to Warwick Castle, where
he lay for four years. For this final act of loyalty, the Covenanting
parliament forbade his return into Scotland. At length, when his
country had been taken into the hands of the English, he was
liberated, and came home; but it was to poverty and obscurity. His
estate had been sequestered; it was a time of general suffering and
humiliation. Reflected on as an instrument of the king and Laud in
their arbitrary schemes, he enjoyed respect from no party. In such
circumstances, it is scarcely surprising to be told, as we are on
credible authority, that this once great noble and state officer was
reduced so low as to be beholden for the necessaries of life to
charity. ‘He would take an alms, though not publicly ask for it,’ says
the author of a work quoted below,183 where it is added: ‘There are
some still alive at Peebles that have seen him dine upon a salt
herring and an onion.’ A worse humiliation remained for him, if Nicoll
be right in reporting that the earl was (August 1655) ‘pannelled and
accused before the Criminal Court for perjury at the instance of his
son-in-law.’184
The annotator on Scot’s Staggering State of Scots Statesmen, says
that at his burial this unfortunate nobleman ‘had no mort-cloth
[pall], but a black apron; nor towels, but leashes belonging to some
gentlemen that were present; and the grave being two feet shorter
than his body, the assistants behoved to stay till the same was
enlarged, and he buried.’
This day, Heriot’s Hospital, which had been
founded in 1628, being now complete, was 1659. June 21.
solemnly dedicated by the ceremony of a
preaching in presence of the magistrates of Edinburgh, the preacher,
Mr Robert Douglas, receiving five double pieces for his pains. There
were placed in it ‘thirty-five boys, of honest parents, but decayit in
means, all of them weel arrayit in purpour clothes and cassocks.’
‘This hospital,’ says Nicoll, ‘was not ane ordinary hospital, but a
hospital very famous, with halls, chalmers, kitchens, brew-houses,
yards, orchards, a chapel, and all other necessaries.’

The town of Edinburgh obtained an additional

impost upon the ale sold in its bounds; it was now Sep. 1.
a full penny sterling a pint, so that the liquor rose
to the unheard-of price of 32d. Scots for that quantity. ‘Yet this
imposition,’ says Nicoll, ‘seemed not to thrive; for at the same instant
God frae the heavens declared his anger by sending thunder, and
unheard tempests, and storms, and inundations of water, whilk
destroyed their common mills, dams, and warks, to the town’s great
charges and expenses.’ Eleven mills belonging to Edinburgh, and five
belonging to Heriot’s Hospital, all upon the Water of Leith, were
destroyed on this occasion, ‘with their dams, water-gangs, timber
and stone-warks, the haill wheels of their mills, timber graith, and
haill other warks.’ The chronicler, somewhat awkwardly for his
hypothesis, admits that many neighbouring towns suffered by the
like destruction of their mills.

Nicoll states himself to have seen this day, a youth

of sixteen, a native of Aberdeen, who, having been Sep. 21.
born without power in his arms, either to eat or
drink, or do any other thing for himself or others, ‘Almighty God,
who is able to do all things, gave him power to supply all these
duties with the toes of his feet, and to write in singular good legible
and current write, and that with such haste as any common notar is
in use to do. Yea, further, with his toes he put on his clothes, kamed
his head, made his writing pens, [and] threaded a needle, in such
short time and space as any other person whatsomever was able to
do with his hands.’

In the Council Records of Inverness occurs, under

this year, the following petition: ‘To the Right 1659.
Honourable the Magistrates and Town Council of
the burgh of Inverness, the supplication of Frederick Fraser, tailor
burgess of Inverness, and Alexander Duff, burgess there, for
ourselves and in behalf the remanent freemen of that trade, humbly
sheweth—That your supplicants are very much damnified and
prejudged in the enjoyment of their trade, the same being in-falled
upon and taken away by many outlandish men, who dwell round
about the burgh for eschewing of burden, and yet peeps in by night
and by day and steals away the trade of the place, and works the
same in the landward, to our great loss and apparent ruin, so that if
speedy redress be not found, and this evil to this poor trade be not
stayed, your supplicants and our poor families will undoubtedly
perish. We are able to shew your lordships, and to make it out, that
in these times we gain not by our trade for our own subsistence and
the upholding of the burdens of the place, that which our servants
were wont to gain under us. May it please your lordships, therefore,
to take the premises into consideration, and to allow us, your
supplicants, or such others of the trade as your lordships please to
nominate, such power and freedom in the exercise of that trade as
formerly we had, and that for the better restraining of all such as are
neither profitable nor allowable to the place, and for the further and
better encouragement of us your poor supplicants who has and are
willing daily to contribute with the place in weal and woe according
to our poor power.’
A local journalist, after giving a transcript of this petition, adds:
‘Provost Cuthbert and the council turned a friendly ear to the
supplication, and authorised the petitioners to “look and see to
restrain all outlandish tailors,” and empowering them to seize upon
the work of the transgressors, and bring the whole before a
magistrate. Two years afterwards, however, the same parties, with
the addition of John Cumming, tailor, again complain of the
outlandish tailors. They petition that all unfreemen in the town
should be discharged from usurping to themselves the benefits of
freemen, and from keeping apprentices and servants, and made to
live within the verge of their own calling. The provost and council
granted the desire of the petition, and authorised the supplicants,
with the concurrence of the burgh officers, to put the act in force.
The principles of political economy or free-trade were not then
understood, but the inhabitants seem to have been willing enough to
avail themselves of the cheap services of the outlandish tailors, else
the freemen would not so strongly have urged their claims upon the
council.’185
REIGN OF CHARLES II.: 1660-1673.
The wild joy with which the people of England hailed the close of
anarchy and military tyranny in the restoration of Charles II. to the
throne, was fully participated in Scotland by a small loyalist party.
The bulk of the community were also made happy by the event, for
they were pleased to see the monarchy restored, accompanied as
the event was by the revival of their national independence; but the
general happiness was mixed with anxiety regarding the fate of their
favourite church, to which they had long been accustomed to
consider all other institutions as subordinate. In England, almost as
a matter of course, the Episcopal Church was restored with the
monarchy, to the slighting of that Solemn League and Covenant with
which the interests of Presbyterianism had been so long bound up.
The temper of the English people was now strongly against all that
had been done during the troubles by those with whom the Scottish
Presbyterians had been in alliance, and consequently against
Scottish Presbyterianism itself. The joy of the Presbyterian
monarchists of Scotland might therefore well be mixed with fear.
Very naturally, the men of high rank who had done and suffered
most for the cause of monarchy in the late evil days, were appointed
to be at the head of affairs in Scotland. The Earl of Glencairn, chief
of the guerrilla resistance to Cromwell in 1653, was made Chancellor.
Major-general Middleton, who had finally commanded in that
insurrection, and was now promoted to the peerage as Earl of
Middleton, was appointed to be his majesty’s commissioner to
parliament. The Earls of Crawford and Lauderdale, Presbyterian
monarchists of 1650-1, who had since suffered a ten years’
imprisonment in England, were made respectively Lord Treasurer
and Secretary of State. With them came a host of inferior officials,
all more or less under a sense of suffering through over-zealous
Presbyterianism, and mostly eager to repair their broken fortunes at
the expense of their enemies. A reassemblage in September of the
remains of that Committee of Estates which had been captured at
Alyth in 1651, was the first movement made. It was superseded by
the new parliament, which sat down on the 1st of January 1661 and
proceeded to pass many acts for the settlement of affairs on the
new basis. One of these at a single blow annulled all the acts of the
irregular parliaments of the last twenty-three years; another
imposed on men holding offices an oath acknowledging the king to
be ‘supreme governor in all cases, over all persons, ecclesiastical and
civil.’ Finally, in July of that year, the Privy Council was reconstituted
—a judicial as well as political body. At the same time, the Courts of
Session and Justiciary were reconstructed, in place of the English
judicatories which had sat for the last eight years.
The vengeance of the new government fell only on those who had
carried the Presbyterian views to a disloyal extreme, or who had
complied with Cromwell. The chief victim was the Marquis of Argyle
—who no doubt had placed the crown on the king’s head at Scone in
1651, but who had also been the prime leader in nearly all those
movements subsequent to 1638, which had been so destructive to
the interests of royalty. His execution (May 27, 1661) was considered
by the royalists as a righteous retribution for that of Montrose eleven
years before. Mr James Guthrie, minister of Stirling, the leader
among the Remonstrators, was hanged. Sir Archibald Johnston—who
had perhaps done more than any other single man throughout the
troubles to promote the pure Presbyterian cause—escaped to
Holland, but after a little time was brought back and executed (July
1663). Several other ministers of the Remonstrant party, who failed
to make timely submission, were imprisoned, and subsequently for
the most part banished.
The one great subject remaining for consideration was the church—
how was it to be settled? The king, unlike his father, could have
endured the Presbyterian forms, though he is said to have privately
declared Presbyterianism unfit to be the religion of a gentleman. But
Presbyterianism involved something more than forms. As professed
by its more zealous and intelligent adherents, it claimed to have
Christ for its sole head, and therefore to be completely independent
of all civil control. The men in whose hands its fate was now cast—
for the reaction of popular feeling in the entire island made it
helpless—had to consider that this claim had been a source of
constant trouble to the state ever since the minority of King James;
they had to judge whether the Presbyterian Church, holding such a
claim as essential to it, would, if now established, comport with any
species of civil government whatever. Under the light of recent
experiences, and led by the general temper of the time, it was not
surprising, though very unfortunate, that they resolved to restore
the so-called moderate Episcopacy of 1638, minus the Book of
Canons and Liturgy.
The moderate or Resolutionist party in the church, being the great
majority, had sent Mr James Sharpe, minister of Crail, to represent
their interests in the little body of men surrounding the king at his
return from the continent. Full reliance was placed on Mr Sharpe, for
he was thought to be a conscientious as well as able man: we find
Robert Baillie speaking of him at the time with an affection which
could not have been inspired in so virtuous a bosom without many
merits. But Mr Sharpe proved unable to resist the contagion of
feeling to which he was exposed: he was induced to consent to the
restoration of prelacy, and to take the position of primate. The
Presbyterians considered themselves as betrayed by their own
representative. The bishops of 1638 being all dead but one, and he
unable to travel, Sharpe and three other Presbyterian clergymen
received the rite of consecration in London, and, returning, imparted
it to the other bishops in Holyrood Church. In May 1662, an act of
the Estates formally reconstituted the church on the Episcopal
model; the bulk of the people quietly submitting to what they could
not resist, while the more earnest regarded it as a desertion of
Christ’s own standard, calculated to bring down judgments upon the
land.
The burst of loyal feeling at the Restoration had probably led the
government to believe that the settlement of Episcopacy would be
an easy, if not popular act. If they had truly known the antipathy still
entertained for the prelatic model, they might have hesitated to take
such a step, for it might then have appeared more hopeful that the
claim of independence for presbytery would be practically overcome
or made innocuous—as it afterwards was at the Revolution—than
that bishops could be maintained in peace amongst a hostile people.
But here we must remember how force was universally looked to in
that age as a proper and legitimate means of inducing conformity.
Under the recent rule of the Presbyterian Church, there had been
heavy fines, depositions, banishings, excommunications, and
confiscations, for Episcopalian and popish non-conformists; hangings
and beheadings for those who proceeded to an active opposition.
And the apparent conformity which such means can produce had
really been attained. The authors of the new episcopate, having no
light beyond their age on the subject of toleration, might very
naturally think that what had succeeded in 1650 would succeed in
1662: they would compel the people to be Episcopalians. There was
a difference in the two cases which it would have been well for them
to observe. The severe measures of 1650 were the measures of a
majority of really religious men—or at least men of very earnest
religious convictions—against a minority of dissenters or indifferents.
The measures now called for were to be carried out by a minority,
chiefly animated by secular maxims, against a mass of people
generally earnest in their peculiar religious views, and who were
liable to become the more so, and consequently the more
troublesome, under persecution. In the one case, the dominant
church was a great Reality, solidly founded in the affections of the
mass of the people; in the other, it was little more than a piece of
statecraft, with the affections of the majority of the people against
it. The right of enforcing conformity we may allow to have been the
same in both cases; but the consequences, we can easily see, were
likely to be very different. The new church had scarcely been
constituted, when the unwiseness of the step might have easily been
seen. The clergy generally, but especially in the south-western
counties, shewed their unwillingness to give up their collective
powers into the hands of the bishops. On a precipitate edict of the
Archbishop of Glasgow, calling on the ministers of his province who
had been inducted since 1649 to take out new presentations from
the patrons, and receive collation from their bishops, three hundred
and fifty, being a third of the entire church, resigned their cures.
This was a startling blow to the new system, for, under that
incapacity of judging of the influence of religious feelings which is to
be marked in worldly men, it had been supposed that not more than
ten would resign. Of course these men became troublesome
dissenters, notwithstanding all that could be done to disperse or
silence them. In reality, the substitution of a new bishop-approved
minister for one who would not submit to bishops, was a matter not
very immediately affecting congregations, for, under the late
alteration in the church, the forms of worship and professed
Christian doctrine remained the same as before. But the Scotch,
during the last twenty-five years, had been generally instructed
regarding the Presbyterian polity, and trained up to regard it with
veneration; insomuch that the parity of ministers in the church-
courts and the headship of Christ, as exclusive of all supremacy of
king or human law, were points for which they were as much
disposed to martyr themselves as for the most essential points of
faith contained in the catechism. They therefore began to desert the
parish churches, and hold private meetings for worship under the
displaced clergy. In our time, no statesman would think of opposing
the people in such a course. They would be allowed quietly to raise
dissenting meeting-houses for themselves and favourite clergymen,
and the peace of the country would not be disturbed. But the reader
must have been prepared to see that no such course could then be
adopted. The Presbyterian establishment itself had only a few years
before sternly put down all external expression of dissent. It had
even forbidden private meetings of little groups of its own members
for worship, lest these should lead to or give shelter to schism. If
they, with their deep religious feelings, were thus intolerant of
dissent, what might we expect from the worldly statesmen and
prelates now at the head of affairs? What but the most vigorous
measures for preserving an outward conformity? The extruded
ministers were forbidden to live within or near their former parishes,
lest their people should attend their ministrations. The people of
those parishes were commanded under heavy pains to attend the
regular church, however odious the new minister might be to them.
Even to go to the church of some neighbouring parish where there
was still one of the old clergy officiating, was forbidden under the
like penalties. Finally, bodies of soldiery were sent to raise the fines,
or to exact free quarters till the fines were paid. These soldiers
would enter the churches of the old Presbyterian clergy yet in
possession of their pulpits, noting such of the congregation as could
not swear that they belonged to the parish, taking the money from
their pockets, or stripping them of articles of wearing apparel, as a
punishment for their breach of law. In some districts, where a very
earnest feeling of religion prevailed, the people were harassed and
impoverished to a degree that made them anxious to leave their
native country.
Middleton’s administration came to a sudden close in 1663, in
consequence of an intrigue against Lauderdale; and the latter noble
then succeeded to the chief power. Although he had been a
Presbyterian, and was not originally in favour of setting up the
Episcopal Church, his rule brought no relief. Still, there was a certain
leniency in high quarters, till Sharpe, in order to secure unfaltering
severity, obtained the erection of a court of commission, in which the
prelates should have chief sway. Then came a mercilessness greater
than before. The doings of the soldiery were such as to produce an
approach to desolation in certain districts. Ministers, for merely
performing worship in their own houses, were thrown into vile
prisons, or banished to half-desert islands. Even to give charity to
any of the proscribed clergy was declared to be a crime. When the
war with Holland commenced in the spring of 1665, it was feared
that there would be an insurrection in the west of Scotland, and the
whole district was consequently disarmed. Nevertheless, in
November of the ensuing year, the extreme severity of the soldiery
under Sir James Turner occasioned a partial resistance at Dalry, in
the stewartry of Kirkcudbright, and in a little time a small body of
insurgents was collected. Marching through Ayrshire, their numbers
increased to about two thousand, and they then turned towards
Edinburgh, where they expected considerable accessions. It was a
hasty and ill-considered affair, springing merely from the sense of
intolerable suffering. The government, having a small standing army
at its disposal, was at no moment in the least danger. About nine
hundred poor half-armed peasants made a final stand at Rullion
Green, on the eastern skirts of the Pentland Hills, where they were
attacked by a strong body of dragoons under Sir Thomas Dalyell,
routed, and dispersed (November 28, 1666). Many were killed on
the field and in the pursuit, and eighteen were afterwards executed
in Edinburgh. Several of these were previously tortured to extort
confession, the instrument used being a loose frame of wood called
the Boot, into which wedges were driven so as to crush the limb of
the prisoner. Thirty-five more were executed in the country, not
without some difficulty to the authorities, as the executioners
generally refused to exercise their profession against such culprits.
Soon after this time, the extreme severity of the government in
Scotland made itself heard of and felt at court, and orders were sent
down for the adoption of gentler measures. In 1668, a milder rule
was established under the Earl of Tweeddale, who would at once
have proceeded to grant some ‘indulgence’ to the Presbyterians, but
for an attempt being made to shoot Archbishop Sharpe, as he was
about to step into his carriage in Edinburgh. As it was, the
Indulgence was granted next year, and consisted in permitting such
of the extruded clergy as had lived peaceably to return to their
parishes when a vacancy occurred, receiving the whole temporalities
if they should take collation from the bishops; and where they did
not, to be allowed the use of the manse and glebe; further, allowing
four hundred merks per annum to all outed ministers, while
unpresented to charges, provided they had lived peaceably, and
would agree to do so in future. This was in reality a measure of
greater generosity than the Presbyterian Church had ever extended
to dissenters; yet it was not attended with much good. It was
denounced by all the more zealous sort of people as Erastianism,
and consequently the indulged ministers were not popular. The
government, moreover, professing to consider the holding of
irregular meetings for worship as less excusable than before,
became more threatening against them, and thus caused the people
to hold conventicles in the open fields in remote places, attending, in
some instances, with arms in their hands. Hence resulted the fining
of a vast number of respectable people of the middle classes,
women as well as men, and the imprisonment of a considerable
number. The parliament also passed an express act against
conventicles, whereby an ejected or unlicensed minister who should
perform worship anywhere but in his own family, or who should be
present at worship in any other family, became liable to a fine of five
thousand merks; the people being also forbidden to be present at
such meetings under pain of fines proportioned to their
circumstances. By this act, the performance of worship in the fields
inferred death, and attendance was to be punished with double
fines. The king is said to have disapproved of the act, remarking
truly that bloody laws did no good; it was detested even by those
who in parliament gave it their votes. In spite of its severity, the
people continued in some districts to meet in the fields for worship,
feeling that there was a great show of the ‘divine presence’ on these
occasions. It seemed as if every attempt to enforce conformity only
sent a certain portion of them into a stronger dissent. Although
nearly every one of the measures of the government had its
prototype in those of the Presbyterian régime, and no one thought
of demanding liberty of conscience upon principle, yet such was the
effect of the large scale on which these severities were conducted,
that the Scottish mind was generally impressed with an abhorrence
of prelacy and all its belongings, a feeling which no lapse of time has
yet been able to efface.
The years 1671 and 1672 were distinguished by few events of note
besides the acts of severity against troublesome ministers. During
this time, there was going on a conspiracy on the part of the king
and his ministers to establish absolute monarchy in England, the Earl
of Lauderdale undertaking to secure Scotland, while the French king
was engaged to give his assistance; and to favour the object, a new
war was commenced against Holland. In 1673, the spirit of the