378 1545 1 PB

Sapientia Global Journal of Arts, Humanities and Development Studies (SGOJAHDS), Vol.5 No.3 September, 2022; p.g.
1 – 16; ISSN:
2695-2319 (Print); ISSN: 2695-2327 (Online)
SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED

URHOBO ENGLISH
UTULU, DON CHUKWUEMEKA (PhD)

Department of Languages and Linguistics
Faculty of Arts
Delta State University, Abraka, Delta State
EMAIL: [email protected]@gmail.com
&
IVWORIN, GODWIN AVWEROSUOGHENE
Department of Languages and Linguistics
Faculty of Arts
Delta State University, Abraka, Delta State
EMAIL:[email protected]@yahoo.com
Abstract
Educated Urhobo English (EUE) is a variety of Nigerian English accent used by
literate Urhobo native speakers in Delta State, southern Nigeria. Early studies have
reported some EUE segmental patterns motivated by the native Urhobo sound system.
However, Glide Formation (GF), which has invariably become fossilised in the accent,
is yet to be studied. GF is a process whereby underlying high vowels /i/ and /u/ are
realised on the surface as[j] and [w] respectively, if immediately followed by a non-high
vowel. Thirty-six recorded speech samples purposively collected from 15 Urhobo native
speakers of English pronunciation show a conversion of intervening /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ in
Standard British English (SBE) triphthongs as /j/ and /w/, a curious type of GF. Thus,
the SBE triphthongs /eɪə/, /aɪə/, /ɔɪə/, /əʊə/ and /aʊə/ in the respective items, ‘layer’,
‘liar’, ‘loyal’, ‘lower’ and ‘power’ are pronounced /leja/; /laja/; /loyal/; /lowa/ and
/pawa/. This study, couched in Moraic theory (Hyman 1985; Hayes 1989), aims at
examining the Urhobo indigenisation of SBE triphthongs and provide explanation on
why the quality of the SBE vowels changed in EUE accent. The insights of the mora
revealed three indigenised pronunciation patterns: (1) /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ gliding as /j/ and /w/
respectively, (2) mora reduction/deletion, and (3) adjustment of syllable count, in
which the SBE one-syllable word is rendered as one with two syllables. This study
argues that a transfer of the core ‘weight profile’ of the native Urhobo syllable structure
into SBE motivates GF in the EUE accent.
Keywords: Glide formation, Educated Urhobo English, Standard British

English, Triphthongs, Mora.
1. Inroduction
Urhobo Englishis an ethnic/regional English accent used in the Urhobo land. The natives who
speak native Urhobo (Edoid: West Benue Congo) language are a community of people of the
Niger Delta, south-south, Nigeria (§ Figure 1). Based on research information from a few
existing studies on its educated accent, known as Educated Urhobo English (EUE), its
SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 1
Sapientia Global Journal of Arts, Humanities and Development Studies (SGOJAHDS), Vol.5 No.3 September, 2022; p.g. 1 – 16; ISSN:
phonology exhibits a number of segmental patterns which are consonant substitutions, vowel
substitutions, under-differentiation of length contrast, monophthongisation of closing
diphthongs, vowel lengthening, among others (e.g., Kelly 1969, Onose 2003, Ojarikre 2007,
Utulu 2014a, Utulu&Akinjobi2015, Utulu 2017). Findings of the studies show that the
aforementioned phonological phenomena (specifically the former three segmental processes)
are the consequences of transfer-driven effects of native Urhobo phonology on Standard
British English. Standard British English (SBE) is the official language used for teaching and
learning in Nigeria, and serves as second language (or lingua franca) to the Urhobo people
who have acquired the language through formal education, or informally through association
with educated neighbours or business acquaintances.
URHOBO LAND
Figure 1: Source: https://www.google.com/search?q=urhobo+map
One of the interesting phonological features yet to be given research attention in EUE is, as it
were, the rather fossilised phonological phenomenon in the accent called Glide Formation
(GF). Generally, and from the point of view of the current investigation, GF is a process
whereby one of two sequences of underlying vowels (Vs) with the following phonotactic
format /CiV/ and /CuV/ are modified phonetically as [CjV] and [CwV] respectively. As shown
in the phonological literature, operation of GF typically culminates in the reduction or
adjustment of syllable count (Ugorji 2010, Utulu 2020).Glide formation, as will be
demonstrated in this work, symptomatically leads to morareduction, a pattern that
overwhelmingly converts the native (SBE) tautosyllabic structure to heterosyllabic shape in
EUE accent.
Following from the transcribed recorded speech samples purposively collected from 15
Urhobo native speakers of English, the data show that the five Standard British English (SBE)
triphthongs: /eɪə/, /aɪə/, /ɔɪə/, /əʊə/ and /aʊə/ in the respective items, ‘layer’, ‘liar’, ‘loyal’,
‘lower’ and ‘power’ are pronounced /le.ja/, /la.ja/, /loyal/, /lo.wa/ and /pa.wa/. In each EUE
rendition, the intervening SBE high vowels /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ are glided as /j/ and /w/. This intriguing
localised gliding effect on SBE high vowels attracts the interest of the current research(er).

Thus, the present work is an attempt to provide a description of this rather fascinating
indiginised pronunciation, adopting the Moraic theory proposed by Hyman (1985), and
adopted by Hayes (1989) on account of weight/moraic effects in language. Given the nature
of gliding of the high vowels which interferes with weight bearing elements and syllable count
in the English items in EUE, as will be demonstrated in the Section 6, the concept of mora is
assumed. In the concluding comment, this study would argue that the overridden influence
of the core ‘weight profile’ of native Urhobo prosody over SBE prosody motivates the GF
process in EUE accent.
2. Literature Review
2.1 Glide Formation
Many languages often enforce their prosodic structure or phonotactic rules on non-
conforming representations in harmony with their prosody or lexicon. One of the ways they
do this is to engage a rule or process called Glide Formation (GF). Glide formation is a
phonological phenomenon which derives a glide from high vowels when they immediately
precede another vowel (Carr 1993, Casali 1995, 2011). For example, in native languages in
which GF operates, e.g. Okpe (Carr 1993), Igbo (Emenanjo 1978), Ewulu-Igbo (Utulu 2006,
2020), Urhobo (Aziza 1997, 2010), all heterosyllabic vowel (V) sequences of the format /Ci.V/
and /Cu.V/ (or Ci#V and u#V) characteristically change to surface [CjV] and [CwV]
respectively. For example, in (1), citing Okpe (Edoid: West Benue Congo), a closely related
language to Urhobo (Carr 1993:193), the infinitive forms undergo GF subject to the constraint
that high vowels /i/ and /u/ must not be followed by another high vowel:
(1) Glide Formation: The Case of Okpe (Edoid) (Carr, 1993:193)
Root Infinitive
a. /ti/ ‘pull’ [etjo]
b. /sĩ/ 'bury' [esjõ]
c. /ru/ ‘do’ [erwo]
d. /zũ/ 'fan' [ezwõ]
In (1) /i/ and /u/ turn to [j] and [w] respectively. The change happens once the suffixal
infinitive marker/o/ is introduced. Such a process that converts high vowels to their
phonetically appropriate glide is widespread; it occurs in French, as Carr shows. In the next
sub-section, we show how GF in similar sequential order operates in native Urhobo
phonology, which remarkably finds its way into the phonology of EUE accent.
2.2 The Urhobo Vowels and Syllable Shape

The phonological units that are at the heart of GF are vowels. Therefore, a discussion of GF,
the core issue of consideration in this work cannot be insightfully examined without an outline
of the organisation of the vowel inventory of native Urhobo, the substrate language. Native
Urhobo phonology operates seven phonemic oral vowels and seven nasal vowels (Aziza 1997,
2008 2010, Utulu 2014a). In (2) we present only the oral vowels relevant for this investigation.
They are as follows:

(2) Inventory of the Urhobo oral Vowels
/i/ /u/
/e/ /o/
/ ɛ/ /ɔ/
/a/
As (2) indicates, diphthongs and triphthongs are not attested in the Urhobo language, as is
the case in English presented in (4). Thus, sequences of vowels such as /i.e., ua, iɛ, ue, ia/,
which appear to be diphthongs (or tautosyllabic vowel sequences) are not such complex units
(Utulu 2014b).
The otherwise five heterosyllabic vowel sequences occurring in native Urhobo items, /miè/
‘take’, /guà/ ‘drive’, /útiɛ̃́/ ‘orange’, /ìɾuè/ ‘liver’, /àɸiá/ ‘knife’ respectively, though allowed at
the abstract level, are prohibited on the surface. For this reason, high vowels /i/ and /u/
followed by another vowel, similar to the Okpe case exemplified in (1), are characteristically
subjected to the process of GF by converting the respective high vowels to semi glides, [j] and
[w], as (3) indicates:
(3) Urhobo Glide Formation (Adapted from Aziza 2010:285-6)
a. /mi.è/ CV.V /mjè/ CCV ‘take’

b. /gu.à/ CV.V /gwà/ CCV ‘drive’
c. /ú.ti.ɛ̃́/ V.CV.V /ú.tjɛ̃́/ V.CCV ‘orange’
d. /ì.ɾu.è/ V.CV.V /ì.ɾwè/ V.CCV ‘liver’
e. /à.ɸi.á/ V.CV.V /à.ɸjá/ V.CCV ‘knife’
The examples in (3) call up two interesting phenomena: first, the number of possible input V
elements in the items is reduced phonetically. Second, a hitherto input /CV/ syllable shape is
adjusted to surface [CC], with the supposedly onsetless heterosyllabic final V now functioning
as Tautosyllabic V, thus yielding an output [CCV] syllable structure.
Crucially, it is interesting to note that the same pattern of adjustment of the prosody in the
substrate vocabulary in (3) that is carried over into L2 superstrate phonology, as will be shown
in Section 6. However, in the following section, we give an overview of the vowels,
specifically the triphthongs of SBE in order to have a glimpse of the relationship that exists
between the Urhobo and SBE prosodies.
2.3 Standard British English Triphthongs and Syllable Shape

The Standard British English vowel inventory is a complex one in that it consists of twenty-
five vowels (Roach 2000, Davenport and Hannahs 2010). The vowels are grouped into three
categories, namely monophthongs, diphthongs and triphthongs. Each category comprises
twelve, eight and five vowels respectively. However, the focus of this study is on triphthongs.
Accordingly, the schema in (4) shows the five triphthongs and their pattern of realisation in
SBE pronunciation.
(4) Inventory of the Standard British English Triphthongs (Roach 2000:24)
TRIPHTHONG
Triphthong Triphthong
with intervening /ɪ/ with intervening /ʊ/
/eɪə/ /aɪə/ /ɔɪə/ /əʊə/ /aʊə/
According to Roach (2000), the SBE triphthongs are the most complex English sounds of the
vowel type. He defines a triphthong as ‘…a glide from one vowel to another and then to a
third, all produced rapidly and without interruption’ (p. 24).
2.4 The Standard British English /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ and the Native Urhobo /i/ and /u/
The front and back high vowels, the close approximates of the IPA vowel no. 1 /i/, and no. 8
/u/ occur in the vowel inventory of the native Urhobo language (Aziza 2008, Utulu 2014b,
Utulu&Akinjobi2015), and in that of the SBE (Roca and Johnson 1999, Roach 2000). Acoustic
analysis conducted by Utulu and Akinjobi showed that the Urhobo high vowels adapted into
English are different from those of SBE both in quantity and in quality. Phonotactically, the
two high vocoids may occur in clusters in both Englishes, as (3) and (4) indicate respectively.
However, both Englishes differ in their mode of syllabification of vowel sequences, which
impacts upon the phonotactic arrangement of the high vowels. In native Urhobo, as (3)
illustrates, /i/ and /u/ forming a cluster with another vowel is functionally heterosyllabic,
whereas in English, /ɪ and /ʊ/ forming a cluster with another vowel is functionally
tautosyllabic. This, therefore, implies that the native Urhobo vowel clusters/sequences are not
diphthongs, whereas the SBE sequences are, with even more complex consecutive vowels
occurring in the phonology known as triphthongs.
The SBE triphthongs have received some divergent analyses in the literature. The first analysis
of the vowel sequences proposes that triphthongs comprise diphthongs plus a schwa, in
which the three V elements are of the format /VV.ə/ (Wells 1982). The second analysis of the
complex vocoids suggests that the triphthongs are tautosyllabic vowel sequence, such that the
three V elements are of the format /VVə/ (Roach 2000). According to Roach, the variation in
the amount of vowel movement in triphthongs probably makes some English speakers with
BBC pronunciation perceive the complex vowels to consist of only one syllable, particularly if
it involved the /aɪə/ triphthong in ‘fire’ and /aʊə/ in ‘hour’, but two syllables if it involved /eɪə/
triphthong in ‘player’, and /əʊə/ in ‘slower’, a view that appears to allude to Well’s description
of the prosodic structure of the English triphthongs.
Regardless of the divergent opinions on the actual status of the English triphthongs and their
appropriate syllabification, we will adopt Roach’s view, based on our current theoretical
approach bordering on the mora, and assume that triphthongs are tautosyllabic sequences. In
this approach, we will show that the complex vowels comprise three moras /VµVµəµ/ (see 6f)
rather than two mora /VµVµ.ə/, in which the schwa, as in (6e) is a mora-sharing element,
sharing its mora from the second V element. Our adherence to describing the English
triphthongs as tautosyllabic vowel sequences with three timing units is based on: first, the
native English dictionary transcriptions of the forms in (5B) as tautosyllabic sequences (see
the e-Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, 8the Edition), and second, what might appear
to be a two-way ‘contrast’ between the following underived English items in (5) <A> and their
respective derived form in <B>, as shown thus:
(5)
<A> <B>
a. lay /leɪ/ CVV layer /leɪə/ CVVV

b. fly /flɪa/ CCVV flier /flɪaə/ CCVVV
c. employ /ɪm.plɔɪ/ VC.CCVV employer /ɪm.plɔɪə/ VC.CCVVV
d. low /ləʊ/ CVV lower /ləʊə/ CVVV
e. cow /kaʊ/ CVV cower /kaʊə/ CVVV
As (5) reveals, the difference in the quantity (or count) of V elements in <A> and their more
complex counterparts in <B> seems to reinforce our claim of treating triphthongs as
tautosyllabic vowel sequences rather than two syllables parsed into diphthong followed by
/ə/, at least from a phonological (rather than a morphological) point of view, even though the
morphology of the forms in (5a-d) seems to favour two-syllable division for triphthongs.
Moreover, as will be shown in Section 5, the mapping insight of ‘syllable weight’ (and
specifically, the mora) might be adequate to express the existing two-way contrast between
what Hyman (1985), Hayes (1989) refers to ‘heavy syllable’ versus ‘super heavy syllable’. Both
notions are theoretical concepts used to express bimoraicity of the English /VV/, that is
diphthong, and trimoraicity of /VVV/, triphthong, as advocated for in the present work.
3. Method
3.1 Data Collection Procedure
The data used for this study were purposively collected from fifteen (15) educated Urhobo
native speakers of English. The instrument used to do the recording was the H2 Handy
Recorder. The pronunciation samples were stratified into two categories: (1) eighteen citation
words (see Table 1, Section 6). (2) eighteen simple sentences from a reading test (see
Appendix). The two categories of data were therefore thirty-six. The data incorporated each
of the five SBE triphthong: /eɪə/, /aɪə/, /ɔɪə/, /əʊə/ and /aʊə/. The exemplar of the respective
triphthongs is ‘layer’, ‘liar’, ‘loyal’, ‘lower’ and ‘power’. The Control pronunciation used to
match the EUE renditions was taken from the Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (e-
Version, 8th edition).
3.2 Data Analysis Procedure

The present study used Hyman’s (1985) theoretical assumption of Syllable Weight to explain
the Urhobo English speakers’modification of SBE triphthongs. Following Hyman’s and
Hayes’ (1989) approach, as well as the theoretical assumption pursued in the present study
that triphthongs be treated as trimoraic elements, the present study assumed that each of the
tripartite vowels of the triphthong is moraic. Hence, the three-vowel sequence were
interpreted as ‘super heavy syllable’ in sharp contrast with SBE diphthongs which are ‘heavy
syllables’, as (6c) indicates. The idea of the present study is hinged on the conception that SBE
triphthongs contrast with their diphthong counterparts (see 5A &5 B), and, therefore, can only
be differentiated phonologically/prosodically on the basis of the number of weight-bearing
units the two categories of vowel sequences contain. Thus, rather than limiting SBE triphthong
syllables to two moras, allowing the reduced vowel, /ə/ to ‘share’ its mora from a preceding
unit, as in (6e), (see Steriade 1991, Odden 1986), the schwa should independently acquire its
own mora, given the behaviour of the SBE /ɪ/- and /ʊ/-gliding in EUE accent. The current
assumption is consistent with Hayes’ suggestion, which is cited in Broselow (1995:202). Hayes
opines that trimoraic syllables must be allowed, if only as a marked option.
Against this backdrop, the present article’s analytical procedure shall assume SBE triphthongs
as trimoraic elements, in which case /eɪə/ (including other SBE triphthongs) would be treated
as /eµɪµəµ/ rather than bimoraic /leµɪµ. ə/ gliding elements. On the basis of our conception, the
reduced vowel is therefore viewed as an autonomous weight bearing unit rather than a ‘mora-
sharing’ element similar to the structure schematised in (6e).
4. Theoretical Framework
5.1 Moraic Theory
Moraic theory (MT) is a non-linear model of prosodic phonology proposed by Hyman (1985)
and advanced by Hayes (1989). The theory was developed as an alternative model to Syllable
theory that earlier recognised the internal structure of the syllable as one that comprises the
onset and rhyme (e.g., Halle and Vergnaud 1978, Selkirk 1982), where in turn the rhyme
subsumes two sub-syllabic constituents, the nucleus (the peak of sonority) and coda. MT
became popular with its adequacy in accounting for stress assignment (Hayes 1995), and
compensatory/rhythmic lengthening effects (Hayes 1989, Kager 1999) induced by processes
such as vowel deletion, desyllabification or re-association of moraic elements operating within
the rhyme projection.
In the working of MT, the sub-syllabic constituents: onset, nucleus and coda but moras are
not recognised. In other words, within the rhyme projection, the units of quantity are the
weight-bearing units or moras signified with the Greek symbol, ‘µ’ and not the sub-syllabic
constituents. In this approach, the onset lacks mora. Therefore, in the computation of mora,
one short V element is conceived to have one mora and is considered light syllable. A long
vowel or diphthong has two moras and is considered heavy syllable. Likewise, a rhyme
projection incorporating coda and of course a preceding nucleus vowel are likewise treated
as heavy syllable. However, where the coda lacks a mora of its own because it is not a unit of
weight and hence shares its mora from a preceding vowel nucleus, a pattern possible due to
language specific weight-by-position constraint, such syllable type is viewed as light syllable.
Consequently, the following syllable shapes are so described: CV (light syllable), CV: (heavy
syllable), CVV (heavy syllable), CVC (heavy/light syllable), and CVVV (super-heavy syllable).
In (6), the architecture of MT, adapting the weight schema from Hayes (1989), Kager (1999)
would capture the five syllable shapes listed above thus:

(6) Templates/Architecture of Moraic Theory/Syllable Weight
a. CV b.CV: c. CVV d. CVC e. CVC

(Light syllable) (Heavy syllable) (Heavy syllable) (Heavy syllable) (Lightsyllable)
σ σ σ σ σ
μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ
C V C V: C V V C V C C V C
Short vowel Long vowel Tautosyllabic VV Vowel-coda Mora-sharing

(diphthong) sequence coda
(branching rhyme)
f. CVVə
(Super heavy syllable)
σ
μ μ μ
C V V V
tautosyllabic VVV
(triphthong)
The three interpretations drawn from (6a-f) are: (1) light syllables (6a & e) comprise one mora.
(2) heavy syllables (6b, c & d) consist of two moras, and (3) super heavy syllable (6f) comprises
three moras. In the three cases, syllable onset is ‘moraless’; it attaches directly to the syllable
node. The implication of this approach, as it affects the native Urhobo phonology as substrate
L1, is that the language, as a rule, is best described as one with monomoraic syllable, since it
disallows two or more consecutive vowels belonging to the same syllable but sanctions only
a singleton V element per syllable, as the forms in (3) demonstrate.
Crucially, the effect of the template in (6f) on this study is that SBE triphthongs with more
than two timing slots can be accommodated in the weight/moraic theory architecture and
consequently capture generalisation of GF which apply to the set of English items tested in
EUE pronunciation and examined below.

5. DATA PRESENTATION
Table 1: The Control and Urhobo English Participants’ Performance on SBE Triphthongs
Control’s Performance Urhobo English Participants’ Gloss

Performance
a. Performance on /eɪə/
/leɪə/ /leja/ ‘layer’

/pleɪə/ /pleja/ ‘player’
/su:ɵseɪə/ /sutseja/ ‘soothsayer’
/peɪə/ /peja/ ‘payer’
b. Performance on /aɪə/
/laɪə/ /laja/ ‘liar’
/faɪə/ /faja/ ‘fire’
/baɪə/ /baja/ ‘buyer’
/taɪə/ /taja/ ‘tyre’
c. Perfermance on /ɔɪə/
/lɔɪəl/ /lojal/ ‘loyal’
/rɔɪəl/ /rojal/ ‘royal’
d. Performance on /əʊə/
/ləʊə/ /lowa/ ‘lower’
/bləʊə/ /blowa/ ‘(whistle) blower’
/məʊə/ /mowa/ ‘mower’
/gəʊə/ /gowa/ ‘goer’
Performance on /aʊə/
e. /paʊə/ /pawa/ ‘power’
/flaʊə/ /flawa/ ‘flower’
/ʃaʊə/ /ʃawa/ ‘shower’
/aʊə/ /awa/ ‘hour’
The performance of the Control and EUE Participants in the citation forms of the data are
presented in Table 1, with their appropriate phonemic transcriptions indicated to capture the
Participants’ actual utterance. However, for want of space and ease of referencing by the
reader, performance on triphthongs in simple sentence is presented in the appendix page.

6. Results
6.1 Theoretical Description of Data
6.1.1 Moraic Analysis
In Table 1 a., the Control’s performance on /eɪə/ in the four items tested together with the ones
listed in the appendix was rendered by the EUE Participants as /eja/. Moraic approach will
explain the localised pattern as in (7), as follows:
(7) A Moraic Account of SBE /eɪə/ as /eja/ in EUE: /le.ja/ ‘layer’ as a Model of the
Forms in Table 1a
Control Performance Urhobo/ɪ/-Gliding, Urhobo English Glide

Delinking and Formation(Reduction in
Desyllabification Mora/Syllable Count)
(Mora Reduction) (/j/ becomes an onset of the
newly created syllable)
a. σ b. σ c. σ σ
C V V V → C V V V → C V C V
/l e ɪ ə/ /l e j a/ / l e j a/
‘layer’
The same pattern in (7a-c) holds for SBE /aɪə/ presented in Table 1b., as shown in (8a-c):
(8) A Moraic Account of SBE /aɪə/ as /aja/ in /la.ja/ ‘liar’, the Model of the Forms in
Table 1b)
Control Performance Urhobo /ɪ/-Gliding, Urhobo English Glide

Delinking and Formation (Reduction in
→ →
C V V V → C V V V → C V C V
/ l a ɪ ə/ /l a j a/ /l a j a/
‘liar’
Like the pattern in (7a-c) and (8a-c), that in (9a-c) undergoes adjustment of mora/syllable
count. The process affects the forms in (Table 1c) analysed theoretically as follows:

(9) A Moraic Account of SBE /ɔɪə/ as /ɔja/ in /lo.jal/ ‘loyal’, the First of the Two
Examples in Table 1c
Control Performance Urhobo/ɪ/-Gliding, Urhobo English Glide

→ →→
C V V V C C V V V C C V C V C
/l ɔ ɪ ə l/ /l o j a l/ /l o j a l/
‘loyal’
The adjustment process in (10a-c) takes similar gliding pattern as that exemplified in (7a-c)
through (9a-c). The form /lowa/ ‘lower’ illustrated in (Table 1d) is taken for analysis, as
follows:
(10) A Moraic Account of SBE /əʊə/ as /owa/ in EUE: /lo.wa/ ‘lower’ as a Model of
the Forms in Table 1d
Control Performance Urhobo /ʊ/-Gliding, Urhobo English Glide

(Mora Reduction) (/w/ becomes an onset of
the newly created syllable)
→ →
C V V V C V V V C V C V
/ l ə ʊ ə/ /l o w a/ /l o w a/
‘lower’
Like in (11a-c), similar /ʊ/-gliding as /w/ applies. The first data in (Table 1e) is schematised in
moraic template as follows:

(11) A Moraic Account of SBE /aʊə/ as /awa/ in EUE: /pa.wa/ ‘power’ as a Model of
the Forms in (Table 1e):
ControlPerformance Urhobo /ʊ/-Gliding, Urhobo English Glide

(Mora Reduction) (/w/ becomes an onset of
the newly created syllable)
→→ →→
C V V V C V V V C V C V
/ p a ʊ ə/ /p a w a/ /p a w a/
‘power’
7. Findings and Discussion

Two categories of SBE triphthongs have been explored in this work: first, that is, the ones with
an intervening front high unrounded vowel /ɪ/, which are three: /eɪə/,/aɪə/ and /ɔɪə/, and
second, the ones with an intervening back high rounded vowel /ʊ/, which are two: /əʊə/ and
/aʊə/, as depicted in the diagram in (4). The insights of Moraic theory/MT in the analysis of
Urhobo English/EUE accent in (7) through (11) reveal the following patterns:
i. In the analysis in (7) through (11), the mora ‘µ’ subsumed all mora-bound elements (i.e.,
vowels, the syllable peaks), leaving out marginal elements (onset, and coda in one
instance). Consequently, the phonological weight of SBE prosody and that EUE could be
computed on the algorithm of syllable weight based on the principle of super heavy syllable
versus light syllable.
ii. The number of moras in SBE, which is three /VμVμVμ/ as opposed to EUE, one /Vμ/
transparently mirrors two Englishes (native English versus indigenised English) that
operate different phonological weight profiles, super heavy and light syllables respectively.
iii. The SBE intervening moraic /ɪ/ was altered as non-moraic semi glide /j/ in EUE, as shown
in the third column of (7), (8) and (9). Likewise, its back counterpart, moraic /ʊ/ changed
to EUE non-moraic /w/, as shown in the third column of (10) and (11). The two processes
are formally described as Glide Formation (Ugorji 2010), or less formally as de-
syllabification.
iv. The implication of GF, following from the theoretical stand point pursued in this study, is
that the conversion of vowels to consonants adversely affected the mora or syllable count
in EUE. The mora subsuming the high vowels was lost, in what is presumed in this study
as morareduction.
v. Unlike in some languages where deletion, or desyllabification of a moraic element of this
sort apparently triggers compensatory lengthening (Hayes 1989), EUE in this case simply
motivates mora deletion or reduction, a fact substantiated by a straightforward division
of the source (English) tautosyllabic vowel sequences in the middle point between the high

vowel /ɪ/ or /ʊ/ and the final reduced vowel /ə/ to generate two separate mono-moraic
syllables (see third column, (7) through (11)).
vi. The effect of the finding (v.) reinforces the current claim of light syllable in EUE (compare
the first column in SBE rendition and EUE realisation in third column in (7) through (11)).
vii. The autosegmental notations, the upper and lower rings ‘O’ and double horizontal line ‘=’
in the moraic templates in (7) through (11) (see second column) encoded, first, mora
reduction/desyllabification. Second, delinking. Following Utulu (2014a) the SPE feature
changing rule mode, as it were, converting /ɪ/ [+sonorant, +syllabic] to /j/, [-sonorant,
-syllabic] and /ʊ/ with the same featural specification to /w/ was able to be captured
transparently from a non-linear, moraic perspective.
8. Conclusion
From the phonological weight/moraic perspective, this study has examined Glide Formation
(GF) in Urhobo English (EUE), a process in which the SBE /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ are changed to /j/ and
/w/ respectively, and has invariably become fossilised in the domesticated English accent. The
approach of syllable weight employed in this work has demonstrated that GF occurred in a
three-way process based on the insights of the mora. First, the process changed the
intervening /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ to semi glides /j/ and /w/ respectively. Second, the process deleted the
mora subsuming the respective desyllabified element, i.e., /ɪ/ and /ʊ/. Third, it motivated the
creation of two separate monosyllabic structures from the source tautosyllabic vowel
sequences, each of the syllable having one mora, as encoded in the moraic templates in Section
6. The encoding revealed that /ɪ/- and /ʊ/-gliding, like what obtains in the parent variety,
Nigerian English (see Ugorji 2010) are sheer adjustment phenomenon required by the EUE
prosody to preserve the native Urhobo core CV syllable structure, in which only a maximal of
one vowel element per syllable is allowed, a fact the current non-linear approach insightfully
captured in Section 6. With the approach, the paper was able to draw a clear distinction
between the syllable structure cum weight profile of English and that of EUE which the latter
accent is licensed by native Urhobo prosody. Moreover, the moraic approach lent credence to
native Urhobo phonology preference for light syllable (i.e., syllable with one mora) over super
heavy syllable noted for English, as the analysis in (3), (5), (7) through (11) reveals. This
study,therefore, suggests that GF is implemented inthe Urhobo Englishphonology due to
Urhobo speakers of English transfer of the core ‘weight profile’ of their native Urhobo syllable
structure into English.
List of Abbreviations/Conventions
SBE Standard British English
EUE Educated Urhobo English
σ Syllable
μ Mora (unit of quantity)
C Consonant
V Vowel
/ / Phonemic transcription
→ realised as
Association line
Delete mora node from the syllable node
= Delink non-moraic element from the mora node
/Vμ/ Monomoraic (light syllable) monosyllabics
/VμVμ/ Bimoraic (heavy syllable) diphthongs

/VμVμVμ/ Trimoraic (super heavy syllable) triphthongs
References
Aziza, R.O. (1997). Urhobo tone system. Ibadan: University of Ibadan. (Doctoralthesis.)
Aziza, R.O. (2008). Neutralization of contrast in the vowel system of Urhobo. Studies in African
Linguistics, 37 (1), pp. 1-19
Aziza, R.O. (2010). Urhobo phonology. In O. Yusuf (Ed.), Basic linguistics for Nigerian languages
teachers (pp. 278-294). Ijebu Ode: Shebiotimo Publications.
Broselow, E. (1995). Skeletal positions and moras. In J.A. Goldsmith (Ed.), The handbook of
phonological theory (pp. 175-205). Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers.
Carr, P. (1993). Modern linguistics phonology. London: The Macmillan Press Limited.
Casali, R.F. (1995). Patterns of glide formation in Niger Congo: An optimality account.
California, UCLA: University of California thesis.
Casali, R.F. (2011). Hiatus Resolution. In M. v. Oostendorp, C.J. Ewen, E. Hume, and K. Rice
(eds.), Chapter 61.The Blackwell Companion to Phonology. Blackwell: Blackwell
Publishing. Blackwell Reference Online.
Davenport, M., & S.J. Hannahs (2010). Introducing phonetics and phonology, (3rd ed). London:
Hodder Education, a Hachette UK Co.
e-Dictionary. (2008). TheOxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary. (8th ed.). Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Emenanjo, E.N. (1978). Elements of modern Igbo grammar. Ibadan: Oxford University Press.
Halle, M.,& J-R. Vergnaud (1978). Metrical structures in phonology. MS: Michigan Institute of
Technology.
https://www.google.com/search?q=urhobo+map
Hayes, B. (1989). Compensatory lengthening in moraic phonology. Linguistic Inquiry, 20, pp.
253-306.
Hyman, L. (1985). A theory of phonological weight. Dordrecht: Foris.
Kager, R. (1999). Optimality theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University, Press.
Kelly, J. (1969). Urhobo. In E. Dunstan (ed.), Twelve Nigerian languages: A handbook on their
sound systems for teachers of English (pp. 153-162). London: Longman.
Odden, D. (1986). Review of L. Hyman, A theory of phonological weight. Language62, pp. 669-
673.
Ojarikre, A. (2007). Aspects of the segmental phonology of Urhobo English: A variety of
Nigerian English. In O-M Ndimele (Ed.) The Nigerian Linguistics Festschrift Series, 5,
(pp. 63-74). Port Harcourt: M & J Grand Orbit Communications Limited.
Onose, I.O. (2003). Linguistic problems of Urhobo learners/users of English. Benin-City:
University of Benin. (Doctoral thesis.)
Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, e-Version, 8th edition, (2008). Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Roach, P. [1983] (2000). English phonetics and phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Roca, I., and W. Johnson (1999). A course in phonology. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
Selkirk, E. (1982). Syllable. In H. van der Hulst & N. Smith (Eds.), The structure of phonological
representations, 2 (pp. 337-383). Dordrecht: Foris.

Steriade, D. (1991). Moras and other slots. Proceedings of the formal linguistics conference of
the Midwest.
Ugorji, C.U.C. (2010). New Englishes in diachronic light: Evidence from Nigerian English
phonology. The International Journal of Language, Society and Culture, 30 (pp. 131-141).
Utulu, D.C. (2006). OCP effects: elision and glide formation in Ewulu. Awka Journal of
Linguistics and Languages, 2(1), 109-118.
Utulu, D.C. (2014a). A phonetic analysis of educated Urhobo English segmental. Ibadan:
(Doctoral thesis.)
Utulu, D.C. (2014b). Diphthong simplification as effect of vowel sonority profile: Evidence
from Educated Urhobo English. Abraka Humanities Review: A Journal of the Faculty of
Arts, 6(2), pp. 199-213.
Utulu, D.C. (2017). The realisation of English dental fricatives and palato-alveolar affricates in
Educated Urhobo English: A statistical analysis. OBITUN Journal of the Humanities, the
Faculty of Arts, 8, pp. 156-166.
Utulu, D.C. (2020). Syllable constraints, repair strategies and segmental processes in Ewulu.
Sapientia Global Journal of Arts, Humanities and Development Studies, 3(4), pp. 141-155.
Utulu, D.C., andA.A. Akinjobi (2015). Acoustic analysis of Standard British English
contrastive vowel length in Educated Urhobo English. Ibadan Journal of Humanistic
Studies, 24, pp. 195-209.
Wells, J.C. (1982). Accents of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Appendix
Reading Test
Eighteen simple sentences administered to fifteen Urhobo English Participants to test for the
five Standard British English triphthongs are presented below.
Test for/eɪə/
1. Thelayer seems to be crumbling.
2. He is a talented player.
3. The man is a soothsayer.
4. Only a tax payer will be allowed.
Test for /aɪə/

5. She is a liar!
6. Fire spread fast in the winter.
7. We are looking for a buyer.
8. The back tyre went off on transit.
Test for /ɔɪə/

9. Her personal assistant is loyal to her.
10. The lawyer is from a royal family.
Test for /əʊə/

11. The company does not need a lower degree.
12. The life of the whistle blower is threatened.
13. This grass-cutting machine is called a mower.
14. That woman is a goer, in fact,a whore!

Test for /aʊə/

15. He is a man with absolute power.
16. The flowermight be poisonous.
17. The bad shower waists a lot of water.
18. The examination shall last an hour.

378 1545 1 PB

Uploaded by

378 1545 1 PB

Uploaded by

Sapientia Global Journal of Arts, Humanities and Development Studies (SGOJAHDS), Vol.5 No.3 September, 2022; p.g.

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED

UTULU, DON CHUKWUEMEKA (PhD)

Keywords: Glide formation, Educated Urhobo English, Standard British

Figure 1: Source: https://www.google.com/search?q=urhobo+map

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 2

(1) Glide Formation: The Case of Okpe (Edoid) (Carr, 1993:193)

2.2 The Urhobo Vowels and Syllable Shape

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 3

(2) Inventory of the Urhobo oral Vowels

(3) Urhobo Glide Formation (Adapted from Aziza 2010:285-6)

a. /mi.è/ CV.V /mjè/ CCV ‘take’

2.3 Standard British English Triphthongs and Syllable Shape

(4) Inventory of the Standard British English Triphthongs (Roach 2000:24)

/eɪə/ /aɪə/ /ɔɪə/ /əʊə/ /aʊə/

a. lay /leɪ/ CVV layer /leɪə/ CVVV

3.2 Data Analysis Procedure

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 7

(6) Templates/Architecture of Moraic Theory/Syllable Weight

a. CV b.CV: c. CVV d. CVC e. CVC

Short vowel Long vowel Tautosyllabic VV Vowel-coda Mora-sharing

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 8

Control’s Performance Urhobo English Participants’ Gloss

/leɪə/ /leja/ ‘layer’

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 9

Control Performance Urhobo/ɪ/-Gliding, Urhobo English Glide

Control Performance Urhobo /ɪ/-Gliding, Urhobo English Glide

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 10

Control Performance Urhobo/ɪ/-Gliding, Urhobo English Glide

Control Performance Urhobo /ʊ/-Gliding, Urhobo English Glide

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 11

ControlPerformance Urhobo /ʊ/-Gliding, Urhobo English Glide

7. Findings and Discussion

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 12

/VμVμ/ Bimoraic (heavy syllable) diphthongs

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 14

Test for /aɪə/

Test for /ɔɪə/

Test for /əʊə/

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 15

Test for /aʊə/

SYLLABIFICATION, GLIDE FORMATION AND THE MORA IN EDUCATED URHOBO ENGLISH 16

You might also like