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 H A N D B O OK
O F M E T HOD OL O G I C A L
A PPROAC H E S
TO C OM M U N I T Y- BA S E D
R E S E A RC H
 H A N DBOOK
OF M ET HOD OLOGIC A L
A P P ROAC H E S
T O C O M M U N I T Y- B A S E D
R E SE A RC H

Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods

E D I T E D BY

L E ONA R D A . JA S ON
A ND
DAV ID S . GL E N W ICK

1
 1
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ISBN 978–0–19–024365–4

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Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
 C ON T E N T S

Foreword by Raymond P. Lorion  vii 9. Photovoice and House Meetings as

Acknowledgments  xi Tools Within Participatory Action
Research 81
About the Editors  xiii
REGINA DAY LANGHOUT, JESICA SIHAM
Contributors  xv FERNÁNDEZ, DENISE W YLDBORE,
AND JORGE SAVALA
1. Introduction to Community-Based
Methodological Approaches  1 10. Geographic Information Systems 93
ANDREW LOHMANN
LEONARD A. JASON AND DAVID S. GLENWICK
11. Causal Layered Analysis 103
SECTION ONE: Qualitative LAUREN J. BREEN, PETA L. DZIDIC,

Approaches AND BRIAN J. BISHOP

12. Emotional Textual Analysis 111

2. Introduction to Qualitative RENZO CARLI, ROSA MARIA PANICCIA,
Approaches  13
FIAMMETTA GIOVAGNOLI, AGOSTINO
ANNE E. BRODSKY, SAR A L. BUCKINGHAM,
CARBONE, AND FIORELLA BUCCI
JILL E. SCHEIBLER, AND TERRI MANNARINI

3. Grounded Theory 23
ANDREW R ASMUSSEN, ADEYINK A
SECTION TWO: Quantitative
M. AKINSULURE-SMITH, AND TR ACY CHU
Approaches
4. Thematic Analysis 33 13. Introduction to Quantitative
STEPHANIE RIGER AND Methods  121
R ANNVEIG SIGURVINSDOTTIR CHRISTIAN M. CONNELL

5. Community Narratives 43 14. Latent Growth Curves 133

BR ADLEY D. OLSON, DANIEL G. COOPER, MEGAN R. GREESON
JUDAH J. VIOLA, AND BRIAN CLARK
15. Latent Class Analysis and Latent
6. Appreciative Inquiry 53 Profile Analysis 143
NEIL M. BOYD GLENN A. WILLIAMS AND
FR AENZE KIBOWSKI
7. The Delphi Method 61
SHANE R. BR ADY 16. Multilevel Structural Equation
Modeling 153
8. Ethnographic Approaches 69
JOHN P. BARILE
URMITAPA DUTTA
vi Contents

17. Cluster-Randomized Trials 165 28. Photoethnography in

NATHAN R. TODD AND PATRICK J. FOWLER Community-Based Participatory
18. Behavioral and Time-Series Research 283
K ATHERINE CLOUTIER
Approaches 177
MARK A. MATTAINI, LEONARD A. JASON, 29. Data Visualization 293
AND DAVID S. GLENWICK GINA CARDAZONE AND RYAN TOLMAN

19. Data Mining 187 30. Concept Mapping 305

JACOB FURST, DANIELA STAN R AICU, AND LISA M. VAUGHN AND DANIEL MCLINDEN
LEONARD A. JASON
31. Functional Analysis of Community
20. Agent-Based Models 197 Concerns in Participatory
ZACHARY P. NEAL AND JENNIFER A. LAWLOR Action Research 315
YOLANDA SUAREZ-BALCAZAR AND
21. Social Network Analysis 207
FABRICIO BALCAZAR
MARIAH KORNBLUH AND
JENNIFER WATLING NEAL 32. Network Analysis and Stakeholder
22. Dynamic Social Networks 219
Analysis in Mixed Methods Research 325
ISIDRO MAYA-JARIEGO, DAVID FLORIDO DEL
LEONARD A. JASON, JOHN LIGHT,
CORR AL, DANIEL HOLGADO, AND
AND SAR AH CALLAHAN
JAVIER HERNÁNDEZ-R AMÍREZ

33. Mixed Methodology in Multilevel,

SECTION THREE: Mixed Methods
Multisetting Inquiry 335
Approaches
NICOLE E. ALLEN, ANGELA L. WALDEN,

23. Introduction to Mixed Methods EMILY R. DWORKIN, AND SHABNAM JAVDANI

Approaches  233 34. Mixed Methods and Dialectical

VALERIE R. ANDERSON Pluralism 345
24. Action Research 243 TRES STEFUR AK, R. BURKE JOHNSON,

BRIAN D. CHRISTENS, VICTORIA FAUST, AND ERYNNE SHATTO

JENNIFER GADDIS, PAULA TR AN INZEO, 35. Community Profiling in

CAROLINA S. SARMIENTO, AND Participatory Action Research 355
SHANNON M. SPARKS CATERINA ARCIDIACONO, TERESA TUOZZI,

25. Community-Based Participatory AND FORTUNA PROCENTESE

Action Research 253

MICHAEL J. KR AL AND JAMES ALLEN Afterword by G. Anne Bogat  365
26. Youth-Led Participatory Action Index  369
Research 263
EMILY J. OZER

27. Participatory Mixed Methods

Research Across Cultures 273
REBECCA VOLINO ROBINSON, E. J. R. DAVID,
AND MAR A HILL
 FOR E WOR D

It seems like only yesterday that I prepared Readers will complete the volume with a
a foreword for the first edited volume on broadened sense of community psychol-
community-based research methods by Leonard ogy’s impact on and relationships with mul-
Jason and David Glenwick (2012). At the time, tiple other disciplines. With methodological
I explained that my words would attempt to prepare pluralism will come disciplinary pluralism!
readers for what lay ahead, that is, a groundbreak- (Lorion, 2012, p. xvi)
ing presentation of widely diverse and, I assumed
for many readers, unfamiliar methods that could In the brief short years between publication of that
be applied to the study of community-based issues. volume with its “mere” 13 chapters and the finaliza-
Since one is asked to prepare forewords later in tion of this 35-chapter volume, the array of meth-
one’s career, I had no reservation about acknowl- ods available for community-based studies appears
edging my own lack of familiarity with a number to be expanding exponentially! Consider that the
of the methods presented. I could also readily 2012 volume distributed the 12 substantive chap-
acknowledge that I learned much in reading the ters across four groupings:
volume. In that foreword, I encouraged readers to
proceed deliberately through the volume because: • Pluralism and Mixed Methods in
Community Research (3 chapters)
As noted, readers should proceed with • Methods Involving Grouping of Data
caution—but they should also be buoyed (3 chapters)
by scholarly curiosity and professional • Methods Involving Change Over Time
enthusiasm—for I would predict that, if read (2 chapters)
carefully, the contents of this volume are • Methods Involving Contextual Factors
very likely to change the questions that read- (4 chapters)
ers ask and the solutions that they seek. As
a consequence, the discipline’s rigor will be By contrast, the current volume’s 34 substantive
enhanced, along with its heuristic contribu- offerings address three groupings:
tions to our understanding of human behav-
ior within real-life settings and under real-life • Qualitative Approaches (11 chapters)
circumstances. The methods described in • Quantitative Approaches (10 chapters)
this volume add substantially to the tools we • Mixed Methods Approaches (13 chapters)
will have available to understand, predict, and
ultimately influence the healthy development Each grouping’s contents is nearly as large as the
of individuals, groups, and communities. original volume’s substantive offerings. How
viii Foreword

can that be? The breadth of topics in each cate- our preparation as “scientist-practitioners” and pass
gory seemingly ref lects both an increase in, and muster with colleagues engaged in basic research.
the differentiation within, methods. But more Jason, Glenwick, and I shared much in com-
than that, however, I would propose that the mon as graduates of the University of Rochester’s
first volume’s publication legitimized the utili- doctoral program in clinical-community psychol-
zation, and consequently the innovative expan- ogy. Central to that experience was the opportu-
sion, of methods by community psychologists. nity to be mentored by Emory Cowen, a founding
Jason and Glenwick (2012) may have planted member of our discipline and originally a stickler
seeds that have blossomed into new approaches. for quantitative analyses. Just as many of us were
Likely they also opened awareness among com- completing our studies or entering initial posi-
munity psychologists of the opportunity to find tions, something changed. Cowen (1980) publicly
and apply information-gathering and analytic distinguished research relating to the generation of
methods from disciplines near and far from hypotheses from that focused on their confirma-
community-based inquiries. Whatever the case, tion. The former acknowledged all that could be
the tools available to us have expanded dramati- learned through systematic observation, qualita-
cally! I can report evidence to that effect based tive interviewing, focus groups, and other qualita-
on my experiences as the editor of the Journal tive avenues to gathering information. These new
of Community Psychology. In that capacity, I can pathways to knowledge were to deepen our under-
attest to the seemingly unending adoption of standing of the phenomena before us and thereby
methods from other disciplines, as well as the enrich our appreciation of the complexity of com-
creation of entirely new approaches to gather munity processes.
and analyze information. Since the 2012 volume At the time, few tools were either available to
appeared, I have seen increasing numbers of sub- us or acceptable to psychology’s broader discipline
missions applying the very methods described in wherein we had to establish our academic bona
the current volume. For several years now, I have fides. Those who chose to apply these new methods
regularly been receiving manuscripts whose con- were also responsible for determining how best to
clusions were derived through the application of analyze the information they acquired and how to
(a) highly sophisticated statistical procedures justify its value to journal editors, funding sources,
on quantitative findings; (b) systematically and, as noted, tenure-determining colleagues.
applied analytic methods on qualitative find- Fortunately, that era has generally passed, and the
ings; (c) findings based on entirely innovative diversity of methods presented in this volume pro-
methods, including photographic images, nar- vides a quiver full of arrows to apply to targets of
rated experiences, and public art (e.g., graffiti); inquiry.
and (d) conceptualizations of community-based What the present volume does not, however,
processes based on conversations with key infor- address is the nature of the targets or even of the
mants. The breadth of qualitative, quantitative, hunt. From the outset, community psychology has
and especially mixed methods reports crossing reflected tension between its pursuit of recognition
my virtual desk appears to increase monthly. as a science within clinical psychology’s tradition
It goes without saying that community psychol- of the scientist-practitioner and its desire to effect
ogy has come a long way from its founders who 50 change in the lives of those who are underserved,
or so years ago struggled with selecting among a underrecognized, and disempowered. Community
limited number of nonparametric or parametric psychology began as an ally of the community men-
statistics. As I and many of my generation were tal health movement, whose defining purpose was
punching data on computer cards to cautiously to serve the needs of those with limited access to
deliver to a computer center that covered an entire and acceptance of the reigning intervention strate-
floor of a university building, we marveled at the gies. The lack of access was to be addressed by relo-
potential of factor analyses (with and without cating services to the communities in which the
rotation) for uncovering interconnections among underserved lived. The lack of acceptance was to
seemingly disparate variables. We dismissed the be addressed by creating new forms of intervention
potential value of qualitative reports as unscientific tailored to the lives and needs of intended recipi-
and strove for “hard” findings that would align with ents. The lack of effectiveness for those in need was
 Foreword ix

to be addressed in part by broadening the range of of positivism or as focused on seeking and applying
options in terms of (a) length (e.g., time-limited practical solutions to real problems. Throughout
therapies), (b) service provider (e.g., paraprofes- much of that career, I could call upon colleagues
sional and natural caregiver agents), and especially such as Seymour Sarason and Robert Newbrough
(c) point of intervention (e.g., primary and second- for reassurance that it need not be either-or but
ary prevention) along the etiological pathway. Our rather both-and. Most convincing, however, was
originating intent was to serve through both inno- Dokecki’s (1992) contribution to a special issue
vative services and the gathering of information (edited by Newbrough, 1992) of the Journal of
that would enable our clinical colleagues to enter Community Psychology focused on the future of
the communities and lives of those who to that the discipline in a postmodern world. In his paper,
point had been ill-served or underserved. Dokecki explained how Schon’s (1983) concept
I raise this point because that same tension lies of the “reflective practitioner” offers our disci-
just beneath the surface of many of this volume’s pline a valid alternative to clinical psychology’s
chapters. Focused on explaining the rationale and scientist-practitioner model. The latter gathers
procedures of their methods, the authors provide knowledge to inform and shape practice. The for-
the technical details that introduce readers to the mer model, by contrast, has a different purpose, for
potential applications and informational benefits it “intends to improve the human situation through
of their procedures. Woven through their recipes the close interplay of knowledge use and knowl-
and especially their case examples are the vari- edge generation” (Dokecki, 1992, p. 27).
ously stated but present themes of gathering new Note that for the reflective practitioner knowl-
and deeper insights into the lives of the disenfran- edge is gathered to serve needs, not to build the-
chised, the disempowered, and the underserved. At ory! In support of the legitimacy of that purpose,
times subtly stated and at times explicit, the agenda Dokecki (1992) introduced Macmurray’s (1957,
for applying these innovative quantitative, qualita- 1961) analysis of the person-in-community. My
tive, and mixed methods can be found, that is, to reading of this work reframed the gathering of
create, enable, and accomplish change! Albeit vari- information through investigation from respond-
ously stated, understanding the status quo is prec- ing to the question of “What do we want to know?”
edent to designing its alteration in a nonrandom to “What do we want to do?” In this foreword, I am
intentional direction. arguing that the latter question is more applicable
Tempted though I might be to present the evi- to the methods and their intent than is the former.
dentiary base for such an assertion, I believe that I would further contend that such a defining ratio-
the authors and readers will be better served by nale is entirely consistent with the aforementioned
conducting their own investigations to determine underlying theme perceived by me in reading
whether my conclusion is sustainable. Much is said across this volume’s content.
about the value of the methods for theory-building Accepting the possibility that community psy-
or confirmation without exactly identifying the chology’s purpose is to impact the quality of life
theoretical base being referenced. Now and again and effectiveness of communities for their residents
we see references to paradigm without exactly does not lessen its worth but rather focuses its efforts.
knowing what is paradigmatic about the work or Participatory action research can be acknowledged
feeling confident that the nature of a paradigm and as an essential element of community-based inter-
the breadth of its scientific implications are appli- ventions both because it assures localization of the
cable (Kuhn, 1962). Both “theory” and “paradigm” work but more importantly engages those to be
appear to be stated more as evidence that the work impacted in both acknowledging need and acting
described is truly scientific rather than being pre- to mitigate that need and thereby alter the status
sented as the foundation on which the accumula- quo to a locally preferred condition. Participatory
tion of information is gathered and its contribution action research allows those receiving services
to the “work of normal science” demonstrated. to define both their nature and the limits of their
Assigning the aforementioned underlying ten- application. “Better” is determined by participants
sion to community psychology may, admittedly, rather than by provider.
reflect projection on my part. My career can be Acknowledging that we engage with communi-
perceived as blindly subservient to the principles ties to “do something” together does not mean we
x Foreword

abandon the accumulation of information that has part of the community, wherein we can collaborate
theoretical or paradigmatic import. It does mean, with the community as it defines and activates sus-
however, that doing takes priority over knowing tainable responses to its needs.
and that our work and our responsibility are not Raymond P. Lorion
completed with the acquisition of knowledge or Towson University
the advancement of science. Those accomplish- June 2015
ments add value to our efforts and, admittedly,
may lead to tenure, external funding, or disciplin- REFERENCES
ary recognition. They do not, however, lessen our Cowen, E. L. (1980). The wooing of primary preven-
professional responsibility to remain engaged, to tion. American Journal of community Psychology, 8,
continue our participation, and to continue the 258–284.
Dokecki, P. R. (1992). On knowing the community
work until released by our partners. To truly enact
of caring persons: A methodological basis for the
a participatory action effort requires genuine reflective-generative practice of community psy-
empowerment of partners over us! If we initiate chology. Journal of Community Psychology, 20,
the effort and commit members of a community 26–235.
to engage in assessing their needs, analyzing their Jason, L. A., & Glenwick, D. S. (2012). (Eds.),
resources, and committing to collaboratively mov- Methodological approaches to community-based
ing toward sustainable change, we necessarily com- research. Washington, DC: American Psychological
mit ourselves (and in many cases our institutions) Association.
to remain engaged, however long it takes. Kuhn, T. S. (1970). The structure of scientific revolutions
(2nd ed.). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
I applaud Jason and Glenwick for their unparal-
Lorion, R. P. (2012). Foreword. In L. A. Jason & D.
leled success in recruiting the breadth of method- S. Glenwick (Eds.), Methodological approaches to
ologists gathered for this volume. I further applaud community-based research (pp. xv–xviii). Washington,
the methodologists for their acknowledgment DC: American Psychological Association.
(intended or not) that community psychology’s Macmurray, J. (1957). The self as agent. London,
need for this diversity of methods lies not simply England: Faber.
with its evolution as an applied science but most of Macmurray, J. (1961). Persons in relation. New York,
all with its founding commitment to understand- NY: Harper & Row.
ing human needs that would otherwise go unrec- Newbrough, J. R. (1992). Community psychology in the
postmodern world. Journal of Community Psychology,
ognized, underserved, disrespected, and devalued.
20, 10–25.
Our discipline is unlike psychological, social, pub- Schon, D. (1983). The reflective practitioner. New York,
lic health, or public policy sciences, and that differ- NY: Basic Books.
ence lies in our defining commitment to become
 AC K NOW L E D GM E N T S

We are deeply appreciative of our chapter authors, A. Miller, Christopher Beasley, Ronald Harvey,
who, on tight time schedules, produced stimu- Daphna Ram, Doreen Salina, John Moritsugu,
lating, integrative, and readable contributions and Ariel Stone for their helpful comments and
and who graciously worked to comply with our suggestions.
length and style requests. We also are indebted Finally, we greatly appreciate the unflagging
to Raymond Lorion and Anne Bogat for their support and encouragement of Oxford University
thoughtful Foreword and Afterword commentar- Press’s editorial staff, particularly Sarah Harrington
ies. In addition, we thank Edward Stevens, Steven and Andrea Zekus.
 A B OU T T H E E D I TOR S

Leonard A. Jason is a professor of psychology David S. Glenwick is a professor of psychology at

at DePaul University, where he is the director of Fordham University. He has been the director of
the Center for Community Research. Dr. Jason its graduate program in clinical psychology and is
received his doctorate in clinical and community currently the co-coordinator of its specialization in
psychology from the University of Rochester. He clinical child and family psychology. Dr. Glenwick
has published over 600 articles and 75 book chap- received his doctorate in clinical and community
ters on such social and health topics as the pre- psychology from the University of Rochester. He
vention of, and recovery from, substance abuse; has edited six books and authored more than 120
preventive school-based interventions; multimedia articles and book chapters, primarily in the areas of
interventions; the diagnosis and treatment of myal- community-based interventions, clinical child psy-
gic encephalomyelitis/chronic fatigue syndrome; chology, and developmental disabilities, and has
and program evaluation. Dr. Jason has been on the been on the editorial boards of four peer-reviewed
editorial boards of seven peer-reviewed journals journals. Dr. Glenwick is a fellow of seven divisions
and has edited or written 23 books. Additionally, of the American Psychological Association (APA)
he has served on review committees of the National and has been a member of the APA Continuing
Institute of Drug Abuse and the National Institute Education Committee. He is a past president of
of Mental Health and received more than $34 mil- the International Association for Correctional and
lion in federal research grants. He is a former presi- Forensic Psychology and a former editor of the
dent of the Division of Community Psychology of journal Criminal Justice and Behavior.
the American Psychological Association and a past
editor of The Community Psychologist.
 C ON T R I BU TOR S

Caterina Arcidiacono Sara L. Buckingham

University Federico II, Naples University of Maryland, Baltimore County
Adeyinka M. Akinsulure-Smith Sarah Callahan
City College, City University of New York DePaul University, Chicago
James Allen Agostino Carbone
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis University Federico II, Naples
Nicole E. Allen Gina Cardazone
University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign JBS International
Valerie R. Anderson Renzo Carli
Michigan State University, Michigan University of Rome, Sapienza
Fabricio Balcazar Brian D. Christens
University of Illinois, Chicago University of Wisconsin, Madison
John P. Barile Tracy Chu
University of Hawaii, Manoa Brooklyn College, City University of New York
Brian J. Bishop Brian Clark
Curtin University, Bentley Habitat for Humanity, Roanoke Valley
G. Anne Bogat Katherine Cloutier
Michigan State University, Michigan Michigan State University, Michigan
Neil M. Boyd Christian M. Connell
Bucknell University, Lewisburg Yale University, Connecticut
Shane R. Brady Daniel Cooper
University of Oklahoma, Oklahoma Adler School, Illinois
Lauren J. Breen E. J. R. David
Curtin University, Bentley University of Alaska, Anchorage
Anne E. Brodsky Urmitapa Dutta
University of Maryland, Baltimore County University of Massachusetts, Lowell
Fiorella Bucci Emily R. Dworkin
Ghent University, Ghent University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
xvi Contributors

Peta L. Dzidic Regina Day Langhout

Curtin University, Bentley University of California, Santa Cruz
Victoria Faust Jennifer A. Lawlor
University of Wisconsin, Madison Michigan State University, Michigan
Jesica Siham Fernández John Light
University of California, Santa Cruz Oregon Research Institute, Eugene
David Florido del Corral Andrew Lohmann
University of Seville California State University, Long Beach
Patrick J. Fowler Raymond P. Lorion
Washington University, St. Louis Towson University, Towson
Jacob Furst Terri Mannarini
DePaul University, Chicago University of Salento, Italy
Jennifer Gaddis Mark A. Mattaini
University of Wisconsin, Madison University of Illinois, Chicago
Fiammetta Giovagnoli Isidro Maya-Jariego
University of Rome, Sapienza University of Seville
David S. Glenwick Daniel McLinden
Fordham University, New York Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center,
Cincinnati
Megan R. Greeson
DePaul University, Chicago Jennifer Watling Neal
Michigan State University, Michigan
Javier Hernández-Ramírez
University of Seville Zachary P. Neal
Michigan State University, Michigan
Mara Hill
University of Alaska, Anchorage Bradley Olson
National Louis University, Chicago
Daniel Holgado
University of Seville Emily J. Ozer
University of California, Berkeley
Paula Tran Inzeo
University of Wisconsin, Madison Rosa Maria Paniccia
University of Rome, Sapienza
Leonard A. Jason
DePaul University, Chicago Fortuna Procentese
University Federico II, Naples
Shabnam Javdani
University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Daniela Stan Raicu
DePaul University, Chicago
R. Burke Johnson
University of South Alabama, Alabama Andrew Rasmussen
Fordham University, New York
Fraenze Kibowski
Nottingham Trent University, UK Stephanie Riger
University of Illinois, Chicago
Mariah Kornbluh
Michigan State University, Michigan Rebecca Volino Robinson
University of Alaska, Anchorage
Michael J. Kral
Wayne State University, Detroit Carolina S. Sarmiento
University of Wisconsin, Madison
 Contributors xvii

Jorge Savala Ryan Tolman

University of California, Santa Cruz University of Hawaii, Manoa
Jill E. Scheibler Teresa Tuozzi
University of Maryland, Baltimore County University Federico II, Naples
Erynne Shatto Lisa M. Vaughn
University of South Alabama, Alabama Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center,
Cincinnati
Rannveig Sigurvinsdottir
University of Illinois, Chicago Judah J. Viola
National Louis University, Chicago
Shannon M. Sparks
University of Wisconsin, Madison Angela L. Walden
University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Tres Stefurak
University of South Alabama, Alabama Glenn A. Williams
Leeds Beckett University, UK
Yolanda Suarez-Balcazar
University of Illinois, Chicago Denise Wyldbore
University of California, Santa Cruz
Nathan R. Todd
University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
 H A N D B O OK
O F M E T HOD OL O G I C A L
A PPROAC H E S
TO C OM M U N I T Y- BA S E D
R E S E A RC H
 1
Introduction to Community-Based Methodological
Approaches
L E O N A R D A . J A S O N A N D D AV I D S . G L E N W I C K

O ver the past few decades, community-based

applications of the newest research method-
ologies have not kept pace with the development of
Moritsugu, Vera, Wong, & Duffy, 2013). At an
influential community methods conference, Tolan
et al. (1990) responded to a multitude of issues fac-
dynamic theory and multilevel data collection tech- ing the field, including tensions between achieving
niques. To address this gap, the present handbook scientific rigor through the use of traditional reduc-
focuses specifically on aiding community-oriented tionistic research designs and accurately captur-
researchers in learning about relevant cutting-edge ing processes involved in real-world interventions
methodologies. With this end in mind, it presents with persons in the context of community settings.
a number of innovative methodologies relevant to That conference introduced a dialogue regarding
community-based research, illustrating their appli- criteria necessary to define research of merit and
cability to specific social problems and projects. methodological considerations in implementing
Besides representing a comprehensive statement of ecologically driven research. At a later conference
the state of the science and art with respect to meth- (Jason et al., 2004), leaders in the field further
odology in the area, the volume is intended to point explored the gap between scientific knowledge and
the way to new directions and hopefully further practice in community-based research methodolo-
advances in the field in the coming decades. gies, with an emphasis on consumer participation
(i.e., participatory research).
BAC KG ROU N D, Complementing methodology and practice in
PUR POSE, AND community science is a third realm, that of theory.
O R G A N I Z AT I O N Heuristically useful theories allow us to describe,
The methodologies presented in this book adopt a explain, and predict phenomena. Additionally, the
social change perspective that is wider than more operationalization of a particular theory through
typical, person-centered health and clinical inter- our research aids us in uncovering and specifying
ventions (Tolan, Keys, Chertok, & Jason, 1990). the theory’s limits with regard to its boundary con-
Community psychology, as an exemplar of commu- ditions and ability to generate valid predictions.
nity science, emerged about 50 years ago. As the field The methodology that is used in community sci-
evolved, certain recurring themes emerged: pre- ence research may naturally flow from theory, but
vention (versus treatment), competencies (versus this is most possible within the context of a clearly
weaknesses), collaboration across disciplines, eco- articulated theory. Thus, both clear articulation
logical understanding of people within their envi- of theoretical community-related constructs and
ronments, diversity, and community building as a valid measurement of such constructs are neces-
mode of intervention. These concepts provided a sary in refining theory and explicating real-world
focus on new ways of thinking about contextual fac- phenomena.
tors and how participants could be more involved We do not advocate for one predominant
in applied research efforts, as well as consider- theory for community science. Many topics in
ing more public health–based, systems-oriented, community science will never coalesce around
and preventive approaches (Kloos et al., 2012; one theory because they are complex systems
2 INTRODUCTION TO METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES

comprising multiple mechanisms of operation and within the larger arena of community-based
change. At a descriptive level, theories in commu- research) has perennially had as its focus the trans-
nity science, we would argue, should specify what actions between persons and community-based
specific aspects of context influence what specific structures, or, in other words, individuals’ and
aspects of individuals. Furthermore, the specific groups’ behavior in bidirectional interaction with
mechanisms by which this occurs should be articu- their social contexts, with an emphasis on preven-
lated. Ideally, such theoretical positing should lead tion and early intervention. Consonant with this
to relatively unambiguous predictions concerning perspective, the methodological approaches in this
community-based phenomena (Jason, Stevens, book explore such transactions and provide exam-
Ram, Miller, & Beasley, 2015). Methods provide ples of how to implement and evaluate interven-
the means to test the predictions generated from tions conducted at the community level. A decade
theories. Given the desirability of theoretical plu- or so ago, Jason et al. (2004) and Revenson et al.
ralism, we also do not argue for a single method, (2002) highlighted methodological developments
believing, rather, that there should be a matching that supported the goals of empirically examin-
between method (or methods, in the case of mixed ing complex individual–environment interac-
methods research), on the one hand, and the theo- tions. A more recent work, by Jason and Glenwick
retical underpinnings of a particular research ques- (2012), also described some of the more promis-
tion, on the other hand. ing community-level methods but focused just on
With respect to one salient construct in com- quantitative methods, to the exclusion of qualita-
munity science, namely community, Heller (2014) tive and mixed methods approaches.
recently noted that there is often a lack of a clear In this chapter we provide an overview of the
theoretical statement about how communities volume’s goals, organizational framework, and
should be conceptualized. Part of the problem individual chapters, with attention to qualitative,
stems from the definition of the closely related con- quantitative, and (the more recent and burgeoning
cept of neighborhood, which can vary from a block area of) pluralistic, mixed methods approaches in
in a residential community to an online network. In conceptualizing and addressing community-based
addition, there are a number of mediators of neigh- problems. The handbook describes how the meth-
borhood effects, including the quality of resources odological approaches presented can facilitate the
(e.g., libraries, schools, parks), level of community application of the ecological paradigm to the ame-
integration (e.g., how well members know each lioration of social ills. Each chapter discusses how
other), and the quality of social ties and interactions. its particular methodology can be used to help
Additional considerations are that not all fami- analyze data dealing with community-based issues.
lies respond to community issues in the same way Furthermore, it illustrates the benefits that occur
and that neighborhoods change over time. Heller when community theorists, interventionists, and
(2014) indicated that impediments that communi- methodologists work together to better understand
ties confront, such as inadequate resources or insuf- complicated person-environment systems and the
ficient technical knowledge, may require a variety change processes within communities.
of different strategies. Heller’s (2014) ideas have This handbook is intended to reach three criti-
implications for methodology, particularly with cal audiences. The first involves scholars desiring
respect to the need for community-based research- a summary of existing contemporary methods for
ers to (a) investigate mediators and moderators of analyzing data addressing a variety of health and
phenomena, both within a level and between lev- mental health issues. The second involves graduate
els, and (b) conceptualize and operationalize the students in psychology, public policy, urban stud-
diverse ways that we can think about community ies, education, and other social science/human ser-
and communities. vices disciplines designed to prepare students for
Ecological analysis—the overarching frame- careers in applied research, public administration,
work of the present volume—seeks to understand and the helping professions. The third involves
behavior in the context of individual, family, peer, practitioners in these fields who conduct program
and community influences (Kelly, 1985, 1990, evaluation and consultation activities and who are
2006). As noted by Revenson and Seidman (2002), interested in learning more about and applying
the field of community psychology (as a discipline these community-based methods.
 Introduction 3

The volume consists of three sections. Section precepts of the methodology, as well as its utility
I focuses on qualitative approaches; Section II on and applicability to the study, practice, and values
quantitative approaches; and Section III on mixed of community-oriented research. Brodsky et al.
methods approaches, which combine qualitative discuss how community psychology, which arose
and quantitative methods within the same study or from other movements of the 1960s to question
project. Qualitative approaches are characterized and rethink the dominant paradigms in wellness
by (a) an emphasis on understanding the meaning promotion and illness prevention at the individ-
of the phenomenon under consideration to those ual and community levels, shares its roots with
who are experiencing it; (b) data which typically qualitative methods, which themselves arose from
consist of words, providing “thick description” of alternative scientific paradigms. The authors men-
the participants’ experiences; and (c) active col- tion that this connection goes further, in that the
laboration between the researchers and the par- methods that we use are dependent on the para-
ticipants throughout the research/intervention digms and worldviews that we hold. Thus, Brodsky
process (Gergen, Josselson, & Freeman, 2015; et al. emphasize that community psychology and
Kloos et al., 2012). Examples of qualitative meth- qualitative methods are natural partners. The
ods are participant observation, qualitative inter- chapter concludes with an example of qualitative
views, focus groups, and case studies. Quantitative community-based work done by the chapter’s first
approaches, in contrast, have the following hall- author in Afghanistan to explore risk and resilience
marks: (a) an emphasis on trying to establish processes in women’s communities.
cause-and-effect relationships; (b) data that typi- In Chapter 3, Andrew Rasmussen, Adeyinka
cally consist of numbers, obtained by the use of M. Akinsulure-Smith, and Tracy Chu discuss
standardized measures; and (c) an attempt to pro- grounded theory. Consistent with community
duce generalizable findings, as opposed to a quali- psychologists’ aim of empowering participants,
tative approaches focus on specific contexts (Kloos grounded theory emphasizes developing theoreti-
et al., 2012; Moritsugu et al., 2013). Illustrative of cal frameworks from a close, ground-level exami-
quantitative methods are quantitative description, nation of data, as opposed to interpreting data by
randomized field experiments, nonequivalent com- testing a set of a priori hypotheses. This is done
parison group designs, and interrupted time-series through iterative examination of (usually, but not
designs. limited to) qualitative data, building from molec-
To promote consistency in format, each chap- ular to molar analyses. After a brief history of the
ter is composed of two parts. The first is a critical basic tenets, the chapter’s primary focus is on the
review of the methodological approach that is the specific methods most often currently used and the
focus of that chapter. Included is the theory under- steps involved in textual analyses (e.g., analyzing
lying the approach, a summary of the steps involved transcripts of interviews), leading to the derivation
in the use of the approach, and consideration of the of themes and, ultimately, theory. Several dimen-
approach’s benefits and drawbacks. This is fol- sions are presented, from how heavily grounding is
lowed by a second part presenting either (a) the emphasized, the role of sensitizing concepts and lit-
explication of a social problem or (b) the evaluation erature reviews (i.e., a priori knowledge), defining
of a community-based intervention, thereby dem- codes, interrater reliability, and the role of research
onstrating for the reader how to apply the approach collaborators. Demonstration of the method high-
in real-world settings, including analyzing and lights the authors’ involvement in a project involv-
interpreting the data so obtained. ing individual interviews and focus groups with
West African immigrant parents and children in
New York City, providing stakeholder feedback
OV E RV I E W O F T H E (i.e., community members’ voices) to social service
CHAPTERS providers.
Qualitative Approaches In Chapter 4, Stephanie Riger and Rannveig
Section I, on qualitative methods, is introduced Sigurvinsdottir consider thematic analysis, a tech-
by Anne E. Brodsky, Sara L. Buckingham, Jill nique for analyzing qualitative data that involves
E. Scheibler, and Terri Mannarini (Chapter 2). looking for patterns of meaning that go beyond
Their discussion includes the general elements and counting words or phrases. Underlying themes
4 INTRODUCTION TO METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES

or issues in data are identified and form the basis (d) reaching design and goal outcomes. The exam-
for theory. Data are analyzed in a several-step ple of AI presented involved helping injured work-
process: (a) data familiarization, (b) initial code ers and their representatives achieve their goals
generation, (c) searching for themes, (d) review- over an 18-month period following an AI change
ing themes, (e) defining and naming themes, and intervention.
(f) reporting the analysis. The authors begin the In Chapter 7, Shane R. Brady discusses the
chapter by placing thematic analysis within the Delphi method, which emphasizes the insights and
context of qualitative methods in general. They perspectives of community participants in order to
then describe the process of conducting a thematic make informed decisions within a direct practice,
analysis and illustrate this process with a study of social planning, and policy context. Grounded
barriers to addressing substance abuse among per- in pragmatism, the Delphi method can promote
petrators and victims of intimate partner violence empowerment by giving voice to historically vul-
in domestic violence court. nerable groups. It provides a means for dealing with
Bradley Olson, Daniel Cooper, Judah Viola, “difference” through providing community partici-
and Brian Clark contribute Chapter 5 on commu- pants the opportunity to engage and participate as
nity narrative evaluation, a method derived from equals with professional experts and decision mak-
the personal narrative approach. Personal narra- ers in generating decisions about a specific issue.
tives are structured around individuals’ stories, The method creates a circle of dialogue among
while community narratives, analogously, consist participants on a specific issue of interest, in which
of personal stories collectively forming the foun- they provide direct responses/nominations (and
dation of a group’s or community’s identity. Thus, comments on these) until a consensus is reached.
the two levels are intimately intertwined. Each The author provides an example of how the Delphi
community has a unique set of narratives that is a method has been utilized with members of several
potential source of growth and a way for that com- neighborhoods within a large urban city in decision
munity to creatively find its alternative narratives making about the community’s needs and priorities
as a means of contrasting itself with other, com- within the context of community development.
peting, and dominant narratives in society. One Urmitapa Dutta addresses critical ethnography
primary approach to gathering personal stories in Chapter 8. This is an approach that connects
and community narratives is through a life story detailed cultural analysis to wider social structures
methodology, in which participants describe key and systems of power by simultaneously examining
episodes in their lives or within the historical life dimensions of race, class, culture, gender, and his-
of their community (such as high, low, or transition tory. The author first discusses the evolution of eth-
points). The case example in this chapter focuses nography in the social sciences; the philosophical
on the use of community narratives in the evalua- assumptions underlying ethnographic approaches;
tion of a housing and broader community coalition the critical role of the ethnographer in the research
effort to increase the quality of life in a neighbor- process; and key ethical and validation issues in eth-
hood in Roanoke, Virginia. nographic research, data collection, analysis, and
In Chapter 6, Neil Boyd discusses appreciative dissemination. Next, she considers the influence
inquiry (AI). This change methodology focuses on of feminist, critical, indigenous, and postmodern
elevating and expanding communities’ strengths. approaches on ethnographic research. The steps
Many participatory action research methodolo- involved in conducting collaborative, participatory,
gies tend to start with a focus on fixing community and activist ethnographic research are outlined. In
problems. In contrast, AI begins with the premise the second part of the chapter, research on youth
that a community is a center of relatedness and and protracted ethnic conflict in northeast India
that extending its strengths invokes a reserve of illustrates how critical ethnographic approaches
capacity, which, in turn, reshapes its images such can reframe existing social problem definitions
that previously viewed challenges can be con- in ways that underscore marginalized perspec-
fronted in radically different ways. The four-stage tives and create avenues for community-based
AI process involves (a) discovering what is good interventions.
within the system, (b) envisioning positive images In Chapter 9, Regina Day Langhout, Jesica
of the future, (c) creating actionable designs, and Siham Fernández, Denise Wyldbore, and Jorge
 Introduction 5

Savala present participatory action research (PAR) CLA utilizes a range of textual, visual, and experi-
methodology. PAR is an epistemological approach ential data sources, such as interview transcripts,
rooted in a critical theory research paradigm. To photos, videos, and field notes. The analysis is
create social change, researchers and community structured according to four conceptual layers,
members collaborate through a systematic process, progressing from a topical interpretation of the
in which they develop an agreed-upon problem issue, at the topmost layer, to underlying mytholo-
definition to determine what to study, decide on gies and metaphors that underpin the issue, at the
the method(s) to collect and analyze data, arrive deepest layer. By identifying these qualities of the
at and implement actions to address the problem, issue being investigated, it is argued that there is
and evaluate these actions and their outcomes. The a greater propensity for the root of the issue to be
authors describe the underlying theory of PAR and identified and therefore the opportunity for mean-
elucidate the steps involved in the process, with ingful, second-order change to occur. An illus-
attention to the approach’s benefits and drawbacks. tration of CLA is provided involving a relational
They then demonstrate how multiple qualitative women’s sports community, specifically women’s
methods (in this case, photovoice and house meet- participation in roller derby. In this example, CLA
ings) can be combined to collect data within the facilitated the uncovering of broad social and cul-
PAR approach. This case study shows how PAR tural understandings of the women’s roles and
enabled the authors and the community members expectations.
to better understand how people in a heteroge- In Chapter 12, Renzo Carli, Rosa Maria
neous unincorporated area thought about their Paniccia, Fiammetta Giovagnoli, Agostino
neighborhoods, with the goal of developing better Carbone, and Fiorella Bucci’s discuss emotional
strategies for community-based organizing. textual analysis (ETA), a method used in contex-
Andrew Lohmann’s chapter on geographic tual research. As we are aware, words can convey
information systems (GIS) (Chapter 10) reviews emotional components of a text (e.g., an interview
several methodologies (e.g., resident-defined, transcript). ETA analyzes the symbolic level of
behavioral approaches, experiencing sample texts as a part of applied research and interven-
method, and grid approaches) actually or poten- tions. In this approach, language is thought of as
tially incorporating GIS to understand and an organizer of the relationship between the indi-
operationally define neighborhoods. These vidual contributor of the text and his or her con-
methodologies fall on various interconnected text, rather than as a detector of the individual’s
spectra: (a) from being completely phenomeno- emotions. Tracks of these written representations
logical (e.g., resident defined) to almost exclusively are viewed within the complexity of this relation-
administrative (e.g., census units), (b) being emi- ship. A case example is presented showing the use
cally (i.e., within a group) or etically (i.e., between of ETA in analyzing the interviews of the inhab-
groups) defined, (c) having stability or variability itants of an urban area regarding their degree of
with respect to neighborhood spatial areas, and satisfaction and fulfillment with respect to their
(d) the availability of the data. The implications of employment situations.
these dimensions are discussed. As an example of
how GIS has been used to define and study neigh- Quantitative Approaches
borhoods in spatial terms, the author describes the Section II focuses on quantitative analytic
utilization of the approach as a way of measuring approaches. In the introduction to this section
resident-defined neighborhoods in order to inves- (Chapter 13), Christian M. Connell provides an
tigate manifestations of localized bonding social overview of these approaches, emphasizing salient
capital. considerations that should be taken into account
In Chapter 11, Lauren J. Breen, Peta L. Dzidic, when selecting a quantitative method. He notes
and Brian J. Bishop consider causal layered analy- both traditional and more sophisticated statisti-
sis (CLA), a methodology that enables the assess- cal methods that are relevant in addressing the
ment of worldviews and cultural factors, as well as aims of various types of research questions. The
social, economic, and political structural issues, chapter concludes with an analysis of the quan-
to be considered in understanding the present titative methods used in empirical papers within
and in formulating alternative future projections. the American Journal of Community Psychology
6 INTRODUCTION TO METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES

from 2012 through 2014, highlighting the growth identifies circumstances in which this approach is
in the utilization of more contexualized, complex most appropriate. It concludes with a case example
methods. of the use of MSEM in an evaluation of community
In Chapter 14, Megan R. Greeson discusses coalitions, in which data from multiple sources at
latent growth curves and how they are particularly both the individual and collaborative levels were
fruitful for analyzing complex, changing commu- utilized to better comprehend the processes and
nity phenomena over time. Latent growth curves outcomes associated with successful collaboration.
are a subset of structural equation modeling that In Chapter 17, Nathan R. Todd and Patrick
can be used to examine within-case change across Fowler present (a) cluster-randomized trials
repeated measures. One of its key strengths is its (CRTs) as a useful research design for evaluat-
ability to capture nonlinear change, which is often ing community-level interventions and (b) mul-
characteristic of both naturally occurring phenom- tilevel modeling (MLM) as an appropriate way to
ena (e.g., phenomena that oscillate in up-and-down analyze such data. A CRT design is characterized
patterns) and intervention responses (e.g., lagged by assigning intact social groups (e.g., schools or
intervention effects). Another key strength is the neighborhoods) to intervention and control con-
ability to examine variability in change trajectories, ditions. This design enables studying naturally
which facilitates investigation of group differences occurring groups where individual randomization
over time. The author presents a case study exam- is not possible or where spillover effects within a
ining nonlinear change over time with respect to setting are of concern. Moreover, the design is use-
the impact of adolescent dating violence on wom- ful when the intervention target involves changing
en’s annual earned income. something about the environment or setting rather
Chapter 15 by Glenn Williams and Fraenze than intervening directly with individuals. This is
Kibowski on latent class analysis (LCA) and latent a strong experimental design and can be used to
profile analysis (LPA) complements Chapter 14. show how intervention at the group level shapes
The main aim of LCA is to split seemingly hetero- individual outcomes. The authors then discuss the
geneous data into subclasses of two or more homo- use of MLM as an analytic strategy for determining
geneous groups or classes. In contrast, LPA is a and interpreting the magnitude and significance
method that is conducted with continuously scaled of intervention success. Finally, as an example of
data, the focus being on generating profiles of par- the design, they highlight preventive school-based
ticipants instead of testing a theoretical model interventions aimed at decreasing suicide.
in terms of a measurement model, path analytic Mark Mattaini, Leonard A. Jason, and David
model, or full structural model (as is the case, for S. Glenwick in Chapter 18 discuss the use of behav-
example, with structural equation modeling). As ioral methods for implementing and analyzing
an example of LCA and LPA, the authors present change over time. There is a long tradition of oper-
findings on sustainable and active travel behaviors ant designs that have been employed to effect and
among commuters, separating the respondents into evaluate change in individual behavior, but these
classes based on the facilitators of, and hindrances same types of designs also have been utilized to
to, certain modes of travel. evaluate community-level data. The authors dem-
In Chapter 16, John P. Barile writes about multi- onstrate how this orientation, including the utili-
level structural equation modeling (MSEM), which zation of time-series data (i.e., data on a particular
offers many advantages over traditional regression behavior/phenomenon that are collected and ana-
approaches in understanding community-based lyzed on several occasions over a period of time),
data. MSEM techniques enable researchers to can be invaluable in providing evidence for the
assess individual- and higher level data simultane- impact of ecological domains on community-based
ously, while minimalizing individualistic and eco- phenomena. The chapter concludes with an
logical fallacies commonly present in evaluation example of the application of this methodology to
and intervention research. An advanced statistical document change in urban littering behavior, with
methodology such as MSEM is often required to discussion of the intervention’s policy implications
understand the diverse web of ecological deter- resulting in legislative change.
minants of individual and community well-being. In Chapter 19, Jacob Furst, Daniela Stan
The chapter presents the basic tenets of MSEM and Raicu, and Leonard A. Jason describe data mining
 Introduction 7

(also known as artificial intelligence), which can In their case example, the authors illustrate how
uncover patterns and relationships within large SNA was used to understand how the structure of
samples of people, organizations, or communities teacher-advice networks could facilitate or hinder
that would not otherwise be evident because of the the spread of classroom intervention practices.
size and complexity of the data. Data mining often Dynamic social network models are the subject
uses decision trees, which attempt to predict a clas- of Chapter 22 by Leonard A. Jason, John Light, and
sification (e.g., high-risk neighborhoods in a com- Sarah Callahan. This paradigm is distinguished
munity), based on successive binary choices. At from other approaches by its emphasis on the
each branch point of the decision tree, a character- mutual interdependence between relationships
istic is examined (e.g., gang activity within a com- and behavior change over time. As such, it pro-
munity), and the decision tree determines whether vides a framework for conceptualizing and empiri-
a characteristic is important in the outcome or clas- cally describing two-way transactional dynamics.
sification. In data mining, multiple characteristics Network studies in community-based research
are reviewed, and an algorithm is ultimately devel- have typically been based on “personal” network
oped that best predicts class membership (e.g., data, whereby one person rates all of the other peo-
high- versus low-risk status). The authors illustrate ple in his or her network, but the linkages among
the application of this method to a chronic health those individuals are usually not known. This
condition, showing how computer-generated algo- chapter, instead, focuses on the more informative
rithms helped guide community organizations and models that can be developed from “complete” net-
government bodies in arriving at more valid and work data (i.e., where all possible dyadic relation-
less stigmatizing ways of characterizing patients. ships among individuals or other entities, such as
Zachary P. Neal and Jennifer Lawlor pres- organizations, are measured, providing a structural
ent the use of agent-based simulations to model map of an entire social ecosystem). The authors
community-level phenomena in Chapter 20 . This provide an example showing how the dimensions
is a methodology in which agents (which can rep- of trust, friendship, and mentoring changed over
resent, for example, individual people, households, time in the relationships among persons living in
or community organizations) interact with one substance abuse recovery residences.
another by following simple rules within a context
specified by the researcher. The goal of these mod- Mixed Methods Approaches
els is to understand how different behavioral rules Section III of the volume contains chapters featur-
and contextual factors interact and lead to differ- ing mixed methods, illustrating the use and integra-
ent outcomes. Such models are able to capture the tion of both qualitative and quantitative approaches
complexity of community dynamics, which are within a single study or project. In Chapter 23,
often nonlinear and unpredictable. The authors Valerie R. Anderson provides an introduction to
provide an example of the model, exploring how mixed methods approaches in community-based
spatial patterns of residential segregation impact research. The chapter begins with a definition of
social networks and the likelihood of relationships mixed methods research, an overview of key con-
between different groups. cepts, and ways in which qualitative and quantita-
In Chapter 21, Mariah Kornbluh and Jennifer tive methodologies can be employed in tandem.
Watling Neal describe social network analysis This is followed by a review of mixed methods
(SNA), which focuses on identifying patterns of studies in community-based research, with a par-
relationships among sets of actors in a particu- ticular focus on the specific techniques utilized
lar system (e.g., friendships among children in a and on how mixing methods can add to scientific
classroom or collaboration among organizations rigor. Next, the benefits and challenges of integrat-
in a coalition). In this chapter, they describe how ing qualitative and quantitative data are discussed.
to collect network data and how to apply network The chapter concludes with an illustrative example
measures to examine phenomena at multiple levels of a mixed methods case study of a juvenile court
of analysis, including the (a) setting (i.e., character- system.
istics of the whole network), (b) individual (i.e., an In Chapter 24, Brian Christens, Victoria
actor’s position within the network), and (c) dyad Faust, Jennifer Gaddis, Paula Tran Inzeo, Carolina
(i.e., network characteristics of pairs of actors). S. Sarmiento, and Shannon M. Sparks describe the
8 INTRODUCTION TO METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES

orchestration of cyclical processes of action and and quantitative methods were used to assess the
research that mutually inform each other. This effects of participatory research on adolescents and
chapter elucidates the conceptual foundations of their schools with respect to such dimensions as
action research and demonstrates its utility as a youth–adult power sharing and youth engagement.
framework for knowledge generation in collabo- Rebecca Volino Robinson, E. J. R. David, and
ration with community organizations. Although Mara Hill write on participatory mixed methods
action research is often conducted using qualita- across cultures in Chapter 27. Mixed methodol-
tive methods, the authors make a case for meth- ogy is particularly useful when researching in
odological pluralism. Principles for designing and cross-cultural or cultural contexts, as it allows
conducting mixed methods action research are for both etic (i.e., between groups) and emic (i.e.,
provided, drawing specifically on an example of an within a group) investigations of phenomena.
ongoing collaboration with a community organiz- Participation occurs on a continuum from infor-
ing network working on multiple issues, including mal consultation with community representatives
immigration and transit. to fully integrated, participatory methodology
Michael J. Kral and James Allen contribute that centralizes the community voice throughout
Chapter 25 on community-based participatory all aspects of the research process and dissemina-
research (CBPR). A defining feature of this per- tion. Strengths and challenges faced when con-
spective is the engagement, as co-researchers in the ducting participatory mixed methods research in
research process, of the people who are the commu- a cultural context are discussed. As an example of
nity of concern. This act of engagement involves a this approach, they describe a participatory mixed
sharing of power and a democratization of the methods investigation of resilience amid forced
research process, along with, typically, a social displacement in the context of Somali culture.
action component. The authors trace the historical In Chapter 28, Katherine Cloutier presents
roots of this approach, which is interconnected with (a) the utilization of performance ethnography
concepts of community empowerment, ecology, within a CBPR framework and (b) the combina-
social justice, feminism, and critical theory. Their tion of this qualitative approach with quantitative
example of the use of mixed methods in CBPR methods. Performance ethnography considers
describes key events and outcomes from a collab- such forms of performance as photo, video, fic-
orative project involving members of a grassroots tion, and narrative histories (as well as other tra-
Alaska Native sobriety effort and university-based ditional or innovative formats that may fall under
researchers, in which a qualitative discovery-based creative analytic processes) as integral components
research phase guided the development of mea- of an ethnographic research process. The author
sures for a quantitative second phase. discusses the benefits and challenges of employ-
In Chapter 26, Emily J. Ozer’s discussion on ing this approach within a CBPR framework. The
youth-led participatory action research (YPAR) chapter’s case study describes the incorporation
presents a change process that engages students in of elements of performance ethnography (specifi-
identifying problems that they want to improve, cally video creation and documentary work) into
conducting research to understand the nature of a sexual health education program in secondary
the problems, and advocating for changes based schools in Barbados. The author demonstrates how
on research evidence. It explicitly focuses on the this approach paved the way for a mixed methods,
integration of systematic research implemented multiphase study that emerged as a result of initial
by young people with guidance from adult facilita- fieldwork.
tors. The author describes YPAR’s core processes, In Chapter 29, Gina Cardazone and Ryan
identifying similarities and distinctions between T. Tolman focus on data visualization and its poten-
YPAR and other approaches to youth development, tial uses in participatory research, exploratory
as well as factors that support YPAR projects’ func- data analysis, program evaluation, and dissemi-
tioning and sustainability. She also makes links nation of research results. Although quite broad
to the broader practice of CBPR (the approach in scope, data visualization can be used in refer-
discussed in Chapter 25), noting special consider- ence to ubiquitous items such as static bar charts
ations in conducting CBPR with youth. The chap- or maps. User-friendly interactive data visualiza-
ter concludes with a case study in which qualitative tions may enable people to manipulate large data
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
The security of his own person was involved in it, and the immunity
of that sacred thing was of even greater moment to Gamaliel than
the loss of a King’s ransom. All his life he had had a holy dread of
violence. God in heaven be merciful to him a sinner, and keep away
that ruthless sailor!
The landlord looked at the clock again. Five minutes to ten. Diggory
Fargus was already twenty-five minutes behind his time. But there
was hardly any comfort in the thought. Hours must elapse ere
Captain Culpeper could come to his aid, unless by a miracle the King
were retaken immediately. A little bitterly the landlord reflected that
miracles did not happen to him. Was not his life stern, terrible,
inexorable matter of fact? At least, it seemed so then.
The landlord fell once again to his principal occupation of that tragic
day. He began to hobble up and down the kitchen, with ever and
anon an anxious eye for the clock.
There might be hours of this form of torture. If there were, Gamaliel
felt that surely he must go out of his mind. It was a suspense to
which there would be no end. There was no limit to the hour at
which Captain Culpeper might return to claim the two persons left in
his custody. It might be an hour, or it might be twelve; it might be a
day, a week, or a month. But be that as it may, his instructions were
perfectly clear. He must detain those two guilty persons at his inn,
by force, if necessary, or he would forfeit his life.
The first stroke of ten had barely struck, when the landlord caught a
sound that froze the blood in his veins. The noise of persons on foot
coming down the bridle-path rose above the distant roar of the sea.
He heard rough voices. The kitchen door was tried; a lusty smack
was delivered upon it.
“Open the door, mate!” cried the great voice of Diggory Fargus.
The landlord did not stir. He leant against the wall for support; he
had not the strength of a mouse.
“Open the door, mate, d’ye hear me?” demanded Diggory Fargus.
A terrific blow shook the lusty oak. Still the landlord leant sickly
against the wall.
The lady appeared at the head of the stairs, cloaked, masked, and
gloved for a journey. Hearing that her deliverers were at hand, she
ran down the stairs, and, not heeding the helpless landlord, thrust
back the bolts, the chain, and the lock of the kitchen door.
The mariner and three companions as rude and ill-favoured as
himself stepped out of the night.
“We’re behind our time, ma’am,” said Diggory Fargus; “but, d’ye see,
at half-past nine we had to tack and go about, for the place was full
of soldiers. We supposed they had come to take ye, but we thought
it our dooty to return and satisfy ourselves.”
“God requite you, sailor,” said the woman, fervently. “My husband is
still upstairs. But let us make all haste, for at any moment his
enemies may return upon him.”
Even as the woman spoke, the pale figure of a man tottered down
the stairs. Clinging tightly to the rail, he put one weak limb before
the other and reached the kitchen before they had observed him. He
too was fully accomplished for the journey.
“Oh, mine own,” said the woman, tenderly, “what a foolish valour!
’Tis ever the same headstrong, wilful, heedless fellow. Did I not
order you to stay upstairs until we fetched you? Thou art much too
weak to use thine own legs as yet, lad.”
“Peace, Patsy woman,” said the young man. “If I can walk into this
accursed place, I can walk out of it. I am hale and strong by
comparison with what I was when I came here with the bullet in my
side. Landlord, give me a cup of wine, and I shall be fit to encounter
the perils of the sea. Deuce take me! what hath happened to the
landlord?”
As pale as linen, his eyes staring and his knees knocking, the
landlord still clung in silence to the wall. Diggory Fargus looked at
him grimly. Lying in concealment close at hand when the soldiers
rode away, he had overheard the injunctions of Captain Culpeper.
“The Cap’n left particular orders,” said the mariner to the lady, “that
this ’ere son of a rum puncheon was to hold you and your mate,
ma’am, against his return, by force, if necessary. And as it goes agen
his principles to use violence o’ any sort, he’s asking of himself, d’ye
see, whether ye would take it amiss if he invited you to tarry.”
The woman looked at the landlord. None had had a fairer
opportunity of judging his character than she during her sojourn in
that place. Her eyes shone through her mask; the stern lines fell
about her mouth; and then she turned away from him with the same
tremor of disgust as one turns away from a venomous reptile. Even
to her compassion there was a limit.
“Come, my own,” she said. “It is folly in us to lose a precious
moment. I wonder what hath happened to the poor King. God be
with him, poor lad, this night!”
“He should make good his escape,” said Lord Farnham. “He hath a
horse and a full ten minutes start of his foes.”
Leaning on the arm of his wife he passed slowly out of the door, into
the night and his freedom. The landlord still leant against the wall:
not a word did he speak; not a finger did he lift to stay the departing
guests.
Diggory Fargus tarried behind an instant to speak a word in the
landlord’s ear.
“Mate,” said he, thrusting his one eye into the quivering face of the
landlord, “I said, if ye played me false I would twist your head off
your body with these two hands. But I shall leave it to others, d’ye
see. I shall kind o’ leave it to my deppities. They’ll make a cleaner
job of it than me. They’ll do it more formal and more lawyerlike.
Besides, I have hardly the time to do it now. But let me tell ye,
mate, as one man to another, that when next I am around this
coast, I shall make a call at this old grog shop, and if I find that
them there soldiers has not done their dooty by you, ye can lay to it
as Diggory Fargus is a christened man he’ll keep his word. A
pleasant evenin’ to you, mate.”
The sailor spat vehemently upon the kitchen floor, and lurched out
into the darkness in the wake of his companions.
 CHAPTER XVII
The Landlord
GAMALIEL closed the door upon the last of his visitors. Gradually
their slow footsteps receded into the roar of the sea. He listened,
and fancied he could hear them long after he had ceased to do so.
Insensibly his mind lingered on their sound, for when they should
die away he knew that his life was at an end.
As one who has suffered the tortures and paroxysms of a disease
may lose his agonies as soon as it develops mortal symptoms, so the
landlord, possessed with the knowledge that his own life was the
price he must pay for his weakness, sat down in his chair by the fire
with a clear mind. There was no longer any need for him to torment
himself. He foresaw the issue as plainly as the man in the cart when
he looks upon the scaffold.
He had lost all. Events had been too great for his second-rate
character. They had called for a strong man—a man of courage, of
indomitable spirit and tenacity of purpose—to grapple with them. For
such a one there had been a fortune. The landlord, self-deceived
because all his life he had never been put to the test, had attempted
to bend them to his own purposes. But they had proved too great
and unwieldy; he had not had the physical strength to overcome
them. Instead they had overcome him.
The landlord did not give himself up to despair. He was too far gone
for that. He was bitterly afraid of death. A death by violence would
still have the power to revolt him; but the thing uppermost in his
mind was his humiliation. It was so fierce and overpowering, that it
became an anodyne to lull and allay all the passions of his soul. It
took the sting out of death itself. He had been tried and found
wanting. At the age of sixty the supreme moment of a laborious and
fairly successful life had come. He had failed; let him perish.
“Finis” was about to be written to his history. He had no longer to
fear that awful suspense which had the power to overthrow the
firmest intelligence. As plainly as he could hear the roar of the sea,
he saw his doom. He sat still and thought upon it, almost calmly.
Right at the very last he had emerged from the furnace, and had
come out strong.
He would bare his neck, and they should do their worst. He would
welcome it. He had no desire to live now; he had ceased to be
swayed by his animal passions. All his life, when he could escape a
moment from his greed and his sensuality, he had been a
philosopher. He had warmed both hands at the fire of his own
egotism. He had flattered himself that he had known his own
strength and his own weakness. He knew nothing of the sort. Just
as in one direction he had overestimated his resolution, he was now
to prove that he had underestimated it in another.
A day ago he would probably have writhed on the ground in a fit
had he been confronted by a death by violence. By now, however,
he had got beyond all that. There were things a man occasionally
had to submit to, which made such a thing almost a luxury. He had
spent that day upon the rack. The sharp rending asunder of his body
and his soul would be a merciful release. His eyeballs would no
longer start from their sockets; his limbs would no longer crack; nor
would his blood burst through the walls of his arteries. His
shuddering frame would be at peace.
The clock struck twelve. The landlord clenched his hands as he sat in
his chair; a smile crept stealthily upon the dead white of his cheeks.
It was the last touch of irony that he, Gamaliel Hooker, should be
sitting there so calmly looking a death by violence full in the face. To
think that his old pampered flesh, cossetted and cushioned for sixty
winters, should accept it without a murmur! The wind is tempered to
the shorn lamb: Nature has her marvellous compensations; she
takes the grossness from the animal spirit, that it may be insensible
to the throes of death.
About one o’clock of the wintry morning the landlord rose from his
chair, and had recourse to paper, a pen, and ink. He solemnly made
his will. For the keeper of a sea tavern on a lonely coast, the home
of the pirate and the smuggler, he had done excellently well in trade.
He had added thrift to a natural aptitude. His money had not all
been come by honestly, as the world interpreted that word. But that
did not irk the landlord. All his life he had never pretended to a
conscience. To him it was the hallmark of a superficial mind. And
now in his last extremity he would not pretend to one. It was to be
the great triumph of his life, that in his last hour he should prove to
be stronger than he had ever judged himself to be. He would yield
up his life calmly, without a snuffle, a whine, or a prayer.
About two o’clock he had signed his name with controlled fingers to
this document. He sanded it carefully and put it by. He had hardly
done so, when he jumped up suddenly from his chair. An old stab
returned upon him; he felt a twinge of the old agony. After all, there
was a chance of life. Suppose the pursuing soldiers retook the King!
They would be then in a mood to overlook all, and they might permit
him to live! The landlord cursed himself for the thought. God! was
he going to be tortured again before he was allowed to perish? No, it
was only the last twinge of an expiring nerve. The pain passed
almost in an instant. He need not be afraid.
Towards three, the old man grew very cold. He had forgotten to
replenish the fire. It had gone out hours ago, leaving the ashes grey.
He was getting tired; the soldiers were a long time coming; he
would try to go to sleep. Soon a pleasant lassitude stole upon his
weariness. He had never been so exquisitely tired in his life before.
It had been a heavy day; he had taken a lot out of himself; he
deserved a rest. He fell asleep.
A little after four o’clock he awoke suddenly out of a dreamless
slumber, as one startled. He lifted up his ears and listened. Horses!
He rubbed his eyes in bewilderment. Why should he be sleeping
there, and why should these signs invade the middle of the night?
Ah yes, to be sure, he remembered! The soldiers were coming back.
His first thought was, had they caught the King? He banished it
instantly. He had got past all that before he went to sleep. He would
not go back, otherwise the last twenty-four hours had been lived in
vain. He listened calmly for their near approach, but he still kept his
chair by the side of the dead embers. There was no need for him to
rise to let them in, as he remembered that he had not considered it
necessary to secure the door before he went to sleep. What a
transcendent thing it was to have a heart utterly without bodily fear!
It was rather hard, though, that he should only be allowed to
experience that pleasure for so short a period in his long life.
However, it was very excellent even to have known it at all. He could
hardly be said to have lived in vain.
The landlord, still in his chair by the dead fire, watched the kitchen
door. He saw it open. He saw Captain Culpeper appear, stiff and cold
with riding, and very morose. His men, stiff and cold and morose
too, crowded in behind him. The landlord neither moved nor spoke;
he seemed wholly indifferent to their entrance.
“The King is escaped!” said Captain Culpeper, eyeing him savagely.
“I knew it,” said the landlord, a little wearily. He closed his eyes;
almost a smile came upon his white lips.
“Oh, you knew it!” said Captain Culpeper, with a grim satisfaction.
“You knew it, did you! And how did you know it, fool and poltroon as
you are?”
“Poltroon I am,” said the landlord, “a thousand times a poltroon; but
I am no fool. I knew it because I knew it.”
“Bah!” said the soldier, “I have not the patience to talk with you. But
I trust the man and the woman are still upstairs in their chamber.”
“They are not,” said the landlord; there was a note of triumph in his
voice. “A company of smugglers bore them away half an hour after
your departure.”
“And you allowed them to leave your inn, after what I had said to
you?” said Culpeper, striving to control the fury that was shaking him
from head to foot.
“I could not help myself,” said the landlord, indifferently.
“And you could not help the King’s going, I suppose,” said the
soldier, “even when he went past your very nose?”
“No, I could not help myself,” said the landlord again.
“And wherefore could you not?”
The soldier’s rage was giving place now to a self-contained
harshness which did not distress the landlord to observe.
“I do not know why I could not stay the King’s going,” said the
landlord.
“What do you mean?” said the soldier.
“When the King went,” said the landlord, “I was not the master of
myself; but, thank God, I am master of myself now.”
“You will soon cease to be,” said the soldier, regarding him with a
grim surprise.
“That is as maybe,” said the landlord.
The soldiers crowded about the landlord with sinister intention upon
their faces. Captain Culpeper briefly told two of them to procure a
rope.
“You will find plenty in the stable,” said the landlord.
Several of the soldiers chuckled.
“Do you know for what purpose we require it, good Master
Innkeeper?” said Culpeper, laughingly.
“The signboard will suit your purpose best,” said the landlord.
“You oblige us vastly,” said the soldier.
The landlord astonished them vastly too. They had not looked for
this demeanour in one who was about to undergo the penalty of
death. They had never encountered such an indifference in the face
of it before.
However, when the two men returned bearing a stout piece of
hemp, an evidence was furnished of the price at which the landlord’s
newly-acquired fortitude had been purchased. When his bloodshot
eyes fell on the rope, a cord appeared to snap in the middle of his
brain; his head revolved slowly on his neck; and he pitched heavily
on to the kitchen floor.
They turned him over on his back, but all attempts to restore the
landlord to sensibility failed. After a while he appeared to grow dimly
conscious of his surroundings; but he was bereft of speech, and he
had not the power to move. It mattered not what remedies they had
recourse to, the horrible, convulsed white face still had the vacancy
and the inanimation of death without the repose of it.
“’Tis a pity we could not hang the old rogue more prettily,” said
Captain Culpeper, when all their exertions had failed of their effect.
“For if ever a man did merit a hanging, here he lies. He hath played
a double game all through. But what he could have hoped to gain by
it, for the life of me I cannot see. He must have been a sanguine
fellow to think that he could run with the hare, and hunt with the
dogs. He must have known that he went in danger of being torn to
pieces. But why he should first betray the King, and then promote
his escape, passes me completely. A queer old rogue, this landlord.
Now then, lift him up, lads, and set him in the place he himself did
choose.”
They placed the noose around the landlord’s neck and bore him out
into the shrewd air of the morning. It was still as dark as pitch;
never a star looked out of the sky; mercifully the moon had hidden
her face; and thus the body of the landlord was unregarded, as it
swung in the wintry darkness from the signboard of the “Sea Rover.”
THE END.
 TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:
Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been
standardized.
Archaic or variant spelling has been retained.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PATRICIA AT THE
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