Abraka Humanities Review

Volume 13: No.1 2023, pp 116=126 116

Critical Discourse Analysis of President Buhari’s Independence Speech

Priye Cynthia Moun

Abstract
The language of political discourse is one of the richest sources of examining the role of
language in social engagement, power relations, and the projection of ideologies. With insight
from Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this paper investigates how President Muhammadu
Buhari uses language to negotiate, threaten, warn, and renegotiate social relationships with his
addressees and to legitimise his authority and vision for Nigeria in his 58th Independence
Anniversary speech. The analysis projects a mindset deeply dedicated to governance with an
underlying appeal for Nigerians' trust.

Keywords: CDA, President Buhari, independence speech, power asymmetry, context,

ideology
1.0 Introduction
Language is critical to sustaining relationships germane to the business of governance.
Language, as Osisanwo (2003) puts it, “is the instrument of communication among human
beings” (p. 5). Generally speaking, language is for human communication. Nevertheless,
Wardhaugh (2010) specifies that a language, in particular, is used by the members of society.
Language, in other words, is culturally unique (Bloch & Trager, 2007). That is, every cultural
concept can be conveyed through language. That is why scholars are intrigued by the
relationship between a language and the culture of a people. (Mbisike, 2007; Daramola, 2009).

Language is arbitrary; each group of language users is aware of the certain linguistic symbols
acceptable in it. On this note, Block and Trager (2007) describe the concept of language as a
system of arbitrary vocal symbols by which medium a social group relates. If the linguistic
symbols brought to the discourse of a particular social group are foreign to the group, there is
a tendency that communication problems will ensue. Communication problems occur if
language users fail to use language in the appropriate social context. In the context of politics,
language use is not explicit. Hence the language of political discourse is often oblique, opaque,
and indirect, arising from the social constraints that operate on that datatype. This paper,
therefore, sets out to unravel such unspoken meanings in President Buhari’s 2018 independence
speech with the aid of CDA.

2.0 Theoretical Framework: Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)

Critical Discourse Analysis is an interdisciplinary approach to studying discourse, which sees
language as a social routine. It studies both the text and the social aspects included in the text.
This theory was inspired by Halliday's Systemic Functional Linguistics (Fairclough, 1995, p.
6). It developed from Critical Linguistics, established at the University of Anglia in the 1970s.
Prominent figures in the evolution of CDA include Norman Fairclough, Ruth Wodak, and van
Dijk (Chiluwa, 2013).

The primary concern of CDA is the social use of language. It is not exclusively interested in
language or language use per se but in the linguistic character of social and cultural processes
and structures; hence CDA is interdisciplinary (Wodak, 1996). When language is employed in
public, meaning is likely to become direct in a subtly indirect way. The meaning of a specific
statement may vary depending on how it is analysed in the context of use. CDA becomes essential
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in such a socio-political situation as Nigeria's. The tool for understanding an indirect message
passed across by certain statements is CDA. It primarily deals with social issues concealed in a
text or talk, which are above mere selection of words. Van Dijk (in Ahmed, 2014) observes what
CDA entails; thus, CDA “…is a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way
social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and
talk in the social and political context” (p. 39).
In explaining the workings of CDA, Fairclough and Wodak outlined the basic tenets of CDA,
which are here combined in the list below:
1. CDA addresses social problems
2. Power relations are discursive
3. Discourse constitutes society and culture
4. Discourse does ideological work
5. Discourse is historical
6. The link between text and society is mediated
7. Discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory
8. Discourse is a form of social action (Ahmed, 2014, p. 39)

The relationship between language, ideology and power, discourse and sociocultural change is
the primary goal of CDA (Fairclough, 1989, 1992). CDA studies how discourse reflects (or
resists/attacks) social and political inequality, power abuse or dominance. It does not border
its investigation to specific text constructions or talk but relays the text rationally to the socio-
political context (McCarthy et al., 2010, p. 63). Since communication is a social affair, usually
happening within an equally precise social situation, communicators depend on one another to
share their conception of the situation based on shared understanding to facilitate
communication rather than explain everything (Akmajian et al., 2010). Hence, understanding
language is not exclusively the preserve of independent linguistic processes because language
users also often depend on non-linguistic cues from texts and background knowledge of events
not overtly stated for a complete interpretation.

An illustration by Finch (2000) on non-linguistic cues is that "If an action takes place in a
restaurant, for example, the listener can infer the presence of a kitchen, even though it may not
be explicitly mentioned" (p. 199). Such evidence suggests that we achieve this by creating
mental representations or schemes founded on our knowledge of the world around us and as
symbolised in language. These empower us to utilise and make sense of propositions and ideas
presented through language. Finch (2000) related this ability to the side of psycholinguistics
that connects with discourse analysis which is concerned with how we make sense of texts. It
can then be said that genres (or the categories of discourse) in CDA are context-based. Hence
context is paramount in the critical analysis of discourse.

3.0 Literature Review

Context
The context in CDA is the conditions or circumstances that affect the interpretation of a text or
discourse. Akmajian et al. (2010) indicate that the context in which an utterance is made can
be expanded. This means including the linguistic elements preceding and following that
utterance in the discourse or conversation, the immediate, physical and social environment, and
general knowledge. As a result, they note that each of these parallel circles of 'context' can be
a factor in interpreting an utterance.

Context can be verbal (co-text) and non-verbal. Verbal context, in the case of a sentence, or
utterance, could be the sounds, words, or phrases surrounding a particular verbal item (Finch,
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2000). Thus, for example, in the sentence 'Mike went to the movies.’ ‘He went alone.' it is clear
that the signifier he in the second sentence refers to Mike because of the preceding item Mike
in the first sentence. This kind of context is what is referred to as verbal context/co-text. 'Co-
text' means 'accompanying text', i.e. those sounds, words, and phrases accompanying each
other in a particular sentence or utterance (Finch, 2000, p. 212).

On the other hand, nonverbal context refers to the physical environment of language use, the
circumstance or situation that occasions the text, and the social and cultural ideology from
which the discourse emanated (Finch, 2000). Non-verbal context has several possible contexts.
To cope with the spread of possible non-verbal contexts, many linguists make a broad
distinction between micro-context and macro-context (Finch, 2000). The micro-context is the
immediate one in which an utterance occurs. The principal feature is that it combines setting
and occasion. Setting specifies the place where a discourse event happens, and the occasion,
the exact situations which prompted it. For example, an utterance (an uproar between a traffic
warden and a road user) which occurs at a traffic point (setting), triggered by the disobedience
of traffic rules by a road user (situation); a discourse (a lawyer interrogating a witness) in the
courtroom (setting), which emanated from a car theft (situation); and so on.

As the name suggests, the macro-context comprises the more distant environments where
communication transpires. Any communicative act adopts a basis, or background, of shared
values and beliefs. The vital factors here are geographical, social, and cultural. The separation
of immediate and more comprehensive features in this way allows us to explain the influence
of context on linguistic meaning more evidently. Situational context, otherwise non-verbal
context, is extralinguistic. As such, it is the point at which language and the world interact
(Finch, 2000, p. 213). In the interpretation of texts, both verbal and non-verbal contexts are
helpful. Finch (2000) emphasises that to interpret utterances correctly, one needs to process the
words and the context in which they are being used. Anurudu and Lawal (2014) also explain
the intertwined nature of verbal and non-verbal contexts in the critical analysis of texts. That
CDA reveals the intentions of a speaker behind particular selections of words and that context
has the leading role behind these words. Therefore, the paper includes verbal and non-verbal
clues in the analysis.

The Formal Features and Their Discourse Values

Fairclough (1989) (in Chiluwa, 2013) explains the formal features that they must have
significant discourse values known as "experiential", "relational", or “expressive”. The
experiential value indicates how the speaker's natural or social world experience (knowledge
and belief) is signified in the text. The relational value indicates how the enacted social
relationships are reproduced using the structure (text) in the discourse. Finally, the
expressive value indicates how the speaker's assessment concerning reality, specifically with
subjects and social identities, is represented in the text (Chiluwa, 2013, p. 238).
Fairclough's four dimensions of interpretation of social context, as listed by Chiluwa
(2013, p. 239), include:
1. What is going on (activity, topic, purpose)?
2. Who is involved?
3. What relationships are involved?
4. What is the role of language in what is going on?

4.0 Methodology
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The population for the data is a text of twenty-nine (29) paragraphs from Nigeria’s 58th
Independence speech by President Buhari. The primary tools are the identification and
description of the formal features of the text in terms of vocabulary and grammar,
including semantics, and the discourse values of the formal features, such as experiential,
relational, and expressive values. This will help to reveal how the speaker’s experiences of
the social world are portrayed, which is part of the context that is evident in the text.
5.0 Data Presentation and Analysis
Nigeria’s 58th Independence Anniversary Speech by President Muhammadu Buhari

Fellow Nigerians,

1. Today is a day of celebration and solemn reflection. It is the anniversary of the day
Nigerians realised one of the most cherished human desires – the desire for freedom.
We, therefore, give thanks to and remember our founding fathers who laboured so hard
and sacrificed so much to build and bequeath to us this wonderful nation. It is our duty
to consolidate this great legacy.

2. On this first October date and on the eve of the start of the general election cycle, we
should do well to reflect on what binds us together and the great strength our diversity
bestows on us. Ours is an ambitious nation, and, as citizens, we have every right to look
forward to the future with confidence and optimism, which are well-founded,
considering where we find ourselves today.

3. There has been a steady improvement in the security situation in the North East. We
remain committed to ending the crisis and making the North East safe for all.

4. Our thoughts and prayers are always with the victims of the Boko Haram’s atrocities
and their families. Beyond that, we know that the goals of the Boko Haram terrorists
include capturing territories, destroying our democracy and denying our children the
right to education. We will not allow them to succeed.

5. I want at this point to pay tribute to the men and women of our armed forces, the Police
and other security and law enforcement agencies, who have been working under the
most difficult conditions to keep the country safe. In the process, many have fullmade
the supreme sacrifice.

6. As their Commander -In- Chief, I assure these gallant men and women that I will
continue to empower them by deepening their professionalism and providing all the
necessary force multipliers and enablers required for them to prevail on the field. I am
looking into all reported cases of inadequacies in relation to their entitlements, their
welfare and those of their families.

7. We are diversifying away from reliance on oil to increased manufacturing capacity,

solid minerals development, and agriculture.

8. Efforts are on course in the Niger Delta to clean up polluted lands, restore hopes of the
youths in the region and re-establish livelihoods, and strengthen their capacity to
guarantee for themselves and for our country a brighter future.
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9. The age-long conflict between herders and farmers that was being exploited by those
seeking to plant the seeds of discord and disunity amongst our people is being addressed
decisively. We will sustain and continue to support the commendable efforts by all,
including civil society organisations, local and state governments and our traditional
and religious leaders, in finding durable solutions to this problem.

10. This being a transhumance issue, we are working with countries in our region that are
also facing similar difficulties to complement our common efforts. In this context, I
must warn that the perpetrators of murder and general mayhem in the name of
defending or protecting herders or farmers will face the full wrath of the law.
Meanwhile, we urge all peace-loving Nigerians to reject any simplistic portrayal, at
home or abroad, of this conflict as either religious or ethnic based.

11. We are one of the countries in the world most affected by environmental degradation
as a consequence of climate change. We are signatories to almost all conventions and
agreements aimed at slowing down the effect of climate change and mitigating its now
evident consequences.

12. The consequences on lives and livelihoods of the shrinking of Lake Chad and the
pollution caused by oil exploitation activities alone make it mandatory for us to be at
the forefront of the struggle for a safer and more sustainable environment. We will
continue to mobilise international support for our efforts in this regard.

13. We are making progress in the fight against corruption and recovery of stolen public
funds and assets despite vicious and stiff resistance. The shameful past practice of the
brazen theft of billions of Naira is no more. Shady oil deals and public contracts that
were never delivered have become things of the past.

14. Consequently, and this is very evident across the country, we have done more with less
in infrastructural developments. Roads, railways, major bridges, schools, energy and
power, air and sea ports, the welfare of serving and retired personnel, both civilian and
military, including payment of legacy debt such as pension arrears, have been attended
to.

15. There is now an enabling environment for local and foreign investment in Nigeria. We
are building a rules-based system – a level playing field that is free from fixers and
intermediaries. This is the cornerstone to help genuine investors and honest consumers
and the platform that will allow for the real reforms that we intend to deliver over the
coming years.

16. We are gradually strengthening the economy with a stable Naira and falling inflation
rate. We are building an economy that is moving away from overreliance on oil.
Consequently, we have witnessed massive returns to farms and seen bumper harvests,
despite recurrent floods across the country.

17. These positive developments are the result of our collective pursuit of a common vision
through hard work and dedication after the missed opportunities and disappointments
that followed the return to democracy in 1999.
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18. At the forefront have always been our youths. They have been at the vanguard of the
struggle for independence. They fought in the war to keep the country united. And it
was they who kept alive the struggle for democracy and human rights in our country at
times when these were at risk, especially following the June 12th 1993 election and the
historic 2015 election process.

19. Even today, our youths play a central role in Nigeria’s continuing progress and
developments in all fields of our national endeavour –technology, agriculture, mining,
engineering and especially the creative arts. Together we are building a more diverse,
inclusive and self-reliant economy.

20. In the past three years, we have introduced many policies and programmes targeted at
youth development and youth empowerment. We support the ‘not too young to run’
legislation aimed at giving the youths greater say in our national politics and
governance.

21. The school feeding program in primary schools is aimed at encouraging enrolment and
attendance. We are building on what we have already introduced to support schools and
universities, to which funds have recently been released for the upgrade of facilities,
training programs for our entrepreneurs, and rehabilitation schemes for victims of
terrorism and human trafficking.

Fellow Nigerians,

22. Now, we have in our hands technology that is a powerful tool that we can and should
use for knowledge and understanding. As with other countries, we must also learn how
to manage those tendencies that, instead, look to abuse new technologies to provoke
passions and stir tensions.

23. Never before have we faced such a challenge. We must all rise to the responsibility of
shutting out those disruptive and corrosive forces that hide in today 's world of social
media. We need critical minds and independent thinking to question and question until
we are satisfied we have the facts. Otherwise, all the progress we have made as a
democracy since 1999 is at stake.

24. I have committed myself many times to ensure that elections are fully participatory,
free and fair and that the Independent National Electoral Commission will be
exactly INDEPENDENT and properly staffed and resourced. The ballot box is how we
make our choice for the governments that rule in our name.

Fellow Nigerians,

25. Developing a thriving democracy is not an easy task. There can be no quick fixes or
shortcuts. These are the most important lessons that we have learnt in our 58 years as
an independent nation.

26. At the international level, we remain a responsible and respected member of the
international community, playing active, positive roles within ECOWAS, the African
Union and the United Nations, as well as all other regional and international
organisations and institutions of which we are members.
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27. We will continue to support initiatives aimed at addressing the challenges of our times:
global and regional crises and conflicts, terrorism, trans-border crime, climate change,
human rights, gender equality, development, poverty and inequality within and between
nations, etc. In this context, we are working hard to achieve both the AU 2063 Agenda
for the socio-economic transformation of our continent; and the UN 2030 Agenda for
sustainable development, which together aim to addressing these challenges. Fellow
Nigerians,

28. As we celebrate the 58th anniversary of our independence, we know we are on the right
path. Although we have our differences, they count for far less than the values, virtues
and common aspirations that unite us as a nation. We have so much for which we should
be grateful and in which we should rightly take pride. Our journey is not finished, but
we have come a long way.

29. I want to assure you that as President, I will continue to work tirelessly to promote,
protect and preserve what really matters: a united, peaceful, prosperous and secure
Nigeria where all, irrespective of background, can aspire to succeed.

Thank you. I wish you a memorable Independence celebration.

Formal Features
Lexical Features
The first person pronoun 'I' is used in the text to stress the authority accorded to a country's
President. Hence, the succeeding items show such power as to 'assure', 'warn', 'pay tribute', 'look
into reported cases of inadequacies’ (of course, such cases of inadequacies are committed by
members of his cabinet), 'empower', and so on in paragraphs 1, 5, 6, 10, 29, and so on. This means
it is (he) the President responsible for carrying out such actions as expressed through verbal
elements, which are also to benefit or be carried out on others. Avoiding the first-person pronoun
"we" suggests outright excluding any other person but solely the President in carrying out such
duties. This is because the pronoun "we" has a clusivity role of being specifically inclusive or
exclusive of the addressee.

Using the pronoun 'we' implies the inclusion of other functional members of the present
government. Hence, the President performs the function of a leader of a group of government
functionaries. The use of 'we' in this context is employed only when he intends to appreciate,
promise, encourage, and recount the achievements and future endeavours of the government, such
as in paragraphs 1, 3, 4, 7, 10, 12, 13,14, 16, and so on. This word implies that the duty of 'thanking
Nigerians', 'ending the crisis in the North East', 'not allowing Boko Haram to succeed', and so on.
is a shared responsibility of every government member and the Nigerian armed forces.

Another use of the pronoun 'we' is evident in cases where the President brought himself to the level
of the masses. He tries to show with language aid that he is part of the world created. Here, the
intention is to refer to all citizens of Nigeria, of which the President is one. However, this only
happens when the word precedes such statements aimed at urging (paragraph 22), encouraging
(paragraph 2), and listing negative experiences (paragraph 27).

Another observation is that, even though, often, Nigerian writers employ American spellings or even
mix up American and British orthographies in a single text, the present text portrays a consistent use
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of the British orthographical convention, except for names of organisations and ideas where such
names carry the American spelling, maybe because the text is an independence speech, as Nigeria
was colonised by the British colony, politically, British becomes the indirect monarch of the country.
Such words include: ‘organisations’, ‘laboured’. ‘mobilise’, ‘endeavour’, and ‘programmes’.

Syntactic Features
As specified in the vocabulary analysis, the President generally uses the country's official code,
which shows the level of formality of the context. Despite this, there are cases where specific
constructions indicate particular possible inclinations, such as in the construction '...local and state
governments' (paragraph 9), which shows that the English language is foreign to Nigeria.
Hence, an Independence speech of this sort has such a construction where a modifier 'state' is
inflected. ‘The shameful past practice’ (paragraph 13) and ‘Age-long conflict between herders
and farmers’ (paragraph 9) are expressions which could still be accepted without the modifiers
'shameful' and 'past' and 'age-long'. The President deliberately uses the items to emphasise a
point explained in the semantic features. In the expression 'We are gradually strengthening the
economy with a stable Naira and falling inflation rate’ (paragraph 16), the adverb ‘gradually’
modifies the pace of the naira strengthening process since Nigeria is well-known for its weak
currency. The adverb is employed to silence any doubting Thomas.

In paragraph 18, the President rained praises on the youths, enumerating such instances of their
contribution to independence, a united country, democracy, and, most importantly, the historic
2015 election process. This is the use of language to indirectly buy the minds of the youths by
ascribing voting power to the youths. The expression 'historic election' is loaded with much
meaning. It explains that, since democracy succeeded in military rule, an incumbent
government had not been overthrown until 2015, when the present government was the
opposition that took over from the party which ruled for 16 years uninterruptedly. The youths
are here credited with the victory experienced, which seemed almost impossible. After
attributing such triumphs to the youths, in paragraphs 22 and 23, the President advised them
on what seemed to be a disturbing challenge the government is yet to tackle. Every Tom, Dick
and Harry want to abuse the availability of technology to say what they think about the
government through social media, with instances of doctoring offensive videos of government
dignitaries, which are 'disruptive and corrosive forces that hide in today ’s world of social
media’ (paragraph 23).

The expression 'As with other countries' in the last sentence (paragraph 22) shows that using
social media to 'provoke passion and stir tension' is a common problem in Nigeria, whereas
other countries use technology for 'knowledge and understanding'. Technology has made it
possible for even ordinary people to air their views since they will not go to a radio station or
television station where their identity may be in danger. Since there are no penalties for such
persons, the President can only counsel them to 'rise to the responsibility of shutting out'
(paragraph 23) such practices.

Semantic Features
The level of understanding of the different shades of meaning in the text is determined by the
ideology or assumption of the participants about Nigerian political, social, cultural, and
economic life before the time of discourse. The speech began with a salutation, 'Fellow
Nigerians, ' a pleasant expression that intends to entice the audience to pay more attention to
the entire message. If a hostile expression is used at the speech's opening, the tendency for
uninterested listeners will ensue. After the first two paragraphs, which were used to retain the
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audience's attention, some positive achievements were mentioned. Then the President's tone
changed to hostility, using expressions that suggest warning and threat.
The citizens' social issues are captured in paragraphs 3, 4, 8, 13, and 22. The lexical items used
imply that there is a severe security situation in the North East, land pollution in the Niger
Delta, which has resulted in the inadequate livelihood of the youths, corrupt practices such as
stealing public funds and assets, and the abuse of new technologies to sabotage the government.
Here, the President emphasises only the steps taken to improve the situation, not the
government's failure to stop such conditions.
The use of the expression ‘age-long conflict’ (paragraph 9) is to implicitly shy away from the
notion that the battle between the herders and farmers is a challenge his government is facing.
He then relates the problem as that which other governments have tried to solve and have also
failed and that it is familiar to his government. Paragraphs 2 and 10 expose religious and
cultural issues affecting the country's unity. In order to encourage economic and political
growth, the President tries to portray the strength of 'our' diversity rather than the 'age-long'
conflict the country incurred through cultural and religious differences.

The glory of positive developments is ascribed to the present government, in which the
President is the front-runner while excluding former governments, which were also constituted
by citizens of the country, thereby indirectly ascribing the harmful practices to them
(paragraphs 13 and 17) - ‘we’ (his government) ‘correction of past shameful practices’. The
speech entirely stresses the ills of past governments and the present government as a rescuer to
salvage the country from doom. This may be because the present government represents the
party's first taste of power; hence any praise given to past governments implies campaigning
for the major opposition party. The speech becomes timely in this regard since general elections
are at hand. Another angle from which this speech is aimed is at spotlighting the ruling party
as the best to impress the citizens for a choice of presidential candidate for the forthcoming
elections. Paragraph 16 implies that the country should decide to retain the ruling party in the
subsequent political tenure so that the process of making the Naira gain value, which the present
government has started, will be completed.

The ideology behind the term ‘Niger ‘Delta’ helps us to understand the expression: ‘...in the
Niger Delta to clean up polluted lands’ (paragraph 8). Ordinarily, the expression would have
yet to be understood, but for every Nigerian's background knowledge about the region. Hence,
cleaning up polluted lands is self-explanatory, as it is common knowledge that the Niger Delta
region is rich in oil, so it has been explored and polluted. The expression in paragraph 28 is
discursively directed at the agitators of the Biafran struggle. As it is the tradition that during
such speech presentations, there have been pronouncements on creating new states, the
audience would have been expecting such declarations as the country's division into Nigeria
and Biafra. Hence, the speech is also to tell the Nigerian citizens that we are not divided no
matter our differences in terms of culture and ethnicity, that we should appreciate the
achievements as one nation, and that there is still so much more to achieve as one people,
therefore the division will not enable us to accomplish much.

In paragraph 27, language use betrays that Nigeria is yet to be developed. It combats
undeveloped minds capable of causing unrest; it experiences a high rate of crime, terrorism,
gender inequality, and poverty, all traits of an undeveloped country. The President, therefore,
urged Nigerians to support initiatives to address such challenges to achieve the UN 2030
Agenda for sustainable development.
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This campaign strategy is quite timely. The electioneering strength is indirectly ascribed to the
youths in terms of the meanings of the lexical items in paragraphs 18 and 24, where the June
12th election in 1993 and the historic 2015 election are being categorised as free and fair,
symbolising an interplay of the power of the youth. Power is at play here; as the President of
the country, he persuades and manipulates the citizens to behave in a particular manner to
achieve specific goals. This was manipulated by using such expressions as "…youths…have
been at the vanguard of the struggle…they fought in the war to keep the country united…they
…kept alive the struggle for democracy” (paragraph 18.

Discourse Values
Experiential Value
The President and Nigerians share a common cultural experience (experience of socio-political
culture), an experience depicted in the text. In the socio-political culture of the Nigerian nation,
there is the common background knowledge (ideology) that the President gives an
independence speech every October 1st, with some vital information which may only be handy
on some occasions the President is featured. It is a known fact that in such a speech, the aim or
position of the government on particularly contentious issues is made evident.

Furthermore, the notion of ethnic diversity and the struggle for recognition is another common
experience shared by Nigerians. This is captured in the text as the President urges his subjects
to take pride and be grateful for the positive aspects of the ethnic divergence (paragraph 28).
The aspects of cultural pluralism that threaten the country's development were intentionally
avoided, as it is the wish of the President, obviously from a region with political advantage, to
promote, protect and preserve the country’s unity.
Relational Value
The President has an official power, influencing his choice of words, resulting in a power
asymmetry. The President and the Nigerian citizens have an unequal relationship (high and
low). Here, power is carried out in the reflection of inequality. The social distance is shown
with lexical items portraying threat, warning, promise, and so on, exposing the speaker's status
as prestige and the audience's status as subordination. This is captured in paragraph 6, where
the President reiterates some of the powers bestowed on him: 'As their commander in chief, I
assure...I will...empower...’.

Expressive Value
The assessment of the President as relates to reality within the Nigerian domain is that of
headship and subordination on the part of the audience. As a result, the former shows in his
speech the authority bestowed on him, which results in promises, advice, warnings and threats.
Such expression of superiority is shown in the text: ‘I will...empower them’ (paragraph 6); ‘We
will sustain and continue to support...’ (paragraph 9); ‘I must warn that the perpetrators...will
face the full wrath of the law’ (paragraph 10); and so on. The ideology behind such expressions
is power. The President expressed power in reaction to the likely truncation of his government
from accomplishing expected goals. Conclusion
Critical Discourse Analysis has aided a proper knowledge about what the President does with
language in his bid to address the entire nation. The speech shows how language gains power
by the use the President makes of it. He founded the ideology that the President can negotiate,
encourage, warn, threaten, and renegotiate relationships with his addressees. Thus, it becomes
difficult for the citizens to question that predominant ideology. The sophisticated status of the
President is overlaid with the lesser status of the audience. There is a status scale of superiority
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versus inferiority in the developmental asymmetry portrayed in the text. The President's choice
of words in their lexical, syntactic and semantic values indicates that his business is not a
doddle, and his job is not to beg his subordinates but to ensure his command is the final.

The paper has yet to cover comprehensively every situational context of a president's speech.
However, it has effectively carried out a critical discourse analysis of the routine linguistic
commitments of the President in carrying out his duties. For instance, the President's campaign,
swearing-in, and handover speeches.

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