Byzantine Empire

Early history (pre-518)

In a series of conflicts between the third and first centuries BC, the Roman Republic gradually established hegemony over the eastern Mediterranean, while its government ultimately transformed into the one-person rule of an emperor. The Roman Empire enjoyed a period of relative stability until the third century AD, when a combination of external threats and internal instabilities caused the Roman state to splinter as regional armies acclaimed their generals as "soldier-emperors".^[11] One of these, Diocletian (r. 284–305), noticed the state was too big to be ruled by one man and attempted to fix the problem by instituting a Tetrarchy, or rule of four, and dividing the empire into eastern and western halves. Although the Tetrarchy system quickly failed, the division of the empire proved an enduring concept.^[12]

Diocletian's reforms significantly altered governmental structure, reach and taxation, and these reforms also had the effect of downgrading the first capital, Rome.^[13] Constantine I (r. 306–337) secured sole power in 324. Over the following six years, he rebuilt the city of Byzantium as a capital city, and renamed it Constantinople. Rome was further from the important eastern provinces and in a less strategically important location; it was not esteemed by the "soldier-emperors" who ruled from the frontiers or by the empire's population who, having been granted citizenship, considered themselves "Roman".^[14] Constantine extensively reformed the empire's military and civil administration and instituted the gold solidus as a stable currency.^[15] He favoured Christianity, which he had converted to in 312.^[16]

Constantine's dynasty fought a lengthy conflict against Sasanid Persia and ended in 363 after the death of his son-in-law Julian.^[17] The reign of the short Valentinianic dynasty, marked by wars against barbarians, religious debates, and anti-corruption campaigns, ended in the East after the death of Valens at the Battle of Adrianople in 378.^[18]

Valens's successor, Theodosius I (r. 379–395), restored political stability in the east by allowing the Goths to settle in Roman territory;^[19] he also twice intervened in the western half, defeating the usurpers Magnus Maximus and Eugenius in 388 and 394 respectively.^[20] He actively condemned paganism, confirmed the primacy of Nicene Christianity over Arianism, and established Christianity as the Roman state religion.^[21] He was the last emperor to rule both the western and eastern halves of the empire;^[22] after his death, the West was destabilised by a succession of "soldier-emperors", unlike the East, where administrators continued to hold power. Theodosius II (r. 408–450) largely left the rule of the east to officials such as Anthemius, who constructed the Theodosian Walls to defend Constantinople, now firmly entrenched as Rome's capital.^[23]

Theodosius' reign was marked by the theological dispute over Nestorianism (a doctrine eventually deemed heretical), and by the formulation of the Codex Theodosianus law code.^[24] It also saw the arrival of Attila's Huns, who ravaged the Balkans and exacted a massive tribute from the empire; Attila however switched his attention to the rapidly-deteriorating western empire, and his people fractured after his death in 453.^[25] After Leo I (r. 457–474) failed in his 468 attempt to reconquer the west, the warlord Odoacer deposed Romulus Augustulus in 476, killed his titular successor Julius Nepos in 480, and the office of western emperor was formally abolished.^[26]

Through a combination of luck, cultural factors, and political decisions, the Eastern empire never suffered from rebellious barbarian vassals and was never ruled by barbarian warlords—the problems which ensured the downfall of the West.^[27] Zeno (r. 474–491) convinced the problematic Ostrogoth king Theodoric to take control of Italy from Odoacer; dying when the empire was at peace, he was succeeded by Anastasius I (r. 491–518).^[28] While his belief in Monophysitism brought occasional issues, Anastasius was a capable administrator and instituted several successful financial reforms including the abolition of the chrysargyron tax. He was the first emperor, since Diocletian, who did not face any serious problems affecting the empire during his reign.^[29]

518–717

Emperor Justinian (left), and the general Belisarius (right). Mosaics, 6th century, from the Basilica of San Vitale, Ravenna, Italy

The reign of Justinian I was a watershed in Byzantine history.^[30] Following his accession in 527, the law-code was rewritten as the influential Corpus Juris Civilis and Justinian produced extensive legislation on provincial administration;^[31] he reasserted imperial control over religion and morality through purges of non-Christians and "deviants";^[32] and having ruthlessly subdued the 532 Nika revolt he rebuilt much of Constantinople, including the original Hagia Sophia.^[33] Justinian took advantage of political instability in Italy to attempt the reconquest of lost western territories. The Vandal Kingdom in North Africa was subjugated in 534 by the general Belisarius, who then invaded Italy; the Ostrogothic Kingdom was destroyed in 554.^[34]

In the 540s, however, Justinian began to suffer reversals on multiple fronts. Taking advantage of Constantinople's preoccupation with the West, Khosrow I of the Sasanian Empire invaded Byzantine territory and sacked Antioch in 540.^[35] Meanwhile, the emperor's internal reforms and policies began to falter, and a devastating plague killed a large proportion of the population and severely weakened the empire's social and financial stability.^[36] The most difficult period of the Ostrogothic war, against their king Totila, came during this decade, while divisions among Justinian's advisors undercut the administration's response.^[37] He also did not fully heal the divisions in Chalcedonian Christianity, as the Second Council of Constantinople failed to make a real difference.^[38] Justinian died in 565; his reign was more successful than any other Byzantine emperor, yet he left his empire under massive strain.^[39]

Financially and territorially overextended, Justin II (r. 565–578) was soon at war on many fronts. The Lombards, fearing the aggressive Avars, conquered much of northern Italy by 572.^[40] The Sasanian wars restarted during the same year, and continued until the emperor Maurice finally emerged victorious in 591; by this time, the Avars and Slavs had repeatedly invaded the Balkans, causing great instability.^[41] Maurice campaigned extensively in the region during the 590s, and even though he managed to re-establish Byzantine control up to the Danube, he pushed his troops too far in 602—they mutinied, proclaimed an officer named Phocas as emperor, and executed Maurice.^[42] The Sasanians seized their moment and reopened hostilities; Phocas was unable to cope and soon faced a major rebellion led by Heraclius. Phocas lost Constantinople in 610 and was soon executed, and the destructive civil war accelerated the empire's decline.^[43]

Top: the Sasanian Empire at its territorial apex under Khosrow II
Bottom: the Theodosian Walls of Constantinople, critically important during the 717–718 siege.

Under Khosrow II, the Sassanids occupied the Levant and Egypt and pushed into Asia Minor, while Byzantine control of Italy slipped and the Avars and Slavs ran riot in the Balkans.^[44] Although Heraclius repelled a siege of Constantinople in 626 and defeated the Sassanids in 627, this was a pyrrhic victory.^[45] The early Muslim conquests soon saw the conquest of the Levant, Egypt, and the Sassanid Empire by the newly-formed Arabic Rashidun Caliphate.^[46] By Heraclius' death in 641, the empire had been severely reduced economically as well as territorially—the loss of the wealthy eastern provinces had deprived Constantinople of three-quarters of its revenue.^[47]

The next seventy-five years are poorly documented.^[48] Arab raids into Asia Minor began almost immediately, and the Byzantines resorted to holding fortified centres and avoiding battle at all costs; although it was invaded annually, Anatolia avoided permanent Arab occupation.^[49] The outbreak of the First Fitna in 656 gave Byzantium breathing space, which it used wisely: some order was restored in the Balkans by Constans II (r. 641–668),^[50] and the administrative reorganisation implemented by him known as the "theme system", which allocated troops to defend specific provinces.^[51] Constantine IV (r. 668–685) repelled the Arab efforts to capture Constantinople in the 670s using the recently rediscovered Greek fire,^[52] but suffered a reversal against the Bulgars, who soon established an empire in the northern Balkans.^[53] Nevertheless, he and Constans had done enough to secure the empire's position, especially as the Umayyad Caliphate was undergoing another civil war.^[54]

Justinian II sought to build on the stability secured by his father Constantine but was overthrown in 695 after attempting to exact too much from his subjects; over the next twenty-two years, six more rebellions followed in an era of political instability.^[55] The reconstituted caliphate sought to break Byzantium by taking Constantinople, but the newly crowned Leo III managed to repel the 717–718 siege, the first major setback of the Muslim conquests.^[56]

718–867

Leo and his son Constantine V (r. 741–775), two of the most capable Byzantine emperors, withstood continued Arab attacks, civil unrest, and natural disasters, and reestablished the state as a major regional power.^[57] Leo's reign produced the Ecloga, a new code of law to succeed the one created by Justinian II,^[58] and continued to reform the "theme system" in order to lead offensive campaigns against the Muslims, culminating in a decisive victory in 740.^[59] Constantine overcame an early civil war against his brother-in-law Artabasdos, made peace with the new Abbasid Caliphate, campaigned successfully against the Bulgars, and continued to make administrative and military reforms.^[60] However, due to both emperors' support for the Byzantine Iconoclasm, where the use of religious icons was banned, they were later vilified by Byzantine historians;^[61] Constantine's reign also saw the loss of Ravenna to the Lombards, and the beginning of a split from the Roman papacy.^[62]

In 780, Empress Irene assumed power on behalf of her son Constantine VI.^[63] Although she was a capable administrator who temporarily resolved the iconoclasm controversy,^[64] the empire was destabilised by her conflict against her son. The Bulgars and Abbasids meanwhile inflicted numerous defeats on the Byzantine armies, and the papacy crowned Charlemagne as Roman emperor in 800.^[65] In 802, the unpopular Irene was overthrown by Nikephoros I; he reformed the empire's administration but died in battle against the Bulgars in 811.^[66] Military defeats and societal disorder, especially the resurgence of iconoclasm, characterised the next eighteen years.^[67]

Stability was somewhat restored during the reign of Theophilos (r. 829–842). He exploited economic growth to complete construction programs, including rebuilding the sea walls of Constantinople, overhaul provincial governance, and wage inconclusive campaigns against the Abbasids.^[68] After his death, his empress Theodora, ruling on behalf of her son Michael III, permanently extinguished the iconoclastic movement;^[69] the empire prospered under their sometimes-fraught rule. However, Michael was posthumously vilified by historians loyal to the dynasty of his successor Basil I, who assassinated him in 867 and was credited for his predecessor's achievements.^[70]

867–1081

Basil I (r. 867–886) continued Michael's policies.^[71] His armies campaigned with mixed results in Italy but defeated the Paulicians of Tephrike.^[72] His successor Leo VI (r. 886–912)^[b] compiled and propagated a huge number of written works. These included the Basilika, a Greek translation of Justinian I's law-code which included over 100 new laws created by Leo; the Tactica, a military treatise; and the Book of the Eparch, a manual on Constantinople's trading regulations.^[74] In non-literary contexts Leo was less successful: the empire lost in Sicily and against the Bulgarians,^[75] while he provoked theological scandal by marrying four times in an attempt to father a legitimate heir.^[76]

The early reign of this heir, Constantine VII, was tumultuous, as his mother Zoe, his uncle Alexander, the patriarch Nicholas, the powerful Simeon I of Bulgaria, and other influential figures jockeyed for power.^[77] In 920, the admiral Romanos I used his fleet to secure power, crowning himself and demoting Constantine to the position of junior co-emperor.^[78] His reign, marked by the end of the war against Bulgaria and successes in the east under the general John Kourkouas, ended in 944 due to the machinations of his sons, whom Constantine soon usurped in turn.^[79] Constantine's ineffectual sole rule has often been construed as the zenith of Byzantine learning, but while several works were compiled, they were largely intended to legitimise and glorify the emperor's Macedonian dynasty.^[80] His son and successor died young; under two soldier-emperors, Nikephoros II (r. 963–969) and John I Tzimiskes (r. 969–976), the Roman army claimed numerous military successes, including the conquest of Cilicia and Antioch, and a sensational victory against Bulgaria and the Kievan Rus' in 971. John in particular was an astute administrator who reformed military structures and implemented effective fiscal policies.^[81]

After John's death, Constantine VII's grandsons Basil II and Constantine VIII ruled jointly for half a century, although the latter exercised no real power.^[82] Their early reign was occupied by conflicts against two prominent generals, Bardas Skleros and Bardas Phokas, which ended in 989 after the former's death and the latter's submission, and a power struggle against the eunuch Basileios, who was dismissed in 985.^[83] Basil, who for unknown reasons never married or had children, subsequently refused to delegate any authority: he sidelined the military establishment by taking personal command of the army and promoting officers loyal to him.^[84] His reign witnessed the decades-long campaign against Bulgaria, which ended in total Byzantine victory at the Battle of Kleidion in 1018.^[85] Diplomatic efforts, critical for this success,^[86] also contributed to the annexation of several Georgian provinces in the 1020s and coexistence alongside the new Fatimid Caliphate.^[87] When he died in 1025, Basil's empire stretched from the Danube and Sicily in the west to the Euphrates in the east; his swift expansion was, however, unaccompanied by administrative reforms.^[88]

After Constantine VIII's death in 1028, his daughters, the empresses Zoe (r. 1028–1052) and Theodora (r. 1042–1056), held the keys to power: four emperors (Romanos III, Michael IV, Michael V, and Constantine IX) ruled only because of their connection to Zoe, while Michael VI (r. 1056–1057) was selected by Theodora.^[89] This political instability, regular budget deficits, a string of expensive military failures, and other problems connected to over-extension led to substantial issues in the empire;^[90] its strategic focus moved from maintaining its hegemony to prioritizing defence.^[91]

The empire soon came under sustained assault on three fronts, from the Seljuk Turks in the east, the Pecheneg nomads in the north, and the Normans in the west. The Byzantine army struggled while confronting these enemies, who did not organise themselves as traditional states, and were thus untroubled by defeats in set-piece battles.^[92] The year 1071 brought two consequential reverses: Bari, the last remaining Byzantine settlement in Italy, was captured by the Normans, while the Seljuks won a decisive victory at the Battle of Manzikert, taking the emperor Romanos IV Diogenes prisoner.^[93] The latter event sparked a decade-long civil war, as a result, the Seljuks took possession of Anatolia up to the Sea of Marmara.^[94]

1081–1204

One prominent general, Alexios I, usurped the throne in 1081. In contrast to the prior turmoil, the three reigns of Alexios (r. 1081–1118), his son John II (r. 1118–1143), and his grandson Manuel I (r. 1143–1180) lasted a century and restored the empire's regional authority for the final time.^[95] Alexios immediately faced the Normans under Robert Guiscard and repelled them through warfare and diplomacy.^[96] He then targeted the Pechenegs and decisively defeated them in 1091 with help from the Cumans, who were in turn defeated three years later.^[97] Finally, looking to recover Asia Minor from the Seljuks, he approached Pope Urban II for help c. 1095. He did not anticipate the scale of western Christendom's response—the First Crusade led to the recapture of western Anatolia, although Alexios and its leaders soon fell out.^[98] The rest of his reign was spent dealing with the Normans and Seljuks, establishing a new, loyal aristocracy to ensure stability, and carrying out fiscal and ecclesiastical reforms.^[99]

Alexios' concentration of power in the hands of his Komnenos dynasty meant the most serious political threats came from within the imperial family—before his coronation, John II had to overcome his mother Irene and his sister Anna, and the primary threat during his reign was his brother Isaac.^[100] John campaigned annually and extensively—he fought the Pechenegs in 1122, the Hungarians in the late 1120s, and the Seljuks throughout his reign, notably waging large campaigns in Syria in his final years—however, he did not achieve large territorial gains.^[101] In 1138, John raised the imperial standard over the Crusader Principality of Antioch to intimidate the city into allying with the Byzantines, but chose not to attack, fearing that it would provoke western Christendom to respond.^[102]

Manuel I utilised his father's overflowing imperial treasury in pursuit of his ambitions, and also to secure the empire's position in an increasingly multilateral geopolitical landscape.^[103] Through a combination of diplomacy and bribery, he cultivated a ring of allies and clients around the empire: the Turks of the Sultanate of Rum, the Kingdom of Hungary, the Cilician Armenians, Balkan princes, Italian and Dalmatian cities, and most importantly Antioch and the Crusader States, marrying one of their princesses in 1161.^[104] Manuel averted the threat of war during the tumultuous passage of the Second Crusade through Byzantine territories in 1147, but the campaign's failure was blamed on the Byzantines by western contemporaries.^[105] He was less successful militarily: an invasion of Sicily was decisively defeated by King William I in 1156, leading to tensions with Frederick Barbarossa, the Holy Roman Emperor;^[106] two decades later, an invasion of Anatolia was resoundingly defeated at the Battle of Myriokephalon.^[107]

Manuel's death left the empire rudderless and it soon came under intense pressure.^[108] His son Alexios II was too young to rule, and his troubled regency was soon overthrown by an uncle: he was then replaced by Isaac II in 1185.^[109] Centrifugal forces swirled at the borders as ambitious rulers seized their chance: Hungary and the Turks captured Byzantine territories, an exiled Komnenian prince seized Cyprus; and most injuriously, a revolt in 1185 caused the foundation of a resurrected Bulgarian state.^[110] Relations with the west deteriorated further after Constantinople allied with Saladin, the vanquisher of the Third Crusade, whose leaders also fought against Byzantium as they passed through its territory.^[111] In 1195, Isaac II was deposed by his brother Alexios III; this particular quarrel proved fatal.^[112]

The Fourth Crusade was originally intended to target Egypt, but amid strategic difficulties, Isaac II's son Alexios Angelos convinced the crusaders to restore his father to the throne in exchange for a huge tribute.^[113] They attacked Constantinople in 1203, reinstating Isaac II and his son to the throne. The new rulers grew swiftly unpopular and were deposed by Alexios V, an event used by the crusaders as a pretext to sack the city in April 1204, ransacking the wealth it had accumulated over nine centuries.^[114]

1204–1453

Byzantine territories fragmented into competing political entities. The crusaders crowned Baldwin I as the ruler of a new Latin Empire in Constantinople; it soon suffered a crushing defeat against the Bulgarians in 1205. It also failed to expand west or east, where three Greek successor states had formed: the Empire of Nicaea and the Empire of Trebizond in Asia Minor, and the Despotate of Epirus on the Adriatic. The Venetians acquired many ports and islands, and the Principality of Achaea emerged in southern Greece.^[115] Trebizond lost the key port of Sinope in 1214 and thereafter was unable to affect matters away from the southeastern Black Sea.^[116] For a time, it seemed like Epirus was the one most likely to reclaim Constantinople from the Latins, and its ruler Theodore Doukas crowned himself emperor, but he suffered a critical defeat in 1230 and Epirote power waned.^[117]

Nicaea, ruled by the Laskarid dynasty and composed of a mixture of Byzantine refugees and native Greeks, blocked the Latins and the Seljuks of Rum from expanding east and west respectively.^[118] John III (r. 1221–1254) was a very capable emperor.^[119] His protectionist economic policies strongly encouraged Nicaean self-sufficiency,^[120] while he made many diplomatic treaties, especially after Mongol armies ravaged Bulgaria and defeated Rum between 1237 and 1243. This chaos was an opportunity for John, and he fought numerous successful campaigns against the states disrupted by the Mongol invasions.^[121] Soon after his death, his grandson was usurped by Michael VIII, founder of the Palaiologos dynasty, who recaptured Constantinople in 1261.^[122]

Michael chose to expand the empire, gaining only short-term success. To avoid another sack of the capital by the Latins, he forced the Church to submit to Rome, again a temporary solution and one the peasantry hated Michael and Constantinople for.^[123] The efforts of Andronikos II and later his grandson Andronikos III marked Byzantium's last genuine attempts to restore the glory of the empire. However, the use of mercenaries by Andronikos II often backfired, like the time the Catalan Company ravaged the countryside, which increased public resentment towards Constantinople.^[124]

The situation became worse for Byzantium during the civil wars which erupted after Andronikos III died. A six-year-long civil war devastated the empire, allowing the Serbian ruler Stefan Dušan to overrun most of the empire's remaining territory and establish a Serbian Empire.^[125] In 1354, an earthquake at Gallipoli devastated the fort, allowing the Ottomans to conquer it and establish themselves in Europe, after originally being hired as mercenaries during the civil war by John VI Kantakouzenos.^[126] By the time the Byzantine civil wars ended, the Ottomans had defeated the Serbians and subjugated them as vassals. After the Battle of Kosovo, much of the Balkans became dominated by the Ottomans.^[127]

Constantinople at this stage was underpopulated and dilapidated. The population of the city had collapsed severely, and it was now little more than a cluster of villages separated by fields. On 2 April 1453, Sultan Mehmed's army of 80,000 men and large numbers of irregulars laid siege to the city.^[128] Despite a desperate last-ditch defence of the city by the massively outnumbered Christian forces (c. 7,000 men, including 2,000 foreigners),^[129] Constantinople finally fell to the Ottomans after a two-month siege on 29 May 1453. The final Byzantine emperor, Constantine XI Palaiologos, was last seen casting off his imperial regalia and throwing himself into hand-to-hand combat after the walls of the city were taken.^[130]

Governance

The patriarch inaugurated emperors from 457 onwards, while the crowds of Constantinople proclaimed their support, thus legitimizing their rule.^[131] The senate originally had its own identity but later became a ceremonial extension of the emperor's court.^[132] The reign of Phocas (r. 602–610) was the first military coup after the third century, and he was one of 43 emperors violently removed from power.^[133] From Heraclius' accession in 610 till 1453, a total of nine dynasties ruled the empire. During this time, for only 30 of the 843 years were the reigning emperors unrelated by blood or kinship, largely due to the practice of co-emperorship.^[134]

Diocletian and Constantine's reforms reorganised the empire into Praetorian prefectures and separated the army from the civil administration.^[135] From the 7th century onward, these prefectures were reorganised into provinces and later divided into districts called themata, governed by military commanders known as strategos, who oversaw both civil and military matters.^[136] Before this change, cities were self-governing communities represented by central government and church officials, while emperors focused on defense and foreign relations.^[137] However, constant wars and raids by Arab forces drastically changed this structure. City councils declined, as did the local elites who supported them. Through his legal reforms, Leo VI (r. 886–912) centralised power, formally ending city councils' rights and the legislative authority of the senate.^[138]

Diplomacy

Diplomacy is often regarded as one of the Empire's lasting contributions to European history, particularly in preserving civilization in Eastern Europe.^[139] This reputation stems from its aggressive treaty negotiations, alliances with the enemies of its adversaries, and strategic partnerships.^[140] For instance, the Empire supported the Turks against the Persians during the Perso-Turkic War (627–629) and exploited tensions between the Umayyads in Spain and the Aghlabids in Sicily.^[141] Diplomacy frequently involved long-term embassies, hosting foreign royals as political pawns, and deliberately displaying wealth and power to ensure such impressions spread widely.^[142] Other diplomatic strategies included political marriages, granting titles, bribery, persuasion, and intelligence gathering.^[143] Notably, the 'Bureau of Barbarians', established in the 4th century, is considered one of the earliest foreign intelligence agencies.^[140]

Diplomacy after the reign of Theodosius I (r. 379–395) shifted significantly from the more conquest-focused policies of the Roman Republic, instead emphasizing peace as a strategic necessity.^[144] Even in the 6th century, when the empire had greater resources and fewer threats, the enormous costs of defense, agricultural self-reliance, and aggressive neighbors made avoiding war a priority.^[145] Between the 4th and 8th centuries, diplomats capitalised on the empire's reputation as the Orbis Romanus and its administrative sophistication to influence new settlements on former Roman territories.^[146] Byzantine diplomacy often drew fledgling states into dependency, creating a network of inter-state relations (the oikouménē) dominated by the Empire and leveraging Christianity to strengthen these ties.^[147] This network emphasised treaty-making, integrating new rulers into the "family of kings," and assimilating values, institutions, and attitudes.^[148] These practices have even been referred to as creating a "Byzantine Caliphate", where religion re-framed the civilised-versus-barbarian dichotomy in classical times.^[149] By contrast, diplomatic relations with Muslim states focused primarily on war-related issues, such as negotiating hostages or preventing hostilities.^[150]

Peace and survival, rather than conquest, were central objectives. Historians describe this approach as "defensive imperialism", which evolved between the 9th and 10th centuries to include halting and reversing Muslim advances, cultivating alliances with Armenians and Rus, and subjugating the Bulgarians.^[151][152] Diplomatic relations with Western states became more challenging after 752–753 and particularly during the Crusades, as shifts in the balance of power undermined the Empire's dominance and its use of the Limitrophe system.^[153] By the 11th century, the Empire adopted a principle of diplomatic equality, leveraging the emperor's personal presence to negotiate.^[154]

After recovering Constantinople in 1261, the empire maintained its influence as a great power in the 13th and 14th centuries, despite its declining strength. This success is attributed to its efficient statecraft and strategic use of the Constantinople patriarch.^[155]

Law

Roman law originated with the Twelve Tables and evolved primarily through the annual Praetorian Edict and the opinions of educated specialists known as Jurists.^[156] Hadrian (r. 117–138) made the Praetorian Edict permanent and established a rule where a legal point jurists unanimously agreed on became law.^[157] Over time, conflicting legal sources caused confusion about what the law should be.^[158] Efforts to address this included two private collections of imperial constitutions compiled during Diocletian's reign (284–305), the Gregorianus and the Hermogenianus (r. 284–305).^[159]

Theodosius II (r. 402–450) formalised Roman law by appointing five jurists as principal authorities and compiling legislation issued since Constantine’s reign into the Codex Theodosianus.^[160] This process culminated in the Corpus Juris Civilis under Justinian I (r. 527–565), who commissioned a complete standardization of imperial decrees since Hadrian’s time and resolved conflicting legal opinions.^[161] The result became the definitive legal authority. This body of law covered not only civil matters but also public law, including imperial power and administrative organization.^[162] After 534, Justinian issued the Novellae (New Laws) in Greek, which marked a transition from Roman to Byzantine law. Legal historian Bernard Stolte distinguishes Roman law as this because Western Europe inherited law through the Latin texts of the Corpus Juris Civilis only.^[163]

Zachary Chitwood argues that the Corpus Juris Civilis was largely inaccessible in Latin, particularly in the provinces.^[164] Following the 7th-century Islamic conquests, people began questioning the development and application of law, leading to stronger ties between law and Christianity.^[165] This context influenced Leo III (r. 717–741) to develop the Ecloga, which placed an emphasis on humanity.^[166] The Ecloga inspired practical legal texts like the Farmers' Law, Seamen's Law, and Soldiers' Law, which Chitwood suggests were used daily in the provinces as companions to the Corpus Juris Civilis.^[167] During the Macedonian dynasty, efforts to reform law began with the publication of the Procheiron and the Eisagoge, which aimed to define the emperor's power under prevailing laws, and to replace the Ecloga due to its association with iconoclasm.^[168] Leo VI (r. 886–912) completed a complete codification of Roman law in Greek through the Basilika, a monumental work of 60 books which became the foundation of Byzantine law.^[169] Later, in 1345, Constantine Harmenopoulos compiled the Hexabiblos, a six-volume law book derived from various Byzantine legal sources.^[170]

Army

In the 5th century the East was fielding five armies of ~20,000 each in two army branches: stationary frontier units (limitanei) and mobile forces (comitatenses).^[171] The historian Anthony Kaldellis claims that the fiscally stretched empire could only handle one major enemy at a time in the 6th century.^[172] The Islamic conquests between 634 and 642 led to significant changes, transforming the 4th-7th centuries field forces into provincial militia-like units which had a core of professional soldiers.^[173] The state shifted the burden of supporting the armies onto local populations and during Leo VI (r. 886–912) wove them into the tax system, where provinces evolved into military regions known as themata.^[174] Despite many challenges, the historian Warren Treadgold states that the field forces of the East between 284 and 602 were the best in the western world, while the historian Anthony Kaldellis believes that they were the best in the empire's history during the conquest period of the Macedonian dynasty (r. 867–1056).^[175]

The military structure diversified to incorporate militia-like soldiers tied to regions, professional thematic forces (tourmai), and imperial units mostly based in Constantinople (tagmata).^[176] Foreign mercenaries also increasingly became employed, including the better-known tagma regiment, the Varangians, who guarded the emperor.^[177] The defence-oriented thematic militias were gradually replaced by more specialised offensive field armies, which could also counter the generals who rebelled against the emperor.^[178] When the empire was expanding, the state began to commute thematic military service for cash payments: in the 10th century, there were 6,000 Varangians, another 3,000 foreign mercenaries and when including paid and unpaid citizen soldiers, the army on paper was 140,000 (an expeditionary force was 15,000 soldiers and field armies seldom were more than 40,000).^[179]

The thematic forces faded into insignificance—the government relied on the tagmata, mercenaries and allies instead—and this led to a neglect in defensive capability.^[180] Mercenary armies further fueled political divisions and civil wars, these led to a collapse in the Empire's defence, and resulted in significant losses of territories such as Italy and the Anatolian heartland in the 11th century.^[181] Major military and fiscal reforms under the emperors of the Komnenian dynasty after 1081 re-established a modest-sized, adequately compensated and competent army.^[182] However, the costs were not sustainable and the structural weaknesses of the Komnenian approach—namely, the reliance on fiscal exemptions called pronoia—unraveled after the end of the reign of Manuel I (r. 1143–1180).^[183]

Navy

The navy dominated the eastern Mediterranean and were active also on the Black Sea, the Sea of Marmara, and the Aegean.^[184] Imperial naval forces were restructured to challenge Arab naval dominance in the 7th century, and later ceded their own maritime dominance to the Venetians and Genoans in the 11th century.^[185] The navy's patrols, as well as the chains of watchtowers and fire signals which warned inhabitants of threats, created the coastal defense for the empire. The patrolling was the responsibility of three themes: Cibirriote, Aegean Sea, Samos and an imperial fleet which consisted of mercenaries like the Norsemen and the Russians, the latter became the Varangians.^[186]

A new type of war galley, the dromon, appeared early in the sixth century.^[187][188] A multi-purpose variant, the chelandia, appeared during the reign of Justinian II (r. 685–711) and could be used to transport cavalry.^[189] The galleys were oar-driven, designed for coastal navigation, and are estimated to be able to operate for up to four days at a time.^[190][191] Starting from the 670s, these galleys could deliver Greek fire. When Basil I (r. 867–886) developed professional marines, this combination kept a check on Muslim piracy.^[192] The dromon was the most advanced galley on the Mediterranean, until the 10th century development of a dromon called a galeai, which superseded dromons after the development of a late 11th century Western (Southern Italian) variant.^[193]

Late era (1204–1453)

The rulers of the Empire of Nicaea who retook the capital and the Palaiologos who ruled until 1453, built on the Komnenian foundation. They initially had four types of military units—the Thelematarii (volunteer soldiers), Gasmouloi and the Southern Peloponnese Tzacones/Lakones (marines), and Proselontes/Prosalentai (oarsmen). However, like their predecessors, they could not bear the expenditure required for a standing army, instead relying largely on mercenaries and fiscal exemptions to pronoiars, who provided a small force of mostly cavalry.^[194] The Fleet was disbanded in 1284 and attempts were made to build it back later but the Genoese sabotaged the effort.^[195] The historian John Haldon claims that over time, the distinction between field troops and garrison units eventually disappeared as resources were strained.^[196] The frequent civil wars, now increasingly instigated by foreigners such as the Serbs and Turks to win concessions, further drained the empire. The emperors became dependent on mercenaries to keep control, all the while dealing with the impact of the Black Death.^[197] The strategy of employing mercenary Turks to fight civil wars was repeatedly used by emperors and always led to the same outcome: subordination to the Turks.^[198]

Demography

As many as 27 million people lived in the Empire at its peak in 540, but fell to as low as 12 million by 800.^[199] Although plague and territorial losses to Arab Muslim invaders weakened the Empire, it eventually recovered and by the near end of the Macedonian dynasty in 1025, the population is estimated to have been as high as 18 million.^[200] A few decades after the recapture of Constantinople in 1282, the empire's population was in the range of 3–5 million; by 1312, the number had dropped to 2 million.^[201] By the time the Ottoman Turks captured Constantinople, there were only 50,000 people in the city, which was one-tenth of its population in its prime.^[202]

Education

Education was voluntary and required financial means, so the most literate people were often those associated with the church.^[203] Primary education focused on teaching foundational subjects like reading, writing, and arithmetic whereas Secondary school focused on the trivium and quadrivium as their curriculum.^[204] The Imperial University of Constantinople was formed in 425, and refounded in 1046 as a centre for law.^{[205][206][207]}

Slavery

During the third century, 10–15% of the population was enslaved (numbering around 3 million in the east).^[208] Youval Rotman calls the changes to slavery during this period "different degrees of unfreedom".^[209] Previous roles fulfilled by slaves became high-demand free market professions (like tutors), and the state encouraged the coloni, tenants bound to the land, as a new legal category between freemen and slaves.^[210] From 294, but not completely, the enslavement of children was forbidden; Honorius (r. 393–423) began freeing enslaved prisoners of war, and from the 9th century onward, emperors freed the slaves of conquered people.^[211] Christianity as an institution had no direct impact, but by the 6th century it was a bishop's duty to ransom Christians, there were established limits on trading them, and state policies prohibited the enslavement of Christians; these changes shaped Byzantine slave-holding from the 8th century onwards.^[212] However, slavery persisted due to a steady source of non-Christians, prices thus remained stable until 1300, when prices for adult slaves, particularly females, started rising.^[213][214]

Socio-economic

Agriculture was the main basis of taxation and the state sought to bind everyone to land for productivity.^[215] Most land holdings were small and medium-sized lots around villages, and family farms served as the primary source of agriculture.^[216] The coloni, sometimes called proto-serfs, were free citizens, though historians continue to debate their exact status.^[217]

The Ekloge laws of 741 made marriage a Christian institution and no longer a private contract, where it evolved alongside the increased rights of slaves and the change in power relations.^[218] Marriage was considered an institution required to sustain the population, transfer property rights, support the elderly of the family; the Empress Theodora had also said it was needed to restrict sexual hedonism.^[219] Women usually married between the ages of 15 and 20, and the average family had two children.^[220] Divorce could be done by mutual consent but was restricted over time, for example, only being allowed if a married person was joining a convent.^[221]

Inheritance rights were well developed, including for all women.^[222] The historian Anthony Kaldellis claims that these rights may have been what prevented the emergence of large properties and a hereditary nobility capable of intimidating the state.^[223] The prevalence of widows (estimated at 20%) meant women often controlled family assets as heads of households and businesses, contributing to the rise of some empresses to power.^[224] Women played significant roles as taxpayers, landowners, and petitioners, often seeking the resolution of property disputes in court.^[225]

Women

Although women shared the same socio-economic status as men, they faced legal discrimination and had limitations in economic opportunities and vocations.^[226] Prohibited from serving as soldiers or holding political office, and restricted from serving as deaconesses in the Church from the 7th century onwards, women were mostly assigned "labour-intensive" household responsibilities.^[227] They worked in professions, such as in the food and textile industry, as medical staff, in public baths, had a heavy presence in retail, and were practicing members of artisan guilds.^[228] They also worked in disreputable occupations: entertainment, tavern keeping, and prostitution; a class where some saints and empresses allegedly originated from.^[229] Prostitution was widespread, and attempts were made to limit it, especially during Justinian's reign under the influence of Theodora.^[230] Women participated in public life, engaging in social events and protests.^[231] Women's rights were not better in comparable societies, Western Europe or America until the 19th century.^[232]

Language

Left: The Mudil Psalter, the oldest complete psalter in the Coptic language (Coptic Museum, Egypt, Coptic Cairo)
Right: The Joshua Roll, a 10th-century illuminated Greek manuscript possibly made in Constantinople (Vatican Library, Rome)

There was never an official language of the Roman Empire; however, Latin and Greek were the main languages.^[233] Beginning in the second century BC, Latin spread, especially in the western provinces.^[234] In the eastern provinces, Greek remained dominant due to the enduring influence of the Hellenistic period.^[235] Greek was the language of educated nobles, the Christian Church, and trade across the empire, whereas Latin had become the language of power, used in the military and government.^[236] This changed when Diocletian's reforms demoted Greek across the empire and the western provinces lost competence in Greek.^[237]

In the East however, Greek's influence gradually grew again and in the government, beginning when Arcadius in 397 AD allowed judges to issue decisions in Greek, Theodosius II in 439 expanded its use in legal procedures, the first law in Greek was issued in 448, and when Leo I legislated in the language in the 460s.^[238] Justinian I's Corpus Juris Civilis, a compilation of mostly Roman jurists, was written almost entirely in Latin; however, Justinian's Novellae Constitutiones, written in both Greek and Latin, were laws issued after 534, which marks the year when the government officially began to use the former language.^[239]

Historian Nikolaos Oikonomides states that Greek for a time became diglossic with the spoken language, known as Koine (later, Demotic Greek), used alongside an older written form (Attic Greek) until Koine won out as the spoken and written standard.^[241] Latin fragmented into the incipient Romance languages in the 8th century, following the collapse of the west after the Muslim invasions broke the connection between speakers.^[242][243] During the reign of Justinian (r. 527–565), Latin disappeared in the east, though it may have lingered in the military until Heraclius (r. 610–641).^[244] Historian Steven Runciman claims contact with Western Europe in the 10th century revived Latin studies, and by the 11th century, knowledge of Latin was no longer unusual in Constantinople.^[245]

Many other languages are attested in the empire, not just in Constantinople but also at its frontiers.^[246] They include Syriac, Coptic, Slavonic, Armenian, Georgian, Illyrian, Thracian, and Celtic; these were typically the languages of the lower strata of the population and the illiterate, who were the vast majority.^[247] The empire initially was a multi-lingual state and although Greek bound everyone, there was a decline in the diversity of its peoples' languages over time.^[248]

Clothing

Historical evidence of Byzantine dress is scant. However, it is known that the court had a distinguishable dress, while non-elite men and women observed certain conventions of clothing.^[268] Fashion trends started in the provinces, and not in the capital, which was more conservative.^[269] The imperial dress was centred around the loros, tzangia and crown, which represented the empire and the court.^[270] The loros derived from the trabea triumphalis, a ceremonial toga worn by consuls. It was more prominent in the early empire, indicating a continuation of the traditions of the Roman Empire.^[271] Historian Jennifer Ball claims that the chlamys cloak, which originated in the military, was similar to a modern-day business suit and an evolution of the paludamentum cloak worn by aristocratic men, including the emperor during the early empire.^[272] In the middle empire, dresses replaced the tunic for women.^[273] The late empire saw the larger influence on Byzantine dress of non-Greek cultures like the Italians (Genoese, Venetian), Turks (Ottomans) and Bulgarians.^[274]

Cuisine

Feasting was a major part of Byzantine culture and included the use of clean tables and forks. Modern Italian standards of gastronomy are likely to have been influenced by this era.^[275] Foods common to both Byzantium and the modern world are, among others, a cured meat called paston, baklava, Feta cheese, salt roe similar to the modern boutargue, black sea caviar, fermented fish sauce, tiropita, dolmades, and the soup trachanas.^[276][277] Fruits like aubergines (eggplants) and oranges, unknown from classical times, were added to Byzantine diets.^[278] There were famed medieval sweet wines such as the Malvasia from Monemvasia, the Commandaria, and the eponymous Rumney wine which were drunk, as were millet beer (known as boza) and Retsina.^[279]

Recreation

Chariot races were held since the early era till 1204, becoming one of the world's longest continuous sporting events.^[281] Mimes, the pantomime and some wild-animal shows were prominent until the 6th century.^[282] Because Christian bishops and pagan philosophers did not like these activities, the state's funding for them ceased, leading to their decline and a shift to private entertainment and sporting.^[283] A Persian version of Polo introduced by the Crusaders called Tzykanion was played by the nobility and urban aristocracy in major cities during the middle and late eras, as was the sport of jousting introduced from the West.^[284] Over time, game boards like tavli became increasingly popular.^[285]

Art and architecture

Clockwise, from top left:

• Christ Pantocrator icon, 6th-century, Sinai Monastery
• Hosios Loukas mosaics, detail, early 11th century
• Barberini ivory, an early 6th-century ivory diptych^[313]
• The Hagia Sophia exterior
• Dead Christ and Mourners, c. 1164, Gorno Nerezi^[314]

Subjects in Byzantine art were primarily Christian and typically non-naturalistic in their representation.^[315] Emerging from both the earliest Christian and Late Antique art,^[316] many early examples were lost amid the Roman Persecution; the fragmented mosaics of the 3rd-century Dura-Europos church are a unique exception.^[317] Such Byzantine mosaics, known for their gold ground style, became a hallmark of the empire, displaying both secular and sacred themes in diverse places, including churches (Basilica of San Vitale), the circus (Hippodrome of Constantinople), and the Great Palace of Constantinople.^[318] The early 6th-century reign of Justinian I saw systemic developments: religious art came to dominate, while once-popular public marble and bronze monumental sculpture fell out of favor due to pagan associations.^[319] Justinian commissioned the monumental Hagia Sophia church, and its influential elements became architectural hallmarks for the empire: the immense size, massive dome, innovative use of pendentives and highly decorative interior was imitated as far north as the Cathedral of Saint Sophia in Novgorod and the Saint Sophia Cathedral in Kyiv.^[320] The Hagia Sophia's creators, the engineer-architects Isidore of Miletus and Anthemius of Tralles, are uniquely esteemed;^[321] most Byzantine artists were unrecorded and typically deemed to have little importance.^[322]

Smaller-scale art flourished throughout the entire Byzantine period: costly ivory carvings—often as diptychs (Barberini ivory) or triptychs (Harbaville Triptych)—featured imperial commemorations or religious scenes and were particularly esteemed, as were metalwork and enamels.^[323] Other costly objects included illuminated manuscripts, which were lavishly illustrated for a wide range of texts, and silks, often dyed in the prized imperial purple; both became highly popular in Western Europe.^[324] The rise of small, portable icon paintings, used for both public and private religious worship, grew increasingly controversial.^[325] During two periods of Byzantine Iconoclasm (726–843), possibly influenced by Islamic prohibitions on religious images,^[326] icons faced severe suppression and enormous amounts of figurative religious art was destroyed.^[327] Iconoclasts condemned their use, likening them to pagan idolatry and ascribing recent Umayyad defeats as divine retribution for their use, while iconophile supporters eventually prevailed, maintaining their essential use for veneration, considered distinct from worship, and found precedent in Gospel references.^[328]

Post-iconoclast Macedonian art (867–1056) saw a cultural Renaissance, and an unprecedentedly vast amount of artworks from this period survive.^[329] Subjects and styles became standardised, particularly cross-in-square churches, and already-existing frontality and symmetry evolved into a dominant artistic aesthetic, observable in the small Pala d'Oro enamel and the large mosaics of the Hosios Loukas, Daphni, and Nea Moni monasteries.^[330] The subsequent Komnenos-Angelos periods (1081–1204) saw increased imperial patronage, alongside figurative artwork of increased emotional expression (Dead Christ and Mourners, c. 1164; see right).^[314] Byzantine artistic influence spread widely to Norman–Sicily (the Madrid Skylitzes) and Venice (the mosaics of St Mark's Basilica).^[314] Serbian churches flourished in particular, as three successive schools of architecture—Raška (1170–1282), Byzantine Serbia (1282–1355), and Morava (1355–1489)—combined a Romanesque aesthetic with increasingly voluminous decorations and domes.^[331] As smaller Palaeologan artworks (1261–1453) gained relic status in Western Europe—many looted in the 1204 Fourth Crusade—they greatly influenced the Italo-Byzantine style of Cimabue, Duccio, and later Giotto; the latter is traditionally regarded by art historians as the inaugurator of Italian Renaissance painting.^[332]

Literature

Byzantine literature concerns all Greek literature from the Middle Ages.^[333] Although the Empire was linguistically diverse, the vast majority of extant texts are in medieval Greek,^[334] albeit in two diglossic variants: a scholarly form based on Attic Greek, and a vernacular based on Koine Greek.^[335] Most contemporary scholars consider all medieval Greek texts to be literature,^[336] but some offer varying constraints.^[337] The literature's early period (c. 330–650) was dominated by the competing cultures of Hellenism, Christianity and Paganism.^[338] The Greek Church Fathers—educated in an Ancient Greek rhetoric tradition—sought to synthesise these influences.^[333] Important early writers include John Chrysostom, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and Procopius, all of whom aimed to reinvent older forms to fit the empire.^[339] Theological miracle stories were particularly innovative and popular;^[339] the Sayings of the Desert Fathers (Apophthegmata Patrum) were copied in practically every Byzantine monastery.^[340] During the Byzantine Dark Ages (c. 650–800), production of literature mostly stopped, though some important theologians were active, such as Maximus the Confessor, Germanus I of Constantinople and John of Damascus.^[339]

The subsequent cultural Macedonian Renaissance (c. 800–1000; the "Encyclopedism period") saw a renewed proliferation of literature and revived the earlier Hellenic-Christian synthesis.^[333] Works by Homer, Ancient Greek philosophers and tragedians were translated, while hagiography was heavily reorganised.^[339] After this early flowering of monastic literature, there was a dearth until Symeon the New Theologian in the late 10th-century.^[339] A new generation (c. 1000–1250), including Symeon, Michael Psellos and Theodore Prodromos, rejected the Encyclopedist emphasis on order, and were interested in individual-focused ideals variously concerning mysticism, authorial voice, heroism, humor and love.^[341] This included the Hellenistic-inspired Byzantine romance and Chivalric approaches in rhetoric, historiography and the influential epic Digenes Akritas.^[339] The empire's final centuries saw a renewal of hagiography and increased Western influence, leading to mass Greek to Latin translations.^[342] Authors such as Gemistos Plethon and Bessarion exemplified a new focus on human vices alongside the preservation of classical traditions, the latter greatly influenced the Italian Renaissance.^[342]

Music

Late 4th century "Mosaic of the Musicians" playing the organ, aulos, and lyre from a Byzantine villa in Maryamin, Syria^[343]

Byzantine music is eclectically descended from early Christian plainsong, Jewish music, and a variety of ancient music; however, its exact connections to ancient Greek music remain uncertain.^[344] While it included both sacred and secular traditions, the latter is little known, whereas the former remains the central music of Eastern Orthodox liturgy into the 21st century.^[345] The empire's church music, known as Byzantine chant, was exclusively unaccompanied monodic vocal music, sung in Greek.^[346] From the 8th century onwards, chant melodies were governed by the Oktōēchos framework, a set of eight modes—echos (ἦχος; lit. 'sound')—each of these provide predetermined motivic formulae for composition.^[347] These formulae were chosen for proper text stress and occasionally for text painting, then collated through centonization into a variety of hymns or psalms.^[348]

Byzantine chant was central to the Byzantine Rite; however, the earliest music was not notated,^[349] including early monostrophic short hymns like the troparion.^[350] While proto-Ekphonetic notation (9th century onwards) marked simple recitation patterns, the neumatic Palaeo-Byzantine notation system emerged in the 10th century, while the Middle Byzantine "Round Notation" from mid-12th century onwards is the first fully diastematic scheme.^[351] Several major forms developed alongside well-known composers: the long kontakion (5th century onwards), popularised by Romanos the Melodist; the also-extensive kanōn (late 7th century onwards), developed by Andrew of Crete; and the shorter sticheron (at least 8th century onwards), championed by Kassia.^[352] By the Palaiologan period, the dominance of strict compositional rules lessened and John Koukouzeles led a new school which favoured a more ornamental "kalophonic" style which deeply informed post-empire Neo-Byzantine music.^[353]

Secular music, often state-sponsored, was ubiquitous in daily life and featured in a variety of ceremonies, festivals, and theatre.^[354] Secular vocal music was rarely notated, and extant manuscripts date much later, suggesting the tradition was passed through oral tradition and likely improvised.^[355] Prohibited for liturgical use, a wide variety of Byzantine instruments flourished in secular contexts, although notated instrumental music does not survive.^[356] It is uncertain to what extent instrumentalists improvised or if they doubled vocalists monophonically or heterphonically.^[357] Among the best known instruments are the hydraulic organ, used for both circus and imperial court events; the ancient Greek-descended aulos, a wind instrument; the tambouras, a plucked string instrument; and mostly popularly, the Byzantine lyra.^[357] Prominent genres included acclamation chants of laudation or salutation; the celebratory Acritic songs; symposia instrumental banquets, based on ancient symposiums; and dance music.^[358]

Science

Byzantine science played an important and crucial role in the transmission of classical knowledge to the Islamic world and Renaissance Italy.^[359] Many distinguished scholars held high offices in the Eastern Orthodox Church.^[360][361]

The manuscripts of classical antiquity were studied and preserved in Byzantium.^[362] Therefore, Byzantine science was, in every era, closely connected to ancient philosophy and metaphysics.^[363] In the field of engineering, Isidore of Miletus, the Greek mathematician and architect of the Hagia Sophia, produced the first compilation of Archimedes' works c. 530. Only through this manuscript tradition, sustained by the school of mathematics and engineering established c. 850 during the "Byzantine Renaissance" by Leo the Mathematician,^[364] are such works known today, primarily because of the school's production, the Archimedes Palimpsest.^[365]

Alexandrian philosopher John Philoponus was the first to question Aristotelian physics. Unlike Aristotle, who based his physics on verbal arguments, Philoponus relied on observations. Philoponus' criticism of the Aristotelian principles of physics was an inspiration for Galileo Galilei's refutation of Aristotelian physics during the Scientific Revolution many centuries later, as Galileo cites Philoponus substantially in his works.^[366]

Greek fire, an incendiary weapon capable of burning even on water, is attributed to the Byzantines. It played a crucial role in the empire's victory over the Umayyad Caliphate during the siege of Constantinople (717–718).^[367] The discovery is attributed to Callinicus of Heliopolis, who had fled to the city after the Arab conquest of Syria.^[368] However, it has also been argued that no single person invented Greek fire, and that it was instead "invented by the chemists in Constantinople who had inherited the discoveries of the Alexandrian chemical school...".^[369]

During the last century of the empire, astronomy and other mathematical sciences were taught in Trebizond; medicine attracted the interest of almost all scholars.^[361] The Fall of Constantinople in 1453 fuelled the era later commonly known as the "Italian Renaissance". During this period, refugee Byzantine scholars were principally responsible for transmitting ancient Greek grammatical, literary, mathematical, and astronomical works to early Renaissance Italy, whether personally or through their written works.^[370] They also brought classical knowledge and texts on botany, medicine and zoology, as well as the works of Dioscorides and John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotelian physics.^[371]

Medicine

The Byzantines pioneered the concept of the hospital as an institution offering medical care and the possibility of a cure for the patients as a reflection of the ideals of Christian charity, rather than merely being a place to die.^[372] The historian David Bennett estimates that there were approximately 115 hospitals in Constantinople during the mid-ninth century.^[373]

Political aftermath

After Constantinople fell, the Ottomans quickly absorbed the remaining independent territories, including Morea in 1460, Trebizond in 1461, Acciaiuoli Athens in 1456, and Gattilusi Lesvos in 1462.^[374] They dismantled the Empire's political and secular institutions, leaving the impoverished Church to manage what would be later called the Rum Millet, primarily as a tool for taxing its followers.^[375] As the sole sovereign Orthodox state, Russia developed the Third Rome doctrine, emphasising its cultural heritage as distinct from Western Europe, because the latter had inherited much of the Empire's secular learning.^[376] The Danubian Principalities became a haven for Orthodox Christians and Phanariot Greeks who sought to recreate a Byzantine Greek Empire.^[377] In modern Greece, members of the Rum Millet increasingly identified as Greeks, eventually leading to a successful war of independence in the 19th century.^[378] The modern Greek state nearly doubled its territory through the pursuit of the Megali Idea—a colonialist vision of reclaiming the former lands of the eastern empire—achieving limited success during the Crimean war but making significant gains during the Balkan wars.^[379]

Since the 15th century, Byzantine history has been deeply politicised, woven into nationalist, colonialist, and imperialist narratives.^[380] This politicisation appears not only in Greece but also in Bulgarian, Romanian, Serbian, Hungarian, and Turkish nationalism, as well as in former French and Russian imperialist agendas.^[381] In the English-speaking world, interpretations of Byzantine history frequently surface in political debates, alongside the growing appreciation for its legacy compared to past scholars.^[382] The complexity of this history, however, makes it a sensitive topic, especially regarding Greece's role in Europe’s evolving sense of identity and the origin story of many European nations.^[383]

Cultural aftermath

The Byzantine Empire distinctively blended Roman political traditions, Greek literary heritage, and Christianity, creating the civilisational framework that laid the foundation for medieval Europe.^[384] The Empire preserved European civilisation by acting as a shield against eastern forces such as the Persians, Arabs, and various Steppe peoples (Huns, Avars, Bulgars, Pechenegs, Cumans, and Turks).^[385]

The empire's legal codes significantly influenced the civil law traditions of continental Europe, Russia, Latin America, Ethiopia, and even the English-speaking common law countries; and possibly influenced Islamic legal traditions as well.^[386][387] Moreover, it preserved and transmitted classical learning and manuscripts, making notable contributions to the intellectual revival which fueled Italian humanism.^[388]

The Byzantine Empire played a pivotal role in shaping Christianity by supporting early Church fathers and the decisions of Church councils; developing the institution of monasticism; and fostering the Orthodox tradition which continues to define much of Eastern European identity.^[389] It was also instrumental in preserving the Greek language and is credited with developing the Glagolitic alphabet, which later evolved into the Cyrillic script and Old Church Slavonic.^[390] These innovations provided the first literary language for the Slavs and formed the educational foundation for all Slavic nations.^[391]