JFK’s personal secretary offers her insights into the Kennedy-Johnson administration. While obviously partial to JFK, Evelyn Lincoln offers insights iJFK’s personal secretary offers her insights into the Kennedy-Johnson administration. While obviously partial to JFK, Evelyn Lincoln offers insights into both leaders, their run for the presidency, and their leadership styles.
Lincoln’s observations:
Their political battles: “Senator Kennedy had to kill the myth that a Catholic President would be an errand boy for the Pope an would trade the gold in Fort Knox for a supply of holy water; Senator Johnson had to show, somehow, that a Southerner could rise above his region and take liberal positions on vital issues.” (38).
Their communication styles: Kennedy “talked about issues, he talked about international affairs, he opened up the world of science and economics to his audience. . . .He used his most effective weapon—his rapier wit—to slash at the Republicans and to make his audience listen intently; he quote poetry to touch their hearts. . . . And he was effective, just as Lyndon Johnson was effective, in combining his public plain-folks technique with the hard back room bargaining and tough explaining of the political realities. 131
On JFK:
JFK, the listener: On an LBJ visit to Palm Beach shortly after the election, JFK, LBJ, and House Speaker Sam Rayburn, and Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield were meeting: “Mr. Johnson did most of the talking, Mr. Kennedy did most of the listening, and there were side remarks by Speaker Rayburn.” 10 I record that as it seems from other reading, a JFK strength.
JFK endured the heat: Truman was not a fan of Kennedy and let it be known. “Senator, are you certain that youa re quite ready for the country . . . May I urge you to be patient, . . . Are you certain . . . the country is ready for you?” Lincoln: “The harder the blows, the stronger Mr. Kennedy became. That was one of his great strengths.” (69)
On LBJ:
LBJ’s favorite Bible verse: “Come, let us reason together.” Isaiah 1:18 25LBJ felt, if he were able, he could reason his way to a favorable conclusion if given the opportunity to sit down face-to-face with an opponent.
The Johnson treatment: “He would frown, he would smile, he would appeal, and he would use sweet alk. And all of the time he would pound home the theme that they should do it “for good old Lyndon, and for the good of the country. If persuasive adjectives failed, he would his his hands. He would hug the victim, pat him, grip his arm with a cluthc that was as unbreakable, and just about as comfortable as a bulldog’s bite.” (50-51) LBJ. the talker. 113, 114
LBJ, the counter: Bobby Baker was his man on this front. “No bill, during Bobby Baker’s time, was ever lost because of an incorrect head-count or because Senators count not be found in time.” 53
LBJ image conscious: Lincoln records the words, “Once again, he was thinking of his image” in reference to after John Glenn’s successful space flight and an administration trip to Cape Canaveral. LBJ wanted to fly in Air Force One. JFK was miffed that Johnson was attempting to ride along “again.” 179-180; c.f. 159. “Mr. Kennedy had long ago learned that Mr. Johnson was extremely sensitive and thin-skinned and he tried not to upset him.” 122
LBJ, the brilliant legislator: “Everyone knew it was going to be a battle, but the Democrats hoped Mr. Johnson could use his renowned strategical power to pass some worthwhile legislation—for after all that was his greatest asset.” 106
LBJ Focused chapters: See Chapter 10, “Mr. Johnson at the White House” and Chapter 11, “The Vice President at Work.”
Leadership maturity: Lincoln makes an interesting comment on pages 184-185, that speaks to JFK’s growth as a leader. It is also an important point in that all leaders go through their own maturation process in their respective roles.
Even though Mr. Kennedy had always been the man in charge, from the day that Khrushchev agreed to pull out the missiles, the President had an added ingredient of self-confidence. It seemed as though he had turned the corner and was now going up a different street. He relied more on his own staff and advisers than on the politicians. After the Cuban crisis, Mr. Kennedy seemed to be less concerned with making sure the Vice President was occupied and, from then on, he let Mr. Johnson seek his own place in the administration.
Playing Second Fiddle:
Relationships: I record this except at length as it reveals the unique and differing relationships between first and second leaders:
One day Senator Dirksen called on Mr. Kennedy. After he left, Mr. Kennedy came out to my desk and said, “Do you know what the Senator told me today? Dirksen told me, ‘Let's face it, Eisenhower did not know much about what was going on during his Administration. He would call a group in – let the others do most of the talking – he used to sit and doodle for about two hours and then he would say, “OK, boys, who is going to carry the ball?” The Senator said that it was frightening – Eisenhower 's lack of knowledge of what was taking place and the things he didn't know about the United States Government. Nixon used to call on Dirksen and ask him to speak to Eisenhower, particularly about firing Sherman Adams. But the Senator said that he told Nixon he should talk to Eisenhower, he was the Vice President, but Nixon was scared of Eisenhower period.” “Well,” I said to Mr. Kennedy, “you and Mr. Johnson are certainly different than those two men. You certainly know what you are doing and Mr. Johnson is not afraid of you.” “No,” said Mr. Kennedy, “the only thing Mr. Johnson is afraid of is that I will not put him on the ticket in 1964.” 190-91
Access: "According to my records, in the first year these private conferences [between President Kennedy and Vice President Johnson] added up to ten hours and nineteen minutes—by the third year they had fallen off to one hour and fifty-three minutes.” 161
Recommendation:
Lincoln provides an interesting first-hand account from one who, as JFK’s secretary (and loyal to the President), saw both men up close. Not a “must read” but a good read. ...more
Kate Messner drives home an important point in her book, The Next President: The Unexpected Beginning and Unwritten Future of America's Presidents: "AKate Messner drives home an important point in her book, The Next President: The Unexpected Beginning and Unwritten Future of America's Presidents: "At least ten of our future presidents are alive today." That's the way it has been in our country -- many future presidents growing, learning, experiencing a variety of life's experiences . . . so why not you?
This book is wonderfully illustrated with a helpful biography. The author demystifies the office on one hand (and that is a good thing in my opinion!) . . . but maybe she minimizes it a bit on the other. And while The Next President is not particularly "fact-filled," it drives home that very important point: there are lots of future "presidents-in-the-making" alive right now, and one of them could be you!
I am glad we have the work of this author and illustrator on our bookshelf. It delivers a message our grands need to hear....more
Gary A. Donaldson's The Secret Coalition: Ike, LBJ, and the Search for a Middle Way in the 1950s is a fascinating piece of political history. DonaldsoGary A. Donaldson's The Secret Coalition: Ike, LBJ, and the Search for a Middle Way in the 1950s is a fascinating piece of political history. Donaldson explains the political landscape of this era, demonstrating the moderation on both sides of the aisle, the two people (IKE and LBJ) most responsible for it, and the factors for its rise and demise.
If you are frustrated by political polarization and want to understand "how we got here," this is a great book to read. The 50s was a pivotal decade, a transition from FDR and Truman's liberal paternalism of the 30s and 40s to the moderation of IKE and LBJ to the rise of new coalitions. The Democratic coalition (fairly solid and increasingly liberal) garnered control of the Northeast and most of the nations industrial regions, pp. 182f). The rising Republican coalition (increasingly fiscally conservative) took the South and Western states.
Donaldson takes us on a walk though the decade, from the postwar politics of the 40s to JFK and the election of 1960. Along the way he points out the rise of political moderation, congressional shared objectives, why people liked IKE but not the Republicans, how Eisenhower and Senate leader Lyndon Johnson forged a working relationship (one that benefited both men), and the political pendulum swing that left Eisenhower a weak lame duck and Johnson a Vice President rather than President.
I thought Donaldson's conclusion, "The End of a Decade and the Beginning of the Future of American Politics" was particularly insightful as he addressed the changing African American vote, the rise of image over issue as a deciding factor in American politics, as well as the shape and geographical boundaries of the Democratic and Republican parties.
My recommendation: Read this book if you want to understand an era, the two key political figures in it, and how the past (the 50s) has shaped the present political scene. The Secret Coalition won't give you much on the personal relationship between IKE and LBJ, but it shines when it comes to their personalities, political allies, and politics (e.g. IKE's moderation and LBJ's presidential hesitations). Donaldson also helped me see the "politics of Civil Rights" in new light; and how a leader adapts (or not) to a changing culture can make all the difference in tenure and effectiveness. The Secret Coalition is highly readable. I was 120 pages in when I realized I was humming along, thoroughly engaged with both his content and literary style.
Why I picked up this book: I am intrigued by LBJ. He is an enigma both personally and politically. And while I am on a quest to read a biography of every president, I have read volumes on "the master of the Senate" (thank you Robert Caro). When I find a work on LBJ, I pick it up. So, for me, reading The Secret Coalition was more about understanding our 36th President (LBJ) than it was Dwight D. Eisenhower or the decade of the 1950s. At the same time, context influences all of us, so having this contextual background was very helpful -- and reading the book, Donaldson knows the context.
Pivotal Political Moments: 1945 - FDR dies at Warm Springs, Georgia on April 2. Truman becomes President. 1946 - Truman's approval rating plummets from 87 to 32; is still lauded by the "common man." 1948 - Birth of the States Rights Democrats ("Dixiecrats); halted Civil Rights under "States Rights." 1948 - Truman wins re-election, surprising Dewey and the nation. Caretaker of the New Deal. 1948 - The Class of '48 (Stevenson, Humphrey, LBJ, JFK for a second term). Taft, face of GOP. 1950 - North Korea invades South Korea, US enters Korean War. Calls on Eisenhower to lead. 1952 - Eisenhower/Nixon win Presidential race. 1952 - 83rd Congress (IKE/LBJ forge "moderate" partnership). At 44, LBJ youngest Senate leader. 1954 - The rise and now fall of Joseph McCarthy ("Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last?"). 1957 - The Civil Rights Bill of 1957, the first Civil Rights law in 82 years. 1957 - Soviets launch Sputnik. Space race usurped the place of civil rights in national spotlight. "The launch of Sputnik had a major impact on the nation's politics mostly because it allowed the Democrats to take control of the national defense policy from Eisenhower and the Republicans" (p. 135). 1958 - The rise of Barry Goldwater as the successor the Taft as the leader of the Republican right. 122 1958 - NASA (National Aeronautics and Space Administration) established. 1958 - National Recession (unemployment at 7%). 1958 - Midterm elections: A Democratic landslide (36 seat majority in Senate; 128 seat majority in House). 1959 - Democratic landslides make moderation of IKE and LBJ problematic. Rise of polarization. 1960 - JFK becomes 35th President of the United States. Rise of GOP conservatives.
Politics of Civil Rights (a few examples):
1. The "political necessity" of a Civil Rights Bill: "Eisenhower had done well among black voters in the 1956 election, which convinced the Democrats that if they did not pass a civil rights bill before the 1958 midterm elections they might lose the African American vote entirely" (p. 124).
2. LBJ's compromise bill of 1957: Satisfy those who wanted one without offending the southern segregationists (p. 124-5).
3. The violence over school desegregation: Desegregation and the Southern Democratic response to it. This incident pulled back the curtain on the intentions of Southern lawmakers (p 134). See also page 94, 106.
Leadership lessons:
1. Leaders and their seconds: IKE never endorsed Nixon as his successor. See pages 80, 93. See also page 165 on the importance of seconds and succession (p. 165-167, 172). Nixon's biographer at the juncture said that hurt him deeply.
2. See the bigger picture: In the 1948 election, Truman saw the bigger picture and utilized it to accomplish his political goals. Question: How does a leader effectively assess the "bigger picture?" (p. 7f).
3. Indecision is a leader's death knell: Truman was a decision-maker. He may have been weak in other areas, but he knew that as a leader, he must make decisions. Donaldson shows that indecision is a leader's Achilles heel, whether that be Stevenson (election of 1944, p. 17), or IKE's response to Sputnik or Cuba (p. 162), or LBJ's unwillingness to declare himself an early candidate in the 1960 presidential race. See also page 133, 135 (Ike's "angst factor"), 148 (act in crisis).
4. Yes they are talking about you, get over it. IKE's diaries were very critical of Truman, Nixon and others. Leaders need to know that people have their opinions, and they are just that. Get over it and move on to what you need to do. See page 26, 92 (OMW).
5. Relationships precede everything: See page 30 for Time's analysis of why Taft lost his primary race. "He is abrupt and cold . . ."
6. Sometimes leaders hold their tongues: LBJ exercised political wisdom in refusing to criticize McCarthy. He determined to let McCarthy self-destruct rather than risk political capital with the far right of the Republican party in Congress. See page 57.
7. The power of a well-timed word: Joseph Welch, Army special counsel in response to Joe McCarthy's overly critical tirade against Welch assistant, Fred Fisher (in a televised hearing): "Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last" (p. 67) This was the beginning of the end for McCarthy and McCarthism. See also Goldwater's speech in '57, "a game changer"; American politics would never quite be the same (p. 121-2).
8. Leader's, get out of your office and on the road: It was IKE's European travel that exposed him to the autobahn and gave him the vision for the Federal Highway Act and the Interstate Highway system. See pages 88-89.
9. Know your leadership strength and lean into it. "Foreign policy was undoubtedly the president's strength, his heritage, and the foundation of his popularity" (p. 116). At the same time, one must live in the tension of personal strength (LBJ, political genius and coalition builder) and changing times (1960 election and the rise of TV and image). LBJ wanted to point to his expertise, but JFK understood image trumped expertise. See page 185. IKE: "I am a 'conservative when it comes t0 money and a liberal when it comes to human beings" (p. 40)
10. It's complicated. Beware of reductionism. Politics and leadership . . . it's just complicated. See pages 130, 131, 132.
11. Leaders need to understand their context: When it came to he launching of Sputnik, Americans had the perception the Soviet's were stronger. Ike blew off the event but the nation didn't. "Perception is stronger than muscle." OMW See pages 137, 160-1. Ike and LBJ both didn't see the changing nature of communication medium with the rise of television. See page 165 (they were not alone in this, Stevenson also missed it).
12. Don't quit! Babe Ruth is noted as saying, "It is hared to beat a person who never gives up." JFK symbolized this in 1960. See page 169.
LBJ Observations and Insights:
1. LBJ, the coalition builder: The Dems lost in '52. "George Reedy, one of LBJ's chief advisors and strategists, said later that the defeat was so extreme that 'it was generally though that nobody could pull the Democrats together' again." See page 456 (for this and impact of Richard Russell).
2. LBJ, the youngest party leader at 44. LBJ sailed with the political winds (see page 179).
3. LBJ, description of: "into this . . . vacuum has blown a tornado from the Southwest, a Texas-sized hunk of perpetual motion named Lyndon Johnson." He "is a political orator. He sense political situations, understands individual motivations and moves swiftly to organize party positions by reasoning with individuals on an individual basis." see page 48. Called a "political genius" by his enemies (p. 150).
4. LBJ, Influence: The Johnson Rule (see page 49). Broke Senate conservatives to form a coalition that got things done (see page 49). Power of persuasion: At the end of his Senate tenure, Johnson said, "the only real power available to the leader is the power of persuasion. There is no patronage, no power to discipline, no authority to fire Senators like the president can fire his members of the Cabinet" (p. 48). As coalition builder with Ike, page 74.
5. LBJ, the vote counter and political tactician: See page 79 on public housing bill. Everyone thought he would go down in defeat, but LBJ "counted votes and prepared to strike."
6. LBJ, embers of the feud with RFK: See page 81 for Donaldson's recounting of the initial offer of the VP to LBJ, his snuff and RFK's reaction. The two were arch enemies.
7. LBJ, Heart attack as a turning point: See page 82-83, and compare this with Teddy Roosevelt and FDR who had similar experiences. ETA
8. LBJ, Indecision: Wishy washy on presidential run in 1960, could not abide failure. See pages 154-155.
9. LBJ, weakening influence: See page 155-156, 159, 179 (Democratic party and style changing). Focused on ability over image at a time when image mattered more to voters (p. 185)....more
Two leaders, who could not be more dissimilar, worked pragmatically and collaboratively to advance civil rights. This is the underlying theme of JudgmTwo leaders, who could not be more dissimilar, worked pragmatically and collaboratively to advance civil rights. This is the underlying theme of Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King Jr., and the Laws That Changed America.Judgment Days scans the years 1963 to 1968 (the Johnson presidency through the assassination of Dr. King).
Early Praise: Judgment Days is an outstanding piece of research providing a chronological account of the unique working relationship between President Lyndon Johnson and civil rights icon, Martin Luther King Jr. Masterfully, Kotz details the parallel rise and fade of both leaders and the challenges they faced in their struggle for this common cause and with each other.
Out of the sorrow of John F. Kennedy's assassination and the passion, determination, and skill of President Lyndon Baines Johnson and the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. had emerged the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Out of courage an horror on the Edmund Pettus Bridge and in fiery protest throughout the nation, the two men again ignited the nation's passion for justice in passing the 1965 Civil Rights Act. And out of the ashes of burning cities following Dr. King's assassination and Johnson's decision not to seek reelection had come one final declaration for justice written powerfully into the fabric of American law. (p. 421)
Here is what you can expect when you read Judgment Days: Engaging narrative. Surprising facts. Clarifying history. A holistic picture of the tragedies and triumphs of the Civil Rights Movement on the 60's.
Themes I saw in Judgment Days:
1. The political pas de deux (dance by two persons): Popular conceptions of key figures in the fight for Civil Rights are often generalized misconceptions. I think this is the case with LBJ and MLK. Johnson's caricature is often shaded, a politician who uses civil rights to his own end; a second-string player to JFK in this drama for human freedom. Actually, JFK's political acumen did not match his vision. It took Johnson, the undisputed master of political process to secure not one, but four major pieces of Civil Rights legislation: The Civil Rights Act of 1957, The Civil Rights Acts of 1964, The Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968. For his part, Martin Luther King is paraded as angelic, the unflappable unifier of his people, a people on a quest for the Dream. And while King was a leader worthy of his accolades, he was a man of clay feet. He navigated bitter battles within his own movement and was at times at a loss as to his next step. Kotz show us both men, the wonder and warts.
2. Seeing the middle way: Kotz paints both LBJ and MLK as leaders who pursued "a middle way." Example: King championing a moratorium on civil rights demonstrations for three days prior to the 1964 election (pp. 184f).
King believed that his success as a leader depended on his maintaining credibility with a large, diverse constituency. He would sit quietly through long arguments, and then seek a middle way (p. 186). . . . In their goals, both Johnson and King were seeking radical change in the equities of social justice in America [they both spoke for it, but disagreed about the role of nonviolent demonstration]. In action, however, they both revealed a belief that change is achieved most effectively pragmatic, conciliatory leaders (p. 186).
3. It's Complicated!: Kotz expertly chronicles "the dilemma" both Johnson and King faced. For example, in 1965, Johnson was pushing legislation associated with his Great Society, while navigating an escalating situation in Vietnam, while working toward voting rights and supporting King, while attempting to avoid a clash with Alabama leadership and the broader "state rights" movement by stepping up federal efforts to protect marchers.
If he were to join King's court petition, it would look as if he were "advocating the god-damn march. If every time [King] wants to march, I go in and tell the judge, 'I want you to enjoin the local officials,' it may look like I'm stirring up those marches. . . . But if you don't you get a lot of killings, and they say, "What did you do?" He paused: "And you didn't do anything." "You've got a hell of a dilemma," sympathized Senator Hill. "Yes, I do," replied Johnson.
King had his own dilemma. Having missed the Selma march (1, preaching at Ebenezer Baptist; 2, concerns over death threats; 3, he didn't expect much to come of march; 4, he was frustrated by the organizers poor planning) he now had hundreds of leaders flooding into Selma to show solidarity for a second march.
On the one hand, canceling the march would embarrass King and the SCLC before both local and national civil rights forces. The momentum building in Selma wold also be lost. On the other hand, SCLC mantra had always been that local and state segregation statues were invalid, but that federal laws must be followed. And King had never defied a federal court order (p. 292).
And now there was a federal court order as Judge Johnson ordered King to cancel the second march until the judicial proceedings (initiated by SCLC and NAACP) concluded.
4. Leaders in a pickle: King felt the squeeze. Kotz writes, "Martin Luther King, like Lyndon Baines Johnson, walked the treacherous path between a white majority whose consent he had to gain and impatient activists unwilling to follow any leader they judged to be too timid" (p. 320). Johnson too was pressed, enduring constant pressure from Southern Democrats always ready to filibuster against civil rights legislation, the blasé of an American public slow to see or own the everyday difficulties of being black in America, the pressure of African American leaders impatient with the speed of change, and the economic frustration of not being able to afford both guns (increase in defense funding for Vietnam) and butter (increase in domestic spending).
5. The rise and decline of leadership momentum: LBJ knew his political landslide came with a price. Winning the presidential election in 1964 meant losing the South to the Republicans for the foreseeable future (he was spot on). He also knew that he had to act quickly to secure civil rights legislation as each victory would draw heavily on his tremendous store of political capital.
Perhaps, had he been willing to "lose" the war in Vietnam he could have continued to see Great Society come to fruition. As it was, the writing was on the wall as he approached the election of 1968. He might win, but it would be hollow as his grip on Congress had loosened significantly.
For his part, King's negative reaction to Vietnam and Johnson, while understandable and shared by millions, was actually out of step with African Americans at the time. "A Gallup Poll on September 6, 1967, showed that 67% of nonwhite Americans supported Johnson, compared to only 38% of white Americans" (p. 394). King's efforts to focus on "justice" both at home and abroad gave him a weaker voice with his constituents, especially in the Southern Leadership Christian Conference (SCLC).
Kotz' summary is worth repeating:
King's popularity, like Johnson', was sinking. As 1967 drew to a close, Lyndon Johnson and Martin Luther King, now avowed political enemies, faced identical dilemmas: how to end an escalating war, with mounting casualties, which was siphoning funds from the dream they still shared of a more just society -- and how to deal with increasing hostility from each other as well as from their own hard-won constituencies (p. 378).
Turning Points in the American Civil Rights Movement:
1. Republicans lose the mantle,"The Party of Lincoln." African Americans abandoned the party of Lincoln for the Democrats due to Republican foot-dragging regarding civil rights. We see this shift in the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) fighting for a place at the 1964 Democratic Convention (see chapter 8). At the same time Barry Goldwater courted Southern Democrats to the GOP with a speech proclaiming, "that extremism in defense of liberty is no vice" (pp. 192-3). A shift was taking place that Johnson saw coming.
2. Watts riots in Los Angeles: Both Johnson and King were caught off guard by the rioting in Watts, which occurred five days after LBJ signed the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Each was basking in the success (and understandably so) of the Voting Rights Act and the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Kotz tagged it hubris on the part of both leaders. "With Watts, King came to a fuller awareness that the two great civil rights laws of 1964 and 1965 basically addressed the evils of southern segregation but had barely touched the ghetto's problems of poverty, joblessness, isolation, family disintegration and hopelessness" (p. 343).
With Watts, Martin Luther King began moving toward a far more radical critique of what ailed American society (p. 343).
3. Vietnam becomes LBJ's downfall:
Appreciation for LBJ:
1. LBJ paid the price of progress: LBJ weathered the segregationists split in the 1964 as Southern states rallied against civil rights, even while knowing that the 1964 election and his reforms "were setting in a motion a historic realignment--that the Democrats were about to lose the South, on his watch " (p. 196).
2. LBJ urged Hoover to infiltrate the Klan in '64: This made possible the quick arrest of four men charged with murdering Viola Liuzzo on her way back from the Selma to Montgomery march. The white mother of five had gone to help and was driving back Ben Mouton, a 19-year-old black volunteer.
3. LBJ masterfully navigated a thorny group of constituents to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968. One reason his aids pressured him to run in '68, was that he was "the only guy who could get anything done! No one else knows how to get anything through Congress" (p. 408). LBJ was also responsible for delivering the 1957 Civil Rights Act, the first civil rights legislation since Reconstruction, almost a century earlier.
4. LBJ read the times: He knew that, despite winning the '64 election by a landslide he would lose both the South and his grip on Congress "by expending his political capital gained in the landslide 1964 presidential election" (p. 330). Facing what would most likely amount to a hallow victory at best in the '68 presidential election, John refused to run.
5. LBJ changed! "As a young Texas congressman, Johnson had opposed even the most modest civil rights efforts. Now he was working with the nation's preeminent African America leaders to venture beyond even their efforts to level the racial playing field, economically as well as legally" (p. 335). See also Johnson's comments regarding past mistakes (p. 330).
6. LBJ integrated the federal government: LBJ appointed Thurgood Marshall as the first African American Justice of the Supreme Court, tasked Robert Wise to head the new Department of Housing and Urban Development, he appointed Constance Baker Motley as a U.S. district court judge, Andrew Brimmer, a Ph.D. economist as the first African American to serve on the Federal Reserve Board of Governors. He appointed and mentored younger black leaders on his staff: Roger Wilkins (33), Clifford Alexander (33), and Major Hugh Robinson. See the story of Brimmer and Senator Russell long on page 357.
Appreciation for MLK:
1. King was thrust into the good fight: He was 26 when he began his work of civil rights. He had just received his doctorate from Boston University and begun his pastoral work when he was selected to the lead the bus boycott by black leaders in Montgomery (p. 45)
2. King endured the jealousy of younger Civil Rights leaders (SNCC) and worked to conciliate factions that favored militancy with those working through peaceful means (p. 197).
3. King navigated a thorny group of constituents to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. His death is 1968 was the impetus for Congress to pass the Fair Housing Act, which until then had twice stalled in House and Senate.
4. King's stamina (physical, mental, emotional, spiritual, relational) was amazing. King was just 36 when the Voting Rights act of 1965 passed and had been a leader in the civil rights movement since he was 26.
5. King went to difficult places to pursue justice: Seeking to address the difficulties northern blacks faced, King went to Chicago to confront leaders about joblessness, overcrowded housing, poor schools, lack of health care, [and] a powerless black population locked in their ghetto neighborhoods," King said that the venomous hatred expressed in Chicago was as bad as--or worse than--anything the movement had encountered in the South" (pp. 365-7).
6. King always pressed on despite harboring doubts about his worthiness to lead. "I could hear an inner voice saying to me: 'Martin Luther, stand up for righteousness. Stand up for justice. Stand up for truth. And, lo, I will be with you even until the end of the world.' I heard Jesus saying still to fight on. He promised never to leave me, never to leave me alone" (p. 48).
7. King championed "nonviolent direct action resistance" and maintained it despite calls from many (especially as the movement endured delays and setbacks) to resort to violent upheaval. (p. 49)
Both MLK and LBJ saw the bigger picture and the importance of the legislative process -- not violence -- to bring about change. (p. 197)
Disdain for FBI Director Herbert Hoover: Hoover utilized wire taps throughout the fight for Civil Rights, constantly eavesdropping on MLK and doing everything within his power to paint King as a communist and degenerate. He attempted to smear those associated with the movement, including Viola Liuzzo, who was murdered by the Klan for her involvement. Kotz: "Hoover seemed determined to show that anyone involved with the civil rights movement was either politically or morally suspect" (p 326). Kotz notes, "Literally hundreds of FBI communications to the White House and to other government agencies clearly captured Hoover's animus toward King and his desire to destroy King's public standing and influence" (p. 386).
Civil Rights in America: How bad was it?
Kotz, as many before him have, helps readers understand the plight of African Americans since Reconstruction. He puts faces on "injustice," "poverty," and "murder."
1. Interesting statistics: On the third attempt at a march to Montgomery, the parade of protestors marched down Highway 80 through Lowndes County where 80% of the population was black--and "not a single African American was registered to vote" (p. 323)
2. Troubling stories: SCLC Volunteer Viola Liuzzo (mother of five) shot and killed by the Klan when on the return trip from Montgomery to Selma (p. 325).
3. The plight in the North as well as in the South.
Leadership Lessons from Judgment Days:
1. Never have an event without a process. Reflecting on Watts, Kotz notes, "that the rhetorical claims of [Johnson & King] for the poverty programs far exceeded any proven knowledge of what they might accomplish" (p. 345). Furthermore, many Johnson allies were claiming that there was too much confusion and lack of coordination in implementing the programs. Watts revealed new problems, problems that government leaders were not willing to tackle with the same alacrity due to initial challenges implementing Great Society programs.
2. Spend your leadership capital wisely. LBJ knew he was quickly using up the political capital of his 1964 landslide victory. He predicted the victory in '64 would cost the Democrats the South (which it did), and he knew his opportunity to act with the same degree of decisiveness and effectiveness would diminish quickly. Watts and the congressional willingness to respond to it legislatively was proving him correct.
3. Leaders Persevere: MLK and LBJ persevered as they faced multiple challenges internal and external.
4. Leaders "know the rules": America's founders intended the filibuster to be an "impediment" against "improper acts of legislation," as Hamilton and Jay wrote in Federalist Paper 62. Kotz notes that the filibuster helps ensure such impediment. In 1919, the Senate adopted Rule 22, providing an end to the filibuster by a two-thirds vote of the Senate. Taht was changed in 1975 to 60 votes. The filibuster is how we got New Mexico and Arizona (p. 113, 115).
Lyndon Johnson, the Enigma:
1. Johnson's response to riots surrounding the assassination of MLK: "What did you expect? I don't know why we're so surprised. When you put your foot on a man's neck and hold him down for three hundred years, and then you let him up, what's he going to do? He's going to knock your block off" (p. 418).
Helen Gahagan Douglas, a liberal California Democrat on LBJ's contradictory qualities: "Ambitious, driving, alert, careful, calculating, secretive, seemingly with inexhaustible energy, sensitive to criticism, vain, an explosive temper that could erupt over the smallest details, a natural talent for organization, a listener--not a reader, a legislative director, organizer--not a legislative designer, an activist--not a planner. LBJ perfected the plans of others. he was an operator, and I say that in the best sense, not a creator" (p. 29).
Quotes to keep:
1. Leadership (King): "A real leader does not rely on consensus. He builds consensus" (p. 409).
2. Opportunity (Johnson): "We must overcome unequal history before we overcome unequal opportunity" (p. 424).
3. Old black lady during the Montgomery bus boycott: "My feets is tired, but my soul is rested" (p. 416).
4. Seizing the moment (Johnson): When a veteran insider cautioned him about expending early goodwill on controversial civil rights legislation, Johnson retorted: "Well, what the hell's the Presidency for?" (p. 22).
5. MLK on LBJ in 1963: "LBJ is a man of great ego and great power. He is pragmatist and a man of pragmatic compassion. It just may be that he's going to go where John Kennedy couldn't" (p. 67)
6. Senator Thomas Kuchel on civil violence: "Civil wrongs do not bring civil rights" (p. 123)
7. MLK on the Klan's threats: "I don't mind bearing the cross, but I'll be damned if I am going to go looking for it" (p. 147)....more
Presidential Leadership rates the best and worst of the U.S. Presidents (Washington - George W. Bush). This is no flippant evaluation. Editors James TPresidential Leadership rates the best and worst of the U.S. Presidents (Washington - George W. Bush). This is no flippant evaluation. Editors James Taranto and Leonard Leo include their ranking methodology and survey participants, seeking to "resolve the conflict between prior rankings of of presidents done mostly by liberal scholars or mostly by conservative scholars, but not by both together." p. 250 Readers will find political assessment, not biographical synopsis. If that sounds boring, it is not. Interesting anecdotes, political milestones, and insightful quotes fill these pages. Lessons abound!
The books needs to be updated to account for Presidents Obama, Trump, and soon, Biden. Even without the most contemporary presidential analysis, Bill Bennett's forward is spot on:
Our students and our country need to relearn why we once celebrated leaders such as these--as well as their predecessors and successors. In his farewell address, President Reagan warned the American people--and the world--of a whirlwind we would reap by not studying history . . . . "If we forget what we did, we won't know who we are. I'm warning of an eradication of the American memory that could result, ultimately, in an erosion of the American spirit." p. 3
Here are a few notes and quote:
On transition>: Of all the presidents who have followed giants into the office, only Harry S. Truman managed to escape his predecessor's shadow. And even Truman did it mostly in retrospect. Page 49
On transition: Despite the extent of his studies of politics and history, Adams was not a strong president or political leader. Following Washington was challenging enough, but Adams's presidency was overwhelmed by intense partisan rivalry. Vice President Jefferson was the acknowledged head of the opposition party, and Adams unwisely decided to retain Washington’s cabinet, whose highest loyalty was to Alexander Hamilton, a rival for the leadership of the Federalist. Where Washington could dominate a Jefferson and a Hamilton in his cabinet, Adams lacked the political skills to control lesser partisans. p. 23
On leadership and teams: Harding was not afraid to give prominent positions to men who might outshine him. 142
Quote: Benton‘s epitaph of John Quincy Adams: "Where could death have found him, but at the post of duty?" p. 43
Quote (government): "The strongest of all government is that which is most free." William Henry Harrison p. 53
And by the way, Washington is first; Buchanan last....more
Wilson, by Pulitzer Prize-Winning author, A. Scott Berg, is a personal and political overview of the twenty-eighth President of the United States. To Wilson, by Pulitzer Prize-Winning author, A. Scott Berg, is a personal and political overview of the twenty-eighth President of the United States. To say, "I enjoyed it" is an understatement. Berg's biography was instructional and inspirational for my life and leadership.
The author unveils a complicated, but stunning portrait of Thomas Woodrow Wilson.
Wilson was a man of firsts (the first president to visit the UK, meet with a Pope, shepherd the country through a World War, establish a debt ceiling, hold a press conference, and more). Wilson was a man of deep faith, clinging to an overwhelming confidence in God's providence. At the same time he was far from a paragon of perfection. Robert Lansing said, "The President is a wonderful hater" (read the book and you will agree). One Senator said, "Wilson had no friends, only slaves and enemies." Wilson was caring, diligent in fulfilling his promises, tireless in defense of his principles, and a champion of the common man, yet not all men. Wilson shared much of the racism and prejudice of his day; a point the author takes care to chronicle (see for example pages 155, 243, 346-7, 486)
Wilson was a terrific orator, wrote all his own speeches, and was indefatigable as a campaigner.
He could extemporize for an hour or longer without a pause or misplaced word. He thought in metaphors, spoke in perfect sentences, and composed entire paragraphs in his head, relying on his superior vocabulary. . . . Muckraker Ida Tarbell said, "I doubt if there is any man in America that can talk . . . with such precision and at the same time so like a human being." (p. 11)
Berg gives us all of this and more.
Wilson revered his father, Joseph Ruggles Wilson, the Scottish Presbyterian minister. The words exchanged between father and son -- but especially from father to son -- are exemplary. So this is how you raise a man! Wilson adored his wife, Ellen Lousie Axson, the mother of his three daughters. Their correspondence, hers in particular, is a picture of what seems a long-lost art of expression. When Ellen died, Wilson was distraught. He doubted his ability to continue his presidential duties. Recovering, he met and would marry the much younger Edith Bolling Galt, whom he would affectionately call, "little girl." Both women were wise, relational anchors for his soul, the love of his life (in their seasons in his life) and instrumental to his stability and political effectiveness.
Wilson shows us a man and a nation is transition from isolationism to leader on the world stage. Wilson, the man whose re-election banner proclaimed, "He kept us out of war," was slowly maneuvering to take the country to war.
Wilson shows us politics, a nefarious game and a powerful tool. Wilson turned the tables on the political machine that thought they could control him, leveraged his political capital for societal good, but in the end was upended by political adversaries (most notably Henry Cabot Lodge) who persistently worked to dash his hopes for America's entrance into the League of Nations.
Wilson shows us the power of vision, written and oral communication, audacity of method, and what can happen when one man takes his dream for the people to the people.
I learned a lot from reading, Wilson. Here are four of my key leadership takeaways followed by a few of my favorite quotes:
1. Team leadership: Berg provides insights as to how leaders and second leaders effectively function. He traces the sometimes steady, sometimes volatile relationship Wilson had with his inner circle (Hibbens, Tumulty, Colonel House, and Dr. Grayson). See pages 165 (Hibbens betrayal); 215, 232 (Tumulty and the importance of alignment); page 556 (House overstepping his boundaries and disloyalty); page 663 (Houston's comment about "being in the harness"); and watch Dr. Grayson's faithfulness to the very end.
2. Tenacity and self-sacrifice: Wilson devoted six months of his presidency in Europe to further his dream for the League of Nations, a feat that both bolstered the League in Europe, but doomed it in the United States. His campaign by train to "take the idea of the League to the people" in the face of his declining health is laudatory.
3. Self-Leadership: Wilson, at the urging of Dr. Grayson, took up golf as a means to combat the relentless pressures of his office. The President enjoyed the game with abandonment, playing some 1200 rounds during his presidency, more than any other. While some may feel this excessive, Wilson probably would have succumbed to the physiological impact of his stresses sooner than he did were it not for the care with which he took (generally) to invest time in replenishing activities.
4. Vision and communication: Wilson puts on a clinic when it comes these essential leadership responsibilities: Communication: shoot with a rifle, not a shotgun (p. 36); Communication preparation (p. 62); Funding vision (p. 140); The cost (p. 215); Philosophy of leadership communication (p. 242); Audacity of method (p. 461); Preparation rhythm (p. 624); Refining communication (p. 633).
A few quotes I appreciate:
1. On Harding's presidential victory: "How can he lead if he does not know where he is going?" (p. 693)
2. On his stoic response to being elected: "Governor, you don't seem a bit excited." "I can't effervesce in the face of responsibility." (p. 234)
3. Most likely in reference to the sometimes self-exalting Teddy Roosevelt: "There is no indispensable man." (p. 236)
4. On God's providence: "God ordained that I should be the next president of the United States. Neither you nor any other mortal could have prevented that." (p. 252)
5. In the face of frustrating times: "I believe in divine Providence. If I did not, I would go crazy." (p. 629. See also pp. 507, 535,733)
6. To his critic Abbort Lawrence Lowell, "I've come to heal a quarrel, not to make one." (p. 106)
7. On teaching: "There is one thing a schoolteacher learns that he never forgets, namely, that it is his business to learn all he can and then to communicate it to others." (p. 241)
8. On courage: "The rarest thing in public life is courage, and the man who has courage is marked for distinction; the man who has not is marked for extinction, and deserves submersion." (p. 272)
9. On valor: "Valor withholds itself from all small implications and entanglements and waits for the great opportunity when the sword will flash as if it carried the light of heaven upon its blade." (p. 393)
10. His father's admonition when a young Wilson was grappling with direction: "All beginnings are hard, whatever occupation is chosen: -- but surely a fair beginning must be made before the real character of the thing begun can be determined . . . . It is hardly like you, my brave boy, to show a white feather before the battle is well joined." (p. 85)
Delightfully, Berg provides us with three collections of photographs he scatters throughout his volume. In conclusion, I think it appropriate the author does not provide a subtitle for his work. How does one attach an all-encompassing phrase to an individual and an administration as expansive as that of Thomas Woodrow Wilson? Yes, Wilson will serve just fine.
This is a great read -- informative, insightful, and instructive....more
The Accidental President is AJ Baime's engrossing account of Harry Truman's first four months in office. This is the story of the man who shaped four The Accidental President is AJ Baime's engrossing account of Harry Truman's first four months in office. This is the story of the man who shaped four months that shaped the world.
How volatile was the world when Truman stepped onto its stage? Baime relays the following,
Victory was already assured when President Roosevelt died. Since then two of the mightiest empires of the world have collapsed. History has recorded the decline and of empires before, but never with such rapidity. During these four months events that once covered years, even centuries, were consummated in weeks and days . . . Surely the revolutionary changes wrought during this period are such that it is safe to say that a new era in mankind's history is beginning. (New York Times)
This was Truman's time, his stage, his moment.
But was it? Truman wasn't even FDR's afterthought when a presidential aide suggested him as a 1944 running mate.
Baime provides the background to help us appreciate how unlikely it was that Truman would arrive on a local stage, much less serve as Senator, Vice President, and then our 33rd President. Truman was indeed The Accidental President. But as Baime's account reveals, Truman stepped onto the state, stepped up to the challenges, endured the setbacks, overcame the doubters and difficulties, and led the United States when it needed leadership the most.
Here are five reasons I recommend The Accidental President: 1. Its careful research -- The author devoted three years to researching the four months he chronicles. Primary sources (diaries, original documents, official cables, presidential files, and the official papers of key individuals) and secondary sources written by "people in the room" dominate his research. 2. Its lively writing -- The author wraps the facts in lively narrative and dialog. 3. Its historical insight -- Not only do we see the history-altering series of events Truman faced, but also how his handling (and that of his contemporaries) gave rise to other world-shaping events and movements: Truman's 21 Points, the Cold War, the Korean War, the nuclear arms race, Civil Rights, the rise of Israel in 1948, and the founding of NATO. 4. Its portrait of Truman the man -- The author shows us a very human president. He unveils Truman as a man of failure and success; decisive and yet dogged by doubts; deeply devoted to his wife and yet often lonely; troubled yet steady; a man of frailties and faith; ordinary yet extraordinary. 5. Its lessons on leadership -- While the author provides a moving narrative, one can't walk away without learning about leadership and what it means and takes to be a leader.
If you are looking for a full biography of Harry S. Truman, there is probably no better place to start than David McCullough's Pulitzer-prize winning Truman, but if you want a biographical primer on Truman the man, combined with an in-depth overview of Truman the leader at the juggernaut of world conflict and historical consequence get The Accidental President. ...more
Reaching For Glory by Michael Beschloss is "required reading" (listen to the audio version for an extra bonus as it includes LBJ's own voice) for thosReaching For Glory by Michael Beschloss is "required reading" (listen to the audio version for an extra bonus as it includes LBJ's own voice) for those who want to better understand the enigmatic life that is Lyndon Johnson. Covering the years 1964-1965, Beschloss gives us the unvarnished and "uninterpreted" voice of Johnson, Lady Bird, and many of his associates. I especially appreciated the Editor's Note (some of Beschloss research methodology), the Cast of Characters (listing key players of the time), and the Appendix (some of Johnon's "ramblings" from 1969 as he reflected on his time in the Oval Office. Unfortunately, the Audible version is abridged only so one who would follow both the written and audible versions will have their work cut out for them. That said, it was worth all the time to follow both, which I did. ...more
I have read a lot of LBJ. Mark Updegrove's Indomitable Will: LBJ in the Presidency has fast become one of my favorites. What sets this book apart is tI have read a lot of LBJ. Mark Updegrove's Indomitable Will: LBJ in the Presidency has fast become one of my favorites. What sets this book apart is the Updegrove's generous use of the voices of LBJ's contemporaries. In this sense, the author gives us his interpretation but he welcomes many more people into his conversation. I loved that feature as I did his book. Fair. Fascinating. Fast Paced. After Caro, I'd read Indomitable Will . . . maybe I'd even read it first. ...more
A fascinating and insightful analysis of the people and events that facilitated the amazing legislative efforts of LBJ and the 89th Congress. Zelizer A fascinating and insightful analysis of the people and events that facilitated the amazing legislative efforts of LBJ and the 89th Congress. Zelizer appreciates Johnson and gives him his due, but demonstrates that the "great man" was aided by fortuitous circumstances in his quest to build the Great Society. ...more
Adam Cohen takes you behind-the-scenes to see why FDR and his cabinet changed the way we view "the first 100 days." We meet his cabinet. We learn abouAdam Cohen takes you behind-the-scenes to see why FDR and his cabinet changed the way we view "the first 100 days." We meet his cabinet. We learn about the leaders, their journeys, their feats and failures. Mostly we see the power of the presidency at its best, a leader and his capable inner circle pulling our country out of depression, a depression both economic and emotion.
Read Nothing To Fear and you will see why Cohen calls The Hundred Days, "the third great revolution in American history."
I have read Cohen's work three times. My copy is thoroughly marked with notes, insights, and leadership lessons I have gleaned. I have used Nothing To Fear four times in teaching the importance of vision and communication in my work with doctoral students. It's outstanding.
Five takeaways (and it is hard to stop at five):
1. Leadership teams look different: While FDR did not have Lincoln's "Team of Rivals" (thank you Doris Kearns Goodwin), his was not strictly a politically homogeneous group either. Great teams "make" great leaders, but great leaders build great teams. 2. The power of the second leader: Moley, Douglas, Perkins, Hopkins. Each of these leaders are models and mentors for anyone who leads from the second chair. 3. Vision IS a solution to a problem: Cohen masterfully sets the stage. He shows us the plight of America in 1932-1933, as well as the unfolding of FDR's vision, and the necessity of "action and action now" to bring it to fruition. 4. Vision is powerless apart from communication: Leveraging his first inaugural address, fireside chats (and not too many of them), press relations, Elanor's powerful role, the importance of pleasant vs combative words to covey a message, the use of metaphor . . . . FDR effectively harnessed communication and communication mediums in support of his administrative agenda. 5. Visionaries have a bias for action: The contrast of Hoovers lethargy with FDR's activity. Or as Harry Hopkins told his staff in '34: "Boys--this is our hour . . . We've got to get everything we want." (page 287)...more
William S. White, Pulitzer Prize winning author of "The Taft Story," provides a generally favorable, but not critical, introduction to the 36th PresidWilliam S. White, Pulitzer Prize winning author of "The Taft Story," provides a generally favorable, but not critical, introduction to the 36th President of the United States, presumably to inform voters on the eve of the 1964 election. Sandwiched between that first tragic flight to Washington following the assassination of Kennedy and the challenges the new President faces, White gives us his perspective of "The Professional." White insightfully traces Johnson's transition to power and his relationship to the "Kennedy Men." He also provides a brief history of LBJ's role as congressional secretary, his relationship with Lady Bird, FDR and the New Deal, his work as Senator and Minority Leader, his efforts in civil rights, and role as Vice President. White wants us to see the Johnson "style" and his attributes of leadership. Lacking the carefully researched notations of Robert Caro, Doris Kearns Goodwin and others, White gives us the perspective of an admiring intimate, well acquainted with Johnson and the atmosphere of political power which was his life....more
What a treat! Joseph Ellis unveils the unique and often ignored nuances of the American Revolution in Founding Brothers. The writer provides a penetraWhat a treat! Joseph Ellis unveils the unique and often ignored nuances of the American Revolution in Founding Brothers. The writer provides a penetrating look into the interesting interlocking lives of John Adams (along with keen insights into Abigail), Aaron Burr, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and George Washington.
Ellis neither deifies nor vilifies our founding fathers. He presents an unvarnished, respectful, and at times critical view of those who fought for (and occasionally with each other) for the early republic.
We witness the wily Burr ("like a balloon, filled with inflammable air"), the enigmatic Jefferson ("Herculean powers of self-denial"), a brilliant but self-aggrandizing Hamilton ("intended to make the New Army his personal instrument of power"), the fiery Adams ("the only meaningful kind of conversation was an argument"), the famous Franklin ("What Voltaire was to France, Franklin was to America"), the quiet leadership of Madison ("generally regarded as the most influential political leader in the new nation"), and the stoic Washington ("he became the supreme example of the leader who could be trusted with power because he was so ready to give it up).
I appreciate the way Ellis has chosen to divide his work: The Generation, The Duel, The Dinner, The Silence, The Farewell, The Collaborators, The Friendship. If these expressions mean little now, they will once you read the book. They are simple but powerful categories for understanding this band of brothers and their times.
Founding Brothers was delightful, insightful, and educational. Ellis took me behind the familiar scenes and helped me look past historical markers such the Declaration of Independence and July 4, 1776 to better comprehend the complicated beautiful morass of early American liberty. My volume is brimming with highlights, underlines, and notations.
Ellis helps me appreciate the phrase, "It's complicated." I am grateful for his diligence to demonstrate the complicated and intertwined lives and political philosophies of these Founding Brothers, and for his masterful ability to bring clarity, to "unwind the string" so-to-speak when it comes to American Independence.
5 Reasons To Read:
1. To understand the volatile nature of American liberty: What seems a foregone conclusion today was, while not resting on a foundation of cards, definitely vacillating and precarious at times.
2. To gain keen insights on Slavery: Ellis sheds light on challenges of slavery, in particular the founding brothers decision to postpone addressing that blight on our nations character for a chance at bringing a nation to birth.
3. To appreciate the political and relational impact of Jay's Treaty and Washington's Farewell Address: What an eye opener.
4. To benefit from a lifetime of research:Founding Brothers is three decades of Joseph Ellis masterful research bound between two covers.
5. To learn from the amazing work of Benjamin Rush: I call Rush "The Friendship Negotiator." Surely without his efforts to repair the breach in the Adams/Jefferson friendship we would not have the historical marvel that is the 14-year letter correspondence between these two American patriarchs....more