Stemming The Rise of Islamic Extremism in Bangladesh
Stemming The Rise of Islamic Extremism in Bangladesh
Stemming The Rise of Islamic Extremism in Bangladesh
Sajeeb A. Wazed is an adviser to Sheikh Hasina, the former Prime Minister of Bangladesh and President of
the Awami League, the largest and oldest political party in Bangladesh. He has been a key negotiator for the
Awami League on several occasions, most recently in the negotiations for the restoration of democracy in
Bangladesh with the present military government. He has a Master's in Public Administration from Harvard's
Carl J. Ciovacco graduated from the Kennedy School of Government with a Masters of Public Policy in
International Security and Political Economy. His recent thesis on Al Qaeda's media strategy and was written
for the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point. He received his Bachelor of Science in International
Relations from West Point and served as an Army officer in Iraq and Saudi Arabia.
Bangladesh has been a secular Muslim state since its independence from Pakistan and
founding by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1971. While its short history has been full of
military coup d’états, it has always returned to its roots as a secular democratic state.
There are, however, troubling new signs of a shift towards a growing Islamism that
could jeopardize the sanctity of secularism in the country. While the governing
construct’s legitimacy is suffering politically from the past two years of emergency
military rule, Islamism may be the biggest threat to the country’s Constitution and
secular underpinnings. As elections are scheduled for December 18th and the two
major political parties jostle over the country’s future, each party’s vision for the proper
mix of Islam and government will be at the forefront. Rahman’s Awami League has long
been the standard bearer of secularism and if elected, it could roll back the growing tide
of Islamism in Bangladesh. The Awami League must, however, implement certain
changes to proactively check this Islamism if it hopes to secure long-lasting secularism
and democracy. If successful, an Awami League-led Bangladesh could be the global
example of secular governance in a Muslim country.
Bangladeshis will once again go to the polls to decide between the Awami League and
its record of secularism and the BNP with its public support of Jamat-e-Islami (which
supports Islamic-leaning governance). If July’s local elections, where the Awami League
won 12 of 13 Municipal elections, are any portent of future national elections, the
League appears to be the favorite in the national election. This result would return
Hasina, the daughter of the country’s founding father Rahman, to the Premiership that
she held from 1996 until 2001. If however, the BNP wins by consolidating its Islamic-
leaning power base, Zia will reoccupy the nation’s top position that she held from 2001
to 2006.
School children preparing for class. Photo courtesy flickr.com/BBC World Service Bangladesh Boat
With the rise of Islamic extremism encouraged by the last two years of military rule and
five years of BNP governance, the Awami League will certainly be fighting an uphill
battle both before and after the elections in stemming this movement. The ascendancy
of Islamists (moulobadi in Bangali) in national politics was partly due to how Zia and the
BNP structured their 2001 campaign to include the Islamic party Jamat-e-Islami (JI).
When the BNP formed a coalition government with JI, it opened the door to increased
Islamic influence on the governing party. Before JI became part of the ruling coalition, it
had minimal influence on the government. The greatest number of seats that JI had
ever garnered in any election prior to 2001 was three. After the BNP allied with JI
however, its legitimacy grew within the governing construct.
BNP has begun to rely heavily on JI’s highly focused fundamentalist Islamic base. The
Islamists tend to support reunification with the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and do not
share the Awami League’s affinity for Rahman and the liberationists that fought
Pakistan in the 1970s. The alliance of anti-liberationists, JI, and the BNP has also had
direct and indirect involvement with Islamic fundamentalist groups that masterminded
500 coordinated bombings across Bangladesh in 2005. This display of terror was an
attempt to showcase their growing power. These shadow groups, namely Jamat-ul
Mujahid Bangladesh (JMB), Jagrata Janata Muslim Bangladesh (JMJB) and Harkatul
Jihad (HuJi), have been the militant arm of JI. They overtly denounce the Constitution
and seek to replace democracy and secularism with a governing construct based on
Sharia Law.
Islamic extremism is also on the rise in Bangladesh because of the growing numbers of
Islamists in the military. The Islamists cleverly began growing their numbers within the
Army by training for the Army Entrance Exams at madrassas. This madrassa training
was necessary because of the relative difficulty associated with passing these exams.
The military is attractive because of both its respected status and its high employment
opportunities in a country where unemployment ranges from 20 percent to 30 percent
for younger males. High demand for military posts has resulted in an entrance exam
designed to limit the number of recruits. Before this madrassa Entrance Exam
campaign, only 5 percent of military recruits came from madrasses in 2001. By 2006, at
the end of the BNP’s reign, madrassas supplied nearly 35 percent of the Army recruits.
In a country that has seen four military coup d’états in its short 37 year history, the
astronomical growth of Islamists in the military is troubling to say the least.
This rehabilitation campaign would also target extremist clerics and pressure them to
recant and recall their previous incendiary remarks. This would have an incredible
impact in cutting off the cancer of Islamic extremism at the root. Peter Bergen, a
counterterrorism expert, has compared this type of intervention on the part of clerics to
religious chemotherapy that eradicates extremism. Since only a small number of
extremist clerics around the world spawn a disproportionately high number of jihadists,
this targeted chemotherapy would remove the instigators of violence. In fact, Bergen
has stated that three clerics living in Britain, Sheik Omar Bakri Mohammed, Abu Hamza
Al Masri, and Abu Qatada, have had a critical influence on global terrorism. By
removing the few, radial clerics around the world, Islamism will whither on the vine.
Bangladesh should attempt to replicate the recent successes in Saudi Arabia and Egypt
to force the hand of extremist clerics to recant their past remarks and speak out against
jihadists. They have even used moderate and reformed clerics to retrain jihadists in
prison with a more moderate interpretation of the Koran. Heading the list of notable ex-
extremist cleric success stories is the Saudi religious scholar Sheik al Oudah. Lending
to his credibility within the jihadist movement, he was the founder of the Islamic
awakening movement in the 1980s known as Sahwa. In September 2007, he began to
criticize Osama bin Laden, stating that al Qaeda’s leader had “hijacked Islam.” While
Oudah believed he was unable to influence bin Laden himself, he wanted to inform bin
Laden’s followers about the problems with al Qaeda. The transformational impact of
Oudah on future jihadist recruitment and retention within al Qaeda has been enormous
and his further exposure can only hurt the jihadist movement.
Sayyid Imam al Sharif, aka Dr. Fadl, is another significant cleric who has turned his
back on extremism and jihad. As the ideological godfather of al Qaeda and Ayman al-
Zawahiri’s mentor, Dr. Fadl published the Bible of modern jihad called, “The Basic
Principles in Making Preparation for Jihad.” He also provided the religious basis for the
idea that Muslims martyring themselves in an act of jihad go straight to paradise. Then,
in November, 2007, Fadl momentously withdrew his support for al Qaeda in the
blistering book entitled “Rationalization of Jihad.” Fadl later called bin Laden and
Zawahiri “extremely immoral” and cautioned Muslim youth against being “seduced by
them.” With similarly influential clerics in Bangladesh, the government must utilize them
to show how Islamists within their own country have hijacked religion for political
reasons.
The significance of Oudah’s and Fadl’s reversals cannot be overstated. Whether they
were products of the new reprogramming initiatives or not, these rehabilitation programs
in the Middle East and Asia have thus far had an excellent track-record and should be
attempted in Bangladesh for both radical clerics and captured militants. Saudi Arabia
and Afghanistan currently run very effective programs in which those rehabilitated
persons must sign forms agreeing to avoid jihadist activity. In honor-based societies,
those family members and local clerics that pick up their ex-jihadist from prison agree to
ensure there is no relapse. In Saudi Arabia, this type of program is called de-
radicalization and in Afghanistan it is amnesty. Semantics aside, Yemen, Indonesia,
Egypt, and Singapore have also followed suit with similarly effective retraining systems.
If Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League win the upcoming December election, this
downward trajectory of poverty, literacy, and Islamism will be averted. This de-
radicalization plan has great potential for success. The Bangladeshi people are starting
to see the connection between secularism and success in Bangladesh. The time is ripe
for them to support these initiatives. In the careful balancing act between Islam and
governance in a Muslim country, it appears that the pendulum has tipped to the side of
secularism. The Awami League must build on this momentum to ensure its long-term
success.