Biraogo Law Philippines: Case Digest: Biraogo v. The Philippine Truth Commission

Law Philippines: Case Digest: Biraogo v.
The Philippine Truth Commission
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Law Philippines: Case Digest: Biraogo v. The Philippine Truth Commission
11/26/16 11:04 AM
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Case Digest: Biraogo v. The Philippine Truth

Commission
G.R. No. 192935 : December 7, 2010
LOUIS "BAROK" C. BIRAOGO, Petitioner, v. THE PHILIPPINE TRUTH
COMMISSION OF 2010,Respondent.
x - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -x
G.R. No. 193036
REP. EDCEL C. LAGMAN, REP. RODOLFO B. ALBANO, JR., REP. SIMEON A.
DATUMANONG, and REP. ORLANDO B. FUA, SR., Petitioners, v. EXECUTIVE
SECRETARY PAQUITO N. OCHOA, JR. and DEPARTMENT OF BUDGET AND
MANAGEMENT SECRETARY FLORENCIO B. ABAD, Respondents.
MENDOZA, J.:
FACTS:
For consideration before the Court are two consolidated cases both of which
essentially assail the validity and constitutionality of Executive Order No. 1, dated
July 30, 2010, entitled "Creating the Philippine Truth Commission of 2010."
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In, G.R. No. 192935, Biraogo assails Executive Order No. 1 for being violative of
the legislative power of Congress under Section 1, Article VI of the Constitution as it
usurps the constitutional authority of the legislature to create a public office and to
appropriate funds therefor.
The second case, G.R. No. 193036, is a special civil action for certiorari and
prohibition filed by petitioners Edcel C. Lagman, Rodolfo B. Albano Jr., Simeon A.
Datumanong, and Orlando B. Fua, Sr. (petitioners-legislators) as incumbent
members of the House of Representatives.
The Philippine Truth Commission (PTC) is a mere ad hoc body formed under the
Office of the President with the primary task to investigate reports of graft and
corruption committed by third-level public officers and employees, their coprincipals, accomplices and accessories during the previous administration, and
thereafter to submit its finding and recommendations to the President, Congress
and the Ombudsman. Though it has been described as an "independent collegial
body," it is essentially an entity within the Office of the President Proper and subject
to his control. Doubtless, it constitutes a public office, as an ad hoc body is one.
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To accomplish its task, the PTC shall have all the powers of an investigative body
under Section 37, Chapter 9, Book I of the Administrative Code of 1987. It is not,
however, a quasi-judicial body as it cannot adjudicate, arbitrate, resolve, settle, or
render awards in disputes between contending parties. All it can do is gather,
collect and assess evidence of graft and corruption and make recommendations. It
may have subpoena powers but it has no power to cite people in contempt, much
less order their arrest. Although it is a fact-finding body, it cannot determine from
such facts if probable cause exists as to warrant the filing of an information in our
courts of law. Needless to state, it cannot impose criminal, civil or administrative
penalties or sanctions.
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ISSUES: Whether or not EO No. 1 is Unconstitutional

HELD: Yes. Petitions Granted
POLITICAL LAW- Legal Standing as an essential requisite for judicial review
The Court disagrees with the OSG in questioning the legal standing of the
petitioners-legislators to assail Executive Order No. 1. Evidently, their petition
primarily invokes usurpation of the power of the Congress as a body to which they
belong as members. This certainly justifies their resolve to take the cudgels for
Congress as an institution and present the complaints on the usurpation of their
power and rights as members of the legislature before the Court.
As held in Philippine Constitution Association v. Enriquez:
To the extent the powers of Congress are impaired, so is the power of each
member thereof, since his office confers a right to participate in the exercise of the
powers of that institution.
An act of the Executive which injures the institution of Congress causes a derivative
but nonetheless substantial injury, which can be questioned by a member of
Congress. In such a case, any member of Congress can have a resort to the
courts.
Indeed, legislators have a legal standing to see to it that the prerogative, powers
and privileges vested by the Constitution in their office remain inviolate. Thus, they
are allowed to question the validity of any official action which, to their mind,
infringes on their prerogatives as legislators.
POLITICAL LAW- power of the President to create the Truth Commission
The question, therefore, before the Court is this: Does the creation of the PTC fall
within the ambit of the power to reorganize as expressed in Section 31 of the
Revised Administrative Code? Section 31 contemplates "reorganization" as limited
by the following functional and structural lines: (1) restructuring the internal
organization of the Office of the President Proper by abolishing, consolidating or
merging units thereof or transferring functions from one unit to another; (2)
transferring any function under the Office of the President to any other
Department/Agency or vice versa; or (3) transferring any agency under the Office of
the President to any other Department/Agency or vice versa.
Clearly, the provision refers to reduction of personnel, consolidation of offices, or
abolition thereof by reason of economy or redundancy of functions. These point to
situations where a body or an office is already existent but a modification or
alteration thereof has to be effected. The creation of an office is nowhere
mentioned, much less envisioned in said provision. Accordingly, the answer to the
question is in the negative.
To say that the PTC is borne out of a restructuring of the Office of the President
under Section 31 is a misplaced supposition, even in the plainest meaning
attributable to the term "restructure" an "alteration of an existing structure."
Evidently, the PTC was not part of the structure of the Office of the President prior
to the enactment of Executive Order No. 1.
In the same vein, the creation of the PTC is not justified by the Presidents power of
control. Control is essentially the power to alter or modify or nullify or set aside what
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a subordinate officer had done in the performance of his duties and to substitute the
judgment of the former with that of the latter. Clearly, the power of control is entirely
different from the power to create public offices. The former is inherent in the
Executive, while the latter finds basis from either a valid delegation from Congress,
or his inherent duty to faithfully execute the laws.
The question is this, is there a valid delegation of power from Congress,
empowering the President to create a public office? According to the OSG, the
power to create a truth commission pursuant to the above provision finds statutory
basis under P.D. 1416, as amended by P.D. No. 1772.
The Court, however, declines to recognize P.D. No. 1416 as a justification for the
President to create a public office. Said decree is already stale, anachronistic and
inoperable. P.D. No. 1416 was a delegation to then President Marcos of the
authority to reorganize the administrative structure of the national government
including the power to create offices and transfer appropriations pursuant to one of
the purposes of the decree, embodied in its last "Whereas" clause:
WHEREAS, the transition towards the parliamentary form of government will
necessitate flexibility in the organization of the national government.
Clearly, as it was only for the purpose of providing manageability and resiliency
during the interim, P.D. No. 1416, as amended by P.D. No. 1772, became functus
oficio upon the convening of the First Congress, as expressly provided in Section 6,
Article XVIII of the 1987 Constitution.
POLITICAL LAW- distinction between the power to investigate and the power
to adjudicate
Invoking this authority, the President constituted the PTC to primarily investigate
reports of graft and corruption and to recommend the appropriate action. As
previously stated, no quasi-judicial powers have been vested in the said body as it
cannot adjudicate rights of persons who come before it.
Contrary to petitioners apprehension, the PTC will not supplant the Ombudsman or
the DOJ or erode their respective powers. If at all, the investigative function of the
commission will complement those of the two offices. As pointed out by the Solicitor
General, the recommendation to prosecute is but a consequence of the overall task
of the commission to conduct a fact-finding investigation. The actual prosecution of
suspected offenders, much less adjudication on the merits of the charges against
them, is certainly not a function given to the commission. The phrase, "when in the
course of its investigation," under Section 2(g), highlights this fact and gives
credence to a contrary interpretation from that of the petitioners. The function of
determining probable cause for the filing of the appropriate complaints before the
courts remains to be with the DOJ and the Ombudsman.
At any rate, the Ombudsmans power to investigate under R.A. No. 6770 is not
exclusive but is shared with other similarly authorized government agencies. The
same holds true with respect to the DOJ. Its authority under Section 3 (2), Chapter
1, Title III, Book IV in the Revised Administrative Code is by no means exclusive
and, thus, can be shared with a body likewise tasked to investigate the commission
of crimes.
POLITICAL LAW- equal protection clause
Although the purpose of the Truth Commission falls within the investigative power
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of the President, the Court finds difficulty in upholding the constitutionality of

Executive Order No. 1 in view of its apparent transgression of the equal protection
clause.
The equal protection clause is aimed at all official state actions, not just those of the
legislature. Its inhibitions cover all the departments of the government including the
political and executive departments, and extend to all actions of a state denying
equal protection of the laws, through whatever agency or whatever guise is taken.
It, however, does not require the universal application of the laws to all persons or
things without distinction. What it simply requires is equality among equals as
determined according to a valid classification. Indeed, the equal protection clause
permits classification. Such classification, however, to be valid must pass the test of
reasonableness. The test has four requisites: (1) The classification rests on
substantial distinctions; (2) It is germane to the purpose of the law; (3) It is not
limited to existing conditions only; and (4) It applies equally to all members of the
same class."Superficial differences do not make for a valid classification."
Applying these precepts to this case, Executive Order No. 1 should be struck down
as violative of the equal protection clause. The clear mandate of the envisioned
truth commission is to investigate and find out the truth "concerning the reported
cases of graft and corruption during the previous administration only. The intent to
single out the previous administration is plain, patent and manifest. Mention of it
has been made in at least three portions of the questioned executive order.
In this regard, it must be borne in mind that the Arroyo administration is but just a
member of a class, that is, a class of past administrations. It is not a class of its
own. Not to include past administrations similarly situated constitutes arbitrariness
which the equal protection clause cannot sanction. Such discriminating
differentiation clearly reverberates to label the commission as a vehicle for
vindictiveness and selective retribution.
POLITICAL LAW- power of the Supreme Court of Judicial Review
The Philippine Supreme Court, according to Article VIII, Section 1 of the 1987
Constitution, is vested with Judicial Power that "includes the duty of the courts of
justice to settle actual controversies involving rights which are legally demandable
and enforceable, and to determine whether or not there has been a grave of abuse
of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or
instrumentality of the government."
Furthermore, in Section 4(2) thereof, it is vested with the power of judicial review
which is the power to declare a treaty, international or executive agreement, law,
presidential decree, proclamation, order, instruction, ordinance, or regulation
unconstitutional. This power also includes the duty to rule on the constitutionality of
the application, or operation of presidential decrees, proclamations, orders,
instructions, ordinances, and other regulations. These provisions, however, have
been fertile grounds of conflict between the Supreme Court, on one hand, and the
two co-equal bodies of government, on the other. Many times the Court has been
accused of asserting superiority over the other departments.
Thus, the Court, in exercising its power of judicial review, is not imposing its own
will upon a co-equal body but rather simply making sure that any act of government
isdone in consonance with the authorities and rights allocated to it by the
Constitution. And, if after said review, the Court finds no constitutional violations of
any sort, then, it has no more authority of proscribing the actions under review.
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Otherwise, the Court will not be deterred to pronounce said act as void and
unconstitutional.
GRANTED.
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Law Philippines: Case Digest: Biraogo v.

The Philippine Truth Commission

What is remedial law? [Philippines]

Law Philippines: Case Digest: Biraogo v. The Philippine Truth Commission

Case Digest: Biraogo v. The Philippine Truth

Law Philippines: Case Digest: Biraogo v. The Philippine Truth Commission

ISSUES: Whether or not EO No. 1 is Unconstitutional

Law Philippines: Case Digest: Biraogo v. The Philippine Truth Commission

Law Philippines: Case Digest: Biraogo v. The Philippine Truth Commission

of the President, the Court finds difficulty in upholding the constitutionality of

Law Philippines: Case Digest: Biraogo v. The Philippine Truth Commission

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