Textual Construction of The Female Body

Textual Construction of the Female Body
Other books by Lesley Jeffries published by Palgrave Macmillan

DISCOVERING LANGUAGE: The Structure of Modern English
MEANING IN ENGLISH
THE LANGUAGE OF TWENTIETH-CENTURY POETRY
Textual Construction of
the Female Body
A Critical Discourse Approach
Lesley Jeffries
© Lesley Jeffries 2007
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Contents
Acknowledgements ix
Preface: Code and Body – an Intervention x
1 Studying the Language of the Female Body:

Some Context 1
Theories and practices 1
Feminism, theory and the body 17
A woman’s life – the data 23
2 Genre, Text Type and Rhetorical Strategy 26
Genre and text types 29
Blurring of categories 46
Rhetorical strategies 48
3 Naming and Describing 61

Naming and describing 63
Constructing the reader 66
Describing 78
4 Equating, Contrasting, Enumerating and
Exemplifying 102
Textual construction of sense relations 102
Equating 106
Contrasting 109
Enumerating and exemplifying 120
5 Assuming and Implying 129
Presupposition and implicature 129
Constructing the reader 132
Perfection and attraction 139
6 The Body in Time and Space 152
Constructing time and space in texts 152
Real, hypothetical, contracted and circular time 152
Body as outer/inner space: literal and metaphorical
treatments 158
Other metaphors of bodily space 162
vii
viii Contents
7 Processes and Opinions 167

Introduction 167
Transitivity analysis 167
Modality 182
Speech and thought 188
8 Conclusion 194
Critical discourse analysis: an evolution 195
The female body in women’s magazines 196
Studying the female form: future directions 197
Notes 200
Bibliography 202
Index 206
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my colleagues, students, friends and family who

have had to put up with this book for more years than is fair. Like them,
I had intermittent doubts about it ever being finished, and I am very
grateful that they helped me to continue to believe in it. I would like
to thank Dan McIntyre particularly for reading the script at a late stage
and improving it enormously, despite his misgivings about the subject-
matter! The remaining problems are, of course, my responsibility. I am
also grateful to the University of Huddersfield for a period of sabbatical
leave when most of the research for this book was carried out, as well
as a more recent period of leave when the writing finally got done.
Thanks also to the team at Palgrave Macmillan, which was still just
called Macmillan when this project started out, and to the series of
editors who have passed the baton one to another, and who continued
to support this project when they really wanted me to write textbooks.
My current editor, Jill Lake, is especially to be thanked for her support.
Finally, may I thank my immediate family for their patience and
support. Dave, Sam and Ella have put up with the usual consequences
of a family member finishing a book, and they have been great.
L ESLEY J EFFRIES
ix
Preface: Code and Body – an
Intervention
This book deals with two issues that are very important to me; the
question of how women live their lives physically, and the way in which
language both constrains us and enables us to live fuller lives. As a
preamble to the main business of the book, I would like to draw these
two strands together in an exercise inspired by Rob Pope’s intervention
techniques (Pope 1995) in which the re-writing of an extract from a
feminist theory text about the body explores the similarities between
the lived and constructed body on the one hand, and the material or
experienced language and its core system on the other.
The extract is taken from J. Butler’s Bodies that Matter (1993) as
reprinted in Price and Shildrick (1994: 240):
Certain formulations of the radical constructivist position appear

almost compulsively to produce a moment of recurrent exasperation,
for it seems that when the constructivist is construed as a linguistic
idealist, the constructivist refutes the reality of bodies, the relevance
of science, the alleged facts of birth, aging, illness, and death. The
critic might also suspect the constructivist of a certain somatophobia
and seek assurances that this abstracted theorist will admit that
there are, minimally, sexually differentiated parts, activities, capa-
cities, hormonal and chromosomal differences that can be conceded
without reference to ‘construction’. Although at this moment I want
to offer an absolute reassurance to my interlocutor, some anxiety
prevails. To ‘concede’ the undeniability of ‘sex’ or its ‘materiality’ is
always to concede some version of ‘sex’, some formation of ‘materi-
ality’. Is the discourse in and through which that concession occurs –
and yes, that concession invariably does occur – not itself formative
of the very phenomenon that it concedes? To claim that discourse
is formative is not to claim that it originates, causes, or exhaustively
composes that which it concedes; rather, it is to claim that there is
no reference to a pure body which is not at the same time a further
formation of that body. In this sense, the linguistic capacity to refer
to sexed bodies is not denied, but the very meaning of ‘referentiality’
x
Preface xi
is altered. In philosophical terms, the constative claim is always to

some degree performative.
The following is an intervention in the above passage, with the radical

constructivist’s role being given to the integrationist linguist, for whom
there is no linguistic meaning without context and with the role of the
body being taken by language:
Certain formulations of the radical integrationist position appear

almost compulsively to produce a moment of recurrent exaspera-
tion, for it seems that when the integrationist is construed as a
linguistic idealist, the integrationist refutes the reality of language, the
relevance of linguistic description, the alleged facts of word classes,
morphology, syntax and semantics. The critic might also suspect the
integrationist of a certain code-phobia and seek assurances that this
abstracted theorist will admit that there are, minimally, linguistically
differentiated categories, processes, meanings that can be conceded
without reference to ‘construction’. Although at this moment I want
to offer an absolute reassurance to my interlocutor, some anxiety
prevails. To ‘concede’ the undeniability of ‘code’ or its description
is always to concede some version of the ‘code’, some version of its
description. Is the discourse in and through which that concession
occurs – and yes, that concession does invariably occur – not itself
formative of the very phenomenon that it concedes? To claim that
discourse is formative is not to claim that it originates, causes, or
exhaustively composes that which it concedes; rather it is to claim
that there is no reference to a pure code which is not at the same time
a further formation of that code. In this sense, the linguistic capacity
to refer to structures and categories of language is not denied, but the
very meaning of ‘referentiality’ is altered. In philosophical terms, the
constative claim is always to some degree performative.
What this passage achieves in relation to both the perceptions of the

female body and theories of language, is to argue that the continuous
construction and reinforcement of perceptions of both gender and
language do not mean that there is no such thing as either gender or
language, except in context. Thus, the reality of the lived female exper-
ience in a female body may only be perceived through social construc-
tions, but it is nevertheless real. Likewise with language, there is a core
of what is recognizably linguistic which is only accessible through our
xii Preface
everyday experience of it, but is nonetheless relatively stable and can be

described separately from its context.
We may accept the material nature of the body much more readily
than that of language, but we can see a kind of linguistic code as being
equivalent to the body, rather than the acoustic or graphic properties
of language practice although the very tangibility or concreteness of
language might incline us to accept its materiality in the other sense.
However, I would argue that Western culture is just as wedded to the
‘existence’ of something we call language as to the existence and separ-
ateness of our bodies.
In both cases, theorists have been labouring for a while now to demon-
strate that what we understand by ‘the body’ or ‘the language’ is very
largely dictated by norms and conventions that belong not to the nature
of the body/language itself, but to the context in which they find them-
selves. Feminist theory has moved away from seeing the mind and body
as distinct and separable, with feminist aims being to rise above the
corporeal, through the revalidating of the female form where the body
was a kind of ‘given’, to the current position where the essential fluidity
and constructed nature of the body allows the mind–body union to
have a range of different relationships depending on context. Judith
Butler’s view in the extract above is that this perception of the inter-
dependency of mind (that is, cultural and personal constructions) and
body (including the materiality of sex) does not deny the existence of
the body itself, but constantly reviews and revises the ways in which the
idea of the body can be accessed, without any possibility of accessing
‘directly’ the thing itself, independently of discourse.
As for the codedness of language, linguists have been moving inexor-
ably away from Saussurean notions of code ever since his ideas were so
widely taken up in the early part of the twentieth century. The reasons
for this are clear: every time a linguist comes up with a ‘rule’ – even
the variable rules that sociolinguistics came up with in the 1970s and
1980s – there is someone waiting to show that this rule is not watertight.
On the one hand, this process means that many inventive and insightful
models have developed in response to the challenges of exceptions to
proposed rules. On the other hand, there has been a growing awareness
that there is much in the everyday use of language that depends not on
some definitive system, but on the fluidities and leakages of context.
I use the words fluidity and leakages deliberately here, because the
female form, which has given so much trouble to patriarchy over the
last century, has often been seen as troublesome precisely because of
its untidy boundaries, its ability to grow another form within it, the
Preface xiii
processes of menstruation and lactation that link the inner body to the
outside world.
The problems associated with the code, I would argue, are closely
analogous to those of the female form. Whilst it would be neat and
controllable to have a finite code that defined the language human
beings use, it is neither the situation we find ourselves in, nor a seriously
desirable situation. Just as the ‘leakages’ of the female form are often
associated both with literal creativity (motherhood) and metaphorical
creativity (art), so the creativities of language (whether artistic, political
or social) are dependent on the essential existence of the code and at
the same time could not exist without the contextual flexibility of the
code. And in both cases, I would argue, to lose the essential – the body
of the mother or the coded core of language – would be to lose the
whole. To repeat myself (and Butler) somewhat, the recognition of these
existences is not direct or unmediated. It can only happen through
discourse, which may be theorized discourse in an academic context,
but may just as well be everyday discourse too.
Where does that leave the feminist/linguist who wishes to describe
what she sees around her? I think it leaves her using the tools available
to her, from theories that seem to her to model best the fluctuating
body/mind complex or code/contextual meaning complex. It leaves the
human being who has a female form dealing on an everyday basis with
the realities of that body and the speaker/hearer of a language likewise
dealing with the language and needing enough commonality of under-
standing (that is, code) for her to climb out of the purely contextual and
start to make contact with other users. Theorists, surely, have to start
from these positions too?
That is not to say that description is all there is to do. Feminists assess
the current state of the female body in order to improve the position
of women. Linguists ought to (and some do) work towards a better
understanding of how human beings communicate in order to improve
communication.
L ESLEY J EFFRIES
1
Studying the Language of the
Female Body: Some Context
Theories and practices
What the reader will find in this book is a critical study of the language
of texts taken from women’s magazines in 2000. These texts are all in
some direct way connected with the female body, and include texts
concerning everything from fashion to plastic surgery, but exclude
articles on furniture, holiday destinations and other similar texts not
referring to the body. Later in the chapter we will see how the data
were chosen, but here it is important to emphasize that the motivation
for choosing these data was to try and avoid the ‘trap’ of choosing an
easy target, such as pornographic texts or tabloid newspaper representa-
tions of women, which are known to continue certain representational
practices that demean women and treat them as sexual and/or domestic
objects (see Lanis 1995).
This study, then, had as its hypothesis the idea that although things
have changed greatly since I was a small girl in the 1950s and 1960s,
nevertheless, the magazines which many (most?) girls and women read
at formative points in their lives may still influence the reader’s percep-
tion of her body. Though the hypothesis was that some of this potential
influence would still reflect patriarchal and thus, from a feminist stand-
point, unacceptable, images of women’s bodies, I had no specific ideas
about how such ideologies would be embedded linguistically, or indeed
precisely what they would turn out to be.
The impetus behind this research came from two directions. One was
the desire to investigate how far feminist movements had succeeded
in influencing the public construction of the female form, potentially
giving women a less patriarchal view of their bodies. The other was the
wish to try out and develop the methods and ideas of Critical Discourse
1
2 Textual Construction of the Female Body
Analysis on a larger body of data than has recently been attempted by a

qualitative study.1 The two sets of theories, which are complementary,
will be discussed in this chapter and in the conclusion, though the
main business of the book is to engage with a fairly large amount of
data and try to answer some basic questions about the nature of the
representation of women’s bodies in the early twenty-first century.
Most of the book, then, is taken up with analysis of data and interpret-
ation of these results. These activities in themselves are not, of course,
irrelevant to the development and understanding of theories of language
and identity, and such impacts will be discussed as they occur. More
important here, though, is to see firstly what happens when we try to
apply Critical Discourse Analysis in a systematic way to a large body of
texts and, secondly, what representations of the female body were being
put forward in mainstream women’s and girls’ magazines at this time.
Critical discourse analysis

Critical Discourse Analysis (labelled CDA from here on) has been around
for a number of years now, and like any long-lived practice, it has
spawned a great many offshoots, both in terms of the theoretical
background it draws on and in terms of the textual analysis that is
considered to be central to its practice. A recent survey of CDA work
(Wodak 2002: 3) summarizes this eclecticism of methodology:
Small qualitative case studies can be found as well as large data

corpora, drawn from fieldwork and ethnographic research.
Wodak also emphasizes the theoretical and descriptive range of CDA,

but stresses that ‘three concepts figure indispensably in all CDA: the
concept of power, the concept of history and the concept of ideology’
(Wodak 2002: 3). The way in which these three concepts relate to the
current work are as follows. The research reported on here takes as its
premise that women and girls who read mainstream magazines are at
least potentially vulnerable to influence from the representations they
find there. This is because the ubiquity of these mass media and the
repetitive messages that they disseminate may be read as the ideology
of those who have the power to decide what is fashionable, acceptable,
normal, ideal and so on. The individual reader may, indeed, be capable
of resisting, to some extent, these messages, but it should not be assumed
that readers are necessarily able to be fully and consistently resistant,
or that they want to be. In many cases, I would argue that readers are
likely to be reading from multiple viewpoints at any one time (Jeffries
Studying the Language of the Female Body: Some Context 3
2001) and thus may be both vulnerable to and also resistant to the
ideologies embodied in the texts they encounter. This approach, though
deriving from CDA, reflects feminist views about the constructed nature
and performativity of gender:
Influenced by Foucault, Judith Butler asserts that discourse is

constitutive of the phenomena that it regulates and constrains
(1993: 2). Her theories elaborate Sedgwick’s notion of performativity
and the idea that identities do not pre-exist but are performed in
a highly regulated fashion. In fact identities are constructed iterat-
ively through what are deemed to be processes of citation – a literal
copying of the performances of others with the same identity. Rather
as a judge cites case law to enforce his power, a citational perform-
ance of gender asserts the authority of this text as legitimate. (Butler
1993: 225)
(Morrish 2002: 178)
The role of magazines, then, as we will see in the analysis in this book,
is to provide women and girls with just the exemplars they need to cite
in their own lived experiences.
As for history, the work represented here is contextualized in two
ways. Firstly, it considers the representation of the female body at the
turn of the millennium and in what is sometimes called a ‘postfeminist’
Western cultural context (see Terry and Schiappa 1999). The consider-
ation of what effect the various forms of feminism have had on these
representations is probably outside the scope of this study, though
I hope that the findings reported here will contribute to that debate.
Secondly, this study also occurs at a point in the development of CDA
when the considerations of mediation (see Jäger 2002) and contextual
definition (see van Dijk 2002) have all but erased the detailed text analyt-
ical origins of the discipline, and it proposes a particular kind of return
to analysis, drawing upon the traditions of CDA, but, I hope, enhan-
cing some of its methodological features so that others may take up and
develop them
Finally, the relation of this work to ideology is probably already
quite clear and reflects Fairclough’s view that one of the inequities
of power is reflected in an ‘unequal capacity to control how texts
are produced, distributed and consumed in particular sociocultural
contexts’ (Fairclough 1995: 1). We will assume, in general terms, that
the reader of women’s magazines will ‘normally’ be women themselves.
The cultural imperative for women to look good remains strong and
readers will therefore often be in a relatively weak position in relation

to the producers of the various ideologically-laden messages about the
female body, since they offer advice about the best way to improve
looks and attractiveness. Such ideologies may not be homogenous,
and they may not all be obviously patriarchal, but they are clearly
handed down by a powerful media and, being naturalized, some of
them are very difficult or even impossible to conceive of as anything
other than absolute. Some such ideologies, which seem even to this
researcher to be perfectly natural and good, will be investigated in
later chapters.
Widdowson (1996, 1998) and Toolan (1997) have been among
the people who have attacked CDA both for its theoretical and its
methodological flaws. The fact that the previous sentence contains a
presupposition embedded in the nominal group (‘its theoretical and its
methodological flaws’) may alert the critical reader to the fact that I
would tend to agree with this criticism. There are indeed problems with
CDA, and yet I cannot bring myself to throw out the baby with the
bathwater,2 since I think that the insights which CDA brings to text
analysis have helped many of us clarify the model of language that we
wish to work with, and the methods that we may use.
Let us consider, first of all, the theoretical problems that CDA’s critics
have raised. I will use Widdowson’s (1998) review article as the focal
point of this discussion, because he summarises many of the important
issues there. In this article, Widdowson criticizes the theory of CDA as
being:
the reaffirmation of the familiar Whorfian notion of linguistic

determinism, but applied not only to cognition in respect of the
language code, but in respect to its use in communication as well.
(Widdowson 1998: 139)
Though he doesn’t say so explicitly, Widdowson implies that a strongly

Whorfian take on the relationship between language and social cogni-
tion is now unacceptable (cf. the negative connotations of ‘determ-
inism’). And he goes on to suggest that CDA proponents have extended
this view beyond the ‘code’ to include the use of language too – both
langue and parole in Saussurean terms. There is an implicature3 here, for
me anyway, that if it is ridiculous to suggest that the code is conceptually
dominant, it’s even crazier to suggest that the practice of language use,
which by definition freely shrugs off the rigours of the code, could also
be part of the conspiracy to trap speakers into certain ways of thinking.
Whilst the strong version of Whorf is not accepted by many linguists

these days, there is also no appetite for rejecting it altogether. It is
generally accepted that language can – and does – have some effect
on the perceptions of the speakers of that language, both through the
systematic aspects of the langue and also through parole:
The range of materials relevant to providing an adequate theoret-

ical account of linguistic relativity is daunting. An account has to
deal with both the underlying processes upon which all language
and thought relations are necessarily built and with the shaping role
of discourse as it is implemented in social institutions and cultural
traditions. (Lucy 1997: 308)
Lucy surveys the research into linguistic relativity and concludes that
more, and particularly more empirical work needs to be done. What
he does not do is to contest the notion that there is some influence
from language to thought, though the nature of this relationship is still
not fully understood. The assumption in the current work is that the
everyday repetition of ideology in discourse is indeed likely to have an
effect on the perceptions of women in relation to their bodies. The ques-
tion remains to what extent, under what conditions and how do the
answers to those questions affect our understanding of, and theoretical
model for, language.4
Widdowson summarizes the theory of language espoused by Kress as:
The theory of language suggested here, then, is a theory of semi-

otic change in language as brought about by its use. (Widdowson
1998: 138)
He then goes on to criticize Kress for failing to demonstrate how such

change takes place. But he doesn’t mention that there are enormous
difficulties in such a demonstration; that CDA, like any scientific prac-
tice, will need to take some theoretical premises for granted; and that
there is a place in the process for textual analysis which will reveal a
range of more-or-less ‘hidden’ and more-or-less politically motivated
ideologies in texts or bodies of texts.
If Widdowson is overreliant on a distinction between langue and
parole, then Toolan (1996) goes too far the other way, it seems to me,
in rejecting the notion of code entirely. As one of a group of people
calling themselves ‘integrationalists’, who suggest that all meaning is
only contextual, he puts forward a criticism of code-based models of
language by describing the position of Lyons, who Toolan quotes as

arguing that:
despite their undoubted importance, a full account of these contex-

tual features is impossible in practice, ‘and perhaps also in principle’,
and [he] notes that such considerations cast doubt on the possibility
of ever being able to construct a complete theory of the meaning of
utterances. (Toolan 1996: 6)
I have argued elsewhere (Jeffries 2000) that Lyons is right to take this
view, and
that if we try in any one model to take into account the full
complexity of the communicative situation, we will fail to adequately
explain anything. This does not mean that models should not focus
on different aspects of the context as well as the text, as indeed they
do, but that it is often counter-productive, and anyway theoretically
nonsensical to aim for a fully integrated or comprehensive theory.
(Jeffries 2000: 5–6)
This is not only of practical, but also of theoretical significance.

Like many other linguists, I take the langue–parole / competence–
performance / code–inferencing distinctions to be partial models of what
is going on in language, but at the same time I am conscious that there
is no clear division between these somewhat idealized categories. In
fact, rather than categories, it would be helpful to see them as refer-
ence points, on analogy with the cardinal vowels which have served
phoneticians so well for many years. What we have, then, is not a fixed
set of self-referential items and structures which are variously used and
abused when real people speak and write real language. Instead, we
have a slowly-evolving, but flexible, set of items and structures which
vary across time, space and context, and whose evolution can indeed
be affected by the kind of usage which steps outside the ‘norms’, espe-
cially if such variation is repeatedly reinforced in a particular body
of texts.
This model, from prototype theory as developed from Katz and Postal
(1964) and by Rosch (1973, 1978) has so far been used largely in relation
to features of the langue, including semantic systems such as colour
terms which were explored in a famous study by Berlin and Kay (1969).
More recently, MacLaury (1991: 71) concludes that types of categoriza-
tion in human language are more varied still, but include some aspects
of prototypicality, and Croft and Cruse (2004) argues that even proto-
type theory is too simplistic and needs to be enhanced by Barsalou’s
model of ‘frames’. In the current context, we may conclude that
the perceptions of female bodies may be both relatively stable and
langue-like on the one hand and also subject to change over time, influ-
enced by both technological and social change and by the discourse
that reflects and constructs these changes.
These ideas are not new. And to that extent Widdowson is right
to suggest that the CDA adherents have been guilty of ignoring some
of the debates in other sub-disciplines of linguistics such as socio-
linguistics, psycholinguistics, discourse analysis, literary theory and,
one might add to Widdowson’s list, pragmatics. I am drawing most
here on the uses which sociolinguistics has made of variation theory,
though the insights of pragmatics and Conversation Analysis into the
patterning of what was once thought unpatterned, is another analogy.
Despite these de facto omissions by CDA in communicating with other
areas of the discipline, it seems to me that one could hold an entirely
coherent theory of language based on a flexible code and its use, even
though modelling it is somewhat more difficult than modelling the
two-category theories (for example langue and parole or competence
and performance) we were accustomed to rely upon throughout the
twentieth century.
Levinson (1983) demonstrates this view of the mutability of the
langue/parole boundary in discussing conversational implicature:
the notion of conversational implicature offers a way out, for it

allows one to claim that natural language expressions do tend to
have simple, stable, and unitary senses but that this stable semantic
core often has an unstable, context-specific pragmatic overlay –
namely a set of implicatures. (Levinson 1983: 99)
Another criticism of CDA rests on the notion that there is a meth-

odological circularity in its search for ‘ideology’, which is rooted in
the pre-existing socio-political motivation for CDA’s very existence.
Widdowson, rightly, points out that even with the contextualized usage
of language included, there is a tendency for CDA to read meanings
from texts as though they were embedded in the linguistic material
itself, despite many assertions to the contrary. He continues:
If these discursive practices have not been adequately taken into

account, the textual analyses are correspondingly inadequate,
precisely because they are dissociated from the contextual conditions

which lend them pragmatic significance. This admission would seem
to invalidate the whole critical operation. (142–3)
I would disagree that concentrating on the texts themselves necessarily

invalidates the analysis of those texts. The reason for this is that I take
seriously the axiom that all discourse is ideologically saturated, as does
Kress (1996). It is also worth reiterating Schulz’s (1990) argument that
though further empirical work may be needed to prove the effect on
readers, we can nevertheless conclude something about the attitudes of
society by what that society has encoded in its discourses.
We may, nevertheless, accept Widdowson’s criticisms of the CDA
exponents as wanting to ‘have their cake and eat it’ in that they wish to
both espouse the ‘all discourse is ideological’ view and at the same time
to suggest that their task and aim in their work is to ‘expose’ ideologies
which in some sense pervert the meanings that would be carried by a
more ‘neutral’ version of the same text. Widdowson is right to point out
that the techniques developed by CDA to expose right wing ideological
infiltration:
can, of course, be taken up to further any cause, right wing as well

as left, evil as well as good. They are the familiar tactics of polemic
and propaganda, and they have a long history in human affairs.
(Widdowson 1998: 150)
He is not so neutral in describing what those techniques are as I would

like to be (‘the procedures of ideological exposure by expedient analysis
which characterise the practices of CDA’ Widdowson 1998: 150), but
nevertheless it does seem to be vital that we start to acknowledge that
the Left is not the only group with ‘truth’ in its sights, and that indeed,
there may be an infinite range of ideologies, some of which we may not
want to evaluate on these lines at all, which can be exposed by textual
analysis. In this connection, literary stylistic analysis can be enriched by
the same techniques and procedures used by CDA, to demonstrate the
text’s ideologies, with no (evaluative) criticism, except possibly evalu-
ations of aesthetics and literary worth, intended at all. This approach
underlies, among other works, Simpson (1993), and, in my opinion,
greatly strengthens the credibility of the techniques of CDA and the
stylistics that is influenced by it.
As well as criticizing the theory of CDA, Widdowson also attacks the
methods and practices represented in the key texts of the sub-discipline.
He correctly points out the circularity that is evident in the rather small
pieces of ‘analysis’ which are included to illustrate the CDA ‘manifestoes’
of Fairclough, Fowler and Kress. He picks on Fairclough, for example, in
the following way:
What strikes a particular reader, even one as astute as Fairclough, is

hardly conclusive evidence of how ideological significance is written
covertly into texts.
He is right, of course, to criticise the evident interpretative positivism

(see Simpson 1993: 111ff ), in such examples though wrong in his
conclusions, that the whole enterprise is thereby doomed. Very many
such examples are the kinds of illustrative examples included in text-
books which are not expected to be anything other than convenient for
making one’s point.5 However, the main protagonists of CDA, and Fair-
clough in particular, have not spent much time discussing or exploring
the methodological principles of CDA. The only attempt to set out
a methodology that I am aware of is in Fowler’s (1991) investigation
of news reporting, and this appears to be a simple set of tools for
the non-specialist to use. The methodological problems of CDA could
be seen as analogous to those explored by early sociolinguists, such
as the apparently insurmountable problem of the observer’s paradox
and the problem of acquiring recordings of casual speech when the
tape recorder created an inevitable formality. Such problems could
have led to the whole development of sociolinguistics being aban-
doned, if it had not been for Labov and others like him who used
their ingenuity to step around the difficulties and develop methods that
were rigorous and replicable. However, the focus on objectivity and
methodological principles has not been the overriding concern of CDA
practitioners.
But here, perhaps, is where we come up against the real difficulty
that Widdowson sees with the CDA enterprise; it does not claim to
be objective, though like other stylisticians, CDA practitioners in fact
often demonstrate their independence from the data, or at least show
that whilst they may have a political impetus for doing the research,
it is nevertheless plain to all that their findings are accurate. Having
a general hypothesis that the data in this study is likely to reproduce
certain culturally dominant views of the female body and then testing
this hypothesis against the data is no less objective than hypothesizing
about the nature of Shakespeare’s style and then testing this against his
plays. The relative objectivity of stylistics of this latter sort has also been
questioned in the recent past (see Mackay 1996 and 1999; Short et al.
1998), but there is a consensus that it is possible to build rigour and
replicability into such studies, so that while scientific levels of objectivity
(which are also not absolute) are not achievable, we can demonstrate a
reasonable level of independence in literary stylistics. I would add that
CDA is very similar to stylistics in that it uses textual evidence to support
certain interpretative conclusions. The difference is that the interpret-
ations will normally be ideological in one and literary or affective in
another, though it would be possible, of course, to look at ideology in
literature too.
If we were to make explicit what Widdowson calls ‘the essential
instability of language and the necessary indeterminacy of all meaning’,
and to build it into our model of language more clearly, perhaps the
practice of critical discourse analysis would not be seen as so far in
rigour from any other branch of linguistics. Indeed, in Wodak (2002: 16),
Meyer points out this inevitable circularity in the hermeneutic model
of interpretation that underlies almost all linguistic analysis, and yet is
accepted, with all its difficulties, as a reasonable methodology:
As for the methods and procedures used for the analysis of discourses,
CDA generally sees its procedure as a hermeneutic process, although
this characteristic is not completely evident in the position taken by
the various authors. Compared to the (causal) explanations of the
natural sciences, hermeneutics can be understood as the method of
grasping and producing meaning relations. The hermeneutic circle –
which implies that the meaning of one part can only be understood
in the context of the whole, but that this in turn is only accessible
from its component parts – indicates the problem of intelligibility of
hermeneutic interpretation. Therefore hermeneutic interpretation in
particular urgently requires detailed documentation.
Where this work stands, then, in relation to CDA and its detractors, is
as an example of how one might bring as much rigour into the process
of qualitative textual analysis as possible, whilst not abandoning the
motivated impetus behind CDA, and whilst acknowledging the presence
of an inevitable circularity in the hermeneutic approach.
Hallidayan functionalism
This inevitable circularity of the process of analysing texts is also
evident in the Hallidayan processes that are normally favoured by
CDA practitioners. The descriptive tools, in the form of categories and
labels that arise from a Hallidayan approach, tend to be intermediate

categories, based on formal features, but only interpretable in context
and not tied purely to their form, nor indeed to the kinds of meaning
that are susceptible to testing. These features, and some which are
proposed in this book, will be discussed in more detail in the next
section.
Here, I would like to consider the more general nature of the tools
adopted by CDA, to try and see how they fit with other aspects of a
linguistic approach to textual meaning. The popular tools that CDA
practitioners have used over the years include analysis of nominaliza-
tion, transitivity, modality and to some extent the creation of semantic
presuppositions. This list does not amount to a comprehensive account
of meaning, nor is it made clear by those using these techniques why
they have been chosen specifically or what has been ignored as less
helpful to the project in hand. It is also interesting to note that although
these seem to be Hallidayan categories on the whole, there is some
influence from transformational grammar evident in analyses by CDA
practitioners (see Fowler 1991: 76–80).
In relation to Halliday’s metafunctions, transitivity and nominaliza-
tion have often been seen as ideational in effect, since they are particular
ways of presenting certain information textually. Modality and presup-
positional meaning is often characterized more as interpersonal in its
function, as it introduces authorial opinion and this can be seen as
personal intervention in the message of the text in a fairly straightfor-
ward way.
However, I would like to suggest that what CDA is doing with texts
questions the division between ideational and interpersonal, since the
thrust of its claim is that the construction of texts in particular ways by
an author (or authors) may influence the reader in specific ways, by the
manipulation, either consciously or unconsciously, of texts to produce
naturalized ideologies. This looks as much like something happening
between the people involved (author, narrator, reader, audience, etc.)
as something that is to do with the presentation of ideas by subterfuge.
Fairclough (1995: 6) expresses this view as follows:
Texts are social spaces in which two fundamental social processes

simultaneously occur: cognition and representation of the world,
and social interaction. A multifunctional view of text is there-
fore essential. I have followed systemic linguistics [Halliday 1978]
in assuming that language in texts always simultaneously func-
tions ideationally in the representation of experience and the
world, interpersonally in constituting social interaction between

participants in discourse and textually in tying parts of a text together
into a coherent whole (a text, precisely) and tying texts to situational
contexts.
When a research project, like the one reported here, focuses largely on a
body of textual data, it may simply be investigating more thoroughly the
ideational process, though some of the interpretation of the analysis will
question the interpersonal context, and consider the effects suggested
by the context of production and reception of these magazines. As Fair-
clough (1995: 9) says:
But there is a danger here of throwing out the baby with the
bathwater, by abandoning textual analysis in favour of analysis of
audience reception Textual analysis is therefore an important part,
if only a part, of the picture, and must be defended against its critics.
‘Traditional’ tools of analysis in CDA

This section heading is potentially misleading, because there is no single
‘tradition’ of CDA, and certainly no agreed set of analytical tools that
‘should’ be used in this practice. There is a tendency to draw upon
a systemic-functional approach in most cases, because of the inbuilt
social or contextual aspects of this theory of language. However, there
are certain systems that are more favoured by CDA researchers than
others, and these almost always include nominalization, transitivity and
modality.
One of only a few attempts to list some of the tools that might be
used by critical linguists is in Chapter 5 of Fowler (1991), which is
entitled ‘Analytical Tools: Critical Linguistics’. Here, Fowler explains and
illustrates the use of transitivity, syntactic transformations, in particular
the agentless passive, lexical structure, modality and speech acts. Fowler
(1991: 89) does not claim that this list is comprehensive:
This chapter has provided some explanatory notes, and illustrations, of

some aspects of linguistic structure which my experience has shown to be
quite often involved in the construction of representations, in signi-
fying beliefs and values when writers are reporting or commenting
on the world. (My italics)
This reluctance to claim that the list is complete, coupled with the rather
shaky grounds given for choosing the structures (from ‘experience’) have
helped to give CDA its critics and, unfortunately, with the possible
exception of Simpson (1993) who is using CDA in a new, stylistic way,
there is no real attempt elsewhere to construct a rationale for the tools
to be used, nor a comprehensive set of such tools.
In some senses this is understandable, since CDA, like stylistics more
generally, is dependent on the developments in theory and practice
from linguistics and has not so far developed its own general theory of
language, though this has been mooted by some as one of its ultimate
aims (Fairclough 1995: 10, referring to Kress 1993). The tools of analysis
are also problematic for CDA analysts in some ways, as van Leeuwen
(1996) points out:
There is no neat fit between sociological and linguistic categories,

and if Critical Discourse Analysis ties itself in too closely to specific
linguistic operations or categories, many relevant instances of agency
might be overlooked. One cannot, it seems, have it both ways with
language. Either theory and method are formally neat and semantic-
ally messy, or they are semantically neat but formally messy. Linguists
tend toward preserving the unity of formal categories. I shall here
attempt the opposite approach, hoping to provide a set of relevant
categories for investigating the respresentation of social actors in
discourse. (van Leeuwen 1996: 33)
In this project, one of the aims has been to identify systems which
are similar to transitivity and modality, but are not as well-recognized
as them. What these other systems have in common with the ‘tradi-
tional’ tools of CDA is that they reflect van Leeuwen’s comments and
are simultaneously formal and functional at the level at which the
naturalization of ideology and hegemony may work. They each seem to
depend on a standard form–function relationship (such as modal verbs
for modality) but also have other manners of delivery so that the style
of the text performs certain meaningful functions. We will see more of
these functions later in the chapter (pp. 16–17), but here I will explain
a little more what is meant by this particular level of functionality
in texts.
If we take modality as a classic case of this kind of textual function,
we can note that there is a typical, or core, form, which delivers certain
kinds of modality in English; the modal auxiliary. Thus, the epistemic
uncertainty of a speaker might be introduced by a modal verb as in Susan
might come to the party, and the speaker’s view or opinions as to what
is desirable may equally well be delivered by a modal verb as in Susan
should come to the party. Note that with the right context (including
intonation), these meanings can be reassigned in reverse:
Susan might come to the party, if only to please her mother.

Susan should come to the party, all things being equal.6
Although the range of meaning of modals, and their assignment to

the different modal verbs, is quite complex, nevertheless, if we restrict
ourselves to this formal indicator of modality, the picture looks quite
straightforward, with certain forms delivering particular meanings.
However, the full range of modal meaning, in itself very difficult to define,
can in fact be delivered by an open-ended range of forms, including
modal adverbs (probably, hopefully), modal adjectives (possible, likely) and
lexical verbs (imagine, think) and at the other extreme, modal intonation
(rising tone on statements) and body language (shrug, eyebrow lift).
The result of this vagueness of the boundaries of a formal category
in relation to a meaning that is so significant in relation to power and
ideology is that we are obliged to analyse texts using the provisional
set of categories, without ever arriving at a discovery procedure that
will ensure that we can capture all modal forms. The lack of straight-
forward mapping of meaning onto form, then, is one of the factors
that militate against any purely objective analysis, since a case may have
to be made for the analysis offered, rather than being an automated
procedure.
A slightly different situation is found when we consider transitivity.
It is probably fair to say that transitivity is tied closely to the choice
of verb in a clause, and this choice has consequences for the number
and type of participants. It might seem, therefore, that the formal basis
of transitivity is assured and clear. The lack of form-meaning match
in this case, however, is a result of the mismatch between the number
of possible syntactic positions in the clause (five in total: SPOCA) and
the number of identifiably different participant roles which may cluster
around the verbal element. Thus, the grammatical subject may be an
agent, an actor, an instrument, or even a goal, as we can see from the
examples below:
John used the hammer to knock in the nail.

John knocked the nail in.
The hammer knocked the nail in.
The nail was knocked in.
It is therefore not possible on purely formal grounds to identify the

semantic roles of all noun phrases associated with the main verb in a
clause. This means that analysis on the basis of transitivity relations
relies on the analyst’s understanding of the verbal meaning as well as the
surface structure, leading to the kind of circularity that hampers much
linguistic analysis when it attempts to be completely formal in nature.
We have seen two examples here of how the form and meaning of
English sentences are not mapped onto each other in a simple one-to-
one manner. This is not a sign of inadequacy but one of the necessary
complexities in human language that make it possible to be creative,
as well as being manipulative. The other tools of analysis used in this
study are equally complex and just as rich in meaning as these examples
(see pp. 16–17).
Critical stylistics
The approach taken here is to set aside for now the question of the
influence (or otherwise) of texts on readers, and to take it for granted
first of all that all texts present ideologies (as propositions, assumptions
or implications) and secondly that, as a result of this, the analysis of
meanings as created by texts in particular ways (that is, stylistics) is
fundamental to CDA. The fact that some ideologies are more manip-
ulative and/or undesirable than others should not blind us to the fact
that the technical means of achieving meaning are similar, whether we
wish to criticise that meaning or simply wish to analyse that way of
achieving a particular effect.
The remainder of this section will discuss and exemplify the main
analytical tools that are used in discussing the texts analysed in this
book. As explained above, they are Hallidayan in the sense that they
take a basically functional approach, so that the meanings and the
way that they are delivered textually are both incorporated into the
analysis throughout. The potential problem with this, of course, occurs
if you try to demonstrate a complete lack of circularity in the investiga-
tion, and yet I hope to have argued convincingly above (and elsewhere –
Jeffries 2000) that this aim is neither realistic not necessary as long as
certain key principles are in place.
This research was carried out in the context of an expectation that
certain key perceptions of women’s bodies are likely to be ubiquitous
in texts that clearly denigrate or demean women’s bodies (such as the
‘page 3’ type text in tabloid newspapers, or the new male magazines
that are proliferating at the moment). I can also make an educated guess
that texts ostensibly written for women, such as women’s magazines,

will do a little ‘better’ ideologically, but perhaps not so well as we might
expect. This does not, however, give even a linguist with a fair amount
of linguistic experience a clue as to what kinds of features will carry
ideologies – nor to what extent they will be politically correct or other-
wise. There may also be ideologies naturalized in the data which are
unexpected, or hard to critique, so not all of the analysis is expected to
produce shock or horror.
The kind of study that I embarked upon here, then, is analogous
to many respectable linguistic enterprises, including for example the
sociolinguistics of the 1970s and 1980s, where there is a hypothesis, a set
of data and a set of analytical tools based on a theory of language which
can be (and will be) disputed by others, and which inevitably will take
for granted some basic premises about the nature of language. I hope to
show that the socio-political underpinnings of this study are no more
dangerous or biased (nor less so) than those in the great sociolinguistics
studies of, for example, class dialects in Norwich (Trudgill, 1974) or
youth dialects in New York (Labov 2006) or Belfast (Milroy 1980).
I often make the case to students that whilst researchers have every
right to try and establish what differences (presupposing there are some)
there are between males’ and females’ (or different racial groups’) brain
processes, that, nevertheless, we need to be aware that people do research
because they feel that it will get to some important ‘truth’ (sociologic-
ally and/or politically), or are paid by people with these views. I would
not necessarily disagree with the findings of such research, though I
may find it offensive, suspecting as I do that there is a right-wing
agenda which is either behind such studies, or would anyway be well-
served by convenient biological differences between genders or races.
It is important to make clear the fundamental assumptions underlying
a piece of research, to make the methodology and results as clear as
possible, and to make the basis of any interpretation of those results.
Other researchers are then free to take issue with any (or all) of these
factors, but at least the debate – and resulting human knowledge – will
make progress. Objectivity, as real scientists know, is relative. What we
need instead is clarity – of goals, of methods and of conclusions.
Analytical categories
The last section gave a sense of what the collected tools of analysis
in this study were attempting to bring to the practice of CDA, which
is a rationale for the kind of feature that is being analysed. With the
exception of the first two categories below (genre and rhetoric), which
are more global in their reach, the tools of analysis used here are aimed at
finding out what the text is doing ideationally – and thus ideologically –
in certain key ways. I have therefore analysed the data in terms of the
‘textual-ideational’ features listed below. Their main formal realizations
are listed beside the function label:
• Naming: choice of nominals, nominalization, construction of noun

phrases.
• Describing: choice of adjectives, positioning of adjectives (pre- and
postposed).
• Equating: apposition, intensive predicator, lexical choice (sense
relations).
• Contrasting: negation, lexical choices (sense relations).
• Enumerating and exemplifying: lists, intensive predicator.
• Assuming: presupposition
• Implying: implicature
• Creating time and space: tense, time adverbials, deixis, metaphor.
• Presenting processes and states: transitivity.
• Presenting opinions: modality, presentation of speech and thought.
This is not intended to be a comprehensive list of all that texts can do,
but it attempts to draw together some familiar and some less familiar
operations which might be considered in some sense independent of
particular languages and in principle independent of text-type, though
it is likely that some genres are more prone to some of these functions
than others.
Feminism, theory and the body
Constructing the female body

The title of this book, as will be evident to some readers, takes a particular
theoretical viewpoint. This has already been previewed in the earlier
sections of this chapter which introduced the particular critical discourse
analytic approach that is taken here. The material world is assumed to
be at least partially experienced through the way it is described and thus
‘constructed’ for us. Thus, it is assumed that there is likely to be some
effect on the reader’s perceptions if it turns out that the data portrays the
female body in particular, ideologically significant, ways. However, it is
worth considering this assumption not only as part of a generalized CDA
approach to texts, but in the context of feminist theory, and particularly
feminist linguistic theory relating to the body. This section will attempt
to contextualize the work in such a way.
The motivation for the research reported here, apart from a personal
one, was that women have to deal with their material bodies on a daily
basis,7 and in the face of whatever construction the culture currently
puts on their bodies. I wanted to see what some of the apparently helpful
texts in women’s magazines were actually doing to perceptions. At first
sight, the texts studied all appear to be aimed at helping the contem-
porary female cope with the ‘problematic’ body. This construction of
the body as a problem is one of the overwhelming impressions one gets,
even just flicking through the pages of women’s magazines. Though
this is not a comparative study, the same impression is not given by the
increasing number of men’s magazines on the market. In the women’s
magazines, even the texts which aim to celebrate the body’s normal
functioning, such as pregnancy texts, operate within the mainstream
ideology of the problematic body.8
Cameron (1998: 11) makes the point that it is not only the way that
a language names the world that might be seen as sexist:
In my own view, sexist language is not best thought of as the

naming of reality from a single, male perspective. It is a multifa-
ceted phenomenon, taking different forms in different represent-
ational practices, which have their own particular histories and
characteristics.
This book contributes in a small way to the analysis of this complex

picture of how representations of the female body may have contributed
to the perceptions of the female form at a point in the early twenty-
first century, in the context of mainstream periodical publications for
women.
Price and Shildrick (1999: 2) note that early feminism concentrated
its efforts on challenging the dominant view that women were in some
way less than fully human, partly because they were tied in to bodily
functions (menstruation, pregnancy) which were associated with ‘gross,
unthinking physicality’. They add that feminism was partly responsible
for making the connection between the way that women were treated
as driven by bodily function and similar views of black people, working-
class people, animals, and slaves. They add:
Whilst all such marginalized bodies are potentially unsettling, what is

at issue for women specifically is that, supposedly, the female body is
intrinsically unpredictable, leaky and disruptive. Price and Shildrick

(1999: 2)
The apparently unstable female material body, viewed negatively from

a patriarchal viewpoint, has been one of the ideologies that feminism
has sought to question and/or celebrate. It is also one of the great chal-
lenges to women in the twenty-first century, presented, as they are,
with ever more technological ways of making their bodies ‘perfect’,
so that there is less excuse for imperfection, and thus more potential
‘blame’ attached to the imperfect female. If some of the ‘imperfections’
are associated with those bodily functions that attach to the specific
biology of being female, then controls on menstruation (e.g. through
the pill) childbirth (e.g. through elective caesarean for convenience)
and menopause (e.g. through HRT) are clearly two-edged swords. On
the one hand these technologies clearly help women to live fuller
and less biologically-determined lives, on the other they bring side-
effects which are sometimes physical (high blood pressure, higher risk of
breast cancer, and so on) and sometimes emotional or mental (expect-
ations of control over our bodies that are convenient to a male-created
society).
An increasing technologization of the body, also, has changed the
way that plastic surgery and other similar interventions are viewed
socially. Though the texts in this data are still a little ambivalent about
these things, there is a definite sign that the development of an accept-
ance of changing our bodies to suit the prevailing view of perfection is
under way, and that texts such as these are part of the process of that
change. Of course, this acceptance is partly a product not only of patri-
archy, but also of first-wave feminism, as Price and Shildrick (1999: 4)
describe it:
The way forward was not to reclaim and revalorise the body, but
to argue that the ideal standard of disembodied subjecthood was as
appropriate to, and attainable by, women as it was to men.
What may seem strange at first is that the first wave of feminism has
had such success, whereas the second wave of radical feminism, which
attempted to put bodily difference at the centre of its politics, has
had less apparent effect on mainstream portrayals (constructions) of
the female body. Thus, the ‘revaluing’ of the specifically female – and
maternal – body as a site of empowerment, seems to have had less
impact on the mainstream magazines investigated here, except perhaps
in the more perverse and general of ways; the legitimizing of focus on

the specifically female. This danger of radical feminism is pointed out
by Price and Shildrick (1999: 4–5):
The stress given to the embodied nature of sexual difference has

been, then, a powerful advance for feminism, but nonetheless in its
unproblematised form it runs two related risks: one the one hand it
may uncritically universalise the male and female body, while on the
other it appears to reiterate the biological essentialism that historic-
ally has grounded women’s subordination.
What first, second and more especially third-wave feminism have offered
to the powerful patriarchal producers of mass-circulation magazines is
a rationalization of whatever position it suits them to take. If selling
diets or plastic surgery is the aim, then the control of the body by
technology and mediated willpower can be framed within a first-wave,
rationalist perspective, where women, just as much as men, can ‘rise
above’ the dictates of their bodies. It is a challenge that many readers
would be reluctant to avoid taking up, since succumbing is weak, and
being weak is not acceptable. However, and without any sense that it is
contradictory, these texts simultaneously use the second-wave argument
that the female is different, and should be valued as such, to underpin
the selling of sexual technique, the rationale for the search for perfection
(to attract a mate) and the excuse for women being at times ‘at the
mercy of’ their bodies.
The rise of ‘third-wave feminism’, first as a reaction against the domin-
ance of white women’s experience and later as younger generation’s
reaction against second-wave feminism (see Henry 2004), provides the
media with the opportunity to serve both their commercial interests and
also pay lip-service to feminist concerns. As Price and Shildrick (1999:
7) point out, there is now a postmodern feminism that asks a different
kind of question, rather than ‘Can we change our bodies to become
more acceptable?’:
To say that the body is a discursive construction is not to deny

a substantial corpus, but to insist that our apprehension of it, is
necessarily mediated by the contexts in which we speak It is
then the forms of materialisation of the body, rather than the
body itself, which is the concern of a feminism that must ask
always what purpose and whose interests do particular constructions
serve?
This ‘different kind of question’ is ‘can we change the way that discourse
shapes our bodies?’ They argue that what is needed to avoid the traps
of both first and second wave feminism is ‘the constant reinterpretation
of the body, textually constructed’. The advantage of this approach,
from a practical point of view is that instead of trying to deny the
material physicality of bodily experience, the emphasis is on denying its
stability. We will see some examples in the textual analysis later, which
demonstrate the problems with the stable materiality of the body, and
the pressures it puts on women to preserve a particular (young, slim,
pre-maternal) version of their body throughout life.
Theorists such as Susan Bordo (1993) and Sandra Barky (1988) have
been in the forefront in analysing how the processes of surveillance
and self-surveillance are deeply implicated in constituting a set of
normativities towards which bodies intend. The practices of diet,
keep-fit, fertility control, fashion, health care procedures and so on
are all examples of disciplinary controls which literally produce the
bodies that are their concern. (Price and Shildrick 1999: 8)
This understanding, that what is theoretically constructive in affecting

the ways that women perceive their bodies, may also have a material
effect on the shape and functioning of their bodies, is one that many
theorists mention. If we are to have control over the shape, size and
function of our bodies, it is, as Gatens (1999) points out, vital to know
what power relations are superimposed on top of this apparent control:
If discourses cannot be deemed as ‘outside’, or apart from, power

relations then their analysis becomes crucial to an analysis of power.
This is why language, signifying practices and discourses have become
central stakes in feminist struggles. (Gatens 1999: 231)
Gatens argues that it does not make sense to simply decide that women
should have access to power, since the cultural formation of their bodies
does not fit the shape of the power.
Butler (1999: 240) makes clear that it is not that discourse actually
creates the body, but that the body cannot be accessed or referred to
without discourse. This means that every reference to the body will
construct the body in some way. The ideological effects of this are
unavoidable:
To claim that discourse is formative is not to claim that it originates,

causes, or exhaustively composes that which it concedes; rather, it
is to claim that there is no reference to a pure body which is not

at the same time a further formation of that body. In this sense,
the linguistic capacity to refer to sexed bodies is not denied, but the
very meaning of ‘referentiality’ is altered. In philosophical terms, the
constative claim is always to some degree performative.
This claim might make the well-intentioned writer of women’s

magazines want to give up, since there is clearly no neutral way in
which s/he can write supportive articles, problem-page answers or hints
and tips pages. But this, in a sense, is the point; that since neutrality
is impossible, then the ideology of the text should be acknowledged,
and all pretence that there is anything essential about femininity or
womanhood should be abandoned explicitly.
Some of the writers in Price and Shidrick’s collection make points that
are not immediately applicable to the current research, but on closer
inspection have some contribution to make to the theoretical back-
ground behind it. Thus, Bakare-Yusuf (1999: 314) discusses torture and
silence, bringing into relief the connection between body and mind
which is highlighted by this bodily practice aimed at making people
speak. The connection between suffering and silencing, which is the
experience of many oppressed people, not just women, is one that is
important in looking at the data collected in the current research. Not
only the absence of women’s own voices in some of the articles them-
selves, but the absence of different kinds of women’s voices, including
black women, lesbian women and others, is an absence, like all absences,
which is hard to trace, and easy to ignore. I will return to the question
of the marginalised female and female body in the final section of this
chapter and in the conclusions.
Battersby (1999) relates the experience of encountering the Cognitive
Semantics proposed by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) which proposes a
universal bodily experience as the basis of the many entrenched meta-
phors that suffuse our everyday experience. Battersby argues that their
conception of the bodily lived experience does not reflect the experi-
ence of many, including women, black people, people (mainly women)
with anorexia and so on:
For feminist theorists who have long complained of the neglect of

the body by western philosophers, the development of cognitive
semantics might seem a promising move. However, as I read
Johnson’s and Lakoff’s accounts of embodiment, I register a shock
of strangeness: of wondering what it would be like to inhabit a body

like that. Battersby (1999: 342)
Her argument rests on the notion that unlike the ‘universal’, that is
male, body, the female experience is one of permeable boundaries, where
another being may grow inside one’s own body and then separate itself
(through labour), where the constructed experience of (heterosexual)
sex is one of penetration and intrusion into the female body, and as a
result of both the lived experience and its lack of match to the discursive
‘norms’ of the body Battersby (1999: 346) explains her ‘failure to register
my body as a container with a self safe “within” and the dangerous
other on the outside’ as partly due to the fact that this permeability and
penetrability is ‘typical of women’. In other words, the normalizing of
the female form as aberrantly unsafe and ‘leaky’, in opposition to the
sealed and ‘clean’ masculine form, is one of the sources of the female
anxiety in relation to the body, including its extreme forms such as
anorexia and bulimia.
A woman’s life – the data
The data for this research were collected in the month of February 2000.
In order to reflect the publications that would be available to teenagers
and women at that time, the data were collected from all the women’s
magazines available in the main newsagents (W.H. Smith) in the centre
of Leeds (West Yorkshire, UK) in that month. Some of these were dated
March, some Feb/March and some February, but they were all available
on the same day.
The only specialist magazines included in the data were those which
concerned the body in particular ways. These included slimming, preg-
nancy and plastic-surgery magazines. All other magazines were generic.
I did not include magazines which concerned the house and garden or
cooking alone. A quick glance at them confirmed the assumption that
there would be no data of interest in them as there were very few refer-
ences to the female body. This choice, however, does explain one of the
features of the data in this study, which is that it tends to assume that
the reader is relatively young. There are a small number of magazines
(for example, Woman) which address more mature women as well as
including articles about the bodily experience of that age group. A very
large number of other magazines, however, seem to assume that the life
of middle-aged and older women is almost entirely taken up with the
concerns of creating a beautiful home, garden or dinner party.
Another factor in the choice of data that has influenced the direction
of this book is that I have had to leave out the early stages of a girl’s
life, since it is in books, rather than magazines, that early perceptions
may be founded and they are not comparable with the data analysed
here both because of this fact and also because they do not constitute
comparable entertainment for children as for women and teenage girls.
Children will rarely freely choose such reading matter and the range of
genres and topics tends to differ considerably.
One slight dissatisfaction with the data, which turned out to be
beyond my control, was the fact that having decided to choose data that
would be readily available to all women, I discovered that there were no
specialist magazines for lesbian women, and only two for black women
in the shop at that time, though it is probably the largest outlet of
magazines in a large northern English city. These latter were published
in the USA and in some ways, therefore, are not comparable to the
other magazines, all of which are either UK-based or have UK editions.
Specialist magazines for lesbian women do exist, as my students have
pointed out, but as they are not readily available in the usual outlets,
readers would have to make a concerted effort to acquire them. The
result is that the market is dominated by magazines which assume a
heterosexual, mainly white and probably middle-class readership.
Once I had acquired the magazines, I extracted all articles, advert-
isements and other texts which had references to the female body. In
the end, some of the more culinary articles had too little in the way of
bodily references to include, though those which dealt with dieting or
pregnancy were included. The final total of texts was 86, though some
of these were compilations of short texts on the same topic or from the
same publication.
The next stage was to write a comprehensive commentary on each
text, using the textual functions listed in the first section of Chapter 1
as the analytical categories, keeping in mind that these functions do
not have one-to-one relationship between form and meaning, and
the analysis is therefore not an automatic process. Each text, there-
fore, was analysed a number of times, using each function as a ‘filter’
through which to see what kinds of structure and strategy were being
employed. The potential effects of foregrounded features were noted in
the commentary, but repetitive features of relevance were also noted for
their potential in naturalising ideology.
Originally, the plan for this research was to divide up the data
according to the stage of life that the texts related to; puberty, sexually
active, pregnancy, menopause and so on. However, I soon found that
the analysis done that way would be excessively repetitive, since the
same strategies and features kept appearing across the data. The result
is that instead of organizing this book according to the stages in life
of women, I have organized it according to linguistic and rhetorical
features. This has resulted in less repetition, though, as we shall see;
there is a certain amount of overlap in the effect of some of the features
included here.
2
Genre, Text Type and Rhetorical
Strategy
Although most of this book is concerned with quite detailed analysis of

localized stretches of language in texts, it turned out at an early stage of
the project that it was going to be important to think a little about global
questions of what kinds of text I was dealing with, and also what kinds
of strategy were being used to present information, or sometimes simply
opinion, to the readers. The result of these more general investigations
is reported in this chapter, and I have, for convenience sake, divided
these observations under the headings of ‘Genre and text types’ and
‘Rhetorical strategies’ respectively.
The term ‘genre’, like other similar terms which attempt to classify
text types, is fraught with difficulty, but nevertheless, researchers find it
useful and relatively recognizable, despite the difficulty in defining the
term precisely. The most obvious definition, largely in terms of linguistic
characteristics, can be seen in the following from Trask (1998: 105):
A historically stable variety of text with conspicuous distinguishing

features The key fact about a given genre is that it has some readily
identifiable distinguishing features that set it off markedly from other
genres, and that those features remain stable over a substantial period
of time. In most cases, a particular genre also occupies a well-defined
place in the culture of the people who make use of the genre.
Another definition, from Swales (1990) emphasizes the communicative

function of genres, arguing that the linguistic features of their style are
subordinate to function:
A genre comprises a class of communicative events, the members of

which share some set of communicative purposes. These purposes
26
Genre, Text Type and Rhetorical Strategy 27
are recognised by the expert members of the parent discourse

community, and thereby constitute the rationale for the genre. This
rationale shapes the schematic structure of the discourse and influ-
ences and constrains choice of content and style. Communicative
purpose is both a privileged criterion and one that operates to keep
the scope of a genre as here conceived narrowly focused on compar-
able rhetorical action. (Swales 1990: 58)
Between them, these definitions help to mark out a useful approach

to the current data which could be said to have a recognizable set of
purposes including informing and entertaining women on the subject
of their bodies as well as (in some cases) selling products and services to
enhance their bodies. In addition, Trask’s reference to historical stability
and cultural recognition also seem to be relevant here, as the women’s
magazine genre is one that has been current since at least the eighteenth
century (see Zuckerman 1991 and 1998; Wolf Thomson 1947), and has
had many of the same general functions and text types throughout its
history, despite the changes in content and explicitness that followed
from social changes in the position of women.
The question of text types is one that has been addressed by Stockwell
(2002) who uses the term ‘genre’ rather differently in a way which makes
it hard to see at first how the term could be applied to magazine data:
mode poetry, prose, drama, conversation, song

genre comedy, tragedy, gothic, surrealism
sub-genre mock-epic, comic opera, airport fiction, war novel,
political memoir
type sonnet, ballad, email, one-act play, short story
register reporting language, letter-writing, narrative, lyricism
(Stockwell 2002: 34)
Stockwell is mostly concerned with literary categories, but his ‘register’

categories include some which might be seen as non-literary. What is less
clear is how such a system of overlapping categories could be expanded
to include non-literary texts such as women’s magazines. An attempt to
do so could be as follows (in bold):
mode poetry, prose, drama, conversation, song

genre comedy, tragedy, gothic, surrealism, information
sub-genre mock-epic, comic opera, airport fiction, war novel,

political memoir, women’s magazines
type sonnet, ballad, email, one-act play, short story,
problem page, reader’s story etc.
register reporting language, letter-writing, narrative,
diary-style, lyricism
(adapted from Stockwell 2002: 34)
We could, therefore, use the terms sub-genre and type to refer to the data
in this study, though in order to discuss what Fairclough (1995: 171)
calls ‘genre mixing’, we need to be aware of both Stockwell’s terminology
and the Swales and Trask definitions.
The most general observation that can be made about a text’s style
is that some characteristics, both of language and layout, can indicate
that it belongs to a particular sub-genre or text type that the reader
will recognize. The placing of a text in a particular context (such
as a women’s magazine) will narrow down the anticipated range of
text types in the reader’s expectation though, as the analysis in this
volume will show, these expectations can be undermined and played
upon by disguising one text type as another (most obviously advertise-
ment as article) and blurring clear divisions between types (for example
advice and entertainment genres (see Cook 1992). In some contexts,
the reader will know exactly which genre or text type s/he is faced
with at any one time, so that the mixing of styles is playful and enter-
taining. More insidiously, in the data considered here, the confusion
of types may mean that the reader is not consistently aware of the
genre, and is thus less well-prepared for critiquing or resisting any
naturalized ideologies that may be implied. Fairclough (1995: 172)
describes the potential effect on the audience in the following way:
The generic mix I have sketched out above leads to a text with
complex and contradictory meanings, in terms of the identities set
up by/for participants and audience, the relationships between parti-
cipants and between participants and audience and the ‘knowledges’
which are constituted in the text.
Although, as we will see, there are links between text type (or genre)
and rhetorical strategy, they are also independent of each other, as
Halmari (2004: 23) found in relation to a range of rhetorical studies of
political data:
What emerges from the chapters is, on the one hand, an under-
standing of the sensitivity of the linguistic form to the genre in
question; on the other hand, what also emerges is the – in many
ways surprising – similarity in the linguistic realization that persua-
sion may take across a range of very different genres. As long as the
goal of the language user is to influence, change, and manipulate,
persuasion will find its discourse-pragmatic and lexico-grammatical
realizations, no matter what genre is used as the outlet.
This statement implies that rhetorical – that is persuasive – uses of

language operate at the micro-structure level as well as higher levels. To
the extent that the texts in the current data are persuasive, it could be
argued that this whole book is engaged in analysing the techniques that
are used in persuading women and girls to accept certain ideological
constructions of their bodies. However, the emphasis here is more upon
the potential influence of this kind, rather than the conscious intention
on the part of the producers in every instance to be persuasive in a
particular way.
Nevertheless, there seem to be some textual practices, overlaid upon
genres, which have a very strong potential rhetorical effect, and this
tendency is worthy of closer study. The rhetorical strategies used in
these texts can be the carriers of ideological meaning, and if this ideo-
logical meaning is naturalized, the likelihood is that it will be effective
in persuading the reader that this is how the world is. For example,
there are a very large number of stories with ‘happy endings’ in this
data, where a seemingly overwhelming problem arises, and further prob-
lems abound, and then something happens to make it all come right
in the end. Another strategy is the use of ‘perfect’ examples, to indicate
what a reader ought to do. This links with the use of implicatures (see
Chapter 5), but is a more general characteristic of some articles and texts
which seem to choose this counsel of perfection as a general strategy,
whereas implicatures are usually more localized.
The rhetorical strategies discussed later in this chapter are all based
upon some textual practice, whether that is narratorial, like the use
of happy endings, or content-based, as in the exemplary women
stories.
Genre and text types
Although we may use the word ‘genre’ quite happily in everyday life,
and feel that we know what it means, it is much harder to pin down
its meaning for academic purposes. Thus, whilst on the one hand we
might wish to refer to the genre of women’s magazines, we may also find
ourselves wishing to refer to readers’ stories, or glossaries (see below) as a
different kind of genre, which cuts across the more reader-oriented labels
such as ‘health magazine’ or ‘angling magazine’. It would be difficult to
order these cross-cutting categorizations in anything like an econom-
ical hierarchy, since there will always be repetition, wherever the first
division is made. Thus, one could divide the world of magazines (to
restrict ourselves to these) into sewing magazines, angling magazines,
health and beauty magazines and so on, and each of them would
then be divided into the types of text, including, for example, letters
and responses; ‘how to’ instructions/advice; advertising and so on.
Conversely, one could identify these latter ‘types’ of text, and then
divide them into those which occur in the different kinds of magazine.
Neither of these priorities is intrinsically superior to the other, though
one may serve a particular purpose better than another.
The solution, as all librarians know, is to postulate a set of character-
istics which can be attached to any text, and these will jointly confer
sub-genre and text-type status in a way that unordered categories do
in many computer-databases that we are familiar with. This ‘keyword’
approach is one that underlies internet search engines, and thus is
becoming a more readily-assimilated sorting mechanism for present-day
readers.
This preamble sets the scene for my use, in the current context, of
the category ‘women’s magazines’ as the sub-genre, and its division into
text types as they occurred in this data. No assumption is being made
about the hierarchical relationship, but since I was interested to invest-
igate the nature of the language in women’s magazines, the ordering of
categories was essentially one of the ‘givens’ of the project. What I hadn’t
expected at the outset was to find that the sub-categorization itself would
prove to be an interesting journey, and that the text types to be found
would be so uniform across the range of women’s magazines that I was
studying.
I had wrongly assumed that there were a certain set of basic text types
that I could predict, including, for example, problem-pages, advertise-
ments and feature articles, and these would be established before, rather
than in response to, the data. In fact, the text types were so much more
interesting than this crude categorization that the analytical method
had to change to incorporate a record of the text type as the first obser-
vation on each data item. The results of these observations are reported
below.
Question and answer

There were, of course, as predicted, problem pages in many magazines,
and similar ‘Question and Answer’ formats used in many others. The
standard problem page is one in which there is a single ‘agony aunt’
who responds to letters purportedly written and sent in by readers.
These correspondents are often given a first name to indicate that they
are real and that there is a single identity behind the question being
asked.
Examples of this kind of problem page were found in many magazines.
Here is one typical example, from Bliss, and one which will be quoted a
number of times in this book:
LUMP ALERT
At the top of my vagina I can feel a slimy ball the size of a 2p
piece with a space in the middle. My tampons must hit it and
it’s bound to get in the way when I have sex. Am I deformed?
Very worried, 16, Cambridge
You’ve located the neck of your cervix – the neck of your womb.
Your womb is the size and shape of an upside-down pear, positioned
at the top of your vagina. The bottom 0.5 cm, the cervix, projects
into the vagina and feels like a nose with a dip in the centre. This
dip is the opening to the womb, and it’s the diameter of a thin
straw, so tampons can’t go through it (although sperm slips in easily
and it’s capable of expanding to fit a baby through). Don’t worry, it
won’t get in the way during sex. It’s good to find out how your body
works, but don’t push fingers or other objects too hard into yourself
in the process.
Whether or not this is a genuine letter is academic, since the tacit agree-
ment between the magazine and the reader is that this is how it is to
be treated. What is more relevant to the question of defining a genre
in this context, is the use of headings above each letter, which is not
universal, but fairly common, and the entirely predictable first and then
second-person narrative to be found in the letter and its answer respect-
ively. With regard to the heading, it is noticeable that in this case, far
from being a useful shorthand ‘headline’ to help readers locate topics
that they might be interested in, it is rather misleading, and also quite
sensational, given that the letter itself does not hint at cancer, the most
likely interpretation of the word ‘lump’ in this context. Not all problem
pages entitle their letters in this way, and some are quite straightforward,
with titles such as ‘Are we bulimic?’ and ‘I weigh so much’ being typical
of this more direct approach.
Of the 24 examples of problem pages or question and answer pages
in the data, most follow the format shown above. There are, however,
some variations, such as a reminder of the identity of the respondent
at the beginning of the answer, as in the examples from Sugar where
the response begins with ‘Sarah says’. This text as we shall see is also
interesting in that it consists of a single letter and answer, on the topic
of breast cancer, and is followed by a ‘how to’ advice section (see below)
on the importance of self-examination and instructions for doing so.
This otherwise straightforward approach is somewhat undermined by
the heading used over the ‘how to’ article on breast examination,
which is It’s good to fondle. Such a sexually suggestive heading belies the
content, and serves no obvious purpose, except possibly to entertain or
simply to attract attention. We shall see, later, that there is considerable
blurring of sub-genres or text types (Fairclough’s genre-mixing) in
these data, and this suggestive title on a health-related piece is just one
symptom of the larger issue.
Another of the variants of the problem page is one where there are a
number of questions posed by the writer of the article on behalf of the
readers. This happens in a question and answer piece themed around
the topic of periods from Fresh, a teenage magazine. The questions are in
the first person, such as ‘When will I start?’ and ‘What kind of protection
should I use?’, and the answers read very much like the answers in a
conventional problem page, as they are written in the second person
and could be interpreted as written either for a single correspondent or
for the general reader:
Anything you normally do, you can do during your period. You can
even go swimming if you are wearing a tampon.
Although problem pages are found much more commonly in teenage

than other women’s magazines, the question and answer format is
used throughout the data in various guises. One example of its
non-conventional use is embedded within another type of text, the
diary-style article. Our Baby, for example, has a pregnancy diary
telling pregnant women what to expect at each stage of the preg-
nancy. This is mostly a bullet-pointed list of what to do and what
to plan for, but there are also text boxes scattered throughout the
text and containing a question written ‘as if’ from a pregnant woman
(for example, ‘Should I avoid hot baths now I’m pregnant?’) and
answered by one or other of the ‘experts’ such as ‘Dr Ilona Benfedy’ or

‘Midwife Brenda Docherty’. There is no pretence that these questions
are from ‘real’ readers, but the convention is clearly that the ques-
tion might be the kind of thing that is worrying a newly pregnant
woman.
This blending of different kinds of text is common throughout the
data in this study, and we will look at particular cases which may cause
concern in a later section. It is worth noting here, however, that the
pregnancy texts tend not to have single-function problem pages, but
interspersed question and answer text boxes of the kind described in the
last paragraph. This happens, for example, also in texts from Pregnancy
and Birth concerning such topics as ante-natal visits and the size of a
pregnant stomach.
The sexual and general health texts, however, do conform to the more
normal problem-page format, with mostly straightforward (that is, not
jokey) titles, such as ‘Does circumcision affect sex?’ (Body Beautiful) and
‘I only want sex once a week’ (Woman), letters in the first person such
as ‘Why do my legs tingle? (Woman) and answers in the second person
as well as wide-ranging statements, such as the following from Woman,
that can apply to readers more generally:
There’s no such thing as normal when it comes to having sex. Libido,

or sex drive, is a highly individual thing – some women feel the need
for sex every day, others only once or twice a week, or less. But a
sudden falling off in your normal level of sexual desire might be a
sign of a problem.
Another variant on the normal problem page can be seen in Slimmer

Magazine, where, instead of Ask Emma (More!), this item has a panel
of four experts who can give advice on relationships, diet and health
according to their expertise. This variation on the unqualified (but
possibly quite experienced) agony aunt is quite common, particularly in
themed magazines such as those addressing the pregnant or the over-
weight woman. The tendency is typified by a problem page from Body
Beautiful magazine, and is part of a sequence of items on plastic surgery.
The problem page consists of a series of questions in first-person letter
form and the answers are advertised at the top as being given by ‘Dr
John F Celin, Knightsbridge Plastic Surgeon and author of several books
on the subject of cosmetic surgery’. This need to give credibility to the
writer of answers to problems is particularly strong in this field where
the suspicion of the motives and qualifications of those involved in
making money out of people’s vanity can be quite strong. There is no

evidence for the assumed significance of the mini-CV of Dr Celin. He is
styled ‘Dr’, which readers may take to mean that he has done six years of
medical training, but no references are given for his books, and the signi-
ficance of his place of work, Knightsbridge, is mainly that it conjures up
images of wealth and leads the reader towards the view that he treats the
rich and famous and must, therefore, be good. A similar effect can be
found in an article on clothing from the same magazine (Body Beautiful)
where the answers to the questions raised by readers’ letters are provided
by Mia Coleman, who is ‘a personal shopper with a degree in fashion
design. She shops for people with no time, and her clients include
MPs and celebrities’. Again, there is no detail to substantiate these
claims, but the impression is of someone who has good credentials for
this role.
What is slightly odd about the letters in both of these problem pages
in Body Beautiful is the fact that the names are unusually given in full,
with their place of residence (for example Tricia Welles, Suffolk or Susan
James, Halifax). This is unusual in the context of potentially embar-
rassing letters, and may, conversely, indicate invented readers, rather
than very frank ones.
A fitness-related problem page in Woman mixes letters and answers
with ‘fact-file’ sections and tips. The text-type boundaries break down
here as some sections are full letters and others are simply headed by
questions ‘as if’ from the reader’s point of view (Does my bum look big
in this?). This kind of mixing of text types is common in the adult
magazines, though the boundaries persist more clearly in the magazines
aimed at teenagers.
I would not suggest that all such confusion of genres is neces-
sarily ideologically-driven, except insofar as the tendency toward short
stretches of text colludes with the popular notion that young people
cannot concentrate on anything longer, and require short, snappy texts
to entertain as much as inform. However, we shall see that there are
occasions when the genre-mixing or blurring is significant in its poten-
tial to confuse the roles of producer and reader.
Readers’ and celebrities’ stories

One of the most pervasive text types in women’s magazines is the
‘reader’s story’, or sometimes the ‘celebrity’s story’. These occur in the
data in teenage and adult magazines, and on topics ranging from breast
size to surgery and exercise. They are most common in the pregnancy
and slimming magazines where the range of experiences can be quite

wide, and the reader may read a number of stories finding parts of each
story that match her experience to prepare her for a range of different
scenarios or simply for prurience. The common stylistic feature of these
stories, of course, is that they are normally written in the first person,
and at least ostensibly in the words of the narrators themselves, though
there may well be some editing and/or ghost-writing involved. Celebrity
stories and some readers’ stories often blend this kind of first-person
narrative with an adapted interview. The questions may then be used as
the headings to paragraphs, or the narrative may be in the third person
with extensive first-person quotation and often lots of free indirect
speech, as we shall see in Chapter 7.
Teenage magazines, insofar as they use readers’ stories, tend to
make sure that they represent at least two (and sometimes more)
contrasting experiences. Thus one text from Bliss has two named (and
photographed) readers explaining how they have changed from being
unhappy with their big/small breasts respectively to being contented
with them.
The readers’ stories in pregnancy magazines are ubiquitous and range
in style. Some overlap with other text types, such as the diary format.
One article in Our Baby, for example, follows Jayne through the nine
months of pregnancy in a pseudo-diary which begins before conception:
weeks 0–4
For the last six months I’ve been getting ready to conceive, following
my GP’s advice on diet and exercise, and we’ve been trying for about
three months now. I can’t wait to be pregnant.
Though this is presumably in some sense a ‘real’ account of the preg-

nancy, it is unlikely that the diary was written in real time, and the
reader certainly experiences it after the event, so the use of the fictional
present tense is a device to engage the typical or anticipated reader who is
assumed to be somewhere on the road between conception and delivery
herself. A different kind of item based on readers’ experiences is also
common in pregnancy magazines. This is where three or more readers
give their account of a particular topic, such as labour and delivery,
as in one text where the accounts, in first-person narrative style, are
prompted by questions such as ‘When did you go into labour?’ and
‘what did you feel when you first saw Ellie?’
These ‘normal-range’ stories serve a pedagogical function, of course, in
telling novice mothers about the range of possibilities they face. There
are others, equally pedagogical in effect, which chart the experiences of

readers who have had life-threatening or other traumatic experiences,
such as the loss of a child. One such text from Our Baby tells the story
in first-person narrative mode of a woman who had a premature baby
who died followed by an ectopic pregnancy from which she nearly died
herself. She didn’t expect to conceive after this, but now has two healthy
children. We will return to the question of happy endings in a later
section, but note here that the option to leave the reader with an unsat-
isfactory ending does not seem to be part of the normal range of features
in this text type. Although the ostensible function of these stories may
be pedagogical, there is also the potential for an ‘entertainment’ value
which is served by the possibility that many readers will experience the
lows and highs of these stories vicariously, so it is important from the
commercial point of view that they are left with a positive outcome.
A slightly different, but also potentially pedagogical, purpose is served
by another kind of reader’s story, in this case written in the third person
and blended with a second-person thread which acknowledges that
the reader of the article will be going through similar processes. One
example, from Pregnancy and Birth, narrates Mel Peter’s first appoint-
ment with the midwife, and the reader is explicitly invited to ‘sit in’ on
the experience in the sub-heading. Here is one extract from the article
itself:
swimming is one of the best forms of exercise for Mel (and pregnant
women in general) because the water makes her weightless.
The consistency of narrative style in this text makes for some oddly
uncomfortable reading in which the reader knows that points are
aimed at her, but they are narrated apparently all for Mel’s benefit. This
kind of genre-merging is perhaps less successful than a straightforward
juxtaposition of a range of genres, such as where an advice-giving
feature article incorporates text boxes containing small reader’s stories
relating to the topic. This happens in a text from Pregnancy and Birth
which discusses the issues surrounding the size of an embryo, and
gives examples of people who had small or large embryos. A similar
technique is used in an article from Woman which discusses infertility
problems and pregnancy complications, and uses text boxes to tell
readers’ stories – all conspicuously about people who successfully
conceived and bore a child in the end.
One of the stranger stories told in the pregnancy texts (Pregnancy and
Birth) is the celebrity newsreader Katie Derham’s story of her pregnancy.
This is written in the third person, but with a lot of direct speech and
free direct speech too, so that the result is a ‘voice’ that mixes Katie
Derham with the writer. The point of stories like this in pregnancy texts
is similar to celebrity stories elsewhere – to give readers a role model who
can provide answers to the questions that arise, in this case in relation
to how to deal with pregnancy in the context of a busy professional life.
The result is extracts like the following:
She’s selected her maternity wear with care – a few pieces from Nine
over Twelve that she’ll get maximum wear from until the baby’s born.
Note the overlap here with advertising, as a particular outlet is

mentioned ‘in passing’. We will return to blended genres later, but
it is noticeable that the information is given in a way that would
allow readers to take their lead from Katie Derham, and the apparently
straightforward description is therefore more a kind of indirect exhorta-
tion to the reader to model their behaviour according to this prime
example.
The question of the stylistic authenticity of readers’ stories when
they are first-person narratives arises repeatedly in this data. One article
from Pregnancy and Birth, for example, is made up of the stories of three
pregnant women who have rather different experiences. They are in the
first person and seem to be genuinely ‘written’ by them. There are a few
clues, however, that indicate another ‘voice’ in the text. For example,
two of the stories use exactly the same clause about a successful preg-
nancy: ‘It’s made this pregnancy even more special’. Whilst this may
be a coincidence, it may also be a marker of the presence of another
‘author’ who tends to word similar feelings in the same way, whereas we
might expect the readers concerned to use slightly different words. The
additional ‘voice’ of the narrator or commentator may allow the reader
to ‘see’ Katie Derham or other exemplars through a filter of advice,
which effectively implies that readers could do worse than modelling
their behaviour on theirs.
The only type of article that is similar to the ‘reader’s story’ on the
topic of sex is one where sex tips or techniques are tried out, usually by
friends or colleagues of the writer, with short, first-person comments on
each one. There are two such articles in the data, from Shine and Minx
respectively, and they both seem aimed at making fun of ideas for sexual
innovation, mostly for the purpose of entertainment. Because they are
contextualized by the description of the technique itself, the comments
are largely in direct speech:
The caterpillar walk was really lovely and sensual. But then he started
sucking my toes and I just couldn’t stop myself from thinking ‘Oh
my God, my size sevens are in Mike’s mouth!’ I’m afraid it took me
quite a while to get back in the mood after that experience.
The preponderance of readers’ stories in the slimming magazines

meant that only six were chosen to be included in the data (Chapter 1,
p. 23 f ). These stories include one from Diet and Fitness, which is written
in the third person:
When Diane Dowling walked down the aisle on her wedding day,
she wore a long white gown, just as she’d always dreamed she would.
Unfortunately, she didn’t quite fit the fairytale princess figure of her
childhood fantasies. She couldn’t. Not in a size 24 wedding dress.
Although only 25 years old, Diane was 18st and looked old and
matronly. Her vast double chin protruded beneath her big, moon-
shaped face, the tops of her arms spread massively beneath short
sleeves.
Although people who lose large quantities of weight may indeed feel
disgusted with their earlier selves, it is hard to imagine them describing
their overweight version in quite such vivid terms as this. It is therefore
a convenience to use the impersonal narrator to carry out this function,
and to use direct speech to give the protagonist a voice. The prurience
of these extreme stories of weight loss is partly achieved by the graphic
description of the excess weight, and this is absent in the more solution-
oriented articles, such as a text from Best Diet Now which has the stories
of six successful slimmers in first-person narratives, and with no graphic
description:
The turning point came when I saw a photograph of myself at a

friend’s wedding.
Other stories may also be quite solution-oriented as well as telling

a particular person’s story, and these tend to use the third-person
narrative, but with lots of direct and free direct speech. Those which
overlap with advertising, for example to promote the Rosemary Conley
exercise classes, are not so inclined to indulge in gruesome descriptions,
and lead much more quickly to the beginning of ‘salvation’:
Amy took herself to a local Meeting and, for the first time in years,
got on the scales.
Readers’ stories occur throughout the data, including examples

relating to cosmetic surgery (Body Beautiful and Woman’s Own) and exer-
cise (Diet and Fitness and Woman). All these texts use the same format
of third-person introduction followed by first-person narrative, though
some are relating the story of only one person and others tell the stories
of up to six people. The function of this choice of text type seems to be
that the protagonists are role models for the reader, though the choice
of the most extreme cases also suggests a prurient function which sells
magazines.
Factual articles
The use of straightforward feature articles to discuss issues of the female
body is reasonably well-represented in the data, though they tend to
be short and are often restricted to the ‘expert opinion’ in a text box,
or as a comment on a personal story. They deal with a range of topics
including breast cancer, ectopic pregnancy, pregnancy itself, surgery,
exercise, clothes and looking young. Not many of these more conven-
tional articles occur in the teenage magazines.
Such articles, then, tend to be less significant in terms of giving advice
than many of the other text types that we have already met, and others
which follow, in particular those that use either instructions and step-by-
step advice or divide the advice they are giving into sections according
to the kind of woman they relate to, the time scale that they refer to,
or even, and this is quite common, the body part they are focussing on.
The reason for the lack of long, textually dense, factual articles can only
be surmised, but is again probably related to the expectation that the
attention span of readers for this kind of article is limited.
Diary-style articles
We have already noted that some of the readers’ stories may overlap with
a diary-style presentation, but this also seems to be a text type that occurs
independently. There are some bodily topics that lend themselves to
this kind of presentation, most obviously the menstrual cycle, and preg-
nancy, though there are also some texts which treat sex in this way. In
this data, one text from More is a day-by-day guide to ‘out-of-this-world
orgasms’, and is therefore broadly-speaking in a diary format, though
it also divides each day into a number of steps, and thus crosses into
another text type which is considered below. In this case, the text is in
the second person, and since it is advice-based, its style is also marked
by a number of imperatives:
Step two: exercise your bits. If you can’t ‘grip’ his penis with your
vaginal muscles during sex, then your internal vaginal muscles are
too flabby!
More conventional diary-style texts include a text in Our Baby, which

is headed ‘Week-by-week action plan’, and typically includes an initial
statement in each section, followed by advice or instructions, using the
second person to address the (presumably pregnant) reader:
4–8 weeks Congratulations – you’re pregnant at last!

What to do now See your GP
We will consider other aspects of this text later, including the presuppos-
ition that the reader is and wishes to be pregnant, and that it took a long
time to achieve this state. For now, let us just observe the norms of a
fairly standard text type, and note that in this particular case it is supple-
mented by a set of question-and-answer boxes, answering imagined
concerns, such as ‘Should I avoid hot baths now I’m pregnant?’.
The variation in the style of these diaries depends on their focus.
Texts in Our Baby and Bliss are explicitly directed at the reader, the latter
having a circular-shaped ‘diary’ of the menstrual cycle, which sets out
the different stages in each month with sentences such as ‘The days
when you bleed are called menstruation’. There are other diary-style
texts, such as one from Our Baby, which chart the first-person diary of a
particular woman, in this case Jayne:
Weeks 9–12
I’m a bit fed up about things but I don’t want to blame my hormones –
not all moods should be blamed on pregnancy! I’m finding it hard to
concentrate on my studies to be a hypnotherapist, plus I’m nauseous.
Here, as in the readers’ stories, the link to the reader is implicit, and is
based upon the rhetorical strategy of the role model (see below p. 46 f ).
‘How to’ instructions/advice

A different way of breaking down advice into manageable chunks
is to give a series of instructions or step-by-step advice, as in the
breast-checking advice given in one text from Sugar and how to measure
your bra size in a text from Mizz which begins as follows:
• Place a measuring tape around your rib cage, just underneath

your bust.
• Check that the tape isn’t too loose or tight.
• If the measurement is an odd number, add 5 in (12 ½ cm), if it’s even,
add 4 in (10 cm). Note down your number.
The main stylistic feature of such advice is, of course, the imperative
verb aimed at the reader, as we see from the following extract from
text from Women’s Health, recommending an exercise regime for after
pregnancy:
Buttock Squeeze
Breathe in, then out, lifting your hips off the floor slightly. Contract
your abdominals and your pelvic floor muscles, then squeeze your
buttocks. Hold for five seconds, release and relax. Build up to eight
repetitions.
There is some advice that seems less likely to attract this kind of direct
imperative approach. This is mainly in relation to sexual activity, where
the second-person address mode is usually mixed with third-person
reporting of trials of the advice given. This happens in texts from Shine
and Minx, both concerning sex tips. Though the heading of one is an
imperative, Turn your body into a playground, much of the article is either
general (The feet have a meridian line that runs through them) or third-
person (When I started sucking Rachel’s toe, she stopped relaxing) and very
few imperatives are included (Get your partner to try a caterpillar walk
with his fingers working down the sole of the foot, taking little bites as he
progresses).
Not all sexual advice articles are as reluctant to be directive as this,
however. Cosmopolitan, for example, advises the reader to give sex as a
present, and follows up the general advice with very specific instructions:
When he can’t hold on for much longer, allow him inside you then
slowly squeeze your pelvic muscles.
This kind of instruction is modelled on the more common exercise

routine imperative, such as is found in texts from Woman’s Own, Woman
and Ebony, the latter providing the following illustration:
To work the obliques, or side muscles, curl up one elbow or side

slightly above the other elbow and use your torso to do the turning.
Compared with the implicit advice to follow the example of role models,
these articles are very straightforward in recognizing that the (typical)
reader is looking for advice on particular subjects.
Categories of women
Slightly more unexpected, perhaps, than sections by time or by activity,
are those which are divided according to categories of women – normally
by bodily shape, but sometimes also by star-sign or even in one case
by overeating style in a text (Woman’s Own) which asks What type of
overeater are you? and then names seven categories, including comfort
eater, habit eater and problem binge eater, alongside a list of signs that
will allow you to recognize your category and ‘Self Help’ tips for
each case.
Another text from Woman concerns health and fitness, and uses
individuals in different age groups to exemplify the issues and solu-
tions that present to that particular decade. Each age is introduced in a
general way:
30s
Juggling family life and a career is the biggest stress for women during
this decade. Or you may hear your biological clock ticking louder and
louder and wonder if Mr Right will ever come along. If you’re in a
rut, now’s the time to make healthy, positive changes in your life.
The specific advice under each heading is filtered through the experi-
ences of a woman who fits that age group.
The most frequent categorization by type of woman is to be found in
the teenage magazines, where there are exercises advised according to
star sign (Bliss), advice about bra styles according to breast shape and
size (Mizz) and implicit advice on breast satisfaction from two different
readers (Bliss), which begins:
Whether you’re big, small, pointy, saggy or pert, chances are you
wish your boobs were different.
Perhaps the most expected of these categorizations is according to

overall body shape, such as pear shape or hourglass figure, which is found
in texts from Shout and Sugar, the latter including a celebrity in each
section to demonstrate that there are ‘successful’ people out there with
the handicap of that particular shape:
You are Long and slim, with narrow hips, a small bust and long legs.
Star with your shape Gwyneth Paltrow.
Wear it Make the most of the gingham prints, which are sooo trendy
this season.
Some informal reader research1 amongst young women and girls

indicated what I suspected, that they tend to read all sections of such
articles, not just the one or two that they think apply to them. A
different kind of project would be needed to investigate thoroughly the
extent to which the reader identifies with the category of woman in
each case, but I suspect that there is quite a high capacity for the reader
to read ‘as if’ from the position of the relevant category, and even to
imagine that she has the particular challenges of that category of body
shape, breast size, and so on.
Advice in sections
In addition to dividing up advice according to reader-type, there are
many articles, on all topics, which divide the advice that is being given
according to body parts. Thus, as well as beauty advice by body part there
are a number of texts giving advice about sex which are organized into
body-part sections. These include a text from Body Beautiful which has
an emphasis on sex as exercise, and advises on the top five calorie-burning
positions as well as proposing the best sexual positions for enhancing
the look of bodily features:
DOGGY STYLE
BEST FOR: Big bums
With the added bonus that all men love this position, it makes even
the largest of bottoms look pretty attractive.
Less surprisingly, perhaps, the articles on cosmetic surgery tend to

divide into sections by body parts or sometimes by the kind of procedure.
Thus, in a text entitled Body Parts from Body Beautiful, the headings
include Nose jobs, Fat injection and Facelifts whilst another article in the
same magazine uses the perceived problems as its headings, with ‘Acne
scars’, Leg veins and Eye bags being typical. Other, less invasive, beauty
articles also organize on the basis of body part, as we see from the
beginning of an extract on arms from Looks:
Feeling a bit baggy in the upper arm area? Yeah, yeah we all know
exercise is the solution, but we want results and we want them now!
As we will see later, the language of these texts naturalizes a number

of ideological views of the female body, including the notion that it is
made up of parts, rather like a machine. This mechanical view of the
body, whereby problems in particular areas can be sorted out, is part of
the technological ideology that bodies, like cars, can be fixed.
Glossaries
Diary-style texts and many other health-related articles about the female
body have an overt pedagogical aim, as I have noted earlier, though
this may be mixed with the aim of entertaining. Perhaps the clearest
example of this desire to teach is the glossary text type, which tends
to occur most often where there is a plethora of technical terms (for
example in relation to pregnancy), but also in teenage magazines where
there is an assumption that some readers will not know the meaning
of both technical and also more everyday words. One text from Bliss,
for example, as well as having the diary of the menstrual cycle, also has
a glossary covering toxic-shock syndrome and pre-menstrual syndrome
as well as tampons. Texts from Our Baby and Pregnancy and Birth explain
terms relating to labour and pregnancy respectively, in the first case in
a column alongside the readers’ stories, called Explaining the jargon and
in the second case on the photo of a clipboard alongside the description
of an ante-natal clinic visit, and headed ‘Breaking the codes’.
What this apparent pedagogy confirms ideologically is that knowledge
is power; that others (such as medical staff) have authority and thus
power over us and that the magazine is on the side of the underclass,
that is the reader. That this ideologically strong effect may be present
does not necessarily negate any informational content that is actually
given, and which may indeed help some readers to negotiate ante-natal
clinics, doctors’ surgeries or slimming regimes.
Advertising
The other main genre that is found throughout these magazines is
the advertisement. We will see in the next section that there is no
clear boundary between advertisements and other text types, but here
we will simply establish the fact that magazines, being dependent
on the income they produce, normally include a large number of
them. The few to be mentioned here are those advertising tampons
(Bliss and Shout) surgery (Body Beautiful), products to beat cellulite

(Slimmer Magazine) and a herbal remedy for the menopause (Diet and
Fitness).
Personal opinion pieces

So far, the text types discussed have included almost all of the occur-
rences of body-references and discussions in this data. There are,
however, two small groups of articles which make up the last two
categories found here. These include personal opinion pieces, similar to
the kind of text that makes up a newspaper editorial. In our data there
are only two such texts, giving, as it happens, a male view of nutrition
in pregnancy (Slimmer Magazine) and a male view of the way that young
teenage girls dress and make up (Jump). I have no evidence that this situ-
ation (that is the male writer) is typical of opinion pieces more generally,
though they certainly provide an interesting contrast with some of the
other data in this study. The undoubted authority of a piece written by
a nutritional ‘expert’ is perhaps invested still further with the authority
of the gender of this piece. The other article is explicitly founded on
the notion that a 19-year-old man has the authority to tell readers what
men like in young girls:
They’re such attractive qualities in anyone, especially a young

woman. Trust me, I’m a guy.
Note that we have no evidence that the writer is actually a man in this
case, and there can be considerable doubt about the identity of authors
in this kind of material. However, the implied author is indeed a man
here, and this is the information on which the reader will base her
reactions to the text.
Quizzes2
The final text type to mention here is the quiz, which is perhaps the
stereotypical genre from the young-adult magazines for women, such as
Cosmopolitan. However, there has either been a change in the market in
relation to quizzes, or perhaps it is more the case that the topics I am
interested in, relating to the body and bodily perceptions, do not lend
themselves so readily to the quiz format, which is normally concerned
with attitudes. The two quizzes that do occur in the data relate to sex
(Slimmer Magazine) and fitness (Woman’s Own) respectively. Here is a
short extract from the former, to demonstrate:
Which would you prefer to wear to a party:

a A shocking pink dress that shows off your new shape, but is just a
bit too tight for comfort?
b Your favourite black dress – you feel great and it hides a multitude
of sins?
c Something inconspicuous, you don’t want to be seen?
This illustrates the ideological issue with quizzes, which is that they are
constructed around ‘correct’ answers, though of course they sometimes
soften this with intermediate positions, where you can find yourself in
the middle of a range between right and wrong. We will see a great deal
more about correctness in the chapters that follow, but this structural
feature of the quiz genre helps to naturalize such ideas.
Blurring of categories
The discussion of sub-genres and text types in the previous section has
referred more than once to the fact that these category boundaries are
not absolute, indeed that there are many texts in this data which either
combine two or more text types or blend the features of text types,
producing a hybrid text type. This is usually simply a question of ringing
the changes, often also a way to make the potentially dry information-
transfer a bit more interesting by breaking it down into manageable
chunks or using different styles and approaches to get the same message
across. Prototype theory from Katz and Postal (1964) was referred to
in Chapter 1 as a way of avoiding the pitfalls of strict categories in
describing the perceptions of female bodies as influenced by texts like
the current data. Here, we may again invoke the prototype as a model
of the related text types that appear to be distinct in their most central
examples, but which overlap and merge at the boundary.
In this section we will consider a slightly more insidious and question-
able practice, where the boundaries between informational text types
are blurred with those of advertisements, and we find that the clarity of
function that we might wish for begins to be clouded.
The cases of advertising being blended with the problem page format
seem to occur mainly in the teenage magazines, and normally in
conjunction with tampon advertising. One text from Sugar has a
problem page relating to periods and also a diary-style description of
the menstrual cycle. In the centre of the problem page is a photo of a
Tampax box, and the further information section refers to the Tampax
Consumer Careline. At first glance, this page would not look like an
advertising feature, though the photograph is immediately recognizable

so the advertising is not completely hidden. A similar text from Shout is
more straightforward, with the column headed TAMPAX, and entitled
Tampax Period Column. There is also a box with a free offer further down
the page.
These texts raise some important questions about the role of advert-
ising in information delivery. There are a number of possible reactions
from the readers’ perspective, ranging from being impressed at the social
responsibility shown by a company that pays to give readers useful
information to the opposite extreme of being annoyed by an advertise-
ment that purports to be a neutral piece of advice. The cynical view is
that this particular company is trying to get their name imprinted onto
the minds of very young readers, with the consequence that they will
use Tampax products for their whole menstruating lives, a time period
of approximately forty years.
A similar kind of blending of text types occurs in a text from Our Baby
which is entitled FIVE STEPS TO A FLATTER tummy, and subtitled With
a little help from Sweetex it’s easy getting back to your pre-pregnancy shape.
The page looks like an article about those exercises which will help to
get a new mother back into shape, with a photo of a ‘cute’ baby and
mother in the centre of the five steps advice. The right-hand side of the
page has a column offering a free Sweetex kit to ten lucky winners, and
there is a photo of the product and other information in the bottom
right-hand corner.
There are many articles in women’s magazines which, whilst
mentioning the detail of products, are not tied to a particular product,
and at least appear to be a genuine attempt to review the range available
for strengths and weaknesses. An example of this kind of blending comes
from Cosmopolitan, which reviews the latest trends in dieting, and in
doing so gives the full publication information on the diets mentioned:
There’s also The Body Code, by Jay Cooper and Kathryn Lance (Piatkus
Books, £9.99) – a new age eating plan which divides dieters into four
groups: warriors, nurturers, communicators and visionaries.
If there is any product-placement here it is hard to tell, but other articles

where only one or two cosmetic surgeries are mentioned, or which are
placed in a whole magazine devoted to the Rosemary Conley slimming
industry, are more obviously advertising by another name. Readers’
stories, for example, usually have a crucial turning point (see rhetorical
strategies below) in which the desperate yo-yo slimmer finally goes to a
WeightWatchers meeting, or a Rosemary Conley exercise class, and the

slimmer starts to make progress:
Then one day, in June 1997, Ros’s sister-in-law, Christine, suggested

that they try to lose weight together by going to a Rosemary Conley
class Ros managed to lumber through the exercise session that
night, and by the time she arrived home, a mental transformation
had taken place. ‘I opened my member pack containing the Flat
Stomach Plan diet and I was overcome with willpower’ she says.
This kind of advertising is not surprising in the magazine produced and

promoted by Rosemary Conley, but once the reader is halfway through
reading it, it can be a surprise, and one might almost have to check
the magazine’s cover to be sure that this was an advert rather than an
innocent mention of which particular class the protagonist happened
to attend.
Rhetorical strategies
The ten rhetorical strategies identified here are all those recognized in
the data and it was interesting to find how many of them were repeated
in different contexts, and relating to different topics. The division of
this chapter into the previous section on text types and this section on
rhetorical strategies raises the question of how these differ, and to what
extent the choice of text type is in itself a rhetorical choice. Thus, the
blended genre categories in particular could be said to have a rhetorical
aim in making the reader feel that they are being given neutral informa-
tion, when in fact they are having a product-name reinforced. I will refer
to such overlaps where relevant in the sections below, but there does
seem to me to be a qualitative difference in principle at least between
texts which are if not overtly, at least intentionally persuasive, and the
choice of text type or other features which may have the effect of natur-
alizing an ideology, though this effect may of course be an unconscious
result of the writer’s own cultural assumptions.
Pseudo-science
This strategy involves the use of scientific terminology and
authoritative-sounding experts to make the product or process appear
up-to-date and technically well-grounded. It is not as common in the
data as one might have expected given its ubiquitous presence in TV
advertising, particularly in relation to household products and electrical
goods. One text from Slimmer Magazine discusses ‘Feminine Foods’ and
gestures towards a scientific rationale for its assertions about gendered
eating habits:
The way that men and women vary in their food choices has recently
been closely examined by Katherin O’Doherty Jensen, Assistant
Professor of Sociology at Copenhagen University.
The only other examples of scientific-sounding statements are in the

data on cosmetic surgery, where the detail is likely to put off more readers
than it attracts, such as this extract from an article in Woman’s Own:
During the operation, a narrow tube is inserted through a tiny cut and
used to vacuum the fat layer deep under the skin This technique
is known as tumescent or wet liposuction
For whatever reason, though, there is generally very little of this kind
of rhetorical appeal to the more rational side of the reader. We can
speculate about the reasons, which may include the fact that the topics
relating to women’s bodies are too personal to the reader for a cold, tech-
nical, approach to be appealing. It is certainly interesting that the preg-
nancy texts, though they often explain all the ‘jargon’, do not emphasize
the technical side of the processes involved, and usually minimize the
detail, as in this text from Our Baby:
Certain tests check for birth defects. Most take place at 16–20 weeks;
a few hospitals offer a nuchal scan at 11–13 weeks, which checks for
Down’s syndrome.
Unlike in the cosmetic surgery texts, then, the pregnancy texts, on the
whole, do not give a detailed, some would say graphic, description of
what actually happens. The mystification of all such procedures under
the term ‘test’ is quite a surprising finding within a context of apparent
support for information and education of pregnant women. The ambi-
valence that these texts seem to feel towards women readers reflects the
tension between first and second-wave feminisms, where the treatment
of women as rational beings with the same mind–body split as men is in
conflict with the revaluing of intrinsically female experiences, including
the bodily experiences of menstruation and childbirth.
The result, in texts like these, is often a rather unhappy combination
of appearing to be scientific and full of information, but not really
going into the kind of detail that would help, for example, a reader who
needs to take decisions about which tests to have. For these decisions,
the health services normally have specific leaflets and pamphlets, so it
leaves the magazine articles really only performing an orientation task,
in which the information content is quite low.
Fictionalized heroines
Some readers’ stories frame the person at the centre of the tale as
a fictionalized heroine, using the style and narratorial techniques of
fairytales or horror stories. One text from Bliss, for example, has sections
dealing with different consequences of puberty, and each section has a
sub-heading The scenario, which explicitly sets it up as the setting of a
horror movie:
You’re minding your own business sitting on the loo, when you
suddenly spot something in your knickers. It’s alien stuff – whitish
or yellowish gunk, almost like a gel.
These sensationalist beginnings are normally mitigated by the following

sensible advice and reassurance, and it may be that the opening is aimed
at making the most of the revulsion that girls can feel in relation to
their own bodies in order to make the reassurance (we’re all the same)
the more effective. It does, however, also have the potential effect of
reinforcing the horror. It is clear that this exaggeration of the alien
nature of the leaky, unstable female body fits exactly with the feminist
view of the problems constructed by patriarchy:
That sense of the abject as both the alien other who threatens the
corporeal and psychic boundaries of the embodied self, and as an
intrinsic, but unstable, part of the self resonates with the widespread
cultural unease with bodily, and especially female bodily, fluids. In
the effort to secure the ‘clean and proper’ male body, the body that is
sealed and self-sufficient, it is women who are marked by the capacity
of that which leaks from the body – menstrual blood is the best
exemplar – to defile and contaminate. (Price and Shildrick 1999: 7)
They point out the cultural unease with which women’s bodily functions
are viewed, and though the article quoted does try to give girls some
strategies for dealing with the ‘horrors’ of the body, the opportunity
to challenge this view of them is not taken up, indeed the horror is
emphasized, and thus confirmed.
Happy endings
There is a widespread tendency for all stories in the data, whatever the
topic, to have happy endings. This is not surprising, as magazines which
make the readers feel upbeat about their lives are more likely to sell.
An example of many from the slimming and fitness-related texts is an
article from Slimmer Magazine which tells the story of Lynne Robinson,
the UK face of Pilates:
A history teacher with back problems, Lynne had difficulty finding

a form of fitness that would help her and not aggravate her existing
back pain ‘My backache disappeared as did the headaches.’
Other slimming texts also tell happy stories, and in some cases, they
include a direct exhortation to the reader not to give up. One reader’s
slimming success story from WeightWatchers magazine does just this, in
the words of the slimmer herself:
To other WeightWatchers Members I can only say that if you really

want it, if you work hard enough and dream long enough, it WILL
happen.
Whilst it is not surprising to find that articles suggesting a course

of action (like taking up Pilates) end on a positive note in order
to encourage problem-solving, it is less clear that all pregnancies
can possibly end happily, and certainly the solutions are not always
completely within the woman’s control. Nevertheless, all the pregnancy
texts in the data end happily, even when the women featured have
been through a great deal of pain and bereavement beforehand. Thus a
text from Our Baby details the life of a woman who loses a first, prema-
ture baby, then has an ectopic pregnancy and finally has two beautiful
children. The story ends on the following note:
We haven’t forgotten Christopher, but I’d really like people in a

similar position to know that you don’t have to give up. It may take
time, but if you keep on trying there’s no reason why you can’t get
there in the end.
This final statement is evidently untrue, and slightly disturbing in the

context of a woman who also claims to be incredibly lucky, a sentiment
that conflicts with the notion of trying and the implicit control that is
conjured up in the above extract, so long as you don’t give up. What
kind of torment this would be to a woman faced with a similar situ-

ation is hard to imagine, so it is also hard to think who the article is
supposed to be helping. Not those in the lucky position of never having
had a pregnancy-related health problem, I suppose, though they may
take vicarious satisfaction in reading what they have missed perhaps.
A similar effect is seen in an article on getting pregnant from Woman
which focuses on infertility problems and includes two readers’ stories,
both of which looked hopeless cases at one point, but each of which
ends with a healthy baby.
This rhetorical strategy, reminiscent of the Reader, I married him,
endings of nineteenth-century novels, is one that takes a singularly
optimistic view of problems that do not always end happily in Reader, I
had a healthy baby.
Real women
The use of ‘real’ women, as opposed to celebrities with impossibly
perfect bodies for example, is one of the strategies used to persuade
the reader that the magazine/article is down-to-earth and realistic in its
view of the ideal woman. This technique has been used more frequently
recently, even by advertisers, but in the women’s magazine it is
not new.
One of the techniques related to this strategy is to choose women
with different extremes, such as large/small breasts (Bliss) or who have
a range of different experiences in relation to labour (Our Baby) or who
are willing to tell their own story in detail, as an example of one possible
scenario for the reader to experience vicariously. This happens in an
extreme form in Our Baby where a home birth is recorded photograph-
ically as well as in a commentary:
Midwife Marlene (right) arrives soon after Claudia goes into labour.
Claudia, who’s 31, can’t believe how much stuff Marlene’s brought,
especially as she’s planning to give birth without medical pain relief.
But a midwife has to be prepared for all eventualities.
There is an inevitable sense in a present-tense story like this that the

reader is effectively being shown how to do it properly, and the reader
may well feel under some pressure, at least whilst reading, to ‘be like
Claudia’, whether that means to have a home birth or refrain from pain
relief, these ‘real’ women are in some sense the female reader’s role
models, whether we like it or not.
Exemplary women
Related to, and sometimes the same as, real women, are the exem-
plary women who are held up as an example in a slightly more explicit
way. The ancient Christian practice of setting up saints and other good
women as ‘exemplary women’, which is shared by other world religions
(see Clancy-Smith 2006) seems to happen quite regularly in the context
of these magazines, emphasizing the importance of women behaving
virtuously in relation to their bodies. Whilst this virtue may no longer
emphasize chastity as the highest form of female virtue, there are never-
theless aspects of the current data which approximate to this kind of
pressure. The new orthodoxy is the responsibility we each have to look
after our bodies. Whilst not a religious message in itself, the rhetor-
ical stance is not dissimilar to the Christian notion of stewardship,
which is normally related in the Christian context to the idea of looking
after a God-given Earth, but also encompasses the personal body. This
includes, in the current data, dieting, sexual health, proper behaviour
in pregnancy to ensure health and a return to the perfect body shape
afterwards, the importance of making the most, visually, of the body
you have, the use of technology (for example surgery) to enhance your
natural features, and the responsibility on us to exercise for health and
attractiveness.
One kind of exemplary woman, despite what we might know about
their flaws, is the celebrity, and Body Beautiful discusses the relative
merits of those stars, like Pamela Anderson, who have:
finally cottoned on to what many of us have known for years: that

the brash ‘look at me, I’ve had plastic surgery’ look from the 1980s
is old hat, and in its place comes a more subtle approach to physical
alterations.
However, the following extract from the same text indicates that the
celebrities are criticized for being subtle too:
She said that those stars who had obviously had it done and looked
better for it, but wouldn’t admit to going under the knife, were being
dishonest. They were encouraging other women to have unrealistic
expectations about how they themselves could look naturally, and
to believe that they should look as good as the stars without having
the surgical help.
These exemplary women, then, are not blamed for the amount of surgery
they have, nor for wanting to look younger than their years, but for not
being open about how they achieved this effect. The example that the
commentator wishes them to make, apparently, is to praise the effects
of cosmetic surgery.
Another kind of exemplary woman is based on the real woman of
the last section. Most of these are women who are presented as a good
example of how to react to different bodily issues. In the case of an
article in Woman it is the importance of keeping your body fit and
healthy at different stages of life:
Janet’s making the most of her retirement. In the last 12 months,

she’s lost 3st and started taking more exercise, She’s tuned in to what
she needs to do to stay fit, active and healthy in her 60s – and it’s
working.
Similar effects are to be seen in readers’ stories generally, and celebrity

interviews too. Here, there is a clear overlap with what I have been
labelling text-types, and yet it seems logical to focus on the possible
rhetorical effect of a text-type choice as a slightly separate issue. Thus
an article which is based on an interview with pregnant newsreader
Katie Derham (Pregnancy and Birth), gives an example of someone who
becomes pregnant without being aware of it:
Off on honeymoon touring California, Katie felt ‘slightly odd’ but

put it down to jet lag. ‘But tiredness is one sign I now realise is
a dead giveaway! And although I love exotic food, on this holiday
all I wanted to eat were plain, simple meals – shepherd’s pie was a
big hit.’
Perhaps the most widespread impression that the exemplary pregnant

women give is not of particular activities or principles, but a generally
engaged and informed attitude towards their pregnancy. Thus, Jayne in
the diary-style article from Our Baby shows her balanced view of the
options in labour:
I’m still opting for a vaginal birth if possible, but I’m well aware that
how the baby comes into the world is less important than his or her
safety and health.
This display of reasoned thinking sets up an example to readers of how to

react to the pressures on them to opt into or out of medical intervention
in labour and sounds like a ‘display’ of the narrator’s good sense. Simil-
arly, in the slightly-fictionalized account of Mel Peter’s first ante-natal
appointment (Pregnancy and Birth), we find a third-person example being
given of how to behave as a pregnant woman:
From 32 weeks, Mel may recognise a pattern of movement. If this is

different from normal, or if the baby moves less, Mel should tell the
midwife.
We will be dealing in later chapters with the linguistic mechanisms by

which these women become exemplary. Here it would appear to be a
strong implicature that what Mel should do, all pregnant women should
also do.
Puncturing myths
One rhetorical strategy in this data appears to be the setting-up of myths
that are presupposed to be popularly believed, so that the article can
knock them down. This is sometimes paired with a set of facts that are
questioned, but turn out not to be myths after all. The first example in
this data comes from the teenage magazines, where part of a text from
Bliss gives the lie to myths about the menstrual cycle:
Myth 1
You can’t get pregnant when you’ve got your period
Busted: A sperm can live inside you for days, which means it may
still be alive in your womb when you start ovulating. And what does
egg + sperm equal? Er, a baby.
The myth-puncturing style leads to an approach which, like the quiz

structure discussed earlier, is simplifying almost to the point of being
black-and-white. The desire to prevent unwanted teenage pregnancies
leads to as firm a statement of the risk being taken as possible, with
the more likely belief of most young people (‘It’s less likely you’ll get
pregnant if you have your period’) being firmed up to the more extreme
version given here, mostly in order to account for the small number of
girls who may take such a risk.
Woman’s Own takes a slightly different approach by alternating myths,
that readers might think are true, with facts that they may find hard to
believe. Here is a pair of this kind:
FACT Dieting can dull the mind

Studies have shown there is a link between dieting and mental
performance. The reduction in working memory occurs because slim-
mers’ brains become so preoccupied with dieting that other brain
processes don’t get a look in.
MYTH Obesity is genetic
Only 1% of obese people can blame their parents for passing on a
‘fat gene’. The obesity epidemic is down to sedentary lifestyles with
energy-rich and fat-laden diets.
Notice that the so-called ‘fact’ is not a scientific one in the usual sense
that the mind is working less-well chemically, but relates to the obses-
sion which dieters can build up. Notice that the rather vague reference
to studies gives no clue as to what kind of research we are talking about.
The message of this paragraph is ironic in the context of an article on
dieting in a special issue of Woman’s Own on dieting. It contrasts inter-
estingly with the next myth, which is not letting the reader off the hook
as regards obesity. The message, presumably an implicature, is that obese
people should diet, though they can expect their brain function to be
less effective as a result.
Sermon-style
Whilst we may recognize a more straightforward preaching style as being
a kind of sermonizing rhetoric which tells the reader directly what she
should or should not do, there are only two texts in this data that can
be characterized as having something of the sermon about them. They
are both claimed to be written by men. The first text (Jump) is a diatribe
against the dressing up of young girls in a sexually enticing fashion.
On the surface, it appeals to many of the ideas that sensible adults
would concur with, such as the notion that it is important to give girls a
chance to be children before putting them under pressure to look sexually
attractive, and advises the reader to develop other attributes instead:
Confidence and charisma will never go out of fashion. In fact, the

older you get, the more important they become so you might as well
try to develop them now. They’re such attractive qualities in anyone,
especially a young woman. Trust me, I’m a guy.
We will encounter this text again later, but here it is just worth noting
that the preaching is not overt here, but is achieved by the technique
of the implied author, who is a 19-year-old man, saying what he finds

attractive and what he finds unappealing, with the flouting of the
maxim of quantity resulting in an implicature that young female readers
of the text will see that they should take note of his preferences.
The other sermon-style text is an article, also written by a man, on the
subject of nutrition for pregnant women (Slimmer Magazine). Magnus
Mumby discusses the ideal diet for pre-conception, and takes a very firm
line with his readers:
The diet isn’t much fun it must be said, but it is only for two weeks
and if you are not prepared to make small sacrifices for your child’s
well being then maybe you should consider if you are ready to become
a parent.
This text is more obviously sermonizing, as it questions the commitment

of someone who is not prepared to diet before conception. It has a
great deal of deontic modality as well as being written in the second
person, which gives it this authoritative quality. We will revisit this text
in discussing particular stylistic features like these.
Steps (toward salvation)

The concept of structuring advice into easy steps towards a goal has
already been commented on in relation to text types, but it also seems
to describe a rhetorical strategy of trying to make the reader think that
something very difficult can be achieved more easily in small steps.
This may reflect some religious types of practice, such as steps to salva-
tion, but these are perhaps more familiar to us in secular contexts
as pseudo-religious forms of behaviour-changing, as practised by Alco-
holics Anonymous, WeightWatchers and other similar organizations.
The examples in the current data include a text from Ebony, which
is entitled 10 Steps to a FLATTER STOMACH, and text from Our Baby,
which has a similar title, but only half the number of steps: FIVE STEPS
TO A FLATTER tummy. The latter text, as we saw earlier, is a cross-over
text which advertises sweeteners as well as giving advice about exercise.
A similar idea is found in More, which offers out-of-this-world orgasms if
you follow our seven-day sex plan.
Damascene conversions
Continuing on the religious, particularly Christian, theme, there is a
common rhetorical strategy which is familiar to many as the ‘sinner
that repented’, or from the story of St Paul who converted to Chris-

tianity on the road to Damascus. This kind of sudden conversion is thus
sometimes known as a ‘Damascene’ conversion, though it would be
surprising if such a story structure did not pre-date the biblical account
of this incident. The rhetorical force, of course, of such a story, as the
bible writers would have been aware, is to convince the reader that even
the most heinous ‘sinner’ (in whatever sense) can be ‘saved’.
This rhetorical strategy is related to strategies discussed earlier in
that some real and some exemplary women are shown as having been
through a Damascene conversion to convince them of the need to
change/diet/have surgery and so on. Ferguson (1985) sees similar paral-
lels between the religious cult and women’s magazines:
I have argued that women’s magazines collectively comprise a social

institution which serves to foster and maintain a cult of femininity. In
promoting a cult of femininity these journals are not merely reflecting
the female role in society; they are also supplying one source of
definitions of, and socialisation into, that role. (Ferguson 1985: 184)
Both teenage girls in a typical text from Bliss, for example, are
described as having been unhappy with their breasts at an earlier stage,
and both now claim to be happy:
Nowadays I’m perfectly happy being small. I’m glad I am what I

am I’m much more comfortable with my breasts now. I like them
and I’m glad they’re not big.
Whilst the reason for this change is not clear here, the change of heart
is probably the point of the story as an example to other teenagers who
are going through the earlier phase of being dissatisfied. The slimming
texts tend to have a clearer conversion moment. Here are two examples,
from Slimmer Magazine, and Woman’s Own respectively:
At my lowest point, I saw an article about how TV personality, Carol

Vorderman lost weight using a programme called Slim from Within.
I was inspired by what I read and as it seemed different to other diets
I’d tried, I sent off [for] the programme.
Amy took herself off to a local Meeting and, for the first time in
years, got on the scales: ‘I was dreading it. The lady who helps out
said to me in a very quiet voice, “You’re 20 ½ stone” and I thought,
Oh God, that’s even worse than I thought! But then I thought, That’s
the worst bit over and you’ve taken the first step.’
These stories are advertising Slim from Within, and WeightWatchers

respectively, though the latter is not a direct advertisement but a
reader’s story. The pattern is so strong in texts on this topic that the
reader certainly has a sense of the absolute need for a moment of
conversion, which though it is combined with willpower, control and
self-determination, is also dependent on some outside agency, in this
case not God but Rosemary Conley or WeightWatchers. The rhetorical
strategy, then, is to persuade readers that they can slim – indeed anyone
can slim – but not without that all-important trigger moment which
requires signing up (and paying, though this isn’t mentioned) to some
outside agency.
Summary
Fairclough’s notion of genre-mixing, a term he used to describe televi-
sion interviews and debates, turns out to be useful here to describe the
patchwork combinations of text types that these texts seem to favour.
There may, however, be a justification for talking in terms of genre-
blending where there is no clear dividing line between two or more
genres, but rather a merging of their features. This, still more than
the confusion of role predicted by Fairclough, may confuse or mislead
the unwary reader, most particularly where advertising is slipped into
the structure of another genre, or wears the clothes of a different genre.
As for rhetorical strategies, whilst these texts are not obviously using
classical rhetorical figures, they nevertheless seem to exploit at times
the logos or appeal to the intellect (for example in puncturing myths)
and at others the appeal to the pathos or emotions (for example in
the emotional appeal of readers’ stories). Perhaps the most interesting,
because the most clearly ideologically-loaded, are the appeals to ethos,
or the sense of correctness or morality. Many of the texts of different
genres appear to construct a sense of the ‘right’ thing to do, whether
it is in relation to what to eat in pregnancy or how to deal with being
overweight.
The mildly religious connotations of the exemplary women, the
sermon-style and the idea of steps towards a goal are echoed in many of
the slimming stories, particularly where they are a covert advertisement
for a particular regime or exercise class. One text from WeightWatchers
magazine, for example, uses the terms Meeting, Programme and Leader
as proper nouns, and uses Goal without a determiner, which is another
echo of the language of salvation. There is a very strong sense of the

religious group in the piece as a whole, not least in the title, which
is Reborn and thus reminiscent of the idea of being ‘born again’ in
Christianity.
Women’s magazines, then, though ostensibly there to inform and
entertain, also appear to have a normative or even restraining purpose in
addition. The conduct book of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(see Jones 1990) may have evolved and become more subtle, but women
are still under pressure, even from their ‘own’ texts, to do what is correct.
As we will see in later chapters, some of the detailed stylistic features
of the language used in the text types and rhetorical strategies examined
here work to reinforce the ideological effects already noted. This chapter
has demonstrated that the choice of text type, and within this the
rhetorical strategies used, are the context within which the micro-level
ideological naturalization operates.
3
Naming and Describing
This chapter takes as its theme two related textual processes which both
have the potential to cast the topics they describe in specific ideological
terms. Whilst the impetus for these analyses was the grammatical process
of nominalization, we will see that very similar analyses can be made
of nominals that are not derived from verbs. The term nominalization
itself refers to the morphological derivation of a noun from a verb. These
would include, for example, introduction, sleeping and significance from
the verbs introduce, sleep and signify as in:
The introduction of stricter controls on fraud was a government ploy.

Sleeping in a hammock is bad for your back.
The significance of that relationship escapes me.
Whilst there are very many such examples of strict nominalizations in

English, most of them do no more than provide some economy in the
language, so that we are not obliged to put each process into its own
clause. If we attempted to do so for the above sentences we would find
ourselves spelling out the basic ideas underlying them:
The government have introduced stricter controls on fraud and this

is a ploy.
Someone(?) sleeps in a hammock and this process is bad for your back.
That relationship signifies something but it escapes me.
Notice that as well as being explicit, this re-writing has also shown up
the fact that we sometimes use nominalizations for general reference, as
in the second sentence here. Once we try to undo the nominalization it
turns out that we do not have a clear grammatical Subject for the verb
61
sleeping. What early accounts of CDA realized was that this perfectly
useful grammatical process, whereby the verb changes into a noun and
various other participants may be left unmentioned for good reason
(such as not knowing their identity) may also be used for less straight-
forward processes, including hiding the identity of participants, reifying
the process and creating existential presuppositions. Fairclough (1989)
for example, glosses nominalization as:
a process is expressed as a noun, as if it were an entity. One effect

of this grammatical form is that crucial aspects of the process are left
unspecified causality is unspecified. (Fairclough 1989: 51)
He also notes (Fairclough 1989: 124) that references to time (that is,
tense) get lost in nominalized versions of events and processes, and that
modality and agency are lacking in addition.
One of the clearest statements of the potential of nominalization
comes from Fowler (1991: 80):
Nominalisation is a radical syntactic transformation of a clause,

which has extensive structural consequences, and offers substan-
tial ideological opportunities we claimed that nominalization was,
inherently, potentially mystificatory: that it permitted habits of
concealment, particularly in the areas of power-relations and writers’
attitudes.
If mystification is one potential with nominalization, another is
reification.
Fowler points out that the loss of tense, modality and agency is only
one part of the power of nominalization. The other, reification, refers
to the creation of existential presuppositions. Thus, the use of a nomin-
alization, confirmation in the sentence ‘The confirmation that we are at
war is a real blow to anti-war campaigners’ focuses not on the process of
the announcement, but on the outcome. This has the effect of making
the confirmation more like an entity and less like a process, and it is also
presupposed to exist, as we can see by the fact that it stays constant in
the negated version: ‘The confirmation that we are at war is not a real
blow to anti-war campaigners’. This reification is not, in fact, limited to
grammatical nominalizations, but is also true of all definite and some
indefinite noun phrases, particularly where there is other modification
in the form of adjectives or subordinate clauses:
Naming and Describing 63
The disastrous outcome of the trial will be felt for years to come.
This unique opportunity to see the world is available to all soldiers.
The subject noun phrases in these two invented sentences demonstrate

the effect of building into the noun phrase some of the assumptions
and ideologies that it might suit the writer to include in such a way that
they are difficult to contest. The propositions of the two sentences are
able to be challenged:
No – it will be forgotten about in a couple of months.

No – some of them never leave Britain.
The presuppositions – that the trial was indeed disastrous and that there
is a unique opportunity to see the world – are not in question here.
I would propose, therefore, that the analysis of nominals in general
is one of the more useful tools for critical discourse analysts, and this
chapter takes such a position as its starting point. Naming is one of the
major ways of incorporating ideologies into texts and because the modi-
fication of head nouns is part of that naming process, I have decided
to include ‘describing’ in this chapter as a related textual constructor of
meaning.
Naming and describing
Functionally, one of the potentially most influential choices any writer

makes is the names s/he uses to make reference. This is both an ‘easy’
concept to understand, and a difficult type of analysis to carry out. For
many referents, there is little obvious choice in the way that they are
named in English. There are, of course, differences of effect achieved by
choosing nouns with different connotations, including those of register
and formality. But these differences tend to be quite transparent and
are certainly fairly easy to point out, even if their effect is not always so
clear.
However, if we take the noun phrase as the basic unit of naming, as
well as the choice of head noun, there are choices to be made about
the modification of the noun. Adjectival choices are considered under
a separate heading here (see ‘Characterizing’ below) but in addition to
these, the use of definite and indefinite articles, possessive and demon-
strative determiners, and postmodification by prepositional phrases or
relative clauses results in a naming strategy which can encompass
complex presuppositions about ideology.
My use of the functional term ‘naming’ to characterize this aspect of

style, reflects a widening of the CDA category of nominalization. The
grammatical process of creating a nominal out of a process (for example
‘nominalization’ itself), though treated as a transformation by Fowler
(1991: 80), is conceptually similar to the process of putting anything into
a definite noun phrase and treating it as a ‘given’ – the effect is to reify
its existence. But the effect is not only one of existential presupposition
(see Chapter 5), it is also the more subtle question of deictic properties
being assigned by the demonstratives and possessives and the effect they
have on the naming of referents.
Though many of the functional categories I am using here can be
identified at a structural as well as a semantic level, they also all have
realizations beyond their most stereotypical form. However, it is useful
to note that the most typical vehicle for characterizing in English is the
adjective. This function, therefore, is largely sought through the use of
adjectival modification of nouns, although it is recognized that there
is an overlap here with naming, since the choice of a head noun to
refer to something is one of the ways in which a text characterizes that
referent. As we will see below, the most significant finding in relation to
adjectival use in this data is the concentration of evaluative adjectives,
in particular those relating to the normality or naturalness of the item
or process being described.
The naming and describing of women and their bodies in magazines
written for them and for their benefit is the original motivation for this
research. Given that English has too few ‘normal’ labels for women’s
sexual body parts, particularly those which might be considered relat-
ively neutral in relation to formality or informality; it was potentially of
some interest to see how these were named in published texts. Whilst
we have vagina to describe the internal passage from the womb and
vulva and labia to describe the outermost parts of the female genitalia,
these are seen as relatively technical and therefore formal words with
very specific meanings, and are not normally used as a generalized label
for the female genitals. At the other extreme, we have cunt as a taboo
but relatively general label, and more euphemistic but titillating labels
such as pussy, beaver and so on.
None of these terms serves women in their daily lives, who might
wish to refer to the reproductive and sexual parts of their bodies for
health and other reasons – to health professionals, friends and confid-
ants. This leads to real dilemmas for parents and others in relation to
the labelling of girls’ body parts, as they need to find some way that
female children can communicate about the health and cleanliness of
these areas of their body just as they do about their knees, faces and
hands.
One of the tasks of the analysis, then, was to establish the naming
habits of women’s magazines in relation to all parts of the female body,
both sexual and non-sexual, given that the topics of many of the articles
and advice columns is the body, and particularly its sexual attractive-
ness and other functions (such as reproduction). There was no particular
expectation that the magazines would do other than reflect and rein-
force the usage of ‘polite’ society, but the range and detail of the body-
part naming, particularly in relation to descriptors, such as adjectives,
was revealing.
The other main aspect of naming and describing that was investig-
ated here was the construction of women, mainly as readers, but also
as professionals and advisors, and the relationship that such women
appear to be constructed as having to their bodies and bodily processes.
The identification of people by body parts, and the use of evaluative
adjectives in relation to women and their bodies are of particular interest
in this regard. Whilst the analysis is not quantitative, there are some
features of language in the data that one might wish to describe as over-
whelmingly present, and in these cases one might argue that there is
the potential at least for a very strong ideological influence over readers’
perceptions of women’s bodies.
As we saw in Chapter 1, there are no simple one-to-one relation-
ships between textual features and the stylistic functions that we are
concerned with in this analysis. However, there are certain features
that most obviously line up with each of the functions, and in the
case of naming and describing, the obvious textual features relate to
nouns, noun phrases and related adjectival modifications of nouns.
Whilst this narrows the field a little, for example by enabling us
to ignore verbs for the time being, it nevertheless leaves open a
large number of considerations relating to nominal and adjectival
constructions. These potentially include everything from the lexical
semantic structure of the texts, in terms of lexical fields or use of
hyponyms, for example, to the choice of euphemistic lexemes or
the premodification of head nouns by definite articles or possessive
adjectives.
The texts which form the data of this study were scrutinized for
the manner of naming body parts and processes, the manner of
naming women and the kinds of descriptions attached to these names.
The checklist of textual features which were considered included the
following, though there was no clear expectation about what kinds of

patterning might be found under these headings:
• Use and reference of pronouns;

• Lexical semantic patterning of texts (including lexical fields and
occurrence of other sense relations);
• Connotative features of the body part labels chosen;
• Nominal labelling of processes;
• Structural properties of noun phrases, including determiners and the
choice and use of adjectives, in premodifying, complement and head
noun roles.
What emerged from this particular analysis of the data was a remark-
able set of consistent habits of both labelling and describing women
and their bodies, though some of the features investigated were not as
fruitful as others. For example, though the study of lexical fields can
be of great significance in relation to the style of a poem or poems,
the nature of the texts in the current data is such that the occur-
rence of certain lexical fields (of body parts, processes, and others)
is firstly not surprising, and secondly of little significance in stylistic
terms. What turned out to be much more interesting in this data is the
precise choice of terms from the relevant lexical fields, and the implic-
ations that these choices may have for the reader’s perceptions of the
female body.
Constructing the reader
In a sense, all of the analysis in this book is aimed at finding out

how the reader is potentially constructed by the language of the texts.
However, in a very specific way, the writer may make presupposi-
tions and implicatures about the kind of reader that is being taken
for granted. We will look at other presuppositions and implicatures in
Chapter 6, but here we will consider those which seem to relate partic-
ularly to the process of naming and characterizing or describing the
readership.
People
It is no surprise, perhaps, that many of the texts address the reader
directly using the second-person pronoun, you, and they just as often
indicate that the referent of the pronoun is female:
Find out what’s happening to you and your baby (Our Baby)
Turn your body into a playground (with the highly underrated art of
foreplay) (Shine)
Identify the reasons why you can’t say no to food and you’re more
likely to succeed with your diet (Woman’s Own)
As these examples demonstrate, the second-person pronoun is often

used in conjunction with other phrases making it clear that the supposed
reader is not only female, but is also in a particular category; pregnant
woman, sexually active woman, dieting woman or unsuccessful dieter.
The norm for many of the articles, particularly those giving specific
advice, is to use the imperative form of the verb, with a second-person
addressee, as in the following examples:
Use your fingertips gently to ease the area around the kneecap. (Body
Beautiful)
Buy yourself a pocket-sized notebook and each day write down
(Woman’s Own)
There will, of course, be readers of these texts who do not fit into the
construction of very particular kinds of women, and this will include
women who are not pregnant/overweight/sexually active/heterosexual
as well as male readers. However, I would hypothesize that there is
a particular reader-position of empathy which female readers tend to
adopt in relation to their magazines and which would be less likely in
the case of male readers.
One text from Bliss in the teenage data, consists of a set of exercises –
a ‘workout’ – according to the star sign of the reader:
Scorpio: You’re spiritual, so an airy exercise, like a roll down, will

relax you.
Capricorn: Press-ups are perfect for you ‘cause you’ve got loads of
energy.
The referent in each of these sections is different, by definition, and yet

as we saw in Chapter 2 it is unlikely that many readers will only read
their ‘own’ section. Similarly with the article on fashion (Mizz) which
categorizes girls by their bodily ‘failings’:
So you have a chest

So you’re smaller on top, bigger on the bottom!
The clothes advice is all about how to ameliorate the look of a flawed
body and the advice of only one or two of the sections may be relevant
to a particular reader, though as we saw in Chapter 2, readers tend to
read all sections and imagine themselves to have the relevant body type.
The pronoun is therefore of shifting reference here too, and the reader
of such magazines will become accustomed to decoding the pronoun
reference in such cases as they are very frequent.
A slightly different case holds for the many texts that take the form
of some kind of question and answer, such as problem pages. In these
cases there may be an actual referent of the pronoun, that is the letter-
writer or assumed questioner (they are not always given an identity).
But the referent of the second-person pronoun in the answers slides
between the individual addressee, and the wider group of addressees in
the readership:
This lump is more likely to be due to the breast bud developing.

I know you might find it embarrassing, but you should still get it
checked out It’s better to have things checked than to let a major
worry get you down. (Sugar)
I would suggest that there is contextual evidence here that the first and
second occurrences of you refer to the letter-writer, and that the third
one refers to ‘people’ or ‘one’, which may be taken as being addressed
to the wider readership. These contextual clues include the use of This
at the beginning, which has definite reference (to a particular lump) and
the main clause introducing the second sentence: I know. This indicates
that the advisor is aware of the feelings of someone, and it is likely to
be someone specific, rather than the readers in general. The final use of
you is in a generic sentence introduced by It’s better and the phrase a
major worry is used, rather than a particular concern about a lump in the
breast, leaving the possibility open that other worries might also require
the same kind of advice.
A similar move takes place in another answer to a teenage letter writer:
First things first hun, you’re completely normal. It’s very common
for bleeding to be irregular when you start your periods. It can take
months for your body to settle down If you’re still worried then pop
along to your GP. And don’t be embarrassed, after all, all us girls have
‘em! (Mizz)
The first you in this answer is clearly referring to the letter-writer,

as it follows the endearment hun which is presumably intended to
make the letter-writer feel cared for. The second, and more particularly
the third, uses of you are very much wider in their reference, since
they are discussing a range of scenarios rather than the specific worry
described in the letter. It is also interesting to note the inclusive use
of all us girls in the same answer. This is a common way of the writer
identifying with the readers on the grounds of her gender. In the current
case, this can sound slightly awkward, as it is clear that the writer is
an adult, whilst the supposed reader is a teenager. The use of the word
girls, then, is an attempt on the part of the writer to emphasize the
similarities between her and the reader (that is, gender) and play down
the differences (that is, age).
A more extensive version of this kind of identification with the reader
comes in an answer to the question of whether looking at other girls in
the shower at school makes the letter-writer a lesbian:
All bodies are beautiful, so they’re nice to look at (especially girls ones,
less messy and no dangly bits). In addition, we normally cover our
bodies up with clothes, so it makes it kinda weird when we see them
naked, that why it makes us feel a bit funny inside sometimes. (Mizz)
We will return to this text a number of times, as it is one of the very few
in the data which deals with sexuality. Here, we need only note that the
advisor uses the first-person plural pronouns, we and us, to generalize
about people, and thus to include the letter-writer as well as herself and
the readers in the generalizations. The function of this usage is to make
the letter-writer feel ‘normal’. We will return to questions of normality
below.
Whilst the naming of individuals and groups of people is not, in
itself, necessarily constructing the female body in particular ways, it is
noticeable that the population of these texts, apart from the addressee
(usually the readership in general) is made up of allies (your mum,
my closest friends, my parents), experts (expert, your GP, midwives, their
plastic surgeons), exemplary women (celebrities, readers and others who
do the ‘right’ thing) and the ‘other’, that is men (guys, boys, he, my
husband).
The ideology of women being to some extent helpless victims of their
bodies is partly supported by these categories of people surrounding the
subjects of the texts, despite the many exhortations to take action. The
women at the centre of the texts, whether real or generalized, famous
or ‘ordinary’, are constructed as needing help – from their friends and

family, and from experts or authority figures. The male is largely absent
from the scene, except when the expert happens to be male, and is only
referred to in relation to problems (in teen magazines and the black
magazines); in relation to pregnancy and as a partner in relation to
(assumed heterosexual) sex.
The other consideration which arises from the naming and describing
of the people in these texts is the categorization by body shape or by
relationship to the body: my big-boobed friends (Bliss). This example
illustrates that the teenager is busy splitting up the world into different
kinds of girl on the basis of the size of their breasts, just as some of the
texts do. An article on slimming crazes in Cosmopolitan also categorizes
people into the users and promoters of various diets:
Users: devotees, a low-carb devotee, long-term convert, carbohydrate

addicts
Promoters: celebrity diet-trainer, nutritionists, american dieticians,
nutrition experts, diet gurus, personal trainer
And finally, there are a number of texts in the data which divide subjects
into various ‘other’ categories, whilst simultaneously trying to assert
their similarity to us women:
The hot stars; A-list celebrities; the stars; the women who seem to
naturally look good; a heavyweight star; actress, wife and mother
Cher.
This list, from Body Beautiful, is in an article about celebrity surgery,

emphasizes the ‘otherness’ of celebrity women, because despite being
‘normal’ working women (actress, wife and mother Cher), they also
manage to naturally look good. There is a potential paradox about many
of the exemplary women, whether famous or not, which is that they
both embody what we could be and are marked out as different from
the rest of us. We will return to the idea of exemplary women in a later
section.
People as body parts

One common tendency in many of the texts in this data is for people
to be identified by the body part under consideration. The main mech-
anism for this is that the second-person pronoun (you) is used but with
a clear referent of the body part rather than the whole woman:
Teenagers: A curved piece of wire is threaded underneath each cup

giving you lift and support (Mizz);
Whether you’re big, small, pointy, saggy or pert, chances are you
wish your boobs were different (Bliss);
Pregnancy: I’m not very big (Our Baby);
‘I was fully dilated by 9.30 a.m. (Our Baby);
Sex: A few weeks ago my boyfriend and I tried to have sex but he
couldn’t get inside me (Woman);
I’m so dry (Woman);
Slimming: ‘you’re 20½ stone’ (WeightWatchers);
Surgery: I went from a 32B to a 32D (Body Beautiful).
In these cases, then, the reader is variously referred to as her breasts,

her womb, her vagina, her body weight and her chest size.1 We have
seen in Chapter 2 the indication that dividing the body into parts can
provide the basic structure of whole articles. This is another sign that
women can find themselves identified by a significant body part, either
by others, or as part of their own self-perceptions.
The ideological implication of these repeated tendencies is not easy
to pin down, but it is clear that this metonymic habit relates only to
the sexual and reproductive body parts, or the weight, which is usually
considered to be a factor in (sexual) attractiveness. Note that there is no
equivalent tendency to equate women with their hair (you are greasy) or
feet (you are sevens). Female readers of such magazines throughout their
lives will have the primary functions of sex and reproduction repeatedly
conjured as the equivalent of their ‘self’, which may over time influence
the woman’s self-perception to concur with the centrality of such social
functions.
Choice of adjective versus noun

The final way in which people are characterised in these data, which
may be of some ideological significance, is in relation to the choice
of an adjectival or a nominal form to represent their particular
features:
My friend caught me looking at her and called me a lesbian, is she

right? (Mizz)
Does this mean I’m a lesbian? (Bliss)
These two letters, and the answers given, use the nominal form of
lesbian (indicated by the definite article, a), though the second one has
a heading which uses the adjective gay: Am I gay? It is clearly the case
that the use of a nominal form indicates a characteristic which is repres-
ented as more permanent and intrinsic to the person than the adjective.
Thus, to call someone ‘Jewish’ is potentially less aggressive than to call
them a ‘Jew’. Whilst the permanence and intrinsic nature of Jewish-
ness is not in question, the effect of using a label (that is, a noun) is
more stark and likely to sound like a categorization than the use of
an adjective, which simply notes a particular characteristic. Similarly,
to use the noun, a lesbian, rather than the adjective, is to make clear
that there are two kinds of people; those who are, and those who aren’t
lesbians, rather than, as some might prefer to argue, a heterosexual-to-
lesbian continuum (Rich 1993), or if not a continuum then at least more
categories of female sexuality than two. The answers to these letters,
though willing to concede that some people might indeed be in the
‘other’ category, lesbian, nevertheless try their best to reassure the letter-
writers that they are probably not ‘in’ that category (it doesn’t mean you’re
a lesbian).
The reinforcement of strict categories of sexuality here is one of the
byproducts of what is intended to be a reassuring answer. By contrast,
the one text in the data which deals with bulimia, uses the adjectival
form, rather than a noun:
We don’t binge on food and if anything we under-eat, but anything

we do eat we throw up. Are we bulimic? (Sugar)
It is probably not common for people to be known as a bulimic, possibly

because of its relatively recent development in the public consciousness.
The condition of anorexia, which has been discussed in public for longer,
does seem to have made that shift, so that people might well say She’s an
anorexic, just as they would say He’s an alcoholic. The data under scrutiny
here do not have such examples.
Parts, substances and processes

The naming of body parts, secretions and processes in the data is often
straightforward, and need not concern us further here as far as non-
sexual or taboo body parts are concerned. Thus, the regular use of normal
vocabulary such as leg, arm, face, is evident throughout the data, as seen
in these extracts:
Step onto right leg and kick left foot across in front. (Diet and Fitness)
Shiny tights can turn large calves into two pork sausages! (Body
Beautiful)
Even here, it is noticeable that the overriding concern with looking

‘normal’ is paramount, and the text manages to imply that those with
large calves should be trying to hide them in some way.
One of the significant distinctions that the texts tend to make is
between the outer and the inner body parts of women. The emphasis on
the inner sex organs of girls is made explicit in sex-education literature,
as can be seen in the following extracts from Meredith (1985):
Girls are often unaware of the changes in their sex organs because
most of them are inside their body
It is easy for a boy to tell when his sex organs are developing because
they increase visibly in size.
This distinction between the accessibility of the male sex organs and
the relative inaccessibility – and thus mystery – surrounding the female
organs remains implicit in much of the data under consideration here.
As we shall see in the sections that follow, the distinction is reflected
in the vocabulary and structure used in naming the female body parts
in this data, with the reproductive organs (inside) being treated differ-
ently to the outer body parts, including those which provide sexual
attractiveness.
Once we start considering the sexual or reproductive body parts of
women, the vocabulary of English begins to be deficient, as discussed
above, and these texts find themselves using a range of connotative
forms which are, at one extreme, scientific or medical, and at the other
very informal, verging on the taboo. There are also occasions when the
writers resort to euphemism as a way out of the problem of what to call
things.
The use of scientific or technical jargon is found particularly in rela-
tion to the inner body parts, mostly because there is no alternative
available, these parts having been largely ignored (or not known about)
over the centuries, and there being no neutral equivalent. Note that
this is not a problem with all internal organs, as testified by the words
kidney, heart, lungs, liver and so on. The internal sexual organs of the
female, however, seem not to have developed a detailed everyday vocab-
ulary, with the exception of the word womb. The texts dealing with these
internal organs, therefore, find themselves using a range of vocabulary

that sounds semi-formal and technical:
Your fertilised egg (the zygote) is wafted down the Fallopian tube. It
reaches the uterus around five days later (Our Baby)
In the texts relating to pregnancy, the use of technical vocabulary is

extensive, particularly in relation to the complications and problems
that can arise during pregnancy:
‘They told me I had a blocked Fallopian tube and needed a laparo-

scopy and a hysteroscopy to check for fibroids’ (Woman)
This kind of vocabulary use is probably unavoidable, and yet is in

effect medicalizing the process of bearing children for all readers of
the magazine, whatever their own personal experience. Although the
articles in this case do not normally divide into sections (‘what kind
of pregnant woman are you?’), nevertheless, there are clearly many
readers who do not fall into the categories of pregnant women that are
described in this data. However, the reader-position of many women,
whether pregnant or not, may be ‘this could happen to me’, and it is a
qualitatively different experience from that of a male reader to whom
it could not happen. The emphasizing of problems, then, with their
attendant medical terminology, is one of the overwhelming effects of
the pregnancy material.
There is, however, a clear sense that many of the texts in this data
feel a pedagogical responsibility to explain not only terminology but the
processes and mechanisms of the body. One of the techniques used to
make the strange seem more accessible is to compare parts of the body,
or the foetus/embryo with everyday objects:
At the top of my vagina I can feel a slimy ball the size of a 2p piece
with a space in the middle You’ve located your cervix – the neck
of your womb. (Bliss)
Womb – the size and shape of an upside-down pear. (Bliss)
The opening to the womb, the diameter of a thin straw. (Bliss)
Girls have an orgasm by having their clitoris (tiny, pea-shaped knob of
flesh at the top of the inner vaginal lips), stimulated. (Bliss)
Your cervix is about the same size as a pin. (Bliss)
I noticed a lump under the centre of my nipple. It’s about the size of
a 2p coin (Sugar)
The embryo now measures about half the length of a grain of rice.
(Our Baby)
And your baby now measures around 13 cm (5in) – about the length
of a pen. (Our Baby)
And your baby weighs 500 g (17 oz, about half the weight of a tin of
beans). (Our Baby)
She’s the size of an envelope (21 cm or 8.2 in long). (Our Baby)
The comparison with everyday objects gives a visual sense of what is

being described. A more coy, but equally prevalent, way of referring to
the more taboo parts of the body or bodily processes is by euphemism:
Tampons are inserted into your vagina to absorb menstrual flow.

(Bliss)
There are two types of protection you can use to absorb your flow.
(Fresh)
now I’m scared I’ve damaged my insides and won’t be able to have
children. (Bliss)
These examples tended to occur more in the teenage than in the

adult magazines, though there are also euphemisms to be found in
articles about sex for adults, often in the context of much more explicit
language:
Now he can orgasm up to three times a night, he’s never been

happier – and I get a lot more action! (Cosmopolitan)
Step two: exercise ‘your bits’. If you can’t grip his penis with your
vaginal muscles during sex (More)
The probable use of such euphemisms in sex articles with otherwise

explicit language is as a tantalizing technique, on the assumption that
too much explicitness might sound too clinical. A different reason might
be surmised for the euphemisms used in problem pages:
‘My privates’ are smelly I’ve noticed a strong smell coming from
‘down below’. (Woman)
Here, it is more the absence of appropriate vocabulary, and a reluct-

ance to talk too explicitly about taboo areas of the body that limit the
letter-writer to the euphemistic phrases. A similar avoidance of diffi-
cult subjects occurs in the pregnancy texts where the phrase precious
pregnancies occurs frequently as a reference to pregnancies following
miscarriage, stillbirth or other birth traumas. At the other extreme, there
is some use of dysphemism when the topic is assumed to be one on
which the readership would agree:
Once upon a time, stretch marks were a taboo issue. If you had them
it was assumed you were a bit of a porker (Looks)
This example aims to puncture the myth that people with cellulite are
necessarily fat, and so it is ‘safe’ to use the uncomplimentary term ‘porker’,
in the knowledge that it will not be taken to be applied to the readers,
even if they have cellulite. One of the potential effects on some readers
is to make them feel that they are in the category of non-fat women,
and to allow them a small glow of satisfaction at not being a porker.
Perhaps the most noticeable vocabulary choice tendency in this data
is the use of informal vocabulary, often in the same context as the
formal and technical, and apparently used to undermine any sense of
being over-serious or too pompous. The result is that the references to
the stomach very often use the terms tum or tummy, and texts generally
use bum in preference to the only slightly more formal buttocks:
Marlene gently manipulates Claudia’s tummy. (Pregnancy and Birth)

I reckon I lost around four to five inches from around my lower tum.
(Woman’s Own)
Feeling glum about your bum or your tum? (Woman’s Own)
It is unusual to find anything more taboo than this, though there is one
reference in the data to a huge arse (Body Beautiful).
The references to more obviously sexual body parts than the stomach
or bottom, however, tend to vary a little more, as we have seen above,
with euphemism often being the only alternative to the formal or tech-
nical. The possible exception is the range of words used to refer to
breasts, which are often called simply ‘breasts’, but may at times be
referred to as the ‘chest’ or the ‘bust’. Quite often these terms are replaced
with the more informal, and slightly jokey ‘boobs’, as we can see in the
following examples:
You are long and slim, with narrow hips, a small bust and long legs.
(Sugar)
If you have a bigger chest, try wearing (Shout)
Girlies who have got small breasts; bigger-chested gals. (Mizz)
I’m much more comfortable with my breasts now. I like them and I’m
glad they’re not big. (Sugar)
My problem is I have huge boobs. (Shout)
In summer it is much harder to look good in a T-shirt and other tops
when your boobs are uncomfortably big. (Bliss)
You are curvy figured, with broad shoulders, wide hips, a slim waist
and probably big boobs! (Sugar)
Such patterns as exist here seem to clearly associate the word boobs
with large breasts, and there are, indeed, more extracts mentioning large
than small breasts anyway, the latter tending to use the neutral terms
breasts or bust in preference to boobs or chest, both of which have a
humorous connotation. So, whilst it is likely that in fact both extremes
of ‘abnormality’ give women cause to worry, the greater obsession in this
data is with large breasts, which are both celebrated and seen as a burden
or cause for amusement simultaneously. It is hard to know whether
magazine producers are consciously aware that this usage, read by the
right readers (males who enjoy soft porn?) could encourage a kind of
prurience. It certainly seems unlikely that it’s purely there to be informal
and colloquial, since the word boobs never collocates with small.
Notice, incidentally, that the examples above include one with a clear
sense relation of hyponymy:
Breast enhancements include breast enlargements breast uplifts,

breast reductions. (Body Beautiful )
Here, the reader is, as it were, taught that the term breast enhancements
is the superordinate to three kinds of procedure, and we are thus intro-
duced to some of the terminology of cosmetic surgery. This field of
activity in relation to the female form is particularly fond of nominal-
izations, which sound both reassuringly scientific and also, because of
their nominal nature, quite simple:
Fat can be removed from the lower lids with a procedure known as
transconjunctival blepharoplasty. The surgeon makes incisions inside
the lower eyelid that leave no visible scar. (Body Beautiful)
Sometimes liposuction is the answer, sometimes a mini-abdominoplasty

(small incision) is indicated, and for most advanced cases an abdom-
inoplasty is advised. (Body Beautiful )
In some examples, like the first one here, the nominalisation is accom-
panied by a description of what is involved. In other cases, such as the
second, the terms are assumed to be understood from the wider context
of the article, where the need for loss of abdomen fat has been discussed
at length. Other nominalizations in the data are not always so formal
or technical, so we have more informal, everyday usages, such as nose
job, tummy tuck, overeating, childbirth, dieting and so on.
The analysis of naming conventions in the data has demonstrated
some tendencies towards constructing the reader in particular ways,
sometimes by categorizing her as a particular kind of woman, and at
other times referring to her as though she were identified with her body
parts – particularly the sexually significant ones. The choice of nouns to
refer to body parts reflects the problem in English more generally, where
there is a lack of everyday words for some of the more sensitive or taboo
parts, and the result is a tendency towards euphemism or technical
jargon. Nominalization itself seems to be the preserve of the over-formal
scientific topics such as surgical operations.
Whilst the naming itself is interesting ideologically, the ways in which
the nominals are modified is also very important. The next section,
therefore, examines noun phrase modification and other kinds of textual
describing.
Describing
Determiners
The use of determiners before body parts and processes is not the most
obvious place to look for features of interest in describing bodily features,
but in this data it turns out to be one of the more significant character-
istics of the texts.
In listing the nominal phrases that were used to describe body parts
and processes, individual texts which were written in the second person
with the reader in mind, seemed to be showing a pattern that was not
universal, but nevertheless had a tendency to use the definite article in
relation to internal and taboo body parts, and a possessive adjective in
relation to external and less taboo parts. Let us take some longer extracts
from a complete text to illustrate this point:
You and Your Body

Love ‘em or hate ‘em, periods are all part of being a girl. There is
nothing to be afraid of, ashamed of or embarrassed about – because
we all have them! Read our easy guide for everything you need
to know.
Q What are they?
Periods are a physical sign that your body is ready to reproduce. Every
month, one of the ovaries releases an egg which travels down the
Fallopian tube to the uterus (womb). The uterus prepares itself for a
fertilised egg by thickening its lining with blood. If the egg is not
fertilised then it is expelled from the body along with the lining from
the womb. This is your period, and it will last from three to seven days.
Q When will I start?
The average age to start having your periods is about twelve, although it
can be from any time between the ages of nine and sixteen. You can’t
tell when you are going to start, although your breasts will usually
have started to develop.
What kind of protection should I use?

There are two types of protection you can use to absorb your flow.
Sanitary towels are worn inside your knickers, and come in a great
range of shapes and sizes to suit everyone’s needs. Remember to
change your towel on a regular basis. Tampons are worn inside the
vagina, and should also be changed at least every eight hours. You
can start using tampons as soon as you start your periods, and using
a tampon does not mean losing your virginity. You cannot lose a
tampon inside yourself. (Fresh)
What we see here is a typical movement between the possessive present-

ation of things that are not too unmentionable (periods, breasts etc.) and
the distancing mechanism of the definite article being used for those
body parts that are more taboo. Thus we have initial sequence intro-
ducing the context as second-person, with repeated uses of your body,
which give way very quickly to an egg, followed by the uterus, the body
and the lining from the womb. I would surmise that the body, here uses
the definite article because it is caught up in the middle of a definite
sequence, and couldn’t so easily slip back to the possessive. However,
once the difficult business of discussing internal matters is over, it is
‘safe’ for the text to return to the possessive, in your period. The next
answer to a question continues in this vein, with your period and your
breasts, and the following answer also manages to maintain the second-
person theme, by using the euphemism your flow. However, the need to
mention where tampons are worn means that the vagina uses a definite
article in the middle of a possessive sequence, which finishes with
another euphemism, inside yourself, rather than resorting to a possessive
adjective, followed by vagina.
There is no universal law operating here, and some texts do
use possessive adjectives with vagina, womb and so on, particularly
in magazines written for adults. Nevertheless, there are some texts
throughout the data that seem to have a similar pattern of determiner
use. One text from Our Baby which we have already considered and
which has a second-person ‘diary’ of pregnancy, contains the following
body parts/processes:
your + the +
period fallopian tube

fertilised egg (zygote) uterus
pregnancy uterus wall
Baby amniotic fluid
digestive system umbilical cord
pelvis/pelvic bone embryo
body placenta
hair and skin linea negra
nipples
uterus
waist
breasts
palm
temperature
blood
navel
abdomen
cervix
placenta
One of the differences here, is that the internal parts, particularly in

this case uterus and placenta, appear at first with the definite article, and
then, almost like guests that have now been properly introduced, they
start to appear later in the article with the possessive, your. There is
relatively little mention of the internal sex organs beyond the teenage
and pregnancy texts, not surprisingly. The slimming, sex, plastic surgery
and fitness texts are mostly concerned with outer body parts, and inner
parts are normally only muscles, such as your deep postural muscles (Marie
Claire).
However, there is some indication that the distinction I have made
above between the use of the definite article and the possessive adjective
also distinguishes between body parts in some of the other data, not
on the basis of whether it is internal and taboo (versus external and/or
not taboo), but on the basis of whether it is evaluated as good or bad.
Woman’s Own, for example, on the merits of lipsuction, begins by
addressing the reader:
You’ve given up junk food, taken up exercise and STILL you

can’t manage to shift that lingering roll of fat. So, is surgery the
answer?
What is noticeable about the problems being addressed here is that

although the reader may be the addressee, the perceived bad features
that are the subject under discussion are not preceded by a possessive
adjective, but by a demonstrative. We see this in the opening sentence
above, with that lingering roll of fat, and the same transition from personal
to demonstrative occurs in the next paragraph too:
Go one step further, and you could also say goodbye to those baggy
folds of skin and get those unwanted slack muscles tightened up.
This psychological distancing by the use of distal deictic terms (those)

has the interesting effect of producing simultaneous but possibly
conflicting implicatures that the reader has these features (produced
by the definiteness of the demonstrative adjective) but also that
these features are not an integral part of the reader (produced by
using distal deictic terms, rather than possessive adjectives). Note the
effect if these passages were to be rewritten reversing this determiner
usage:
You’ve given up junk food, taken up exercise and STILL you can’t
manage to shift your lingering roll of fat. So, is surgery the answer?
Go one step further, and you could also say goodbye to your baggy
folds of skin and get your unwanted slack muscles tightened up.
It seems unlikely that the reader would respond well to being told so
plainly that she has these problems (even if it is true) and so the distan-
cing deixis is perhaps less likely to alienate the reader.
The article continues to describe in some detail the process of liposuc-

tion, and often uses generic sentences as well as definite articles to avoid
drawing the reader in too closely, and possibly insulting her:
However, liposuction offers a way to completely remove unwanted

deposits on the tummy, neck, arms, hips, thighs, knees or even
ankles During the operation, a narrow tube is inserted through
a tiny cut and used to vacuum the fat layer deep under the
skin. The process removes fat, leaving the blood vessels and nerves
intact.
There is a very fine balance being struck by these writers, and the inter-
play of the different determiner usage seems to be an important part of
this process. The article does ‘frame’ the potentially disturbing detail of
the process with more personal references to your body shape, but the
level of detail in these sentences is very much less:
As there are now fewer cells to take up fat, any changes to your body
shape should be long-lasting Current surgery techniques can help
to improve your body shape but only under certain circumstances.
These two sentences occur near the beginning and end of the article
respectively, and between them there is much more detail about the
procedures, none of it related to the reader through the second-person
pronoun. The writer thus manages to relate the article to the reader in
general ways, whilst not causing her to be put off by imagining these
processes actually happening to her. One of the sentences that appears
to be actively avoiding such an outcome is as follows:
In circumstances where someone has lost massive amounts of weight,

a tummy tuck can be carried out to remove excess or baggy skin. This
is done by cutting away the skin (stretch marks may be cut out too
during this process) and loose muscles can be tightened up.
Here, the use of someone, specifically avoids referring to the reader, and
the procedures are then dealt with hypothetically by use of the passive
voice. This is another method of separating the action from the reader,
so that those with a squeamish reaction to the detail may not relate the
procedures too closely to themselves, whilst still considering themselves
amongst the addressees of the article.
A similar effect is achieved in a very different article in Body Beau-

tiful which also aims to ‘improve’ the body shape of the reader, but
by careful choice of clothes. First, there is a very long introductory
section, detailing what the reader should and shouldn’t do in the way
of choosing a wardrobe, and using the second-person pronoun:
You may have beautiful skin, but wearing pale colours will make you
look tired.
Your wardrobe should consist of about 60 percent colour (blues,
green, pinks etc.) and 40 per cent basics (navy, black, white, stone,
brown and grey).
We will revisit this text later in relation to modality, but the interesting
aspect of the language for us here is that after the generalizations, and
once the text begins to tackle perceived problems of body shape, the
second-person progressively drops out and the definite (or indefinite)
article takes over:
Therefore, a white, silky blouse will make the bust appear larger; satin
trousers will enlarge the bottom they encase; a shiny dress or suit will
add inches to the entire body; and shiny tights can turn large calves
into two pork sausages!
Although, in the early stages of this article, there were some references
to the reader’s own body shape (If you are short or overweight ), the
example above, towards the end of the article, represents the climax of
a more and more negative picture of the possible problems with the
female form, culminating in the pork sausages reference. It is therefore,
perhaps, not surprising, that though the article may intend the reader
to identify with some of the problems, it is left to her to make the
connection, and the second-person possessive is omitted in favour of
articles or plurals with no determiner (large calves). The article, like the
cosmetic surgery article discussed above, finishes as it starts by referring
more directly to the reader again, but not with any uncomfortable detail
about unattractive body parts:
You must be realistic about your assets and faults. If short jackets are
fashionable and they suit you, wear them and vice versa.
Here, the reader is reminded that they have faults, but only in general
terms, and the alternatives of wearing something fashionable that suits
you and not wearing it if it doesn’t suit you are opposed, but the latter,
where there is the potential for negative feelings, is subsumed into the
phrase vice versa. Thus, the reader is left with more of an impression
of the good side of that equation – what it’s like to be able to wear
fashionable clothes, knowing that they suit you.
This pattern of article, starting and finishing with second-person
addressee, and tending toward the more distancing effect of definite
articles and demonstratives in the central part of the article, where poten-
tially the most disturbing information is found, is repeated again and again
throughout the data. Here are three sentences from the beginning, middle
and end of an article on nutrition and weight gain in the menopause
years from Diet and Fitness, which demonstrate the same phenomenon:
Keeping your weight in check can help keep the ageing process at bay.
around the time of the menopause and thereafter, the decrease in the
amount of oestrogen produced by the body increases the likelihood
that fat will be deposited around the abdomen.
Exercise will help to maintain muscle tone, keeping your body in good
shape and preserving your physical strength.
Note the use of the second person in the first sentence in relation to the
relatively safe topic of keeping your weight in check whereas the second
sentence discusses the technical aspects of the relatively taboo meno-
pause, while the last sentence returns to the here and now and discusses
external features like the body shape and muscle tone and returns to
using the second person again.
Adjectives
The patterning of determiner usage discussed in the previous section
was less anticipated than some significance in the patterns of adjectival
modification of nouns, either within the noun phrase, as a premodifier,
or as the complement of an intensive verb, as for example, in clauses
like her weight was excessive.
Perhaps the most overwhelming pattern amongst the adjectival usage
was to find that the large majority of adjectives could easily be inter-
preted in the context as hyponyms of either good or bad:
I used to have quite large breasts but after breastfeeding they became
empty and floppy. So I decided to have them filled up again, which is
exactly what the surgeon did for me. They’re brilliant.
This extract from a reader’s story in a cosmetic surgery article in

Body Beautiful, demonstrates a phenomenon that happens repeatedly
throughout the data. Adjectives describing the bodily ‘before’ and
‘after’ situations are either positively or negatively evaluated. Thus, it
is possible to equate all of these adjectives with good and bad as appro-
priate:
I used to have quite large (= good) breasts but after breastfeeding they
became empty (= bad) and floppy (= bad). So I decided to have them
filled up again, which is exactly what the surgeon did for me. They’re
brilliant (= good).
It may not be surprising to find such good–bad distinctions in this data,

which by definition is aimed at helping women with their bodily prob-
lems, so that we would expect the problems themselves to be cast in a
negative light, and the solutions in a positive. One of the difficulties of
analysing data in our own culture, with which we are very familiar, is
that it is hard to step outside our own conditioning and see other possib-
ilities. How else could women’s bodily problems be addressed other
than in black-and-white terms or with problem-and-solution strategies?
In this case, of course, the problem is an entirely constructed one,
in that the unsatisfactory breasts are only seen as such in relation to
the ideal of a pre-maternal, young and ‘full’ shape. If the ideology of
our culture celebrated the different shapes of breast, not only between
people, but throughout a woman’s life, this problem would simply
not exist.
One of the more common themes in the data, particularly in the
teenage data, is the distinction between that which is normal, natural
or healthy in relation to the body and that which is abnormal, unusual
or unhealthy:
‘I thought I must be abnormal’, says 18-year-old Sally from Glasgow.

‘I thought my vagina felt so weird I even peeked in one of my
brother’s horrible porn mags. Eventually I asked my doctor and he
said I was normal. (Bliss)
Am I normal? How long are they supposed to last? First things first
hun, you’re completely normal. And don’t be embarrassed, after
all, all us girls have ‘em! (Mizz)
Listen up girlies, looking at other girls’ bods in the showers is
completely natural. (Mizz)
Teachers play an important role when we’re at school, so it’s not

unusual to feel this kind of attraction. It’s perfectly healthy to have
questions about your sexuality, and sharing your worries can make
things more clear. (Bliss)
but he says all girls enjoy this and there must be something wrong with
me. Is he right? Your breasts are normal. (Bliss)
Masturbation is a natural part of getting to know your body. (Bliss)
For many girls, whatever their age, heavy periods are normal, healthy
and natural. (Shout)
vanity is a normal and vital part of us. The world without vanity
would be a far duller place. (Body Beautiful )
Some texts are built entirely upon the distinction between what is
normal and what is not. For example, a problem page in Woman has
the heading ‘Am I normal?’ as a summary of all the problems dealt
with on the page. These questions and answers deal with a range of
sexual problems, from pain and vaginal dryness to lack of desire. The
subheading sums up the rhetorical thrust of the piece:
It’s hard to know where to turn if you have a problem relating to

your sex life and all too easy to jump to the conclusion that you must
be abnormal. But many ‘problems’ are surprisingly common
This extract illustrates a logical anomaly in the whole normal–abnormal

line of reasoning. For a bodily feature to be normal, it needs to be
statistically at least in the majority, rather than a minority. Most of
the problems which cause concern to readers of these magazines, by
their nature affect a minority of people. It is therefore illogical to claim
that something relatively unusual is also normal. However, it is a habit
of this kind of advice-giving to make just such claims, as a way of
reassuring the readers, as if there is then no action that needs to be
taken, because normality has been established. In fact, the details of the
answers in this case do not fulfil this logic, and contradict the rhetoric
of the introduction:
If you get itching and an abnormal discharge, a vaginal infection is

likely to be to blame.
There’s no such thing as normal when it comes to having sex. Libido,
or sex drive, is a highly individual thing.
Other texts, such as the following one from Cosmopolitan, compound

this (lack of) logic explicitly:
But remember: not all women come every time they have intercourse,
some women do not come at all. So relax, you are perfectly normal!
A similar anomaly occurs in relation to plastic surgery. Although it is

clearly very far from being ‘natural’, one of the tests of its success is if it
looks or feels so:
The implant was inserted behind the breast tissue so when you touch
the breasts they actually feel very soft and normal I had silicone
put in so they’re firmer than normal tissue but they still feel like part
of my body. It doesn’t feel like there’s anything there at all. I think
it feels very natural. (Body Beautiful )
Related to this normal/abnormal distinction, but with a slightly more

ominous tone, is the only slightly less common distinction between
what is correct and what is incorrect:
As for your correct weight, this depends on your height and frame,
not your age. (Sugar)
Are you wearing the right bra? (Mizz)
What is the first thing you do with a part of your body that you
don’t like? Cover it up? If you do it correctly that is great. But if you
do it incorrectly, you may hide your assets at the same time. (Body
Beautiful)
Whilst there is some concession made to difference in the first of these

answers, there is nevertheless a notion of correctness even here. And in
the second and third extracts, the idea of a fairly rigid set of rules for
dressing according to body shape is implicit.
Lining up with the good/bad implications of these two distinc-
tions (normal/abnormal and correct/incorrect) are other general distinc-
tions between things that are pleasurable, pleasant or attractive about
the female body, and aspects that are painful, disgusting or in some
way unattractive, in other words, distinctions which have good/ bad
connotations:
Stop reminding everyone who will listen that you’ve got a huge
arse. One advantage of this superficial world is that everyone is too
obsessed with themselves to really notice your lumpy thighs! (Body

Beautiful )
Discharge might seem yucky but at least it proves your body’s in
working order. (Bliss)
The second text here seems to be emphasizing the abnormality (from

a male perspective of the complete, clean body) of regular body
parts/processes in the female. The list of negative-sounding adjectives
in this text (remembering it’s for teenagers) includes:
hairy; thick, dark hair; unlikeliest bits; freaky; alien; whitish or

yellowish gunk; itchy; dry; putrid-smelling; green; yucky
This list of features is probably intended to be light-hearted, as well

as comforting, in the sense that it recognizes the squeamishness of
teenagers, faced with the reality of bodies. However, the ideology of the
whole piece reinforces the notion that whilst these processes may be
natural, we should nevertheless hide, minimize or correct such features
of our bodies in order to approximate to the unattainable ideal body.
Although some texts, such as the one above, focus on the negative,
the data show a greater tendency to emphasize the positive extreme,
often in the form of superlatives:
This type of bra is perfect for girls who love slipping into a boob
tube (Mizz)
Long, slinky catsuits look amazing on slim frames; a whole outfit in
one dark colour makes the most of those gorgeous curves. (Sugar)
many doctors recommend that, prior to pregnancy, women should
try to get as close to their ideal weight as possible (Ebony)
To achieve a perfect body all you need to do is understand which
lengths and styles work for you (Body Beautiful )
The use of words like perfect and ideal are both a reflection of the type
of overstatement that women and girls might use in a conversational
context and also a reinforcement of the targets that they may be setting
themselves. Since such words are used frequently in the data, they rein-
force the ideology of the ideal body each time they occur.
In many texts, there are multiple examples of negative adjectives and
corresponding lists of positive adjectives relating to the health and/or
fitness of the body. One text in Women’s Health deals with getting back
a flat stomach after pregnancy, and talks about good posture, ideal posture
and keeping the spine strong and supple as contrasted with:
When the abdominals are weakened and stretched (as after pregnancy)
the pelvis sags backwards, the spine curves excessively and the back
becomes vulnerable to damage and low-back pain.
There is an emphasis in this text on bodies and body parts that are
healthy, strong and natural. The implicature, rather oddly, is that what
happens to the body after childbirth is unnatural, unhealthy and weak,
and in other texts that what we are granted by nature in the way of body
shape or size is also somehow the opposite of natural. This may indeed
seem true to evenly-proportioned and healthy women who have grown
up expecting their bodies to continue to function in the same manner
throughout their lives, but it is an ideology, rather than being in any
sense absolutely true. Thus another ideology, of the unchanging body,
is reinforced repeatedly through these texts. The body is portrayed as
serving the individual, as able to let us down, and to some extent able
to be ‘fixed’.
Beauty advice in pregnancy also manages to stress the negatives as we
see in these extracts from Pregnancy and Birth:
During pregnancy hormones can cause your hair to become greasy

and lifeless The weight you carry around in pregnancy can take its
toll on your feet, leaving them with hard, calloused skin Although
creams can work to firm the skin and keep it looking supple, the best
way to prevent saggy boobs is to wear a well-fitting, supportive bra.
Where more positive adjectives are used, they are often connected with
products that are being advertised, albeit obliquely:
This wonderful new skin saver from will leave your skin glowing and
your mind feeling invigorated is available exclusively from
In relation to pregnancy more generally, the overwhelming occurrence

of adjectives in relation to the pregnant woman concern her emotional,
rather than her physical state, and in all cases, these emphasise the two
extremes, so that in one text we get doomed, terrified, very emotional, a
bit frightened, very upset, devastating contrasting with absolutely fine, so
lucky, grateful (Our Baby). This emphasizes the ups and downs of the
hormonally-affected emotions, as well as reflecting this reader’s own
experience. The reinforcing effect of repeatedly reading such stories

might well be expected to influence the expectations and highlight the
fears of pregnant women.
Interestingly, one of the pregnancy texts, which has three readers’
stories which focus on all sorts of horrible problems, ends with the
following advice:
Women who have ‘precious pregnancies’, where they’ve had previous

miscarriages or fertility treatments are, naturally, anxious during
pregnancy. But it’s best to focus on the positive aspects of pregnancy.
Try not to get sucked into negative thoughts. (Pregnancy and Birth)
Whilst keeping pregnant women ignorant about the potential risks of

pregnancy, and signs to look out for which may need intervention is not
ideologically acceptable, there are, nevertheless, an inordinate number
of articles which dwell on the problematic, and it is quite difficult to
see how even a very healthy pregnant woman reading these magazines
might not become very anxious about all sorts of imagined symptoms,
and find it difficult to focus on the positive aspects of pregnancy.
By contrast with these general articles dealing with problems and
‘real’ women, articles on celebrities in pregnancy tend to treat them
as exemplary women who may encounter a few problems, but on the
whole are rather good at dealing with them, and have a generally
positive experience, as we can see from Pregnancy and Birth where
one article charts the pregnancy of Katie Derham, a broadcaster and
newsreader:
this current change in her own life has left her ‘excited, but slightly
bemused’ she and her management consultant husband, John, are
thrilled and delighted she hopes for a natural birth.
The worst that seems to befall Katie in this account is that the surprise
of her pregnancy leaves her slightly bemused. This is very much less
negative an emotion than those found in the more general articles, or
those dealing with readers’ stories, for whom the problems they have
is their only claim to being included at all. This is even true of those
stories where there are no significant problems being discussed.
As we might expect, most of the articles and texts dealing with sex are
full of positive adjectives relating to sexual activity. One text in Shine,
which reports on different aspects of foreplay, is full of such descriptions
as applied to different techniques:
If it [the knee] is touched in a sexy way

If he slides his hand round onto your bottom, it can be highly
erotic
Get him to knead, nibble or stroke your cheeks – it’s all very
suggestive.
any attention to her mitts makes her come over all lustful.
Because this is all about sensual pleasure, there is no mention of negat-

ives here of course. It is also noticeable that some of these adjectives
(for example lustful ) have positive connotations, but may be negatively
evaluative in other contexts (for example in evangelical religious tracts).
It isn’t always the case that in magazine data the evaluation of sexual
activity is all positive. In one of the texts which dealt with the weirder
end of the sex-tips range, there were just as many negative as positive
descriptions, mainly from the people who tried them out:
It seems a bit unfair that I put in all the work and got nothing out
of it.
Crap, says Amanda.
How extremely humiliating.
Mate, it’s brilliant.
‘My God, I had no idea we sounded so unsexy.’
The norm, however, seems to be that the introductory and theoretical

parts of articles on sex (and indeed on fitness, slimming, clothes, and
beauty) tend toward the positive adjectives:
Not only does sex help keep your body toned and shaped, but women
who have regular sex (meaning at least twice a week) have been shown
to live longer, to have lower blood pressure and to look younger than
those who don’t. (Body Beautiful )
Note that although many of the adjectives labelled positive or negative

have these connotative polarities irrespective of context, there are others
which acquire their polarity only through their collocation with other
lexemes. Thus, longer and regular are both positive in relation to living
and sex respectively, though longer illness or regular abuse would clearly
reverse this polarity and longer dresses and regular rainfall may be neutral
with regard to evaluation. By contrast with the more general treatments,
these texts also include a large number of negative adjectives in the

sections where they describe either actual readers, or hypothetical ones,
in the process of trying to achieve perfection:
Doggy Style With the added bonus that all men love this position,
it makes even the largest of bottoms look pretty attractive.
Missionary and elongating your limbs makes saggy bits look less
saggy and chunky bits less chunky. (Body Beautiful )
It is as though the reality of all of these solutions to bodily imperfections

shines through when the detail is discussed, and the achievable aims
diminish from perfection to pretty attractive or less chunky.
Texts which deal with specific problems, such as the difficulty for
some women of getting pregnant, of course might also be expected to
have descriptive vocabulary which is either positive or negative. This is
the case with one text in Woman which looks at a range of infertility
problems and some readers’ stories. The overriding ideology is one of
fixing problems, and this results in phrases such as the following:
or where infertility is unexplained.

Miscarriage – the most common cause is that the baby hasn’t developed
normally.
‘Hanna is a great joy’ says Avril, after a healthy pregnancy.
Of course, many problems with infertility and complications of preg-

nancy can be ameliorated and/or solved by medical intervention, and
I wouldn’t suggest that these advances in medicine are a bad thing or
that magazines should ignore them. However, the underlying ideology
that all those who wish to have children ought to be able to do so, and
that it is in some sense unnatural not to be able to conceive and bear
children successfully, adds to the burden of those for whom none of
the solutions work. The happy ending stories in such articles are both
encouraging to people in such situations, and potentially devastating
for them too. The requirement of success, the sense of responsibility
(and therefore guilt at ‘failure’) and the exhortation to readers to make
adjustments in lifestyle as well as monitoring their own symptoms, all
add to this pressure on the individual:
Get to know your cycle.

Make love every other day, especially around the middle of your
cycle.
Give up smoking
Cut down on alcohol
Eat a healthy balanced diet and take exercise.
Try to relax and get enough rest.
As we saw in Chapter 2, the lengths to which ‘fixing’ things is taken

is evident in this text from Slimming Magazine, which concerns diet
before and during pregnancy, and includes the father as well as the
mother, who are advised that if they are reluctant to modify their diets
for two weeks before conception, you should consider if you are ready
to become a parent. The writer goes on to point out that a third of
all conceptions spontaneously abort in the first three months. This is
followed by:
If both partners are well nourished and healthy then these odds are
significantly reduced.
The writer doesn’t, of course, cite any evidence for this view, and he
doesn’t deal with the many reasons why these early spontaneous abor-
tions might be a ‘natural’ way of avoiding birth defects. In each article of
this kind, there is an over-simplistic reliance on the notion that whatever
advice is being given, it is the panacea for the problem that is being
addressed.
Perhaps the most clearly positive–negative structure of descriptive
vocabulary comes in the slimming texts where there is a clear paradigm
of positive and negative adjectives building up through the data
including the following from a problem page on slimming in Slimmer
Magazine:
Positive: fit and healthy; balanced; content and happy; healthy active
interest; healthy lifestyle
Negative: overweight; ugly; poor body image
There is an emphasis in the slimming texts on weight and propor-

tion, the latter often being tied in with the toning associated with gym
membership and fitness classes.
A specific area of description which is prominent throughout the data
is that of size, whereby on the whole big is negatively evaluated and
small is positive. This is noticeably reversed in relation to breasts, where
the evaluation of large breasts as good is evident even where the texts
deal, as they often do, with people complaining about both ends of
the spectrum. The following extracts are taken from readers’ stories in
Bliss:
At that point my breasts weren’t very big

There are two things I don’t like about having a larger bust though.
I don’t know anyone with bigger boobs than me.
I’m perfectly happy not being small.
even if I had bigger breasts
Although this text is superficially even-handed about the perceived diffi-

culties of being either too big or too small, the nature of the descriptions
of both cases seems to dwell more on the description of large than
small breasts. There is also sometimes a direct contrast between phrases
containing the ‘big’ adjectives, which may premodify the personal noun
and those containing ‘small’ adjectives, which are more likely to func-
tion as the object of a possessive verb such as have. This pattern is
confirmed by the following extracts from Mizz:
are great for girlies who have got small breasts

an ideal everyday bra for bigger-chested gals
This difference of presentation is more than a superficial stylistic vari-

ation. The pre-modifiying bigger-chested adjective phrase indicates a
more intrinsic feature of the body than the mere ‘possession’ of small
breasts. The latter, of course, in sexual terms, are deemed more undesir-
able, though this is not stated directly. The fact that they might be able
to be fixed is not the subject of this text, but in the context of other
texts about surgery its grammatical placing as a part of the body that
is ‘possessed’ is significant, as it indicates at least some potential for
separation or exchange for a ‘better model’.
Note that there is also some phonological and morphological
symbolism going on here, with the use of girlies referring to young
women with small breasts and gals referring to those with larger breasts.
The relatively close vowels of girlies and its morphology, with a dimin-
utive ending, seems to indicate that it had been particularly chosen for
its size implications. By contrast, the open vowel of gals, which is more
open than the central vowel of the standard word, girls, can be taken to
reflect a larger size, in the same way that many sound-symbolic words
in English do (for example teeny versus large). One could also argue that
there is a connotative difference between these two words, which may
both denote young females, but seem to connote immaturity in the case
of girlies and street-wise brashness in the case of gals.
Whilst these phrases, even accepting the analysis above, might be
dismissed as the product of a single writer, and therefore of little wider
ideological significance, nevertheless, the inter-textual context indicates
that these views are embedded more generally. Thus, the texts dealing
with surgery on the whole are more interested in breast enhancement
than reduction, though the latter may have physical and medical reasons,
and the former cannot be anything other than cosmetic. Similarly, the
linking of sexual maturity (but not old age) to size of breasts is confirmed
by readers who claim to feel more womanly as a result of a breast implant:
I feel so much more womanly now I believe that if anyone wants

a breast enlargement, they should have it done. It really does make
you happy. (Body Beautiful )
One letter in Bliss which deals with having small breasts, receives an
answer which seems much more interested in big breasts:
At 13 you are just starting to develop, and your breasts may grow
larger over the next few years. You will find that those girls with very
big breasts aren’t that happy either. In summer it is much harder to
look good in a T-shirt and other tops when your boobs are uncomfortably
big. If you are doing sport of any sort it is harder if you have very
heavy breasts. In General Practice we often see women that come
in complaining of back and shoulder pains because their breasts are
too large and want to have them made smaller. You often hear boys
saying they like big boobs. They often ‘talk’ about it. The truth is that
when you start having a boyfriend who really likes you, then you
will see that the size of your breasts is not a problem. It is the person
he will want to be with and he won’t mind the size of your breasts.
Whilst it would be difficult to attribute intentions to the writer of this

answer on the basis of the text alone, it is striking how ‘obsessed’ with
larger breasts the answer seems to be. The implicature in the final sentence
that it is indeed a problem having small breasts, though one which can
be got over, emphasizes that this answer only confirms the fears of the
letter-writer; that she is at a sexual disadvantage compared with her peers.
There is a tendency for this data to avoid being too categorical about
features of the body which might be seen as negative, particularly where
the text is applying the term to the readership in some way. One solu-
tion, which avoids insulting, whilst still enabling the reader to relate to
the points being made, is to use comparative forms of adjectives, but
without a basis of comparison, thus leading to their possible interpret-
ation as categorical adjectives:
If you have a bigger chest, try wearing So you’re smaller on top,

bigger on the bottom! (Shout)
This usage allows the reader to interpret the text in a number of ways,
including:
Bigger/smaller than it should be for perfect proportions;

Bigger/smaller than normal;
Bigger/smaller than I would like to be.
More importantly, it allows for readers to consider their body parts to be

bigger/smaller by any amount, from a little to a lot. This may make the
girl with very large/small body parts feel better (it’s only comparative,
not an absolute, like huge or fat) and yet it may also encourage the
relatively well-proportioned girl to think that there’s a problem because
her body part(s) are even slightly bigger or smaller than some fictional
‘ideal’ would require.
Other uses of the comparative form are more genuinely comparative,
but the implied comparator is with the current self:
Five steps to a flatter tummy By following the simple five-step plan

devised by Sweetex, below, a trimmer, slimmer you is just around the
corner. (Our Baby)
Again, we see in these examples the ideology of the unchanging ideal

body, in the context of the reality of ever-changing bodies. This striving
against the lived experience of a changing shape is repeated in so many
texts that it is naturalised almost to the point of being hard to pick out
as other than the ‘truth’.
There is another tendency in some texts to overstate the positive in
such a way that it almost has the effect of very positive modality; one
that sounds the more insecure for having to be so effusive:
I used to be extremely fit; the rest of my body was in perfect shape;

it’s made a huge difference; I always used to be so aware that I had a
bump there; Now it’s wonderful to be able to wear what I like; Now
I’m so much more confident: at least I’ve got a wonderfully flat tummy.
In this article in Woman’s Own, the intensifiers and use of superlatives

push to the boundaries of the positive, and this has the potential to
ring hollow in the reader’s mind. One of the potential problems of these
texts, even within their own terms, is that the use of extremes can have
a less persuasive effect when repeated too often. Another of the plastic-
surgery stories emphasizes the negative of excess fat in various phrases
such as baggy folds; baggy skin; loose muscles; slack muscles and loose
skin, but uses absolutes for the positive effects of surgery: miracle cure;
the perfect body; marvellous. By contrast, the fairly gruesome-sounding
techniques of liposuction (vacuum the fat layer deep under the skin) are
softened by the use of adjectives emphasizing their small size:
a narrow tube is inserted through a tiny cut
Again, this pattern seems to show the extremes of bad and good in
talking about the problem and its solution theoretically, whilst mitig-
ating these extremes when discussing the practical aspects of a solution.
Much of the discussion of body parts, and the clothes they can be
covered by is concerned with what is wrong with them. There is thus
a great deal of intensification of adjectives with negative evaluation, as
we see from the following:
but avoid anything that’s too tight; You might want to avoid anything
too big and baggy; avoid anything too long and loose; You might
want to avoid anything too fussy! (Shout)
don’t mix and match too many patterns; frills and bows around a
neckline might make you appear too busty. (Sugar)
There are also particular intensifiers which seem to crop up in

magazine registers. These include super- as a superlative intensifier and
less- as a negative modifer of adjectives. These occur more than once in
a text in Cosmopolitan, which concerns the diet fads of celebrities:
there’s a long list of super-slender success stories: Friends star Jennifer

Aniston is a low-carb devotee as is her co-star Courtney Cox and
super-skinny Calista (Ally McBeal) Lockhart.
there are other less extreme versions such as The Balance

Less enticing is his decree that dieters should take plenty of cod liver
oil, which apparently helps to keep the insulin levels down.
The use of adjectives to describe successful slimmers is, on the whole,

one of extremes, though often focusing on the large or negative:
Her vast double chin protruded beneath her big, moon-shaped face, the
tops of her arms spread massively beneath short sleeves 30-year-old
Diane, now a fantastic-looking blonde in size 10 fashionable clothes,
(Diet and Fitness)
Note that these two sentences, which follow each other in the text and
seem to represent the two extremes of Diane’s weight, are contrasted
by the use of vast, massively and big on the one hand, and blonde and
fashionable on the other. We will return to this issue in Chapter 4,
but it should be mentioned here that the clear implications of this
contrast are that it is impossible to be fashionable or blonde (assuming
sexy or attractive, rather than a literal meaning) if you are overweight.
Note also that some of these descriptors turn up in non-adjectival
uses, though the descriptive force remains. Thus, the use of the adverb
massively, rather than an adjective, massive, allows the upper arms to
be perceived as actively spreading, and leads to a sense of being out
of control. By contrast, the use of blonde as a head noun, rather than
an adjective, implies a closer and more permanent link between Diane
and her blondeness. If this feature (her blondeness) is also symbolic
of her new image (of attractive slimness), then its occurrence as a
permanent feature emphasizes the other extreme from her earlier,
out-of-control, self.
Another repeated pattern in slimming texts is the tendency to line up
emotional and physical features as equivalent:
Fed up and desperate, she broke the yo-yo chain by learning to slim
from within I have always been unhappy with my figure I’d end up
feeling so unhappy.
These extracts from Slimmer Magazine in an advert for a slimming

programme based on psychological changes, set up the situation in
which a successful slimmer begins her story as a binge-starve dieter. In
the pattern of these narratives, she has a ‘Damascene’ moment:
At my lowest point, I saw an article about how TV personality, Carol

Vorderman lost weight using a programme called Slim from Within.
The rest of the story reiterates a number of times, the before and after
effects of watching the tapes associated with this programme:
Now, I’m very happy with my husband and I have a rewarding job as
a childminder.
There is no mention in this story about the slimmer having been unhappy
with either her husband or her job when she was overweight, but the
presuppositions in this extract are just that. In other texts the claims for
the additional effects of slimming (beyond being slim itself) are varied,
and include the discovery of a birth mother by an adopted woman and
the achievement of life goals such as the finding of new and better jobs.
This equating of slimming with happiness and success in general is
underlined by the repeated occurrence of transferred epithets, whereby
the adjective which might be used of the achievement of slimming is
oddly attached to the amount of weight loss itself:
Today she’s a fantastic 8st 5lb lighter (Slimmer Magazine)

When Ros Thatcher lost an amazing 9st. (Diet and Fitness)
These transferred epithets also occur in other texts, such as those for
teenagers and fitness instructions:
Tampons and towels are so discreet that there is no need for anyone else
to know you have your period unless you choose to tell them. (Fresh)
Being such a perfectionist, everything you do has to be just right. A neat
arm workout is the best exercise for you. (Bliss)
In the first case, the tampon itself is described by an adjective that would
normally collocate with a personal noun. The effect is the equating
of tampons with discreetness, rather than with an ability to behave
in a discreet manner. In the second example, the exercise is described
as neat, though this adjective could be more appropriately applied to
the desired shape of the arms. This transferring of attributes from the
personal onto other artefacts or processes is indicative of the positioning
of the woman in these texts. It is not what slimmers do that is amazing,
but the conceptual mound of bodily fat that carries this description.
It is not the proper and effective use of sanitary products that can be
discreet, but the very existence of tampons themselves. And note, in
passing, that in itself the desire to hide all signs of menstruation, whilst
universally accepted, is nevertheless an ideology in itself, and reinforces
our greatest remaining bodily taboo.
The desire for beauty and sexual attractiveness underlies many of the
texts in this data, and there are two contrasting methods of convincing
readers that they can achieve these goals. On the one hand, there are a
number of compound adjectives which are used to imply that the advice
being given will make the reader irresistible:
For a sexy, come-to-bed style, first give your hair a lift Cosmo’s get-
beddable beauty guide. (Cosmopolitan)
These examples demonstrate the direct link between beauty and its
ideological aim, which is to have sex. Whilst young (and not so young)
women may claim to be doing things ‘for themselves’, this text, and
indeed many of the others in more-or-less direct ways, acknowledges
that this is simply not true.
By complete contrast with this rhetorical method (it will get you
‘laid’), there are also texts which emphasize the scientificness of the
advice they are giving, without apparently expecting much in the way
of technical understanding:
An increased trans-epidermal water loss These ingredients form an

occlusive barrier (Women’s Health)
specially designed thermographic scanners a newly developed hypo-
dermal technology (Slimmer Magazine)
In the first three of these cases, the adjectives add very little, if anything,
to the head nouns. Thus, water loss from the body is likely to be through
the skin (trans-epidermal), barriers are by their nature occlusive, and
scanners tend to use heat. The final example is a little different, but
equally vacuous. The head noun, technology, means very little (a pencil
could be called technology). The adjective, in this case, is there to tell
us where this technology takes place (through the skin). It adds very
little, whilst appearing to ‘firm up’ the content of a rather general word
(technology). But content or information is not the point of these terms,
whose job is to make the reader feel reassured about the reliability of
the techniques being described, and their foundation in science.
As explained in Chapter 2, there is little in this data which relates
specifically to the older woman, despite some of the magazines being
aimed at this age group. The poignancy of the one advert for a product
which would minimize the effects of the menopause may be a good
place to end this discussion of the description of women in this data:
find the real you (Diet and Fitness)
As we have seen, the texts aimed at younger women spend pages of print
on issues which divide up the body into sections at the same time as
seeming to indicate that the construction of the reader is in the hands of
not only a series of experts, but is flexible, alterable and ever-changing.
This advertising slogan, hints towards an earlier, non-postmodern world
in which the self had not only integrity, but also an unchanging core
identity which would not be affected by the superficial bodily changes
of life. The irony, of course, is that this advertisement undermines such
a message in trying to sell the reader a (albeit natural, herbal) remedy
to mask the ‘natural’ effects of the ageing process. The real self, then,
though existent in this text, is still a younger self, a fitter self, and one
which has no pain or emotional distress.
Summary
With a couple of exceptions and contrary to the original impetus of this
research, the actual naming of body parts was less interesting than how
they were set into their surroundings. Thus, the naming of breasts in
particular seemed to emphasize the importance of size in attracting male
attention, in itself to be desired, and this was reflected in the use of boobs
for only large breasts, whereas the more neutral term breasts tended to
be used for small breasts. The other more sexual body parts were either
mentioned using the medical terminology (vagina, and so on.) or not
mentioned at all. If anything, there was an absence of sexual body-part
vocabulary, reflecting perhaps the inadequacy of everyday language as
much as a reluctance to mention these parts.
The findings of this investigation in relation to naming and describing
focused more on the modifiers of the head noun with determiners being
of particular interest. It seems that there remains a tendency to regard
the female reproductive organs as slightly alien in the sense that they
are hidden and somewhat mysterious. This results in the use of the more
distancing definite determiners often being used with the more technical
words referring to the internal organs such as uterus and fallopian tube,
even in texts where the norm is the second person possessive (your).
The descriptive vocabulary, in the form of adjectives, highlights what
is confirmed by the construction of opposites; that the overwhelming
pressure on readers of these texts is to create the perfect, natural and
normal body by any means possible.
4
Equating, Contrasting,
Enumerating and Exemplifying
This chapter introduces some forms of analysis that are not the usual
tools of analysis in CDA, but are analogous to the regular apparatus in
that they appear to construct meaning textually, and have a particular,
repeated semantic process that operates on the basis of a range of textual
triggers. The semantic relations that are being constructed textually are
those which relate to similarity and difference of meaning (equating
and contrasting), and those which produce examples of a general case
either by enumerating all the different variants or by using one or more
examples.
Textual construction of sense relations
One of the most important things a text can do, locally, is to create
sense relations such as synonymy and antonymy between lexical items.
This will have meaning for the purposes of that text in the first instance,
but may have repercussions beyond the scope of the text if similar sense
relations are repeated, or if the text has a particularly strong effect,
as some advertisements, for example, do. This hegemonic tendency is
particularly likely in the case of the data being analysed here, which
is read regularly by many women and girls and treats the subject of
their bodies about which they are often quite insecure. The creation
of opposites and equivalents relies largely on the syntactic frames that
set up these semantic possibilities, though the semantics of the words
may themselves also contribute to the effect. This textual creation of
what are normally seen as context-free lexical semantic meanings is
just one of the ways in which we can see the symbiotic relationship
between code and usage or between langue and parole. The recogni-
tion and understanding of opposites, for example, relies on our prior
102
Equating, Contrasting, Enumerating and Exemplifying 103
understanding of such a relationship including the core examples that

speakers have learnt, often as children, and which seem as a result to be
in some sense ‘given’. However, readers of texts are not beyond under-
standing completely new opposites, which have no prior existence in
our conceptual apparatus, but they do so on analogy with those that
are already known. We will see the mechanisms for creating oppos-
ites in more detail later, but the kinds of syntactic frame that create
textual opposites include parallel structures and negative / positive pairs
of structures. Jones (2002) provides the most comprehensive account
to date of the occurrence of conventional opposites in context, and
Mettinger (1994) also provides insights into the contextual behaviour
of conventional opposition. Mettinger explicitly distinguishes between
what he calls systemic and non-systemic opposites, but spends no time
on the latter:
It might be noted that non-systemic semantic opposition has not

attracted the attention of many structural semanticists. It would,
however, be a profitable field of research for any kind of concep-
tual approach towards the study of meaning-relations. (Mettinger
1994: 74)
There is no study of the creation of unconventional opposites

currently published.1 Note that Cruse (1986) provides the definitive
work on lexical semantics and then (2004) moves towards including
contextual meaning by including pragmatics, but perhaps surprisingly
does not extend his lexical semantics to include the contextual creation
of sense relations.
A similar contextual creation of a sense relation can be found with
synonymy, though it is often less dramatic in its effect. The main appar-
atus for achieving some kind of equivalence is apposition – at all levels
(word, phrase and clause). These equivalences can have the apparent
aim of educating (for example explaining or expanding upon a term) or
more significantly making an assumption about an equivalence which
would not be automatically obvious to all readers – and might indeed
be controversial – but the nature of this function is such that the equi-
valence is not immediately open to question, and is taken to be part
of the common sense ideology of the text. Jeffries (1994) explores the
potential ambiguity that can be created by apposition, since the distinc-
tion between a list and co-referential apposition is not structurally clear
and may be semantically unclear too.
In the context of the current data, the focus is on the part of this
process which either reinforces or possibly also invents or reinvents such
similarities and contrasts in meaning. There are many syntactic and
semantic frames or structures that can cause such semantic relations
to occur in a text. Here, we will look at a few of the most obvious
ones.
As already mentioned, the clearest example of a frame which creates
equivalence is apposition. This is the juxtaposition of two or more noun
phrases in the same syntactic role, such as clausal subject, which either
clearly have the same referent, such as Mr Bun, the baker,2 or which are
deemed by their very juxtaposition to have such a referent in common.
The latter is probably the more interesting of the cases for this project,
suggesting as it does that equivalence can arise out of the placing of
noun phrases into such a relationship. We will see some examples of
this in context later in this chapter.
Other possibilities for equivalence-creation are the positioning of
noun phrases either side of an intensive verb, such as be, as in She is my
cousin’s daughter. This frame puts the relationship of equivalence under
the spotlight in a way that apposition does not, and it is thus more open
to debate by the reader or hearer. The proposition of such a structure
is precisely that the equivalence relation exists, and this means that
the reader or hearer can question and debate the assertion that there
is equivalence between the two referents of the noun phrases. This,
in terms of ideological assumptions, is therefore less hidden than the
production of equivalence by appositional means, which is harder to
query.
These are, of course, not the only structures which can create an
equivalence of meaning, but the task of this book is not to investigate the
range of form-to-meaning relationships in each section, but to explore
the data along a number of dimensions. Other frames for equivalence,
then, will be introduced in relation to the data as necessary.
As for the structural ways of producing opposition, these are many and
varied, and are investigated in Jeffries (forthcoming) and Davies (forth-
coming). Here, I will simply demonstrate some of the more common
frames, and we will see in the analysis of the data below how these may
trigger oppositional meanings.
One of the more likely places to find opposites is on either side of a
coordinating conjunction such as but or yet. These, and to a lesser extent
also and and or, often highlight the dimensions along which words or
phrases are contrasted. Thus we may find conventional opposites, as in
The children were happy but everyone else was sad. But we may also find
slightly less usual contrasts framed in the same way:
She felt uncomfortable but he seemed relaxed.
The process that is happening here, I would suggest, is for two words
which would not be listed together in a dictionary of antonyms to be
juxtaposed in such a way that they almost appear to be conventional
opposites. Though, if asked, a native speaker would probably not say
that relaxed is the opposite of uncomfortable, the context makes such
a relationship seem natural. Still less clearly related words and phrases
may also be put into such a frame, and in some contexts this will also
result in the temporary oppositional relationship being highlighted. We
will see some examples below.
Other likely frames for such creation of opposition include the use of
parallel structures to focus onto the differences between two items. This
can be seen in pairs of sentences such as:
Janet produced a delicious home-made lemon cake.

Sarah produced a packet of biscuits.
This rather cutting juxtaposition of the efforts of two women to feed

their guests constructs an unusual opposition between lemon cake and
commercially prepared biscuits. This, of course, is not something that
is embedded in the core semantics of these words, and readers may
find themselves searching for the ‘real’ underlying opposition. This will
be found, perhaps, in the more conventional contrast between home-
made (= good) and shop-bought (= bad) which is stereotypically part
of the ideological outlook of certain female communities, particularly
those with the time and money to spend on such things as home
baking.
In addition to the textual construction of equivalence and contrast,
there is also the potential for texts to construct other sense relations,
such as hyponymy and meronymy, as well as more straightforward uses
of lists to enumerate and other structures to exemplify the case being
made, as we shall see below. One particular kind of enumeration, the
three-part list, is recognized as having the status of a rhetorical strategy
by many analysts, as we see from this extract from Tuffin (2002: 77):
Such lists were originally discussed in terms of their rhetorical

effectiveness for political speeches (Atkinson 1984) and have since
become an almost standard analytic tool. Edwards and Potter (1992)

highlight, for example, how such three-partedness serves the useful
rhetorical function of conveying an implication of completeness and
representativeness.
Whilst this is not a rhetorical strategy on the large scale that was
considered in Chapter 2, the effect, as some have claimed, may be
persuasive:
Gail Jefferson (1990) notes that in everyday conversation, lists are

commonly delivered with three parts or items, since this is sufficient
to indicate that we have instances that stand for something more
general; hence, as Potter (1996) notes, they have a normative status.
(Hepburn 2002: 278)
We will see later in the chapter (pp. 123f ) the different ways in which
the three-part list plays a part in normalising certain views of what is
good and bad in the female body and its functions.
Equating
The occurrence and range of structures demonstrating the creation of

similarity in meaning in our data is less widespread and perhaps less
ideologically significant than the data on opposition. We will therefore
look at it first. One of the more obvious purposes of equivalence or
equating is as a pedagogical method to teach the reader what a technical
term means, or to show that the writer considers two referents to be
essentially the same.
The following, from an article on breast cancer in Sugar, makes two
attempts to describe what the reader might be searching for:
With three fingers on your left hand, feel for lumps or thick tissue.
It is noticeable here that the two references to the same thing are
conjoined by or, and thus could theoretically refer to two rather different
phenomena. However, this conjunction is often used in pedagogical
contexts to offer alternative ways of describing essentially the ‘same’
referent, and this use shows an awareness of the inaccuracy of language
to describe each individual’s experiences.
Slightly less clearly pedagogical are those examples of rephrasing
which may have an explanatory effect, or could have an emphatic effect.
In the following example from Bliss there is a rewording of artificial as

pretend, and one might conclude that this is to explain the term artificial
to those teenage readers who haven’t come across this word before.
The hormones in the Pill give your body artificial periods each
month these pretend periods could be masking a problem
The equivalence here is achieved by the use of the demonstrative, These,

which, with the noun periods, forms a cohesive tie to the earlier phrase
containing the same head noun. The different adjectives, then, are put
into a relationship of equivalence, and the reader is able to deduce that
at the very least they both apply to the same phenomenon.
In the extract from Woman below, by contrast, the relatively conven-
tional synonyms stop, give up and quit are used interchangeably to give
a very strong and unusually direct message:
Stop smoking. If you haven’t given up smoking, do it right now and

get your partner to quit too.
These pedagogical and directive uses of equivalence are ideological in

an explicit way and do not present us with a sense of an ideology being
naturalized by implicit means. Rather, we have a clear sense that the
magazine is, in the last case, disapproving of smoking in pregnancy
and anyone who might disagree or think the approach was too extreme
would be able to take the opposing view with relatively little difficulty.
Returning to a more clearly pedagogical use of equivalence, we can see
that the function of most of the comparisons of body part (or embryo)
with everyday objects that we saw earlier is intended to explain to readers
in terms that they can visualize. Here are two examples from Bliss,
though there are many more in the data that have already been noted
in Chapter 3:
The opening to the womb, the diameter of a thin straw

Girls have an orgasm by having their clitoris (tiny, pea-shaped knob of
flesh at the top of the inner vaginal lips), stimulated.
Note that the equivalence in each case here is constructed by apposition.

The parentheses in the second example make it clearer that this is a
supplementary piece of information, but the syntactic relationship of
apposition remains.
Another informative type of equivalence occurs where a general case is

made more specific to inform the reader of a particular way of achieving
some goal. In Sugar, for example, the intensive verb (be) is used to
construct equivalence between getting in shape and activity/diet:
So the best way to get in shape at your age is to get active and eat healthily.
Here we have a general case, which is getting in shape, and it is made

particular by the superlative, the best way to. This is then made more
specific by the complement to get active and eat healthily. This example is
odd in two ways. One is that it seems to link the need to be active
and eat healthily to a particular age group, when this advice is surely
relevant to all ages, demonstrating that the division of readers into age
groups is often arbitrary and leads to such odd statements being made.
The other striking point about this extract is that it states the obvious
almost to the extent of being tautological.
A similar structure, using the intensive verb as a kind of equals sign,
can be seen to have an effect of equivalence verging on the tautological
as in the apparently empty statement that Staying positive is a good coping
strategy from Our Baby. More clearly tautological statements can be
found throughout the data, and one can only speculate as to their
function and/or effect. The following are from Bliss and Pregnancy and
Birth respectively:
You’re quite vain, and always like to look your best Being such a
perfectionist, everything you do has to be just right.
They are not compulsory and Mel can refuse any test she wishes.
Here, there are two examples conjoined by and which demonstrate

that its reputation as a simple additional conjunction is inaccurate.
The second part of the first example uses a subordinate clause (Being
such a perfectionist) to duplicate the notion of being right. Possibly, in
both of these cases, the writer is covering the eventuality that readers
do not know what the words perfectionist or compulsory mean. The
conjoined examples sound more tautological to the reader who knows
these words, because there is an implication that something will be
added, and then nothing, in fact, is. The first example, using the subor-
dinate clause, seems to lead in the direction of a more specific case of
being a perfectionist, as we saw in the example above. But in this case,
the specificity is not there, and the concept of perfectionism is simply
reiterated.
The following example demonstrates the lack of clear boundaries

between the textually constructed semantic relations in this chapter, as
it is on the borderline between apposition and list – and implies some
kind of equivalence between doing wrong and being a lesbian, since the
negative of these two structures is juxtaposed in a series of clauses that
syntactically could be either list or apposition:
You’ve done nothing wrong, it doesn’t mean you’re a lesbian and if

anyone says you are just ignore them and they’ll soon forget about
it, I promise. (Mizz)
The two clauses here can be seen as additional to each other, but they
also both refer to the same incident and to that extent seem to be
appositional too. The conclusion we can draw is that the two things
that the letter-writer fears are also linked. Thus, being a lesbian would
be implicitly connected to doing something wrong.
We will return to clearer listing and exemplifying examples below,
but first there is the question of the impact of created opposites on the
ideological messages about the body in this data.
Contrasting
The ideological significance of created opposites in these data seems to

be much greater than that of the equivalence relations. The latter were
mostly intended to inform or teach, and though this strengthens the
authoritative status of the magazines, there is little in the way of direct
equivalences being set up to create a particular view of the female body.
Constructed oppositions, however, seem to fall into themed groups
across the data, and the most comprehensive of these can be categorized
under the superordinate heading of good versus bad. They clearly overlap
in this case with the descriptive features discussed in Chapter 3.
Much of the advice in these magazines in relation to the body is very
clear about what is or is not desirable, to the extent of indicating that
some actions or approaches are right, where others are wrong:
Make the most of your height by standing straight and walking tall –
slouching around will make your clothes look terrible! (Shout)
This extract uses the imperative (make) to indicate what should be

done and a negative value judgement (terrible) to indicate the opposite
(slouching). Interestingly, this contrast appears to be quite embedded in
the language, as the word slouching itself has negative value connotat-
ively, and it is hard to think of a neutral word with similar denotation.
If this example can be glossed as ‘right’ versus ‘wrong’, and these
are, in turn, specific examples of good versus bad, then the tendency to
categorize notions as myth or fact exemplifies a different kind of right
versus wrong. In this case, we are referring not to value judgements, but
the truth or otherwise of ideas.
We saw in Chapter 2 that there are some texts in the data which
structure themselves around the myth-versus-fact idea. This can be seen
also in Pregnancy and Birth in an article which has sections of advice
and product promotion in relation to pregnancy and body care. There is
one section which is labelled Pregnancy Myths This month: breast changes,
and is clearly one of a set which is spread over a number of issues of the
magazine. There are three individual ‘myths’, each of which is followed
by a paragraph of explanation, headed Fact. Here is one of them:
Myth: The darker colour of your nipples and the surrounding area is
only temporary, and they will return to their normal colour after the
birth.
Fact: This colour change occurs because This is in fact a permanent
change.
The opposition here is based on a familiar, if not conventional oppos-

ition between things that are true and those that are untrue. Lexically,
the words myth and fact may not resonate as antonyms, but it is clear
that they work quite normally as complementaries, their negatives being
equal to the other term. Thus, if something is true or a fact in normal
usage, it is necessarily not false, untrue or a myth. This raises the issue
of the textual reduction of many topics to a relationship of comple-
mentarity, where experience may actually indicate a more gradable or
converse relationship, for example. The complementary, or mutually
exclusive opposite appeals to news and magazine copy-writers because of
its clarity, and to readers for the same reason. However, there are many
issues relating to the female body that are nothing like as clear as this
either–or kind of relationship, and the overreliance on relationships of
complementarity by rhetorical strategies of this kind reinforces distinc-
tions which may reflect prevailing ideologies, of the perfect female body,
the intrinsic maternal function of women and so on.
By far the most common hyponyms of good and bad in the data are
those which could also be seen as being in a hyponymous relation
to normal/abnormal or natural/unnatural. Whilst these words are both
conventionally opposed in English, and slightly different in meaning to

each other, the way that they are used in the data makes them almost
synonymous at the positive end in indicating a kind of prototypical
body which is both natural and normal, with all variations from this ideal
being somewhere on the cline from here to unnatural and/or abnormal.
To begin with the natural versus unnatural end of the spectrum, there
are many examples in the pregnancy texts of readers contrasting natural
childbirth with pain relief. Here are some examples:
Painkillers like ibuprofen can help ease period pain Natural remedies
can also help (Bliss)
I had a normal birth with no pain relief except gas and air. (Our Baby)
she’s planning to give birth without medical pain relief. But a midwife
has to be prepared for all eventualities. (Pregnancy and Birth)
says she hopes for a natural birth, ‘though I’ll probably start off
with whale music and end up with an epidural!’ (Pregnancy and Birth)
The triggers which cause these opposites (italicized) to be created are

parallel structures in the first example and negation in the second. In
the third example, the conjunction but introduces a contrasting situ-
ation, though the new term being opposed to medical pain relief is a
euphemism, all eventualities, which hints at problems and their likely
technical solutions, that is unnatural processes. The final example is a
classic case of a created opposite which operates at a very specific level to
exemplify a higher-level opposite, in this case natural versus unnatural.
The trigger is the temporal contrast of start with versus end up with, and
the opposition is set up between whale music and an epidural. The super-
ordinate in this case begins to look a little odd, since there is nothing
natural about women listening to whales when they give birth! We can
therefore begin to see that what is popularly seen as natural in childbirth
terms is actually closer to a conceptual opposite of interventionist versus
non-interventionist.
This question of what is natural and indeed what is normal becomes
still more cloudy when we consider the data relating to cosmetic surgery.
We saw the following extract from Body Beautiful earlier and it gives a
reader’s reaction to the process of breast enlargement:
I had silicone put in so they’re firmer than normal tissue but they still
feel like part of my body. It doesn’t feel like there’s anything there at
all. I think it feels very natural.
The first contrast here is set up between silicone and normal tissue. Thus,
silicone would not be opposed to human tissue in other contexts, for
example in relation to its use in computer components. Here, the altern-
atives in fact are between ordinary breast tissue and silicone, and the
contrast is highlighted by the comparative form, firmer than. This oppos-
ition is undermined a little in the next sentence which uses negation
and parallelism (doesn’t feel versus feels) to set up an opposition between
what is natural and what would be (hypothetically) unnatural. The oddity
of this example, of course, is the reader’s assertion that it is the breast
implants which feel natural by not seeming to be there at all.
The slightly jokey treatment of problems of puberty that is found in
Bliss and was discussed in Chapter 2, relies on notions of normality and
abnormality, but uses a scaremongering technique to contrast some-
thing ridiculously abnormal with the supposedly normal situation that
is at the root of the problem. Thus, in the following extract the surreal
suggestion that one might find a hairy caterpillar under one’s nose
is contrasted, by negation, with the reality, designated as worse, by a
comparative form:
Close inspection reveals that it’s not a hairy caterpillar that’s decided
to take refuge under your nose. It’s worse than that – it’s a moustache!
This text, then, plays on the good versus bad superordinate by lining up
the reality, which is bad, with normality, which is usually good. This is
partly a rhetorical device which enables the text to first of all emphasize
the feelings of revulsion that the young girl may be feeling, and then to
continue in a more soothing tone to undo the very semantic relations
that are being set up here. This reinforcement of the supposedly ‘natural’
reaction to the facts of the female form, that it is ‘unstable and leaky’,
ends by trying to emphasize the fact that everyone has some body hair,
making the abnormal in some sense normal, but not in the sense that
it would be seen as normal for a male:
Smile ‘cause: Every one of your mates has a hair scare somewhere,
and if you hate it, you can deal with it.
The concept of normality in many texts in the data is confused with

ideal or perfect. This is particularly noticeable in the pregnancy texts
where the tendency is to consider the pre-pregnant body as normal,
and the post-pregnancy shape as being aberrant, as we can see in the
following example:
If your life’s been turned upside down by the arrival of a new baby,
shouldn’t your stomach have the good grace to return to normal?
(Women’s Health)
This extract is typical of the apparently universal assumption that there

is a stable ideal body which can be achieved, even after the major disrup-
tions of pregnancy. Though this may be easier for some to achieve than
others, whether with additional help from exercise, diet or surgery, the
fact is that pregnancy changes bodies, and these magazines are part of
a large lucrative industry telling women a different kind of story.
If these potential influences on teenage readers’ perceptions of their
bodies is part of the reinforcement of more generalized ideologies about
the perfect female form, the construction of opposites in relation to
normal pregnancies versus problematic ones may have a more imme-
diate effect on some readers. It is clearly to be desired that women
have unproblematic pregnancies which result in live and healthy chil-
dren, but the construction of complications in pregnancy as abnormal
is potentially problematic because this lines up conditions like pre-
eclampsia under the superordinate bad, and this may have overtones of
responsibility associated with it, leading to feelings of inadequacy in the
women affected. Here’s a case in point from Woman:
After losing her son, Jac, just six days after he was born prematurely
due to severe pre-eclampsia She’d had two normal pregnancies and
healthy children
The word normal, then, has to do duty for a range of meanings, including
unproblematic in this case. It marginalizes those with other experiences,
and places only the most straightforward pregnancies in the centre of
the prototype of normality.
One final example of the normal versus abnormal range comes from
the text in Jump written by a young, male-implied author on the subject
of unduly sexualized young girls. He describes himself early on as a
seemingly normal, red-blooded, 19 year old guy, and then later, in case
there’s any doubt, tries to establish his credentials by distancing himself
from abnormality in the following way:
Nor am I the kind of guy who only goes for earthy types (you know,
girls who prefer eco-terrorism to experiencing life and refuse to, like,
shave and stuff).
This distancing from abnormality is achieved by the negation of a case

which is exaggerated by a hyperbolic and negative description of earthy
types. The constructed opposite between the normal male (who doesn’t
like such women) and the abnormal male (who does) is compounded
by the constructed opposition between experiencing life and eco-terrorism,
the latter in some sense being equated to not living a full life in the
terms of this writer. Thus, we have the beginnings of a paradigm of
people and their activity types emerging from this text as follows:
Good Bad
normal, red-blooded male abnormal male

doesn’t like earthy types of women likes earthy types of women
likes women who experience life likes women who don’t experience life
(equals clubbing?)
likes women who shave likes women who engage in
eco-terrorism and refuse to shave
It is not difficult to see here that the normalizing of certain types of

behaviour, in particular the construction of political interests in extreme
ways (as terrorism) is being carried out here. The use of opposites is just
one of the ways in which cultural and socio-political norms are created as
over-simplistic binaries in texts, with the potential influence on readers
being to embed such oppositions in their reflex/default perceptions.
Another pervasive contrast in this data, and one which also comes
under the general heading of good versus bad, is the one between
healthy and unhealthy. This can turn up in expected pairings, but
quite frequently the aim is to construct particular, quite specific,
contrasts such as between dieting and healthy eating, rather than
the more expected pairing between dieting and putting on weight.
This construction is very clear in responses to letters from teenagers
who are complaining of being overweight, as this extract from Sugar
demonstrates:
Dieting is not the answer, a growing girl needs a healthy

balanced diet.
Like this one, the other opposites constructed in the data in relation
to food are often constructed by negation, with one clause being
positive and one negative. In some cases, though, the two terms of the
opposition may be all on the unhealthy side of the debate, as in the

letter from two teenagers with bulimic tendencies:
We don’t binge on food, and if anything, we under eat, but anything

we do eat we throw up.
This is a clear construction of a problematic opposite (binge – under

eat) by the young girls, who seem to have only aberrant relationships
with food from which to construct their understanding of it. The
answer to this letter, interestingly, sets up a different opposition, with
undereating being opposed to healthy eating:
You need to try and eat a healthy diet, so that your body gets all the
vitamins and minerals it needs to grow and develop properly. Please
try not to undereat.
The opposition here is created by the triggers of parallelism and

negation combined (try and versus try not to). What these conflicting
oppositions show us is the fluidity of oppositions, depending on our
lifestyle, experiences, outlook and also according to the prevailing
conditions in any single context. The result is, in this case, a glimpse
of the negotiation of semantic relations which is being carried out
between the letter-writers and the advisor who is effectively trying to
‘correct’ the mis-constructed opposition that the girls have developed.
Other examples of the healthy versus unhealthy opposite are found in
pregnancy texts, also often in relation to food:
The main thing is just to eat things that are made from fresh produce,
avoiding processed foods or frozen junk food. (Slimmer Magazine)
In this extract the opposition in focus is a relatively familiar one,

between fresh foods and processed or frozen foods. Though this is a
common textually constructed opposition, it does not seem to have the
force of a lexical relationship in the strong sense. Thus, native speakers
would not necessarily show any consensus about which of the possible
terms for non-fresh foods would be the opposite of fresh, and are just
as likely to say stale as any of them if prompted, but given no context.
However, this opposition is one that has grown up as a recognizable
socio-cultural contrast in the recent past, since the forms of storage of
foodstuffs has been increasing rapidly in range and type. It is therefore
reasonably unsurprising to see it referred to in texts of this kind.
A slightly different interpretation of the word healthy is appropriate

in the following extract from Pregnancy and Birth:
The alpha-foetoprotein test (AFP) blood test is done between 15–18

weeks and measures the amount of AFP in the mother’s blood. A
high level shows an increased risk of spina bifida. A low level shows
an increased risk of Down’s syndrome. However, healthy babies can
produce lower or higher levels of AFP.
Here, we have the two superordinate oppositions, between normal and

abnormal and healthy and unhealthy, being brought together, since the
phrase healthy baby does not refer to one that does press-ups and eats
a balanced diet, but a baby that does not have any obvious health
problems. The creation of the opposite, in this example, is more spread
out, with healthy babies contrasting with the three preceding sentences
where various difficulties are described, with the oppositional construc-
tion being somewhat retrospective as a result. The potential for feeling
a sense of responsibility or guilt if your baby is not healthy may be
reinforced by these sense relations.
In addition to those textually constructed opposites which seem to
line up under the headings of good and bad, there are others which
offer more detailed consideration of oppositions that we (think we) are
familiar with. Thus, the following, from Pregnancy and Birth, demon-
strates that insemination is not the same as impregnating:
We had two attempts at intrauterine insemination (IUI), but I never

fell pregnant.
Though these are not complementaries, since they are not necessarily
mutually exclusive, their causal relationship seems to be called into
question in this construction using the conjunction but, which normally
favours opposites through the process which Grice (1975) would term
conventional implicature. This reflects rather well the feelings of a
woman who has been through technological processes to help her
conceive and has not done so; the link between insemination and preg-
nancy may well, in that case, seem to have been severed.
Another group of created opposites in the data relate to time, and in
particular to the permanence of certain bodily-related issues:
But it’s a good idea to get into the habit of checking your boobs now –
as it’s a habit you should keep for life. (Sugar)
It’s important to ask yourself whether your feelings for this woman
are about her being a special person in your life right now, or about
your sexual feelings in general? (Bliss)
Myth: The darker colour of your nipples and the surrounding area is
only temporary, and they will return to their normal colour after the
birth This is in fact a permanent change. (Pregnancy and Birth)
Although the final example uses conventional opposites (temporary

versus permanent), the other two examples use the word now to indicate
temporariness, and contrast this with permanence in the form of the
phrases for life and in general. Note that the meaning of now has
the potential anyway to contrast not only with always (as in permanent),
but also with then. In other words, we might hypothesize two poly-
semous meanings of now, one of which means ‘not-always’ and the
other of which means ‘not-then’:
Women used to be weighed routinely in pregnancy as a guide to

their progress and their baby’s development but the view now is that
weight gain gives little indication of your baby’s growth. (Pregnancy
and Birth)
This extract exemplifies the latter contrast, between then and now, and
the strong implicature is that now is better. In other words, this is
another opposition with a paradigmatic relationship to the good–bad
superordinates.
In addition to these, there are two sets of opposites that relate to the
female body and which seem to construct it in a binary form. The first
simply divides the body up horizontally between top and bottom. This
is normally for fashion or beauty reasons, and is best exemplified by a
text from Sugar, the whole of which is about setting up the top versus
the bottom half of the body as separately variable sites. The categories
are introduced as follows:
Triangle. You are Broad shouldered, with slim hips and a small bum.
You may have a large bust – and always look great in a bikini!
Hour glass. You are V = Curvy figured, with broad shoulders, wide
hips, a slim waist and probably big boobs.
This text, and others like it, may be aiming at encouraging the reader to
see that we are not all the same, that there is no one ideal shape, and so
on. However, the tendency is still to normalize, and to emphasize the
clothes that will minimize any imbalances in the natural figure, rather
than, say, flaunting such features. The reader of this last sentence might
wish to pause and consider her (his?) reaction to it. If the reaction was
to think that it was obvious that people would wish to balance out their
bodily shape, and this is not ideological, but ‘natural’, then I would
suggest that such reactions only serve to underline the strength of the
cultural imperatives at work here.
The other major division that is evident is that between the physical
and the emotional. Many texts make explicit this distinction, whilst also
indicating that well-being in one goes hand-in-hand with well-being in
the other:
You are definitely feeling better, if not perfect. Yippee! your skin may
become spotty. Boo! (Sugar)
Time to recover, both physically and emotionally. (Our Baby)
This wonderful new skin saver with tea tree, mint and herbs is a
great way to detoxify your skin and relax your senses. (Pregnancy and
Birth)
an instant facial sauna which will leave your skin glowing and your
mind feeling invigorated. (Pregnancy and Birth)
These texts, then, reflect some of the third-wave feminist views of

the holistic person, and are claiming to treat both aspects of the ‘old’
universal opposite of body and mind. Notice that apart from the second
example, where the conventional opposite of physical versus emotional
is used, the other examples all identify skin as the representative of the
body more generally and oppose this to feeling better, your senses and
your mind respectively. This variation, perhaps, reflects the socio-cultural
ambivalence about this division of the person into a material being
(the body) and some other less tangible kind of existence, which would
once (in Western culture at least) have been an accepted binary of body
versus the soul. The fragmentation of this certainty in the late twentieth
and early twenty-first centuries is echoed, then, by the range of possible
opposites for body and its synonyms.
Other issues relating to the use and creation of opposites include the
common tendency to treat some contrasts as coexisting, rather than
mutually exclusive. This might sound as though what is being created
is a kind of converse, whereby the two terms are simply two ways of
looking at the same phenomenon. In fact this is not the case, and the
suggested co-occurrences usually imply not contented co-existence but
the tensions that arise from that very relationship of mutual depend-
ence, as in the following case from Sugar:
Remember, it’s just as important to be happy as it is healthy
The use of a non-conventional opposite (happy) to healthy raises the

question of what this means. It certainly appears that there is an
implicature caused here by the flouting of the maxims of relation and
manner whereby we don’t expect them to be contrasted normally and
the contrast is achieved only by their foregrounding in the parallel
structures. The implicature, then, causes these terms to be contrasted,
so that the whole clause may have the force of ‘Don’t make yourself
miserable dieting’. There is no sign here that the text producer recog-
nizes that these two are not opposite, and the possible conclusion to be
drawn by the reader might therefore be that dieting makes you unhappy
and therefore is a block to the other necessary ingredient in life.
Whichever way the implicature is read in the last example, there is
no doubt that the text is advocating trying to achieve both happiness
and health, even if this is difficult to achieve. Note that these terms are
both on the positive side of evaluation, and are aligned in some ways
with the body and ‘soul’ distinction mentioned earlier. Other overlaps
between co-occurrence and contrast occur when terms are used to invoke
a range of possibilities. These may all tend to congregate at one end of
a supposed spectrum, as in the following, also from Sugar:
Bumps and lumps are usually nothing to worry about – particularly

in your teens.
This combination of the negative (that is, things that can appear to be
wrong with your breasts) is intended to cover the possible options, in
other words to represent all sorts of mishaps. Similarly, the following
examples, from Fresh and Woman respectively, refer to two different
points on a gradable range, both of which are nearer the negative than
the positive end of the spectrum:
This can range from mild tummy aches or back aches to painful
cramps.
It can be dangerous, even fatal to mother and baby.
Note that the use of gradable opposites, particularly textually-

created ones, is much rarer in this data than the construction of
complementaries, which are the mutually-exclusive type of opposite.

This may reflect the ideology of this data, which reflects a desire for
certainty in the culture with all contrasts being more like complement-
aries than gradable antonyms. It may also reflect the convenience of
being able to describe bodily issues in terms which the reader will find
very clear, and therefore know how to act upon them.
The few cases where the whole range of a gradable opposite is invoked
have an apparent information value which is undermined by their lack
of clarity, as we can see in the extract from Pregnancy and Birth that
was quoted earlier:
The alpha-foetoprotein test (AFP) blood test is done between 15–18

weeks and measures the amount of AFP in the mother’s blood. A high
level shows an increased risk of spina bifida. A low level shows an
increased risk of Down’s syndrome. However, healthy babies can
produce lower or higher levels of AFP.
This extract has the appearance of being full of information, but beyond
telling the reader when the AFP test will be done and two problems it
can show up, it fails to make clear whether having a high or a low level
of AFP is a good or a bad thing. Whilst there is an indication that both
extremes have their risks, and no measurements are given to indicate
what how or high would be in real terms, even this small amount of
information is undermined by the final sentence which tells us that the
high or low readings may anyway occur within normal distributions.
Enumerating and exemplifying
Fairly similar in some ways to equivalence, the textual construction of

exemplification is based on generic categories and their examples, and
in some cases enumerates a long list of the members of a category, often,
but not exclusively, for pedagogical purposes. When it is not educa-
tional, these functions can also create categories and category members
in much the same way that opposites and equivalences are described as
being textually created above. By assuming such relationships, the text
sets up a further ideological apparatus. As we shall see, there are over-
laps here with the creation of equivalence or contrast, but there are also
cases which perform a distinct function that has the effect of elabor-
ating on the more general descriptions, bringing detail and examples
into the text.
Examples and generalizations

We will begin by considering the case of the generalized label which is
then made more particular, often by the use of a list of examples. At its
simplest, this can take the form of a general case and a single example,
as in these extracts:
Healthier choices, like fruit. (Best Diet Now)

STDs – especially Chlamydia. (Woman)
There appears to be an assumption in such examples that the reader will

know the rest of the list, or that the most important one is mentioned
anyway. There are other cases where the two most obvious cases of a
general category are given as examples:
an eating disorder, such as anorexia or bulimia (Pregnancy and Birth)

Unsightly birthmarks, such as port-wine stains and broken blood
vessels (Body Beautiful )
cosmetic surgery – whether it was a nose job or a nip and
tuck (Body Beautiful )
The two-part list in these cases seems to gesture towards a longer ‘real’
list, but indicates that the main cases are covered. In the final case
there is clearly an indication of a range of procedures between these two
typical cases, though the range is not ordered in any significant way, for
example from mild to serious or from one part of the body to another.
The more pedagogically-oriented the text, the more likely it is that
instead of a single example or a couple of important examples, there
will be a true list of cases that expand upon the generalization. The
following examples illustrate this direct informing process:
The symptoms usually occur between weeks four and 10 and can
include long, painful periods; dark, watery bleeding; severe, low, one-
sided abdominal pain; pain on emptying bowels; and shoulder pain.
(Our Baby)
Foods to avoid include liver, liver sausage and liver pate; raw or
lightly cooked eggs; peanuts; rare or undercooked meat or poultry;
mould-ripened soft cheese; unwashed salad or veg. (Our Baby)
There is a sense, here, that the writer is trying hard to cover all the
eventualities, to help the pregnant woman make sense of her symptoms
in the first case and decide on dietary adjustments in the second.
All of the cases of exemplification we have seen so far have appeared

to be truly informative, though more detailed in some cases than others.
There are many other cases where the effect, if not the intention, of the
exemplification may appear to be more than, or different to the ‘pure’
delivery of information:
irregularities can start showing through. I’ve seen some very poor
results – you could actually see the tracks where the tubes had passed
through the fat again. (Body Beautiful )
This extract illustrates the general case of very poor results (of liposuction)
with a specific example of the kind of result that is meant. The relatively
emotive effect of the description of tracks under the skin is presumably
intended to make potential customers think twice before they go to
a cheap or under-qualified surgeon. Cosmetic surgery is the one topic
that goes against the upbeat tone of most of this data, and is given
to this kind of scaremongering, possibly for good, responsible reasons.
However, it is also noticeable that there is barely a single article on
surgery that doesn’t have the name of a clinic or clinics in the text.
Whilst they are not strictly advertisements, these articles, nevertheless
promote particular clinics as being within the realm of the responsible,
so the scaremongering tactics could be seen as promoting commercial
advantage for them.
The converse of this motivation, the desire to protect plastic surgeons
from blame for failures or relative lack of success, is also delivered in the
form of exemplification:
Surgery is not an exact art – there are too many variables, such as
skin quality, social behaviour, different healing times and potential
complications
This extract from Body Beautiful adds detail to the assertion that surgery
is not an exact art by making it clear that the variables are too diverse
to be able to predict the precise outcome. The slightly chilling, and
throwaway, item in this list is the final one, potential complications.
Though it does, indeed, present as one of the variables in all surgery,
it is in itself a general case which covers all sorts of frightening possib-
ilities. At this point, the text retreats from full explanation and lets
the general term stand with no further exemplification which could
discourage potential customers.
It is not unusual, of course, to find lists that have specific items at first,
and then end with a catch-all category to cover anything that might not
have been mentioned individually. The following is such a case:
It is thus possible to improve long-term facial contours, for example

by augmenting the cheekbones, the chin, the jaw-line or any other
area that lacks definition. (Body Beautiful )
The reader who is considering facial surgery may read this list and check
off the different areas of the face in relation to her own. The final item
on the list makes it more likely that each reader will relate to the text
personally, as they work out which parts of their own face might come
under this description.
The structural techniques which set up exemplification are many and
varied, but often include explicit reference to the fact that they are
examples, using verbs such as include or adverb introductions like such
as. For some cases, where the items in the list are clausal, and there is
structural repetition, there may be a strong rhetorical effect reminiscent
of Biblical or poetic parallelism:
Good posture eases tense muscles; it makes balance easier; it leads to

more efficient breathing and circulation, and the internal organs are
better able to work well. It helps keep the spine strong and supple. It
creates balance throughout the muscles of the body using minimal
energy. It makes you look and feel good. Lastly, it will minimize the
risk of back injury or pain. (Women’s Health)
This list of what good posture does for the body is long, and has the
effect of putting good posture into a conceptually superior role as the
centre of all well-being and health.
Three-part lists
The difference between these genuine, if sometimes patchy, examples
of lists, and the symbolic three-part list is striking. Though it cannot
easily be ‘proven’ to be a different kind of textual practice, it does seem
noticeable that when you read a three-part list, its significance is often
more rhetorical than informational:
There is nothing to be afraid of, ashamed of or embarrassed about.

(Fresh)
This example uses three overlapping, though not identical, negative

emotions, and could probably have added a few more, such as horrified
by, confused by and so on. It is often claimed as discussed earlier in the
chapter that the impact of a three-part list is to give the impression
of completeness, rather than providing a comprehensive list of items
that happens to have three parts. The examples in the data support
this claim, as they nearly all seem to either reiterate essentially similar
ideas, in order to achieve three parts and/or choose three items from a
potentially much longer list.
We can see in some cases that the three-part list is a little forced, as
in the following from Pregnancy and Birth:
Midwives can tell all sorts of things by looking, feeling and asking clever
questions.
There is something odd about the third part of this list, possibly because
it is not a physical activity, but probably because it seems to be added on
to make up the numbers. Other examples use the superordinate terms
that we investigated in relation to opposition, which has an additional
effect of completeness, as well as the three-part list effect:
For many girls, whatever their age, heavy periods are normal, healthy
and natural.
The use of normal, healthy and natural here is an emphatic statement of

the message that the text is trying to convey, and could possibly have
been achieved by different means, such as the intensification of any
one of the words (for example quite normal, perfectly healthy or completely
natural ). In other words, the intention is to say that heavy periods
are basically good, and this is emphasized by the use of three of the
hyponyms of good that are repeatedly used in this material. Similar
effects, using quite general and partly overlapping terms can also be
seen in the following extracts:
May simply want to look more alert, relaxed and happy (Body
Beautiful )
She is a very busy woman – actress, wife and mother (Body Beautiful)
Every session is pleasant, relaxing and invigorating (Slimmer
Magazine)
Before years of laughter, smiles and tears have left their mark (Body
Beautiful )
The rhetorical status of the three-part list is often underlined by some

kind of phonological recognition of its status as a relatively undifferen-
tiated unit, rather than a list of separate items. The following examples
use rhyme and alliteration respectively with this effect:
We guys go through it too Think unwanted zits, smelly pits and

shaving kits. ( Jump)
Reshape, realign and rebalance the Pilates way. (Slimmer Magazine)
Phonological clues like these seem to indicate a symbolic three-part list,

and other candidates for this symbolic status include those where there
is a sense that the list is really much longer, or the terms overlap more
than strictly necessary. However, it is not possible to draw up a strict list
of criteria to identify lists which have three items and are also one of
these more stylised structures. There are, for example, lists which seem
to genuinely have three things that make them up:
Mel is weighed and measured and her blood pressure is taken.
This extract from Pregnancy and Birth does not appear to be from a
longer potential list, and it has no phonological sign that it is symbolic.
This is, indeed, what happens at the beginning of a first ante-natal
appointment, so it has all the qualities of a genuine list. Another
example, from the same text, appears at first sight to be a genuine list,
but on closer inspection, we see that the second and third elements of
the list are very much more general than the first:
CVS This test is done to check for Down’s syndrome, chromosome

abnormalities and genetic disorders.
This seems like a ‘real’ list which just happens to have three parts, though
the second and third in the list are rather general, and may encompass
a number of conditions which are as specific as Down’s syndrome. One
could conclude that the list appears reassuringly complete, and it could
also be argued that it informs less than it appears to. Pregnancy complic-
ations are two-edged for pregnancy magazines, which may want to be
positive about all aspects of pregnancy, whilst informing their readers
about the dangers. One of their techniques is the happy ending, as we
saw in Chapter 2. This may be another one, whereby the three-part list
glosses over the detailed facts and gives an impression of informing,
whilst really smoothing over the potential anxieties of the pregnant
reader by suggesting that everything is capably dealt with by the test

concerned. The absence of any follow-up information about what would
happen if the test showed up an abnormality may be significant here,
as it confirms that there is an avoidance of difficult issues.
In the same vein, there appears to be a taboo surrounding large breasts,
except in the context of sexual attractiveness. A straightforward advice
article on measuring for bras, for example, uses a three-part list, plus and
so on to indicate the formula for working out cup size:
If it’s the same as the measurement underneath your bust, you’re an

A cup; 1in (2 21 cm) more, you’re a B cup; 2in (5 cm) more, C cup and
so on. (Mizz)
It could be argued that the pattern is established by the third case, in a

way that it is not when only two sizes are mentioned. Thus, the larger
girl can easily deduce what to conclude if her breasts are three or more
inches larger than her ribcage. However, the effect, intended or not, is to
make those larger girls invisible, and this could result in some of them
feeling abnormal.
Whilst many of the pregnancy advice articles have a large number of
three-part lists, and some of these may be more genuine than symbolic,
there are cases in all text types where the number three seems to
dominate for no reason other than a rhetorical one. In one article from
Woman, which is about complications in pregnancy, we have a three-
part list which becomes increasingly extreme as it goes on:
Causing severe pain, bleeding and even death.
There may in fact be other symptoms of ectopic pregnancy, but the

end of this list appears to be rather final. Other indications that the
number three is significant occur in the quiz format, such as in Slimmer
Magazine, where each question has three possible answers:
You’ve just been invited out on a hot date. Do you: a. Rush out and
buy a really tight dress? b. Treat yourself to a facial and a new lipstick?
c. Panic! Start the starvation diet NOW – there’s no time to lose?
Similarly, each of the seven days of activities in the build-up to a greater

orgasm in More has three steps, and in the same text the explanation
for the effectiveness of frequent quickies is also, apparently, tri-partite:
A quickie twice in one day will work for three reasons: 1) a frenzied
bonk will boost your libido; 2) quickies break the routine and may
spur your boyfriend on to greater things; 3) the adrenaline surge will
give you a day-long, warm, fuzzy feeling.
There is no doubt at all that this writer could have come up with any
number of additional reasons if pressed, but three is the convention in
such lists and more might make clear the lack of substance in the article
as a whole.
It is hard to be sure that there is not a good physiological reason
for manufacturers of tampons making them in three different sizes, but
in the context of the ubiquitous three-part list, it is hard to avoid the
conclusion that such technical decisions might be partly influenced by
the advertising attraction of being able to use three-part lists, as in this
extract from Sugar:
Try the Tampax Multipack, which contains three different absorben-

cies: Lites, Regular and Super.
In fact, their products often come in four different sizes, which makes
it all the more interesting that only three of them are mentioned here.
Note that the three-part list can operate at higher levels of struc-
ture, and sometimes occurs where parallel structures are being used.
The following example uses three question forms to hypothesize about
the reason for Pamela Anderson reducing her breast implants to a
smaller size:
Was she worried by the recent health scares about silicone implants?
Was it because moody musician hubby Tommy Lee had grown bored
of her plastic chest? Or was it simply that she herself had tired of the
old ‘glitz and tits’ image that she had fought so hard and become so
well known for? (Body Beautiful )
There can be, of course, no comprehensive list of all the possible reasons
for any course of action, so the writer falls back upon the three-part list
as the standard number of options to give.
Summary
A general conclusion that we might draw from this analysis is that
many of the texts in this data have an ostensibly pedagogical function,
which may be served by the equivalence-construction of appositional
and other structures, but is also undermined by the lack of genuine

information, in some cases leading to the conclusion that the desire to
inform is subservient to the desire to entertain. Nevertheless, that there
is some ‘teaching’ going on is not in doubt, and the equating function
of texts seems to perform this role more often and more sincerely than
the other similar functions explored here.
The textual construction of contrast, or opposition, seems less clearly
pedagogical or informative in nature, tied as it often is to the superor-
dinate oppositions of good–bad, normal–abnormal and natural–unnatural.
The overwhelming presence of evaluative oppositions, both conven-
tional (see Chapter 3) and unconventional (see above pp. 109 f ) indic-
ates a hugely normative drive in this data towards an ideal, youthful
and unchanging body shape, irrespective of age or life’s experiences.
As for enumeration and exemplification, which are not clearly distinct
from each other in function, they have a split effect, sometimes having
a clearly informative or pedagogical role and at other times performing
a symbolic but not genuinely informative function. The most inter-
esting and ideologically-loaded type of enumeration or exemplifying is
the three-part list, which is less truly informative than a ‘real’ list, and
appears to reinforce the culturally dominant ideal body shape, maternal
role and other stereotypes.
Note that in the context of so many three-part lists, many of which
appear to symbolize completeness, the consequence for longer lists is
that they may seem over-long by comparison. The following example
from Pregnancy and Birth has a five-part list which may well represent a
fuller picture, but also seems to symbolize the length of time that the
ante-natal visit is taking:
Mel’s booking-in visit seems to last forever! The midwife wants details
about her husband and family and information on asthma, diabetes,
epilepsy, heart problems, high blood pressure
5
Assuming and Implying
If some ideology can be delivered through processes of equating,

contrasting and exemplifying, the way in which the world is struc-
tured ideologically can also be naturalized very effectively through
the assumptions and implications that a text makes. This chapter
explores these processes in the data under consideration and demon-
strates both the construction of an assumed/implied reader and the
construction of the assumed/implied perfect female form.
Presupposition and implicature
The two categories of assuming and implying are the labels that I am
using for what is technically known as presupposition and implicature
by linguists. This chapter, then, considers those meanings which are
often seen as less direct than lexical and sentence semantics, and as a
result of this indirectness can be seen as helping to naturalize certain
ideologies relating to the female body. What is particularly important
about the functions of assuming and implying in texts is that these
meanings may communicate themselves to the reader at a relatively
subconscious level, and if reading texts of a similar nature repeatedly
delivers the same ideological assumptions, the reader is vulnerable to
the conceptual influences that such repetition could have on world view
or perceptions.
Many of the assumptions and implications we address here will be part
of a more general process of constructing an ideal or supposed reader. This
process includes making assumptions about the general categories that the
reader is likely to belong to (such as female, white and so on.) but it also
includes, as we shall see, much more specific assumptions, for example
about the kinds of problems the reader has, or the shape of her body.
129
The textual delivery of assumptions is normally by the mechanism of

presupposition. There are many ways of building presuppositions into
text; indeed it is impossible to avoid, at the most basic level. We will
draw upon two categories of presupposition to investigate this data:
existential presupposition and logical presupposition (see Simpson 1993:
125–6). The structural properties of these types of presupposition are
different, and it is sometimes assumed that the logical presuppositions
are potentially more ideologically loaded than the existential ones. This
is because the latter are unavoidable, and many of them can thus be seen
as innocuous in persuasive terms, being no more than an assumption
that something exists. Thus, the following (invented) sentence includes
three existential presuppositions, relating to the noun phrases, the local
baker, a part-time job1 and his shop:
The local baker was advertising a part-time job in his shop.
Such presuppositions are a necessary part of the normal exchanges

that speakers make in everyday conversation and we have already
encountered some nominally-based presuppositions of this kind in
Chapter 3. They are useful to speakers and hearers because they trigger
conceptual schemata without the need for further contextual inform-
ation. More elaborate noun phrases may build-in a more complex set
of presuppositions to the noun phrase, by the use of pre- and post-
modification, as in the following (invented) sentence:
Your ugly sister wore that dreadful outfit again!
I have exaggerated the offence that could be given in this sentence, to

demonstrate the difference that a couple of adjectives can make to the
existential presuppositions. Instead of presupposing the sister’s and the
outfit’s existence, as this sentence would have done without adjectives,
it presupposes the existence of an ugly sister and a dreadful outfit, which
is where the potential for offence comes in. Note that this production of
existential presupposition, commonly by definite noun phrases overlaps
in some ways with the naming function that we investigated earlier,
though naming itself will not always produce such presuppositions.
The logical presupposition is triggered by one of a number of structural
devices which embed some kind of assumption into the utterance (see
Levinson 1983: 181–3). The following are the major triggers for logical
presuppositions mentioned by Levinson, though he concedes that these
can differ according to the definition of presupposition:
Assuming and Implying 131
• Factive, implicative, judging and change-of-state verbs

• Comparative constructions
• Iteratives
• Non-restrictive relative clauses and counterfactual conditionals
• Cleft and implicit cleft constructions
• Temporal clauses
As we will see below, some of these triggers occur more frequently than
others in the data. Those which do occur provide a basis for the natur-
alization of certain ideologies pertaining to the female body.
In addition to the presuppositions that contribute to the textual
construction of the female body in this way, these texts also depend
on conversational implicature to provide further ideological underpin-
ning. Conversational implicature, a consequence of Grice’s co-operative
principle and its maxims, is described by Simpson (1993: 129) as:
those meanings which unfold when it is clear that the semantic

content of an utterance is alone not a reliable guarantor of the
meaning of that utterance in context. In this way, implicatures can
be regarded as inferences that develop from a mutual understanding
between speakers engaged in interaction.
The context of the texts analysed here is different, of course, from

the original conversational context envisaged by Grice (1975), since
the texts are published and read at a distance from the production
process, and there is relatively little genuine exchange between producer
and reader analogous to the interaction that takes place in face-to-face
conversation. Nevertheless, it is clear that implicature is now viewed
as a potential carrier of indirect meaning in both written and spoken
language, and the shared understanding that may underlie this mech-
anism is clearly both personal and cultural.
Thus, in discussing someone with a friend who also knows that person,
there will be shared knowledge that may inform the conversational
implicatures that arise. In reading articles relating to the female form
in magazines, the reader will make assumptions about the norms and
expectations of the cultural context in which the magazine is produced
and read which will influence her understanding of implicatures in the
texts she reads.
Note that this explanation of how the implicature may work in the
case of published material also gives an insight into the reinforce-
ment and reproduction of ideological norms, which are assumed to
be understood already for the typical – or ‘successful’ reader of these

texts.
One example of this may be the use of implicature to set up the
exemplary women, seen in Chapter 2 as a generalized rhetorical feature
of these texts. The precise linguistic mechanism that makes the rhetoric
work is, in many cases, the presentation of a woman who has had an
experience relevant to the topic, and who apparently tells her story quite
simply and straightforwardly. The following extract, for example, comes
from a diary-style article about pregnancy:
I’m extremely tired. I’ve got to look after myself, put my feet up and
eat healthily. (Our Baby)
There are many such examples in the data, on all topics, and we will
look at some of them in detail below. Here, the point is to notice that
there is probably more information than the reader needs in the second
sentence, unless it is not just a ‘note to self’ in the protagonist’s ‘diary’,
but is also a semi-coded message to all readers of the magazine that they
too should do these things in the early stages of pregnancy. This self-
consciousness of the multiple addressees of the text can be described
with reference to discourse roles (see Thomas 1986). Thus, this text
requires both the fictionalized self-addressing of the diary-style article
and also the knowledge that there are other addressees, the pregnant
readers, who will be expected to assimilate the information that these
are good things for pregnant women to do. The message of this extract,
delivered by implicature resulting from the flouting of the maxim of
quantity, is that this is what the reader, also, should do. The mechanism
is essentially circular; many such implicatures in fact do not seem to
deliver any ‘new’ information, leaving the implicature, which amounts
to ‘you already know all this, but should act upon it’ as the main message
of the text.
Constructing the reader
The overwhelming majority of the texts in our data make the under-
standable assumption that the reader is female. This is demonstrated in
a number of ways, but mostly by the use of the second person pronoun
(you) or the possessive determiner (your) in conjunction with purely
female conditions such as having breasts, periods or a vagina.
Thus in texts from Bliss and Sugar, for example, the reader is addressed
by talking about your vagina and your period which form existential
presuppositions, as the possessive pronouns are definite in meaning.

Similarly in texts from Mizz and Woman (and many others), there are
clear indications that the addressee is female because of the attributes
described:
Are you wearing the right bra? (Mizz)

Be aware of changes in your cervical mucus (Woman)
Some texts make an explicit appeal to the solidarity of being female,

by including the writer, as well as the reader in the first-person plural
pronoun, we:
Firstly, don’t be embarrassed about your breasts – we’ve all got them!
(Shout)
periods are all part of being a girl. There is nothing to be afraid of,
ashamed of or embarrassed about – because we all have them! (Fresh)
Apart from the occasional expert opinion or article, the data are mostly
neutral with respect to the writer’s gender, but these occasions when
the writer makes an appearance in the text are striking in their attempt
to cause the reader to identify with her.
Whilst it is to be expected that articles which purport to be of help to
women might address all readers as female, there are also a very large
number of presuppositions and implicatures which detail the kind of
women that they are addressing. Whilst there is no explicit statement
of expectation that the reader will have these characteristics, there is,
nevertheless, the potential for a normalising effect where the same char-
acteristics are assumed time and again.
Take, for example, the assumptions that everyone lives in a nuclear
family, and in particular that everyone has a mum. Bliss, for example,
presupposes just these things, by the mechanism of the same your +noun
structure that we have already seen:
you’re also worrying about what your mum will say when she does
your washing.
It is, of course, also noticeable that the stereotype of the mum that does
her (teenage) children’s washing is presupposed here as a result of the
iterative meaning of when in this context. These norms of family life
and gender roles may indeed still reflect many young people back to
themselves, though the potentially alienating effect on those without
the comforts of such a background, or with completely different, though

equally supportive backgrounds can be imagined.
More widespread across all the data is the assumption that the reader
is not only female, but heterosexual, and usually in a stable, loving
relationship. The text world of these magazines is made up of couples,
particularly where sex or pregnancy is the topic. However, the possibility
that a single pregnant woman or a lesbian who is sexually active might
be reading these magazines is not countenanced:
When did labour start? And how did it feel to finally meet your baby?
Three couples share the agony and the ecstasy. (Our Baby)
The three labour stories which follow this introduction are in the form
of an interview, with questions and first-person answers. The use of you
in this example, then, is odd, because the article itself is not in the
second person. The explanation, it seems to me, is that the three couples
are intended to ‘stand for’ the readership of the magazine, and their
different stories represent the likely range of difference to be experi-
enced during a delivery. This compounds the problem of there being no
variation in the nuclear family/heterosexual couple, patterning, since
there is an implicature that you (= the readers) are all in some sense like
the people whose stories are being told.
Those pregnancy articles which do address the reader in the second
person also assume the norm of a couple:
Antenatal classes These are a great way of learning about everything

from pain relief and labour positions to bathing a newborn. They also
give you the chance to meet other expectant couples. (Our Baby)
The use of the iterative trigger, other, causes a logical presupposition that
the addressee is also (part of) a couple.
The articles which detail how to have ‘good’ sex also regularly presup-
pose that the reader is a woman in a heterosexual relationship, since that
is their raison d’être. They normally use the possessive determiner and
noun structure to cause an existential presupposition. Thus your partner
is found frequently in such articles. Similarly, there is a presupposition
that he and his penis exist in the following extract from an article which
promises out-of-this-world orgasms:
If you can’t grip his penis with your vaginal muscles during sex, then
your internal vaginal muscles are too flabby! (More)
In addition, of course, there are presuppositions about the gender of

the addressee (who has vaginal muscles), and the sexuality and sexual
activeness of the addressee too.
The self-selecting nature of much of the audience for these articles
is one reason why the writers will probably not give a second thought
to the assumptions that they are making. This is almost definable as
a genre whose linguistic norms are to address the reader, and assume
she is in the target group, which happens to be the majority group
in society. The teenage magazines have a particular placing in relation
to the readership, however, since the target audience is probably more
comprehensive, across all teenage girls, than the adult magazines. That
the same assumptions are made regularly in these magazines is inter-
esting because they reinforce the ‘majority’ view of normality repeatedly,
not only excluding those readers who do not belong in the group, but
also reinforcing the views of the majority themselves, so that all other
sexualities remain marginal and thus ‘other’:
My breasts are big and saggy. I’m worried when I have sex with a boy
he’ll be put off (Bliss)
The presupposition, that she will indeed have sex with a boy in due
course, arises from the subordinator when, which functions in the same
way as a verb of change to introduce a new situation which it is assumed
will definitely happen.
In the pregnancy literature, it is probably not surprising to find that
there are many articles which presuppose or imply not only a female
reader, but also a pregnant one. It is, of course, possible that non-
pregnant women and men may also read these magazines, not least if
they are embarking on parenthood, or wish to do so, but these ‘marginal’
readers tend not to be addressed directly:
that’s why it’s vital you have your blood pressure and urine checked
for protein levels at every antenatal visit. (Woman)
This extract uses pragmatic presupposition to imply that the reader is not
only female, but pregnant, by addressing her using the second person
pronoun, you, and connecting this with the existentially presupposed
protein levels in urine and antenatal visits. Thus, the world knowledge
of the reader comes into play here as the connector between different
presuppositions in the sentence. This kind of construction of the reader
is, of course, ubiquitous in the pregnancy data, but the assumptions do
not stop there. Most of the assumptions about the reader also assume
that the pregnancy is healthy, and therefore describe the processes
which are found in successful pregnancies: your placenta transfers anti-
bodies. (Our Baby)
Again, the presupposition is achieved by the use of you with the exist-
ential presupposition of the placenta and the description of the process
by which the embryo is fed. The norm of the healthy pregnancy is also
reinforced by the expectation in all of the articles that the pregnancy is
not only wanted, but looked for:
Congratulations – you’re pregnant at last! (Our Baby)
The iterative trigger (at last) in this extract indicates a change of state
from an earlier state of non-pregnancy and demonstrates that the preg-
nancy is not only desired but also took a while to achieve. This norm of
the desirability of children is confirmed and reinforced in a number of
articles, as seen in the two extracts from different articles which follow:
He’s filled a huge gap in our lives (Our Baby)

What did prey on my mind was the thought that we were doomed
not to have a family. (Our Baby)
The presupposition that prior to having children there was a gap in

the writer’s life is specific to these particular stories, and it could be
argued that this is therefore not ideological in the more general norm-
ative sense. However, there are no counterbalancing stories and repeated
examples of this kind of message in the absence of contrary ideologies
tend to reinforce the notion that motherhood is the ultimate fulfilment
of a woman’s life. As we saw in the example above – Congratulations –
you’re pregnant at last! – even the introductions to otherwise quite factual
and informative articles, which could theoretically be read by those who
are reluctant to be pregnant or ambivalent about it, often begin with an
implicature that being pregnant is a universally good thing.
Amongst the articles relating to pregnancy there are a few which deal
with some of the problems or complications that can arise, but as we saw
in Chapter 2 there is a tendency to use happy endings as a way of minim-
izing the pessimism in the text. Thus, although a text about problems
of conception from Woman includes sections on different problems
of conception and complications of pregnancy, it nevertheless gives
examples reflecting the ultimately successful outcome for two readers.
Even the admission that many couples have trouble in conceiving acts
as an implicature to the opposite, that since so many have trouble, it is

likely that most of those end up with a baby:
One in six couples will have fertility problems
Another normalizing tendency in all of this data is the ubiquitous

assumption that women (that is, the readers) are overweight, and by
definition that this is a problem:
Slim from Within not only helps with your weightloss, it also
brings you belief in yourself and an end to self criticism (Slimmer
Magazine)
The use of the second-person pronoun here, with the noun weightloss,
causes the existential presupposition that you (the reader) do indeed
have a weight problem. Logical presuppositions, that you lack self-belief
and that you are self-critical are triggered in the next clause by the
change of state verb brings, and the change of state noun an end to.
The text that this extract is taken from is an advert for a slimming
programme, so we may not be surprised at these presuppositions, though
we may also note that this does not alter the potential effect for a reader,
whose own perceptions may well tend to be influenced by the unerring
message that she is overweight, whether or not this is really the case.
The very many readers’ stories in the data relating to weight, as well as
being rhetorically significant by having happy endings, also use a great
many superlatives to describe weight loss:
When Ros Thatcher lost an amazing 9st it finally gave her the courage
to pursue her dream of finding the mother who gave her up for
adoption. And she did! (Diet and Fitness)
The use of amazing, of course, is strictly relevant in that it represents

a great deal of weight to lose. However, the use of extreme cases to
demonstrate that weight loss can indeed be achieved is potentially rather
alarming, as it triggers the sense that the amount of weight loss (irre-
spective of the starting weight) is the crucial measure of success. This
extract also demonstrates the claim that weight loss also solves all other
problems in life, and this is confirmed by the following extract:
And life has been looking up ever since. Amy now works in a
community health centre as a pharmacy technician. She’s also
studying at college one day a week (WeightWatchers)
In both of these cases, the weight loss is directly attributed with the
power to solve difficult problems, and though it is never stated outright,
the implicature, as in all these stories, is that it could do the same for
the reader.
As well as assuming universal weight problems, the texts have a tend-
ency to assume that readers have a desire to eat unhealthily, as exem-
plified in the following two extracts:
Sadly, though, it doesn’t give you a licence to pig out

(Woman’s Own)
Just imagine a miracle diet that allows you to eat generous servings
of all your favourite dishes: fillet steak with Béarnaise sauce, fry-ups
complete with eggs, bacon and black pudding, even ice cream for
dessert. (Cosmopolitan)
In the first example the noun licence causes a logical presupposition that
the reader has the desire to pig out, and the second one that the reader
wishes to eat all unhealthy food, despite it being bad for them, signalled
by the verb allow. Since what is allowed – or licensed – is normally
something that the person concerned wishes to do, the presupposition
attaches to the activity following these words.
The generalized assumptions about excess weight are not confined to
the slimming magazines or articles, but tend to crop up in all contexts,
including post-pregnancy, exercise, and sex-related texts. The following
two come from articles promoting different forms of exercise:
Follow Lynne’s example to trim your tum and shape your bum. (Slimmer
Magazine)
Stop reminding anyone who will listen that you’ve got a huge arse. One
advantage of this superficial world is that everyone is too obsessed
with themselves to really notice your lumpy thighs! (Body Beautiful )
The first includes an implicature that trimming the tum and shaping
the bum are necessary for the reader. This arises from the pragmatic
presupposition that you wouldn’t trim or shape something unless it was
needed. The second example is based on presuppositions triggered by the
factive verb remind whose subordinate clause complement (italicized) is
presupposed to be true and the existential effect of the definite noun
phrase your lumpy thighs, which the reader is presupposed to have.
One of the main reasons frequently implied in the data for the import-
ance of not being overweight is to appear sexually attractive, to men:
BEST FOR: Big hips and thighs. This is obviously because the offending
parts are hidden from view in this position – and elongating your
limbs makes saggy bits look less saggy and chunky bits less chunky.
(Body Beautiful )
Your partner keeps pointing out how fabulous your stick thin best
friend looks in her animal print skirt. Do you: a Rush out and buy
exactly the same skirt, three sizes bigger, even though it won’t suit
you? b Find something similar, with a flattering silhouette which
makes YOU look sensational? c Wonder if he’s having an affair with
her? (More)
These examples demonstrate that big hips and thighs, referred to as the
offending parts, are something to disguise by using particular positions
for lovemaking and, in the case of the second example, that the reader is
likely to be relatively overweight – and therefore relatively unattractive –
to her partner, compared with a thinner friend. These are effects of
pragmatic presupposition in the first case achieved by the mechanism
of rephrasing, and by implicature in the second case where the maxim
of quantity is flouted, but there is an implicit link between three sizes
bigger and being overweight.
Perfection and attraction
The connection between being slim and being sexy is part of a

bigger tendency in the data to assume that the primary need is for
women to appear sexy to men, and that it is also a test of success
whether one enjoys a lot of good sex. The first example, below, comes
from an article in Cosmopolitan made up of get-beddable beauty tips,
with the built-in assumption that these are aimed at appearing sexy
to men:
Want to have the most luscious lips he’s ever kissed? Slough off dry
flakes with a flannel while you’re taking a hot, steamy shower.
This extract uses the rhetorical question to imply that no reader could
fail to desire this outcome. It also hints at sexual activity by using
a word with sexual connotations, steamy, to describe the shower.
This normative message about the pursuit of sexiness begins in the
teenage magazines, and even where it is not being explicitly connected
to looks it is still seen as the driving ambition for girls and young
women:
Confidence and charisma will never go out of fashion. In fact, the

older you get, the more important they become so you might as well
try to develop them now. They’re such attractive qualities in anyone,
especially a young woman. Trust me, I’m a guy. ( Jump)
We have seen extracts from this article, written by a 19-year-old man,

before. It aims to convince the reader that dressing beyond her years is
not appropriate. However, the writer constantly undermines his message
by reinforcing the very forces – the pleasing of men – that cause the
problem in the first place. In this extract, the implicature that the girls
are trying to please men is achieved by the final sentence, Trust me, I’m
a guy, where what gives him the ultimate authority on attractiveness is
his gender.
Whilst many articles still seem to emphasize the need to please a
man sexually, (for example Sex as a present in Cosmopolitan) rather
than pleasing yourself (that is, the female reader), there are some which
explicitly address this issue:
How come women’s mags are so obsessed with us driving the boys
crazy all the time? (Minx)
This comes from an article in which the writer and her friends try
out some of the more outlandish sex tips that they have read of
elsewhere. These are not all tips aimed at male pleasure, but they
do include some naturalized assumptions, such as the assumption
that ‘blow jobs’ are normal and tight stomach muscles are to be
desired:
When he starts to feel deliciously numb, switch to a normal blow

job.
It made me want to squirm a bit more just like I used to when I had
tight stomach muscles. Oh happy days.
The existential presupposition in the first extract is that there is such

a thing as a normal blow job. In the second case there is an implicature
arising from the comment at the end (Oh happy days) that the previous
sentence expressed a desirable state of affairs. Perhaps the most frequent
assumption, however, in the texts in relation to sexual attractiveness is
that relating to the appeal of large breasts. The following extract, for
example, is from an article which includes readers’ stories, in this case
a reader who had breast implants:
I had wanted to be a page three model from the age of 14 but wasn’t
blessed with the figure I feel so much more womanly now. (Body
Beautiful )
The change of state adverb, now, presupposes that the narrator hadn’t
felt ‘womanly’ before, and the pragmatic presupposition that readers are
likely to draw from this is that this change of affairs came about as a
result of the breast implants. This generalised celebration of the large
breast starts in the teenage magazines. The text from Mizz is apparently
a straightforward advice article about how to make sure that the reader
is wearing the right bra for her shape and size and activity levels. The
ostensible and responsible message is that we are all different, so we
need different underwear. However, there are some messages that are
not about comfort or well-being:
Padded Are great for girlies who have got small breasts – the padding
gives you more shape than you really have. Fantastic!
The two evaluative comments (italicized) demonstrate that there is a

desire to have large breasts, and this implicature is confirmed by other
articles in the teenage magazines which advise girls how to dress to
maximize their natural assets and play down their physical disadvant-
ages:
Scoop-neck tops to show off your cleavage (Sugar)
There is, however, such a thing as breasts that are too large because
they unbalance the figure or are embarrassing:
A pendant or choker to take the attention away from your

chest (Shout)
It is the person he’ll want to be with and he won’t mind the size of
your breasts. (Bliss)
The implicature in the last example is that breasts are indeed a problem,
but they might be overlooked if you’re interesting enough. Note,
however, that there are some conflicting messages about breasts, with
the padded bras being enthused about, to draw attention, and the
pendant or choker to displace it. The extremes that women are supposed
to go to in order to balance out their bodies is illustrated in an article
from Body Beautiful with advice on clothing as a way of making your
figure look better. The advisor gives a lot of detailed clothing advice to
a questioner with a large bust. However, the caption on a photo of a
woman leaning forward with her arms crossed reads:
You can minimise a large bust by folding your arms across it, or you
can take Mia’s advice.
This absurd-sounding tip is given in earnest, as a way that women might

arrange their bodies to avoid people (men?) focusing on their breasts.
The implicature is that looking your best (that is, most balanced in body
shape) is a priority, and there appears to be no recognition that women
might have other, more pressing priorities such as dealing with a couple
of children, or running a busy office, when folding their arms across
their chest might just not be convenient.
One of the most ubiquitous messages that is carried by the data here
is that there is such a thing as perfection, and that readers can – and
perhaps should – try out all the advice given to work towards that goal.
This is evident in all topics, whether concerned with slimming, clothing,
plastic surgery or pregnancy:
With a little help from Sweetex it’s easy getting back to your pre-
pregnancy shape (Our Baby)
Here, we are faced with the ideology of the perfect – in this case the
‘pre-pregnancy’ – body which argues counter to the biological reality
that women’s bodies are likely to change shape fundamentally as they
age, and particularly after pregnancy. It is possible, and indeed common
in some cultures, to envisage an ideology of the body that celebrates the
youthful shape for some women and the more mature shape in others,
perhaps particularly those in the middle stages of life. But these ideas
are so contrary to the pervasive ideology of our times that it seems odd
even to express them here. This example works by implicature, that the
pre-pregnancy shape is desired, because what we normally try to achieve
is normally also desired.
The notion of ideal shape is also fostered, as we have seen in
other chapters, in the teenage articles on clothing to enhance your
body shape, in which the article implies some notion of ‘ideal’
shape, from which we all deviate but which the reader is assumed to
aspire to:
So you’re tall so you have a chest so you’re small and petite so

you don’t have much of a waist so you’re smaller on top, bigger on
the bottom so you’re curvy You’ll just add extra weight where
you don’t need to you don’t need to add extra height you don’t
need to slim any areas. (Shout)
This set of examples constantly implies the norm of a body which does
not have any features out of balance with the rest, and which is neither
too fat nor too thin, too tall or too short and so on. Rather like something
in the Golidlocks story, this elusive body shape is one that is sought
by many, but achieved by few, and this advice is there to minimise
the bad features. The text is built on one over-arching implicature; that
the reader wishes to, and can, make the best of her imperfect body.
This is probably quite comforting to some teenagers who are racked
with anxiety about their bodies, but it does nothing to challenge the
ideologies that put them under this stress in the first place. Some of
the implicatures seem to emphasise, and thus reinforce, the negatives
in each body shape they consider:
Wear white skirts and trousers to even out your proportions hide
beanpole legs in baggy trousers etc. (Sugar)
Whilst the beanpole legs tag is straightforwardly critical, the suggestion

of how to hide them is more implicit, and works by pragmatic presup-
position, the reader being likely to conclude that what needs hiding is
something shameful or embarrassing.
These messages are followed up in the adult magazines by similar
assumptions about perfection in the shape of the body. In an advert-
isement selling a product aimed at body cleansing to beat cellulite, the
process is described as resulting in:
startling cosmetic changes, reduction of puffiness and bloating,

producing slimmer, firmer body contours (Slimmer Magazine)
The presuppositions created by the comparative forms (slimmer, firmer)

are that the body is less slim and firm prior to the treatment. The
implicature is that slimmer, firmer body contours are desirable. A similar
phrase is used in reply to the question ‘How many pounds can I expect
to lose after liposuction?
It is difficult to assess this, as the aim of liposuction is to improve the

body’s contours rather than lose weight. (Body Beautiful )
Here, the change of state verb, improve, presupposes an earlier, less-

desirable state, though it is interesting to note a slight ideological shift
from weight to shape here, and this has been confirmed anecdotally by
my students who say that this is the new perfection, not the actually
body mass of a person. This is not a new phenomenon, and weight
is still a large part of the ideological message that these texts convey.
The most important part of a ‘body contour’, it could be argued, is the
stomach, which is widely discussed in the data:
I haul in my stomach (Marie Claire)

Though your tummy may still look depressingly big after your baby’s
born (Pregnancy and Birth)
You’re worried about how you’re going to lose all the weight you’ve
gained (Women’s Health)
The first of these examples has an implicature that stomachs should be

flat; a common message in many of the texts in our data. The other
two are more disturbing because they transfer the standard ideas of the
perfect stomach and ideal weight to one which has no hope of being
perfect immediately after delivering a baby. The presupposition in the
first of these examples is triggered by the iterative adverb still which
includes the notion that the tummy looked depressingly big earlier, that
is while the woman was pregnant. This presupposition, looked at dispas-
sionately, is ideologically interesting since, despite the recent trend in
celebrities putting their pregnancies on display, it seems that there is
still a tendency to see the pregnant stomach as ‘fat’. Notwithstanding
the propositional content of some of these texts, the implicit message
remains that pregnancy and the extra weight involved is an aberrant
state, and needs to be corrected:
Don’t consider dieting until you’ve attended your post-natal checkup

six weeks after the birth. (Pregnancy and Birth)
This sensible advice nevertheless accepts the likelihood that post-

pregnancy mothers will wish to lose weight, and is operating in a context
where re-gaining the pre-pregnancy bodily state is socially and psycholo-
gically a strong priority for mothers, possibly as a result of the overriding
ideology of perfection and youth.
In addition to the very many examples relating to weight and shape,
there are other minor but still significant aspects to the ideology of the
female body that are conveyed by presupposition and implicature in
this data. Perhaps the most interesting is the one that acknowledges
that women have body hair, but also takes for granted the need to
remove it:
Upper lip hair is just caused by testosterone – the male hormone

we all have in our bodies You’re in luck. There are loads of hair
removal techniques (Bliss)
girls who prefer ecoterrorism to experiencing life and refuse to, like,
shave and stuff ( Jump)
Rather like the conundrum of the breast implants that feel natural
because you can’t feel them, this position depends on the acceptance
that women are ‘naturally’ hairy in various ways, which by the ideolo-
gical context that we have already established ought to be a good thing.
However, these texts also insist that the removal of this hair is vital
for femininity to be established. These two examples use shock-horror
tactics and exaggeration to establish female hair (anywhere but on the
head) as unwanted. The first one uses the pragmatic presupposition
triggered by being in luck combined with hair removal techniques which
presupposes a wish to remove this offensive bodily feature. The second
one pragmatically presupposes that what is refused is normally to be
wished for, and that they are thus being unreasonable in not shaving
(their armpits presumably).
The one aspect of the ideology of the body that we haven’t discussed
a great deal so far is that of the importance of youth. This is because
the question of age crops up rather rarely in the data, though it is in a
sense ever-present too. Apart from a few specific articles aimed at older
women, these magazines tend to be aimed at the younger age groups,
and though there might be, for example, older pregnant women or
slimmers, there is an emphasis on the importance of being, and failing
that, of looking young which is implicit in all the discussions of weight,
body shape, clothing and so on.
‘Good skin tone is very important for liposuction,’ points out Mr

Davies. ‘The best candidate is someone under 30 with elastic skin. We
do carry out liposuction on older people though – some people don’t
mind having loose skin because they are more interested in wearing
a smaller size in jeans. (Woman’s Own)
At the age of 44 Cindy can, on a good day, pass herself off as a
20-something. (Body Beautiful )
In these extracts, the idea of being or looking young respectively is

given positive evaluation. There is a pragmatic presupposition in the
first example which links the statement that the best candidate is under
30 with the disjunctive statement that liposuction is carried out on
older people though. The clear message is that the adjective older here
refers to people over 30, which from many perspectives seems rather
young. The second example, similarly, expresses youth in terms of being
20-something and there appears to be an implicature that 44 is really
quite old.
With the rare exception of articles or advertisements aimed at meno-
pausal women, there is not much recognition of the issues of the ageing
body in this data, and a very great deal of assumed value for youth or
apparent youthfulness. As discussed in the Introduction, the data in this
project do not tend to arise in the magazines which are aimed at the
older age group, where the issues of the body tend to be passed over
in favour of table decorations for Christmas and knitting patterns for
grandchildren.
At the other extreme, the body is, not surprisingly, a major topic
for teenage magazines. The onset of menstruation is a regular topic of
discussion, not least in the problem pages or pseudo-problem pages.
Much of the information given in these texts is helpful and accurate, but
there is a tendency to contextualize the straight information, perhaps
in an effort to liven it up, but often using stereotypical concepts. Thus,
an article about menstruation from Bliss, has a title which emphas-
izes the very aspect that girls are most likely to fear: the painful truth
( periods).
The use of a noun phrase, with painful as a premodifying adjective,
produces an existential presupposition not just that periods exist, but
that they are intrinsically painful. There are also pressures on these
teenagers towards normality in assuming that the reader will do what
‘most people’ do:
Most girls / usually shift over [to tampons]. (Mizz)
Here, though there is also a direct proposition that girls can choose their
method of sanitary protection, there is also a possibly more powerful
implicature that what most girls do is normal, and we have already seen
that normality is a very strong normative force.
Whilst one might not be surprised – or even deeply concerned – about
the texts creating ‘normality’ around tampons, there are other issues
that create strong implicatures and presuppositions about normality
which may raise greater ideological questions. One of these is the issue
of teenagers’ sexuality, which of course is of concern to many young
people. As we saw earlier, being a lesbian is only mentioned twice in
the data – both times in letters to a problem page. In both answers, the
superficial message is of acceptance, but the implicatures and presup-
positions give a rather different message, which amounts to the fact that
being a lesbian is problematic, and anyway not very likely:
It’s perfectly healthy to have questions about your sexuality. (Bliss)
This answer attributes to the letter-writer the implicature that she does
indeed have such questions, but, more significantly, states straight-
forwardly that this is perfectly healthy, using one of the co-hyponyms
of good that we discussed in Chapter 3. However, by emphasizing
the frequency of such questions, the answer also implies that most
questions are ultimately resolved in the majority direction, that of
heterosexuality:
These sort of feelings happen all the time during your teens.
This works very much like the earlier example which stated that prob-
lems getting pregnant were also very frequent (One in six couples have
fertility problems from Woman). Presumably, in a utilitarian fashion, it
will reassure the majority who turn out not to be lesbian in due course
(or manage to get pregnant for the earlier example). The assumption
that not being pregnant is a problem is one that might possibly be seen
as understandable in the context of a magazine on pregnancy where it
may be assumed that all readers share the ideology that being pregnant
is a good thing, and having babies is in some sense a vital fulfilment for a
woman. In this case, however, constructing ‘being lesbian’ as a problem
that the majority may indeed be able to avoid is not only harmful to
those who do turn out to be lesbian, but is also more ideologically signi-
ficant as a construct that confirms being lesbian as not just a minority
sexuality but a problematic one.
The other letter and answer about this subject is if anything more
negative in its construction of lesbianism. It uses a similar argument
about how common it is to question one’s sexuality (looking at other girls’
bods in the showers is completely natural), but in addition, the overriding
message in the answer, which we saw earlier, but is repeated here, is
that this is a problem that will go away, constructing lesbianism as both
unwanted and unlikely:
So chill out, you’ve done nothing wrong, it doesn’t mean you’re a

lesbian and if anyone says you are, just ignore them and they’ll soon
forget about it, I promise (Mizz)
Note that the answer here intends to reassure the letter-writer that she
has not done wrong in looking at her friend’s body, but manages instead
to provide an implicature to the opposite scenario in which both you’ve
done nothing wrong and it doesn’t mean you’re a lesbian are contradicted. As
we saw in Chapter 4, appositive structures may lead to the conventional
implicature (Grice 1975) that their content is mutually co-referential,
and the resulting implicature can also be that their negatives are also at
least coincidental, if not dependent on each other. Thus, there is a strong
implicature here that if the letter-writer was indeed a lesbian, then her
actions would also have been wrong. The impact of these implicatures
on the young readers, many of whom will have come across the use of
lesbian as a term of abuse, may well be to reinforce the negative evalu-
ation of a minority, but nevertheless quite common sexuality amongst
young women. The actual readership of a magazine may not include
many lesbians who would be directly harmed by such negative eval-
uations, but they will be affected indirectly by the ideology at large
which is inculcated by the ideologies represented here. One interesting
feature of this last extract is the use of promise as a speech act by the
advisor. This speech act includes a pragmatic presupposition that what
is promised is (normally) desired by the addressee. Thus, the perform-
ative use of this verb here results in the presupposition that being
lesbian is not a desired outcome, which adds to the ideology already
discussed.
Apart from the implicatures and presuppositions relating directly to
the body, body shape and sexuality, the data also make general assump-
tions about the lifestyle and psychology of the reader. For example, the
idea of the woman as rather silly, over-anxious and tending towards
feeling embarrassed arises repeatedly, as can be seen in the following
example:
Put silly stories about super tampons being for older women out of your
head (Shout)
Here the noun phrase (italicized) causes an existential presupposition

that these stories are presupposed to exist and are necessarily silly.
Because the sentence is a second-person imperative, there is also an
implicature that the writer of the letter is silly. Similar assumptions arise
wherever the imperative occurs in relation to emotional states of mind:
Stop worrying (Cosmopolitan); So relax! (Mizz)
In these cases, the change of state verbs stop and relax respect-
ively cause presuppositions about earlier states – of worrying in the
first case and not relaxing in the second. Though it is clearly to
be expected that people with problems will worry, the emphasis on
the anxious state of mind of many of the readers who figure in the
magazines, either in problem pages or in readers’ stories, inevitably
contributes to the stereotyping of women as over-anxious, not to say
neurotic.
The final set of assumptions that we will consider here are not
directly related to the body, though being lifestyle assumptions, they
do contribute to the health and fitness of the people concerned. There
appears to be a general assumption that people reading these magazines
will have material goods and lifestyle habits that arise from a reasonably
affluent background, including the following three, which presuppose
that the addressee is employed, owns a car and can afford expensive
holidays respectively:
Your employer can insist that you start your maternity leave Is
your car suitable for the car seat you want? (Our Baby)
Now, the only thing that’s standing between you and looking
fabulous on that Caribbean vacation or cruise to the Bahamas
is (Ebony)
In contrast, there are also very many assumptions made, particularly in

the pregnancy texts, that readers have the ‘wrong’ habits and need to
inculcate better ones:
cut down on cigarettes (Woman)

Stop smoking and drinking (Slimmer Magazine)
You’ve given up junk food, taken up exercise (Woman’s Own)
These examples all function by the inclusion of a change of state verb

(for example stop or cut down) which trigger the logical presupposition
about how things were previously.
In addition to the direct exhortation to be better, there are some
slightly more subtle incitements to be like the people who are discussed
in the texts. These include two texts from Pregnancy and Birth both
implying that the protagonist who is featured is setting the example

that should be followed by the reader:
Mel used to drink a glass or two of wine a week, but has now given
up. Government guidelines recommend no more than one or two
units of alcohol a week
She’s enjoying showing off her new figure and keeping herself fit with
antenatal yoga, aromatherapy massage, eating healthily and getting
plenty of rest between schedules.
At the risk of this comment sounding like an afterthought, it is worth

noting that only one of the texts makes an assumption about readers
being black, and that is only because it is in one of the two magazines I
found that were explicitly for black women – both published in the USA.
The remainder of the texts did not linguistically presuppose whiteness –
nor were there textual implicatures to that effect. However, it should be
noted that the models and readers photographed in virtually the whole
of the rest of the data were white. The following is an extract from one
of these rare magazines:
The new scientific treatments promise to rid us of our blemishes, our

wrinkles, and even our Black skin. (Pride Magazine)
The presupposition here, that the reader (and the author) have black
skin, is made by the use of a definite noun phrase, using the possessive
second-person adjective, our. It is striking to those readers accustomed
to the mainstream, and mainly white, magazines, partly because it gives
such readers a sense of the ‘otherness’ that might be felt each time
a reader does not fit the stereotype assumed or implied by an article.
It also underlines the fact that white skin is not actively assumed or
implied as a norm directly in the mainstream magazines, but is so deeply
naturalized as the norm that it does not have to be textually reproduced
or reinforced.
Summary
The findings of this study in relation to presupposition and implicature
are similar to each other. They both contribute to the creation of norms
which, whilst never advocated explicitly as goals, nevertheless build up
an expectation of a prototypical woman whose body is ever-youthful,
slim, even after producing babies, functionally able to reproduce, and
ideally has large breasts, even if these are created by artificial means.
What’s more, this body is expected to behave heterosexually and to
have a white skin, though these norms are so deeply embedded in the
ideology of these magazines that they only crop up in this implicit func-
tion of assuming and implying, where the assumption of male partners,
for example, is universal.
6
The Body in Time and Space
One of the ways in which we might approach the construction of the

female body in the data under scrutiny in this project is to consider
its physical presence in space and time. This chapter considers the
consequences of the temporal and spatial construction of the body for
ideology and the potential impact upon the reader’s own perceptions.
Constructing time and space in texts
There are very many ways in which the construction of time and space
in a text can have an impact not only on the meaning of that text,
but also on the cultural and social understanding, the ideology, of the
topics that the text addresses. Thus, it seemed appropriate in the present
context to consider the way in which the time frames were constructed
by the texts, and also to see how the female body is located in space and
as space itself.
The linguistic features that were anticipated as being potentially inter-
esting for this part of the study included verbal tenses, adverbials, deixis
and lexis connected to the topics of time and space.
Real, hypothetical, contracted and circular time
With so many of the texts in the data-set conforming to the ‘readers’

story’ format, it is not surprising that there are a reasonably large number
of texts which use a basic past-tense narrative style:
I was 12 when I got my first bra. I was really excited because I was
the first out of my friends to need one – they were still in crop tops.
(Sugar)
152
The Body in Time and Space 153
I started to get frequent pains one morning and called the hospital
for advice. (Our Baby)
At 29 weeks she woke up one morning with swollen hands and a
puffy face. (Woman)
In the first and second cases, this past-tense narrative is combined

with a first-person viewpoint. The latter, it could be argued, draws the
reader into seeing the narrative through the eyes of the protagonist
and could be described in deictic shift terms as inviting the reader to
perceive the narrative through the narrator’s eyes. The third example
uses the third person, which makes it sound much more like a fictional
narrative and less like a genuine reader’s story. What almost all of the
past-tense narratives in the data share, of course, is the rhetorical strategy
of the damascene conversion or the happy ending, whereby the story
being told is leading towards a satisfactory resolution, which in chrono-
logical terms is often equated with ‘now’:
We always expected a family to be part of our lives, but there were

times when we thought we might never make it. We would have
coped with that, because in those circumstances you have to get on
with things, but we’d have felt that something was missing. Now
everything is a bonus and we feel so lucky to have two great kids.
(Our Baby)
What we have here is what is a relatively common pattern being played

out in miniature, with the past-tense facts being followed by a hypo-
thetical alternative outcome, and then the happy, actual outcome in
last place. These time frames are those which are used repeatedly in
the data, much of which is concerned with past problems, present solu-
tions or happy outcomes and also many texts concern the hypothetical,
occurrences which may happen, depending on circumstances:
if food is starting to become a big issue in your life, it is important to

seek help. (Sugar)
I don’t want to try super tampons as they’re for older women, and
I’d be too embarrassed to buy them. (Shout)
Donor eggs and sperm can be used during IVF (Woman)
These three examples demonstrate some of the range of triggers that

create an ‘alternative’ timescale or ‘modal’ text world (see Werth 1999),
in which the text projects some possibilities. These include the condi-
tional clause introduced by if, the verb want which acts modally to
suggest a desired (or in this case not desired) scenario as its clausal
complement together with the modal verb would, and in the third case
the trigger is the modal verb can.
Returning to the then-and-now structure of many of the texts in the
data, many of these have a focal point at which the life of the protagonist
changes, usually for the better:
Newsreader Katie Derham is looking forward to the next big event in

her life – the birth of her first baby in May. (Pregnancy and Birth)
This initial mention of the moment of change is reinforced by many

phrases following in the text, including before the baby is born and on the
big day all of which emphasize the life-changing moment of time which
is the birth of a baby. This may be something that parents wouldn’t want
to argue with, though it does, of course, tap into common ideological
ideas of family and parenthood which are not in fact universal, since
in many cultures the birth of a baby is seen as a much more normal
occurrence, with fewer implications for the life of the mother than in
our society.
It is not only the birth of babies that is constructed in this data as
a significant turning point, however. The moment of starting a slim-
ming regime, reaching a slimming goal and the operation that enhances
breasts or stomach contours are also seen as momentous occasions:
Ros managed to lumber through the exercise session that night, and
by the time she arrived home, a mental transformation had taken
place. (Diet and Fitness)
And it was worth it: in June 1999 she reached Goal. (Weight-
Watchers)
Here, two readers’ stories demonstrate the turning point of finding a

successful slimming club and reaching a pre-set weight respectively. In
a more obvious way than having a baby, these moments are clearly
constructed as important by the social context of slimming clubs which
use quasi-religious terminology and habits to induce intense emotions
in relation to highlighted moments, such as reaching Goal. In some sense,
of course, the goal weight of any slimmer is arbitrary, and one could
conceivably decide to celebrate within a few pounds of the goal weight
either way. However, the evident practice is to emphasise a precise goal,
and use this as a point of celebration and inspiration to others who have
yet to reach their Goal.
Surgery is another life-changing process that is usually narrated with
a deictic split between the then and the now:
She decided to have her breasts enlarged after years of hesitating; I

had wanted to be a page three model since I was 14; There was no
way I could go topless on the beach or anything like that. I feel
wonderful now.
These articles tend to follow quite similar patterns of setting up a long-

term problem in the form of adverbials such as after years of hesitating
and since I was 14, followed by the different situation now, that is after
surgery. The same patterning can be seen in the following extract:
Surgery had been at the back of my mind for years but it wasn’t
until the accident that I decided it was time to do something.
(Woman’s Own)
Apart from the very many past narrative articles and readers’ stories,
there are also many articles of advice that use the present tense to
give a general idea of what happens in the female body in relation
to such things are menstruation, pregnancy, sexual attractiveness and
eating/dieting:
If a girl wants a guy to notice her, she needs to worry about the person
underneath the façade of make up and fashion statements. (Jump)
wear fitted shirts and tops which taper in at the waist (Shout)
Every girl’s flow is different. It varies from month to month, as well
as during your period, so you should use more than one absorbency
of tampon. (Sugar)
Using a needle, a doctor removes some amniotic fluid, which contains
fetal cells. (Pregnancy and Birth)
Food is central to our lives. So there are numerous reasons why we
overdose on it: eating for comfort when we’re tired, angry, upset,
stressed or bored (Woman’s Own)
These examples demonstrate the generalized advice or information that

is often given in the present tense. The following examples demonstrate
a different use of the present, whereby the implied time is not just a
generalized present, but real time, even though the descriptions are of
hypothetical narratives, rather than real ones:
Days 8–13 You are definitely feeling better, if not perfect. Yippee!
(Sugar)
weeks 5–8 ‘I’m extremely tired. I’ve got to look after myself, put
my feet up and eat healthily. Still, Gary is taking really good care of
me.’ (Our Baby)
I’ve been getting ready; my breasts are swollen; I keep thinking I
can feel the baby (Our Baby)
Mel’s booking-in visit seems to last forever! The midwife wants details
about her husband and family information on asthma, diabetes,
epilepsy, heart problems, high blood pressure. (Pregnancy and Birth)
As is evident from these extracts, the real-time present-tense narrative

of this kind causes the reader to deictic-shift into the supposed present
of the narrative, particularly in those cases where the progressive aspect
adds to the sense of an ongoing process. These texts are usually part of
a diary-style article where the reader is invited to experience the process
being described vicariously and as if it were happening at the time of
reading. This technique may have the effect of drawing the reader into
the text in a more intimate way, particularly if she identifies with the
problem or process being described.
Perhaps as a result of the use of real-time present-tense narration, there
is very little reference to future time in the data. What future references
there are tend to be part of the hypothetical or alternative scenario which
depends upon the reader identifying with the second-person referent in
the following:
Second trimester (weeks 13–25) You’ll experience your greatest

weight gain during this time – around 1 kg (2 lb) a week. (Pregnancy
and Birth)
We might not be surprised to find certain indications of time as

circular in these texts, given the cyclical nature of menstruation, and
yet there are relatively few indications that time is anything other than
linear. In one text, for example, the layout is in a circle, but the text is
laid out in four quarters, of which one is clearly the ‘start’ as it is labelled
day 1–7. However, there are some hints towards the repetitive nature of
the menstruation process, for example:
While boobs are developing they can feel a little lumpy, and at
different times of the month they’ll change too, especially just before
your period. But it’s a good idea to get into the habit of checking your
boobs now – as it’s a habit you should keep for life It’s important
to examine your boobs at the same time every month, just after your
period finishes (Sugar)
This text is interesting, because it combines the linear timescale of

growing up with the cyclical one of being an adult female. A more
straightforwardly cyclical extract is:
Every month, one of the ovaries releases an egg which travels down
the Fallopian tube to the uterus (womb) (Fresh)
In addition to seeing time as made up of past, present and future, or

as linear versus cyclical, we may also consider the difference between
time conceptualized as duration and as a moment. Reflecting the lived
reality of women’s (and indeed men’s) lives, these texts refer to many
points in time and also to the duration of processes:
For weeks; little by little; that’s when; at six months; first, second,
third trimester; during this period; during months 7 and 8; by month
9; throughout your pregnancy; as your pregnancy progresses; near
the end of your pregnancy; approaching the end of the first trimester;
at around 12 weeks; before/after 20 weeks. (Pregnancy and Birth)
Ready to reproduce, every month; will last from three to seven days;
average age to start; twelve; from any time between the ages of nine
and sixteen; your breasts will have started; often; on a regular basis;
every eight hours; you can start as soon as. (Fresh)
13, last month, 5 days, a week, how long?, common, months, average
5 days, 23 days, just started, at first, after a few months, more regu-
larly. (Mizz)
for a while; past two months; a few months ago; now; never; still;
soon; until. (Bliss)
After 12 weeks; around 28 weeks; after that; every fortnight; four
weeks early; 10 hours; four weeks before; exactly the same times.
(Our Baby)
These extracts illustrate the sheer quantity of time references used in

relation to women’s bodily experiences, and perhaps this, as much as
any of the detail given here, is the most important effect; that women’s
lives are indeed often hemmed in with measurements of time in various
ways. To what extent this is either ‘natural’ or constructed we will have
to speculate, though we may imagine societies where the counting of
the days in pregnancy or menstruation will not be as obsessive as it is in
rich industrial countries with a low birth-rate. Similarly, we can hypo-
thesize that because men’s bodily experience is less time-constrained
than women’s, their texts may be less time-oriented than these. Another
study will be needed to investigate this hypothesis in detail.
Body as outer/inner space: literal and metaphorical

treatments
Whilst the time zones in which women’s bodily lives are lived are
fairly conventional, the construction of space in these texts, particularly
bodily space, appears to develop a fairly consistent ideology of the body
across the data represented here. The first construction of space that
we should consider is of the female body as having volume, and thus
having both an outside surface and an inner space, in particular the
inner space with a reproductive purpose:
Every month, one of the ovaries releases an egg which travels down
the Fallopian tube to the uterus (womb) it is expelled from the
body along with the lining from the womb (Fresh)
Baby moves down the birth canal start to push her baby out into
the world entire head is out ease out (Our Baby)
In these two cases, the internal body features as a place from which
things (an egg, a baby) can be expelled. This echoes the outer and inner
reproductive organs division in sex education literature (see Chapter 3),
and the following, possibly metaphorical, image of the inner space
which is represented by the reproductive organs is also frequently found:
Deep in the reproductive system (Woman).
This use of the adjective deep may echo a frequent conceptual meta-
phor where the internal organs are likened to the sea (see Jeffries 2001
and Steen 2002) and it certainly emphasizes the inaccessibility and
mystery which is often associated with these specifically female organs,
even in an era of medical knowledge which has largely uncovered these
mysteries. It is not only the pregnancy texts which use this technique to
mystify the body. Exercise regimes and advice often also use the distinc-
tion between outer and inner to distinguish those muscles that we can
all feel and identify from a set of deep postural muscles (Marie Claire)
which we need expert help in locating and developing. This emphasis
on the unknowability of the internal body is continued by the beauty
texts, even when they are essentially dealing with the outer layer of the
body, the skin:
There is some evidence that the skin has a better absorption at night
so active ingredients may penetrate to deeper skin levels more easily.
(Women’s Health)
This unique non-invasive treatment works in harmony with the body
by improving circulation, eliminating toxins and breaking down
calcified fat cells beneath the surface of the skin. (Slimmer Magazine)
the cleansing capsule with the power of traditional herbs that flush
fat cells from the body. (Slimmer Magazine)
These texts, interestingly, emphasize the possibility of changing the

inner body from the outside, and there is also an emphasis on the non-
invasiveness here. It is difficult to know without an equivalent study
of male magazines whether this metaphor of the body as vessel applies
equally to the male form. The invasion of the body space is ideologically
quite an emotive subject for women though, whether it be for sex or
medical reasons, and the advantage of any process that avoids the need
for invasion is seen in a positive light.
In addition to the inner–outer distinction, many texts also represent
the body as a conjunction of places or zones:
we’ve all had a rummage around our vaginas at some point (Bliss)
Turn your body into a playground (with the highly underrated art of
foreplay!) (Shine)
As we will see in the next section, there are a wealth of metaphors used
which link the body and space, these two examples being metaphorical
representations of the female body as a linked set of places or areas,
an ideology which appears to be quite deeply embedded in the social
context in which these texts are produced and read. The body is literally
treated as a set of places in many of the texts in the data:
Lie down and draw a straight line between your genitals and your
belly button. Your tanzen (a Japanese erogenous zone) is in the
middle. (Minx)
build sexual tension by massaging the area about two and a half
inches below your belly button. (More)
My lower body is wide, but I want my body to look in good propor-
tion. (Body Beautiful)
This conceptualization of the body as a set of linked zones has simil-

arities with the representation of the body as a set of parts, which is
analogically closer to a machine than to a map or chart. The differences
are, perhaps, more ideologically significant, and connect these ideolo-
gical assumptions to the cyber body and the notion of intervention by
technicians:
eggs are collected and fertilised in the lab, then placed back in the
womb injecting a single sperm directly into an egg and transferring
the egg to the womb a blocked fallopian tube in one of the
fallopian tubes rather than the womb (Woman)
Here, the womb and fallopian tubes are treated in isolation from their
context, which would have to be (at this point in history) a complete
body. This conceptual separation of certain organs and parts is common,
particularly where we do not like them or they are unpleasant bodily
appendages:
so aware I had a bump there (Woman’s Own)

Bums dragging on the floor boobs resting on our stomachs scoop
them up and go about our day (Body Beautiful)
These two examples emphasize the unsatisfactory nature of ordinary

bodies, but similar effects are seen where other body parts, such as
breasts, are mentioned, as well as the slightly disturbing picture of a
body which is no longer a whole but can have bits sucked out and bits
left behind; where there are areas which can be demarcated; where the
inside is as accessible as the outside; in short, where the ‘perfect body’
can be achieved by technological means:
To some it sounds like a miracle cure – just one night in hospital – and
you walk away minus 5 litres of fat!; crude way of destroying the walls
of the fat cells and then sucking out their contents; tube is inserted
through a tiny cut; pumping the area to be treated (Woman’s Own)
Upper eyelids can also benefit from a procedure capped upper bleph-
aroplasty. This treatment (which can also be done with lasers)
removes a crescent of skin and underlying fat from the upper eyelids
to correct any drooping or sagging. (Body Beautiful)
The female body, then, is either a map of regions or made up or semi-

independent parts. There are also occasions in the data when inner and
outer do not correspond to bodily parts, but to mind versus body. In
two texts particularly, this dichotomy has a significant potential effect.
The first is the text from Jump written by a 19-year-old male who does
not like to see young girls dressed up too sexily:
person underneath the façade;

from the inside;
clothes/make up vs. heart and soul;
girl with these qualities in a pair of jeans;
pride and esteem vs. miniskirt;
dress sexy vs. comfortable with body and sexuality.
The writer here is trying to demonstrate the importance of the psycho-

logical aspects of a young girl dealing with growing up, though it is
noticeable that even here it is difficult to separate out the mind and
body completely. The opposing of dress sexy with being comfortable with
body and sexuality demonstrates that even when this writer is emphas-
izing the mind, it is the mental perception of body and sexuality that
he is concerned with.
The second of these examples is from a slimmer’s story where the final
few lines include the following statement:
It’s like I’ve been locked away for all these years (WeightWatchers)
This identifies the narrator (the ‘I’) as being the mind, with the (fat)
body as some kind of jail or trap. Although very many of the texts in fact
link bodily problems with psychological problems, these are the only
two that use spatial dimensions to explain the relationship between the
inner (the mind or psyche) and the outer (the body).
What is interesting from the feminist point of view about these
extracts is that whilst the mind may be construed as unavoidably linked
to the body more generally, these texts represent the ‘real’ person as the
inner being or mind, and the body is not intrinsic to this identity. Such
a view is typical of first-wave, rationalist feminism which attempted to
rise above bodily concerns in the same way as men were conceptualized
as doing.
Other metaphors of bodily space
We have already seen that some of the outer/inner conceptualizations

of the body are metaphorical in their treatment of the body as a
vessel, as having depth like the sea, and so on. The work of Lakoff
and Johnson (1980), Lakoff and Turner (1989) and others such as Steen
(2002) has demonstrated that many of the everyday perceptions that
human language reflects and constructs are in fact metaphorical and in
some cases there are general metaphors which guide human thinking in
particular societies to the extent that they may be termed ‘conceptual
metaphors’.
As one might expect, the metaphors used in connection with the
body in these texts are not novel, and mostly draw on familiar struc-
tural metaphors which could be said to be so ubiquitous that they are
cognitive metaphors, and structure how we perceive the body in Western
society. However, this only emphasizes the embeddedness of such
perceptions, and does not invalidate the analysis of them as ideologically
loaded.
There are two related structuring metaphors of this kind, and many
slight variations of them as we shall see. The first of these is that life
experiences (pregnancy, relationships and so on) can be presented as
places. Thus, we have, for example, pregnancy and its phases as places
you enter:
You’ve entered the first of the final 3 months (Our Baby)

We didn’t go into this pregnancy lightly (Pregnancy and Birth)
Similarly with menstruation and labour:
Some girls sail through their periods (Fresh)

I was in early labour; going into labour I reached a plateau at 6 cm
dilated;
And we have already seen that the body itself can be seen as a place:
Turn your body into a playground (Shine)

Pile on the weight (Best Diet Now)
pile on extra weight (Woman’s Own)
We also find that sex and relationships are places that you can be on
or in:
Move onto sex. (Minx)

You are in a relationship (Cosmopolitan)
Quite closely related to the place or space metaphor for life experi-
ences is the structural metaphor of life (and thus of parts of life) as a
journey. There are very many ways in which this underlying metaphor
is delivered in these texts, including the following, where finding a good
diet is likened to changing direction and in the same text the journey
of trying to lose weight is slowed down by emotional baggage: My life has
turned around (Slimmer Magazine).
The conceptual metaphor of DIET AS A JOURNEY is commonly used,
and could be viewed as a sub-type of the LIFE IS A JOURNEY metaphor. It
is clearly present in the following example which requires some kind of
cognitive mapping from the domain of travel to the domain of dieting in
order to understand it (see Steen 2002: 25 for more on the identification
of metaphors):
Following a low fat diet go back to the beginning one can follow
basic healthy eating guidelines as the goal weight comes into
sight the fast track to weight regain (Slimmer Magazine)
Reach my goal weight (Best Diet Now)
Notice that the journey metaphor is useful for many of the life experi-
ences discussed in the data, having the destination or end of the journey
as a focal point that can represent success, which in the case of diets is
the goal-weight and in the case of pregnancy is the safe delivery of a
healthy baby. These link to the rhetorical strategy of the happy ending,
whereby the metaphor of a journey provides a clear end-point; now I’m
nearly there (Pregnancy and Birth).
Though in many cases the traveller on these life journeys is the woman
herself, the perspective changes from time to time, and the life process
or its culmination will instead be seen as the traveller:
Hopefully the birth will be here soon (Our Baby)

ground to a halt; the way your labour was going (Our Baby)
In these examples, then, the woman appears to be the place, or at the

place of arrival, and the expected traveller is the birth or the labour. This
deictic change from the woman as traveller to being the place where
things (birth and so on) happen is potentially important in seeing the
ideological construction of birth and labour as being things that happen
to women, rather than something they do. We will consider this issue
again in Chapter 7.
A similar effect is achieved in a number of texts where it is not the
woman that is moving or travelling, but the fat that attaches itself to her:
Lingering roll of fat (Woman’s Own)

Before it takes up residence on your hips (Body Beautiful)
In these examples, we have the personification of fat by the collocation

of the word (or a pronoun in the second case) with lingering in the first
example and takes up residence in the second. In each case, these verbs
normally occur with a human or at least animate subject, and this usage
thus gives the fat a will of its own and the woman none.
Though this happens particularly at those points in the narrative
where the protagonist is least able to take control of the situation, there
is also the opposite effect in some extracts, whereby the woman is given
the role of the traveller and the body shape, body weight, healthy baby
or breast measurement is the destination of this particular journey:
Getting back to your shape; a trimmer, slimmer you is just around

the corner. (Our Baby)
the search for the perfect body (Woman’s Own)
We always expected a family to be part of our lives, but there were
times when we thought we might never make it; no reason why you
can’t get there in the end (Our Baby)
I went from a 32B to a 32D (Body Beautiful)
In all of these cases, the verbs and adverbials indicate some form of
movement, with the aim or life goal as the destination of this movement.
The journey for the woman in some cases has a particularly mountainous
feel to it, as in the following extract where the physical body throughout
its life is seen as being like a climbing expedition, with one main high
point, and the rest of life leading either towards or away from this: At
my physical peak (Marie Claire).
The problem with some structural metaphors of this kind is that they
are so common that they are not generally interpreted as metaphors and
this can mean that the user or the reader may become trapped by the
limitations of the metaphor, and, for example, not envisage physical
fitness as a fluctuating state, and thus see the peak as unattainable and
progress or its opposite as irreversible.
Apart from the life-as-journey metaphor, the other main metaphorical

underpinning of the body in this data is the body (or body-parts) as
container, which links to the outer/inner distinction made earlier:
I had silicone put in I’d never ever go back and ask to have them
taken out. (Body Beautiful)
Breast implants removed having the plastic out (Body Beautiful)
Inserting your finger as he penetrates you (More)
inserted into your vagina inside me/you withdrawing etc.
(More)
they’d removed a couple of litres of fat (Woman’s Own)
A particular realization of this metaphor is implicitly part of a larger

structural metaphor which sees the body as a machine, and the storage
of fat therefore as storage of fuel:
This in turn sends the excess into the muscles for fuel Your body
stores it as fat Clog the heart with fats (Cosmopolitan)
Draw the fat out of storage and burn it off (Diet and Fitness)
Burn fat. (Slimmer Magazine)
Here, we see the fuel storage and the breakdown of parts (the heart) due
to inefficient use of fuel. These metaphors may indeed be useful ways for
us to comprehend our bodies, though one of the questions that arises
when a metaphor is so pervasive is to what extent it may be limiting our
thinking. Thus, the extent to which people rely on the body-as-machine
metaphor or even the body-as-parts metaphor to reassure themselves
that if one part goes wrong, it can be fixed by a technician arises from
this data.
Summary
The dimensions of time and space through deixis structure our under-
standing of the corporeal experience of girls and women, and the
analysis has shown that the basic division into inner and outer body
is fundamental to this perception. It is less clear from this data that
these magazines reflect the full range of the female life in temporal
terms, and the ‘final’ bodily development (menopause) is hardly
mentioned, though certain bodily processes (for example menstruation
and pregnancy) are excessively, if not obsessively, time-constrained and
measured.
Strangely, given the lack of later life references, the metaphorical

representation of bodily experience in this data favours the LIFE IS A
JOURNEY metaphor and produces a large range of variations on this
theme. The arrival point in each case is usually perfection, rather than
anything approaching the ‘end’ of life. To be fair, this is probably true
of many LIFE IS A JOURNEY metaphors, in our culture, death being the
strong taboo that it is. Other metaphors include those that separate the
body into a number of zones, like a map, or parts, like a machine. Both
metaphors tend to see the body as ‘managed’ (including improvements
and repairs) in parts. This twenty-first century take on the Enlighten-
ment view of the body leads us towards the science-fiction cyber-body
and the notion that bodies are ultimately just the places where we live
(even if they’re a jail), confirms the separation of body and mind at the
same time as women’s ultimately physical destiny is reinforced by other
aspects of the texts investigated.
7
Processes and Opinions
Introduction
This chapter combines those analytical categories that, together, provide

the point of view that the text might be said to be exhibiting. The work
on point of view in stylistics has been extensive (see, for example, Booth
1961, Fowler 1986, Simpson 1993 and McIntyre 2006) but with the
exception of Simpson (1993) who links point of view and ideology, these
approaches do not generally consider the application of point of view
analysis to the non-literary text that characterizes our data. The package
of tools that are used here to produce an analysis of textual point of view
include the usual tools of transitivity and modality, but, in addition,
the analysis of speech and thought presentation in order to assess the
ideological significance of writers adding others’ voices to their own.
Transitivity analysis
The function of portraying events, states and processes is based on

Halliday’s original (1985) model of transitivity, and like modality it
is both grounded in structural tendencies and at the same time not
tied to anything as rigorous as specific formal features. Halliday (1985:
101) expressed this particular blend of meaning and form in the
following way:
These goings-on are sorted out in the semantic system of the language
and expressed through the grammar of the clause.
This function, then, captures the essential symbiosis of meaning and

form as well as any, and though Halliday asserts that the meanings are
167
‘expressed’ through the grammar of the clause, in fact not all of the
different transitivity categories, are reflected straightforwardly in syntax
and they are also only partly captured in the semantics of some English
verbs. Thus, although the subject and object syntactic functions can
each carry a range of possible participant roles, precisely which role is
indicated may require analysis of both the syntax and the semantics of
that particular example. The picture is further complicated by passive
and ergative structures, which combine syntactic and participant roles
in still different ways. Also, the creativity of language is such that the
likely participant frames of verbs cannot be fixed by dictionary makers,
since they can be – and often are – used in many frames which are
not their ‘usual’ one – giving rise to metaphorical usage in some cases.
Thus, for example, the verbs vomit or throw up might normally be seen
as unintentional actions, called ‘supervention’ in this model. However,
the increase in levels of bulimia in recent years means that these verbs
have begun to appear more frequently as intentional actions.
A further problem with the model is that its use in critical-discourse
analysis suggests that the writer may choose a verb with one kind of
transitivity precisely to avoid making an ideology explicit, because s/he
wishes to naturalize that ideology, or because the ideology is already
naturalized to the extent of being seen as common sense. However,
the presentation of processes in metaphorical or other ways may be so
common that the reader is likely to ‘read’ the meaning as literal (that
is, translate it) anyway, thus undermining any sense that there is an
ideological purpose at work in the particular choice of lexical verb. The
use of euphemistic ways of talking about death, for example, such as pass
away or lose (I lost my mother last year) do not resonate with their non-
metaphorical transitivity (material action intention and supervention,
with the speaker as Actor, respectively). Rather, they both seem to carry
the ‘new’ metaphorical force of supervention, with the mother as Actor,
despite the surface form. Nevertheless, in certain cases, we may wish
to argue that the most natural metaphors are those that are indeed
most naturalized – and thus most ideologically manipulative. In relation
to dying, then, we might wish to argue that the avoidance of matters
relating to death and dying is a deeply embedded ideology in our culture
(see Holt 1993).
I am not attempting to develop or challenge any particular model
of transitivity here, but to use one version to look at the transitivity
choices, and potential ideological effects, of the data. I will therefore use
the model as described in Simpson (1993), though as it turns out, not
all of the categories of transitivity are equally relevant to this data:
Processes and Opinions 169
Action process Intention process

John kicked the ball. John kicked the ball.
The lion sprang. The lion sprang.
Material process The boy fell over.
Mary slipped. Supervention process
The boy fell over.
Event process Mary slipped.
The lake shimmered.
The car backfired.
Perception
John saw Mary.
She heard the concert.
Mental process Reaction
She likes Bach.
He hates wine.
Cognition
She considered the question.
I thought hard.
Intensive
Mary is wise.
Tom seems foolish.
Relational process Possessive
Gill has a guitar
John owns a piano.
Circumstantial
Bill is at home.
The queen was in the parlour.
Figure 7.1 Transitivity model

Source: Adapted from Simpson (1993: 89–92).
Whilst there are some verbalization processes in the data, many of

them are concerned with the information passed between, for example,
professional (for example doctor) and patient, or between partners. Since
many of these are not concerned with the body, there is relatively
little to comment upon in relation to this type of transitivity. However,
relevant cases of reporting of speech and thought which uses this type
of transitivity are considered later in the chapter.
The other major type of transitivity which is not given any space
here is mental processes. Though as we saw in Chapter 3 there are
a small number of cases of women being described in terms of their
mental state, these usually involve intensive verbs (I am worried), and
very few involve the active representation of women in the process

of thinking or reacting. This may be because there are simply fewer
mental process verbs in English and also because the nature of the
topics covered is less cerebral than physical, so it would be unwise to
draw grand conclusions from the absence of this particular transitivity
category, though it does underline the fact that the discussion of bodies
in this data is represented as largely factual rather than being shown as
filtered through the perceptions and opinions of the people concerned.
Note, however, that there is some use of modality (pp. 182f ), which
contributes just such a strand of opinion to the data.
Of the other two major transitivity categories, the material process
is perhaps the more interesting of the two. However, as we will see in
the following three sections, the most significant differences in category
ideologically are the sub-categories, such as intentional versus non-
intentional (event and supervention processes) material actions and
between intensive and possessive relational processes.
Material actions
The first question to consider is what kind of material actions are in
evidence in these texts, and what they tell us about the ideologies that
inform these publications. Although it had become clear early on that
the context was crucial in considering transitivity choices, and therefore
the quantification of each kind of process would not be useful, it is
nevertheless clear that there is a relative lack of material action verbs in
many of the texts, and as we shall see, there is certainly a lack of such
verbs with the reader (you), the reader as character (she) or the implied
reader in the Actor role.
However, the sheer number of instances of any particular process type
is not necessarily the most significant question here, where the context
can make all the difference to the effect. For example, there may be
a significant number of material action intentional verbs in the data
as a whole, but if very many of these are in the imperative form, and
thus effectively instructing the reader how to behave or move, then any
interpretation of the results as showing a readership that is actively in
control of their own actions would be misleading.
The texts where there is indeed a great deal of imperative use of
intentional material action verbs is in the instructions for exercises,
as in sit upright; lift one arm from Bliss, and shed extra pounds; follow
these; start with from Our Baby. The imperative form also crops up in
other texts, as we can see below, where the pregnancy advice text from
Our Baby burdens the reader with advice in the form of imperative
structures:
take folic acid; discuss your options at your booking-in appointment;

ask about different hospitals; call the NCT.
This text is a diary-style article which purports to tell the pregnant

woman what will happen at every stage of her pregnancy, and is divided
into 4-week blocks with each block having a ‘what to do now’ and
‘what to think about’ section. In the ‘what to do now’ section, one
might expect the most material actions to be performed by the pregnant
woman. However, what we find is a single sentence in the imperative
mood, and then a number of actions performed by others. Here is an
example, from weeks 12–16:
Go to your booking-in appointment. A midwife will gather family

medical histories of you and your partner. She’ll measure your height,
weight and blood pressure, and take urine and blood samples. She
may do a physical examination. You may be asked where you want to
have your baby.
This sets the scene for many of the pregnancy texts, as we shall see,
with minimal apparently volitional action on the part of the pregnant
woman. Other imperative material actions on the part of the reader
are found throughout the data, the ones in articles about sex often
being more about what the female may do to the male body than about
her own:
Position your lubricated hand above the head of his penis like an open
umbrella. (Minx)
Squat over your partner’s torso, you on top. Raise yourself up and
down, balancing above him. (Body Beautiful)
The articles aimed at older women, too, are full of instructions:
Keep having regular checks for breast cancer Be alert to changes in

your bowel habits Look out for warning signs of heart disease
(Woman)
Interestingly, there is somewhat more of material action intention

processes in the dieting texts (44–53), though this is partly because these
are often readers’ stories and therefore have the before-and-after format
of the damascene conversion story. Whilst there is some concession to
lack of control in the more general texts on dieting, there is also lots of
exhortation to do things as in this extract from Slimmer Magazine:
Don’t be tempted to keep trying different methods – keep to what

works for you and good luck.
In the readers’ stories on slimming, there is, as mentioned earlier, a

higher proportion of material action processes than found in the other
texts. This is because the slimmer is portrayed as active both in the self-
harming and over-eating part of the story, but also, significantly, after
the moment of revelation (attending the first WeightWatchers meeting
or Rosemary Conley class, etc.) The following examples are from Diet
and Fitness:
At home, Diane would snack her way through afternoons with a packet
of biscuits, crisps and chocolate bars.
With her confidence boosted, Diane joined a gym and started weight
training. She also started going swimming once a week.
In the context of such a dearth of material actions, these are fore-

grounded as strikingly active, both in the negative sense of self-harm
and then in a positive way as the success takes off. The slimming stories,
then, appear to show the protagonists as actively out of control in the
early stages and actively in control in the later ones, but always with a
significant turning-point at the centre of the story. Transitivity choices
have their place in this format. An extreme version occurs in Woman’s
Own where there is apparently no intentional material action by the
subject of this article (‘you’), except right at the beginning in the intro-
ductory sentence:
you’ve given up junk food, taken up exercise and STILL you can’t
manage to shift that lingering roll of fat.
The rest of the article details the process of liposuction, and includes
discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of this procedure. There
is little further addressing of the reader, who nevertheless is implicitly
asked to consider whether this might be a solution to the problem set
out at the beginning of the article. There are two interpretations of this
opening sentence: that people cannot succeed in slimming on their own
and that it’s impossible anyway. Both interpretations lead to the need
for a third party to intervene, and the article suggests one possible kind
of intervention.
The only other occasions when there is material action on the part
of the reader is in subordinate or heavily modal clauses such as the
following from Sugar:
It’s a good idea to get into the habit of checking your boobs now – as
it’s a habit you should keep for life
It’s important to examine your boobs at the same time every month,
just after your period finishes
These are probably no more than alternatives to the more baldly

directive imperative constructions we saw earlier, and their slightly less
aggressive effect is one of the reasons that we might expect to find them
in the teenage magazines, as here, more than in the adult ones.
The relative inactivity by the reader and/or protagonists of these
articles represented by their limited number of material actions contrasts
quite strikingly with the actions of others. In the photojournal of a home
birth, for example, from Our Baby, the midwife (Marlene) is the most
active until the point of delivery, when the mother (Claudia) becomes
the actor:
Marlene gently manipulates Claudia’s tummy (right). She can tell how
effective the contractions are by feeling how the baby moves down the
birth canal during each one Claudia has now reached the second
stage of labour, when she can start to push her baby out into the world.
Articles on sexual technique tend to either advise women how to please

men, which makes them the Actors in material action as we saw earlier,
or they are the receiver of activities with the male as Actor, as in:
Mike had to rub quite hard, but I was surprised how good it felt
When I started sucking Rachel’s toe, she stopped relaxing. (Shine)
Neither of these tendencies is particularly surprising, though our lack of

surprise may simply show us how ingrained the ideologies concerned
are. The transitivity pattern seems to indicate that what you do to others
gives pleasure to them, but the contrary – that what you do might also
give the Actor pleasure – is not normally embedded in these texts.
The other main type of Actor in material action processes is the expert,
often a surgeon, who intervenes in the woman’s body:
some surgeons do try to improve the appearance of cellulite by

removing fat. (Woman’s Own)
Here, the surgeon is not specific (some surgeons) and the action (removing)
is very deeply embedded in the structure, as a subordinate clause,
attached to a higher-level action (improve), which is also subordinate to
a catenative verb (try). To what extent this embedded representation of
surgical intervention undermines confidence in its efficacy, it is hard to
tell without psychological testing of readers. However, we can certainly
say that the action of removing fat has not been foregrounded here,
and this could either have the effect of limiting the reader’s focus on
the (unpleasant?) reality of liposuction, or of focusing the reader on the
hoped-for outcome (improvement), or both.
Those texts which concern celebrities also seem to link these protag-
onists with material actions more often, and more positively than where
the articles concern the ‘ordinary’ reader. For example, an article about
Katie Derham’s pregnancy has her as the Actor (grammatical subject) in
many material action verbs:
chasing news stories; selected her maternity wear with care; keeping herself
fit; eating healthily. (Women’s Health)
Most of this article is concerned with external issues, and not the bodily
detail of labour or delivery, which is one reason for the levels of active
verbs. However, there can be a contrast between celebrity and ordinary
‘coping’, even when the process itself is represented as a material
action:
For most of us mere mortals, having our bums dragging on the floor
or our boobs resting on our stomachs as we get older doesn’t mean
we won’t work again. We can pretty much scoop them up and go about
our day If you were in their shoes, wouldn’t you want to try to
turn the clock back to recapture your youth so you could keep on
doing what you did in your early 20s? (Body Beautiful)
Here, the ordinary ‘mortal’ is portrayed as active in keeping going despite

her bodily handicaps, whereas the celebrities are trying to turn the clock
back with plastic surgery. There is also quite a lot of material action in
the celebrity fitness article where they are portrayed as self-made women
who are not only successful but slim:
I got my weight down to;

I got my act together, etc.
(Diet and Fitness)
This is a noticeable departure from the slimming articles featuring

readers, where they are not presented as being in control until, and
unless, they pass through that ‘turning point’, or damascene moment,
which is often also an indirect advertisement. This article, instead,
emphasizes the fact that the celebrities have the answers worked out:
I swim every day;

In London, I go to a gym, where I’ve been getting on very well with
the running machine;
Once I got on a roll with recording I was able to exercise right up
until the day before I gave birth, although at that point I was only
power walking.
(Diet and Fitness)
Although the material actions performed by individual women are in

relatively short supply in our data, and often associated with celebrity or
self-harm (e, g. over-eating) in any case, there are an interesting sub-set
of material actions which are carried out by the parts of the body. This
is particularly prevalent in pregnancy texts where the body appears to
have a will of its own, and there are numerous cases like the following:
The pelvis sags backwards, the spine curves excessively and the back
becomes vulnerable to damage and low-back pain (Women’s Health)
Your waist is thickening gradually;
Your uterus pushes out above your pelvic bone;
you may find that your navel has flattened and popped inside;
your placenta transfers antibodies from your body to the baby.
(Our Baby)
It may indeed be difficult to envisage the processes of pregnancy in

any other way than this, where body parts work in concert to achieve
a particular end, seemingly without the will of the person concerned
being involved. This ‘functioning machine’ view of the body, however,

is metaphorical, and inevitably delivers a particular ideology of the body
which has served medical progress to a large extent since the eighteenth
century at least, and is therefore relatively little questioned in such
contexts.
It starts to be more unusual, though still largely unchallenged, when
it is used in relation to bodily processes over which women in fact have
more control, and where the dividing of the body into component parts
is less naturalized an ideology. This is true, for example, of the dieting
texts in this data, where we have a lot of events with body part actors
and diet /food actors:
Some weight did creep on; it went straight onto my stomach; that
bump wouldn’t shift (Woman’s Own)
It is common, of course, for the unsuccessful dieter to avoid taking

responsibility for weight gain by putting the extra weight into Actor
role, in effect personifying the stored fat by using verbs (for example,
creep) which are normally restricted to human Actors. Similarly, though
not so clearly personifying, there are many occasions when the body
part is the Actor in an event process, which is very similar to the material
action intention, but appears not to be presented as animate in itself:
Our muscles tend to slacken; the skin of the breasts loses its tone.
(Body Beautiful)
Waistlines tend to expand. (Diet and Fitness)
the weight came off. (Diet and Fitness)
While boobs are developing they can feel a little lumpy. (Sugar)
These examples all demonstrate body parts (muscles, boobs and so on)
apparently acting in isolation, though they are not presented as having
free will or being animate. The loss of control, then, for the ‘owner’
of these body parts is implicit, though over time and repetition, the
ideological effect may be fairly strong.
Intensive relations
Despite the findings of the previous section, these magazines tread a
fine line between convincing readers that they are not in control, and
convincing them that they can be in control, with the right help. One
of the ways that the magazines attempt to appeal to their readers is by
showing that they recognize that not all women are the same. This is
mainly achieved, as we have seen, through the use of articles divided
by category of women, usually by body shape, with different advice in
each section. These sections rely on intensive verbs (usually the verb be)
which mostly make assumptions about the readers’ category, normally
to introduce the different sections:
you’re spiritual;
you’re a strong character;
being such a perfectionist. (Bliss)
The same kind of effect occurs where women (or young girls) are categor-
ized according to breast size, as in Mizz:
you are an A cup;

you’re a 32C;
you’re a sporty type.
As we saw in Chapter 3, there is also some use of possessives, girlies

who have got small breasts, which draws attention to the relative perman-
ence of features appended to intensive verbs, in contrast to the possible
impermanence – and thus the changeable nature – of features that are
merely owned. In Shout, for example, the problem-letter-writer uses a
possessive, and the response uses the same possessive structure:
My problem is I have huge boobs;

don’t be embarrassed about your
breasts – we’ve all got them!
The use of possessive verbs may not directly imply separation or

changeability, but it does make breasts sound like a part of the body
which can be considered separately from the body itself. This appears
to contradict the other tendency, for the person to be wholly identi-
fied with their breasts. However, these contradictory messages seem to
coexist in the data, and both have potential consequences for the way
that women see themselves, including the obsession with sexual body
parts, such as breasts, to the extent that large or small breasts are seen
as a problem which technology can fix.
Another example of the choice of intensive over possessive verb is seen
in the problem-page letter about bulimia which we saw in Chapter 3,
where the use of the intensive verb in are we bulimic? identifies the
letter-writer and her friend more closely with the condition than if she
had asked do we have bulimia? The result is that the condition and the
girls concerned seem to be more inherently connected, meaning that
it is harder to envisage one without the other, though less so than if
a noun were used (am I a bulimic?). Note that this letter also uses a
normally superventive verb, throw up, as a material action intentional
verb, emphasizing the abnormal nature of this condition where young
people choose to do something normally seen as involuntary.
The use of intensive processes is prevalent in some of the texts
here, often coinciding with quite conventional ideas or stereotypes of
women’s sexuality or identity. Take, for example, the ‘myth-busting’
section, entitled ‘Bloody lies’ in a text about periods from Bliss. Whilst
attempting to put the teenage readership straight on questions of
tampon use and when you can get pregnant, it nevertheless uses the
term virgin, with an intensive verb, confirming ideas about virginity
being an identifying and in some sense intrinsic characteristic:
You can’t use a tampon if you’re a virgin. Busted: Inserting a tampon

can be a bit tricky at first, but if you’re a virgin the only difference is
your hymen will have to stretch to let the tampon in.
Here, we have not only the notion that girls either are, or are not,
virgins, but that this is a condition defined physically by the presence
of the hymen. There would have been a choice, of course, of using a
possessive verb instead, such as if you haven’t yet had sex, and this would
reduce the distance between those on one side of this over-emphasized
dividing line and the other.
Another potential effect of intensive verbs is as part of the wider effect
of establishing norms in relation to the female form. In a section of text
from Slimmer Magazine, entitled ‘Feminine Foods’, there are a great
many examples of such normative tendencies using intensive verbs:
Women reported that salads, vegetarian dishes and soups were their
favourite dishes; drinking [lots of] beer is seen as macho, whereas
sipping modest amounts of wine is more acceptable for a woman.
Note that although this is reporting on a survey, the slippage from is seen
as where perception is being reported, to is, which sounds more categor-
ical, subtly changes the potential impact of the text which as a result
fluctuates between reporting opinions and apparently stating facts.
As we saw in Chapter 3, the use of adjectives such as normal and

natural is common, particularly in the teenage texts, and these usually
co-occur with intensive verbs, so that the question Am I normal? and its
response you’re normal typify the process that is going on in the data as
a whole, the defining of normality, and encompassing of the readership
within this definition.
One of the main reasons why there is a high proportion of intensive
verbs in these texts is that many of them purport to have a semi-
pedagogical role, as discussed in Chapter 4, and the intensive process is
useful for definitions and explanations:
This is vaginal discharge Beneath are the inner lips, labia minora.
They’re hairless and thinner and can be any shape, size and even
colour Normal discharge is wet, clear-to-milky in colour and not
itchy. (Bliss)
There is, however, a difference between ‘teaching’ facts, as in the above

example, and teaching habits and good practices:
periods are a physical sign that your body is ready to reproduce

Exercise is good for period pain It is important to keep clean during
your period. (Fresh)
The first example, here, has a pedagogical aim in making sure that
readers know the significance of periods. The second and third extracts,
however, use intensive verbs (is) to give value judgements (good,
important) about certain kinds of behaviour (exercise, keep clean). This
is similar to the distinction between epistemic and deontic modality,
which often make use of the same set of modal verbs, thus blurring
the distinction between what is factual and what is personally approved
of or culturally agreed. This is not to say that the advice given here is
wrong or misleading, but just that it is presented by the same means
as facts, and yet is in a sense a constructed view of what is good for a
menstruating woman.
The final common use of intensive verbs in this material, particu-
larly where it concerns sexual problems or taboo areas of the body,
is in describing the emotions of the women concerned. The following
examples are from a problem page on sexual issues, though they are
typical of many, including readers’ stories where problems are discussed:
We’re both really worried ; I’m really afraid ; I’m too embar-
rassed (Body Beautiful)
As mentioned in the introduction to the investigation of transitivity,

such structures appear to be used more frequently than, for example,
mental process structures, which are more active, and may represent
the efforts of the person concerned to deal with bodily concerns in an
active, albeit mental, process. The intensive process is intrinsically more
passive than these, and represents a reactive state more than a mental
process.
Events, supervention and agentless passives

Although, as we have seen, there are some material actions attrib-
uted to third parties involved in women’s bodily issues, including
surgeons, midwives and the like, the data also contains a large number
of processes that are not assigned either an intentional actor or an agent.
These include passive structures with no specified agent, supervention
processes, where the subject of the verb is nevertheless not in control of
the process, and event processes, where the Actor is an inanimate object
or force. In many of these cases, the process being described does in
fact have an intentional Actor, though s/he is not mentioned, and the
choice of transitivity is therefore significant in downplaying the role of
this Actor.
I’ve seen some very poor results – you could actually see the tracks
where the tubes had passed through the fat (Woman’s Own)
The final subordinate clause here is concerned with bad liposuction

practices, but the event structure, with the inanimate tubes as Actor,
glosses over the practitioner him/herself and focuses on the technical
process. A similar effect is found in the following:
Cosmetic surgery can correct an inverted nipple. (Woman)

The traditional herbs in this formula work synergetically (Slimmer
Magazine)
It is not obvious in the latter case that there would be an alternative

involving a direct Actor, nor in the former case that mentioning the
Actor (the surgeon) would change the emphasis greatly. However, this
information certainly adds to the larger patterning of reliance on tech-
nological fixes, and blame-free effects.
Similarly, the supervention processes represented in the data are not

necessarily ‘hiding’ an actor or agent, but nevertheless indicate the
various bodily processes that a woman may be subject to:
women who’ve undergone operations like hysterectomies or

Caesareans (Woman’s Own)
you may experience extreme tiredness because of hormonal changes,
and you may go completely off tea and coffee. (Our Baby)
If I had one day a week without food would I lose weight? (Slimmer
Magazine)
As we age, our eyelids stretch (Body Beautiful)
More common than superventions and events is the agentless passive,

which regularly puts body parts in subject position, and foregrounds the
process which is done to them without identifying the Agent:
a tummy tuck can be carried out;

stretch marks may be cut out;
loose muscles can be tightened up;
further liposuction can then be carried out;
a narrow tube is inserted;
so much fat has been removed (Woman’s Own)
These examples from a text about liposuction demonstrate the almost

complete absence of the woman herself from these descriptions, and
the absence also of the human being who is to perform the actions. An
even stranger effect occurs in an agentless passive from an article about
periods:
Tampons are inserted into your vagina (Bliss)
The reason for the absence of the actor here is difficult to establish,
though it may be that the writer is responding to the horror that she
imagines young girls experiencing if they were told directly that it
was they themselves who would be inserting the tampon. Whether or
not this squeamishness is indeed the reason for such an odd sentence,
the result of the agentless passive form is, contrarily, the implication
that there may be some unspecified agent who is separate from the
addressee.
The same mechanism operates in the following extract, but with a
different potential effect:
Girls have an orgasm by having their clitoris stimulated when boys

get stimulated to orgasm they also ejaculate. (Bliss)
The implied separate agency in the agentless passive is much stronger

here for the girls where self-administered stimulation (that is, masturb-
ation) is not apparently included, because of the use of having as the
auxiliary here. The version used for boys, with the alternative auxiliary,
get, is more open to the masturbation interpretation. This is not, of
course, conclusive proof that girls are still discouraged from masturb-
ating, whilst boys are ‘permitted’ to see this as acceptable behaviour. It
may, nevertheless, be part of a larger ideological emphasis.
In addition to the question of how processes are presented in this data,
the question of whose ‘voice’ we are receiving the texts in may also tell us
something about the point-of-view that is being presented in these texts.
Whilst the reader may be vaguely aware that there is a host of writing and
editorial staff behind such a production, the resulting texts are normally
more single-author-voiced than this would imply. Nevertheless, there
are opinions, doubts and other voices which complicate this picture,
and which may play a part in constructing the reader’s perceptions of
the female body, by creating the authority and/or influence that enables
the ideologies of the text to be easily assimilated.
Modality
In much Critical Discourse Analysis, the analysis of modality has been

seen as an integral part of the uncovering of the ‘real’ message behind
the text, and it is mostly through modality that we can access the view
of the writer or narrator on the issues s/he is discussing. Simpson puts
it as follows:
modality refers broadly to a speaker’s attitude towards, or opinion

about, the truth of a proposition expressed by a sentence. It also
extends to their attitude towards the situation or event described by
a sentence. (Simpson 1993: 47)
The broad concept of modality is a good model from which to under-

stand all of the textual processes that I am proposing here. It is formally
based on a grammatical category, modal verbs, which do much of the
work of this function – undermining certainty, demonstrating obliga-
tion and so on, but there are also many other ways of delivering the
modality beyond this grammatical category. Thus, in face-to-face inter-

action one can shrug one’s shoulders to indicate uncertainty as well
as – or instead of – using might. More linguistically, there are main
verbs (such as think) and modal adverbs (for example possibly) which can
have the same meaning and effect. Once the analyst is searching after
particular functional effects, the structural delivery of those effects is a
secondary, though important, consideration. This functional priority is,
of course, one of the reasons why it is very difficult to be entirely sure
that the methods being used are not circular – any analysis is always
reliant on the recognition of a variety of ways of delivering that category,
and these structural indicators may be an open-ended list.
Though some models of modality have been developed by stylisti-
cians (see, for example, Simpson 1993: 75) aiming to characterize the
different kinds of narration to be found in literary texts, the question
for the Critical Discourse Analyst may be asked more simply, and it is
whether the certainty or desirability (expressive or relational modality)
of the issues being raised is founded upon some inexplicit authority
of the writer or producer. Fairclough (1989: 127) explains it in the
following terms:
Notice that the authority and power relations on the basis of which
the producers of this text withhold permission from, or impose oblig-
ations upon, the people it is sent to, are not made explicit. It is
precisely implicit authority claims and implicit power relations of
the sort illustrated here that make relational modality a matter of
ideological interest.
Here, Fairclough focuses on the ideological impact of unstated authority

(in his example, in a communication from a library over late books),
and it is this unstated authority that is behind the deontic modality to
be found in the texts in this study. The idea that a published magazine
will, naturally, have a better understanding of issues relating to the
experience of living in a female body than, for example, one’s friends,
relations or other advisors is, in itself, an ideological viewpoint. This is
not to say that all readers accept all that they read, but it is likely that
they will take much of what is printed to have the authority that comes
with publication.
Though Fairclough is less interested in what he calls ‘expressive
modality’ (epistemic and perception modality here), we may consider
its effect in the texts being investigated here. Epistemic modality with
low levels of certainty in particular, enables writers to give information
without being accused of overstating their case. These texts, particularly

the more pedagogical ones, use epistemic modality a great deal to hedge,
so that those readers with different experiences will not feel that they
have been misled:
It doesn’t mean you’ll; you might feel freaky; it may turn; you may
have an infection; discharge may seem yucky; it may seem weird.
(Bliss)
It can take months; it varies loads; if you’re still worried; most girls
usually remember; may not be as effective. (Mizz)
It will last from three to seven days; the average age to start having
your periods is about twelve; it can be from any time; you can’t tell
when you are going to start; although your breasts will usually have
started to develop. (Fresh)
Note that in the last example there is a combination of the future use of
will with other more obviously epistemic modals such as about, can and
usually. In English, references to future time being necessarily modal,
the simple use of will is almost categorical, since there is no alternative
way of discussing the future. Fairclough (1995: 147) notes that in some
texts ‘the authority of the institution is marked through high-affinity
epistemic modalities’ of this kind. However, the certainty of this usage
is undermined, in this case by the vagueness of from five to seven and
any time. The young reader whose first periods last for over seven days
and who has read this article may be justified in feeling herself to be
abnormal. The vagueness somehow implies that the whole extent of
possibilities has been covered, and that experiences outside of this range
are abnormal.
In the pregnancy texts, the use of epistemic modality to ensure that
this doesn’t happen is ubiquitous, and at times the hedging is so highly
emphasised that the writer sounds very unsure of herself indeed:
It’s possible that you could ; if you’re expecting twins; you could
go into labour early; you can’t have; you won’t have to share; yoga
etc will help; it can be hard if. (Our Baby)
Note that one of the common structures in this data, particularly where
the text is trying to cover different eventualities, is the combination of
a conditional subordinate clause (If it’s fertilised ) and an epistemic
modal (will) referring to the future in the main clause:
If it’s fertilised you’ll get pregnant, if not it’ll flow out;

can help ease;
your GP can prescribe;
can also help;
usually occur;
you can’t get pregnant;
you can’t use a tampon;
it’s possible to lose;
it may still be alive. (Bliss)
Most of the epistemic modality in these texts has the function of

covering the writer for eventualities other than the ones being described
and is therefore toward the uncertain end of the range. However, there
are some uses of a more emphatic or definite epistemic modality which
seem to serve a slightly different function, as a reassurance to the readers,
and an assertion of the writer’s authority to make such definite state-
ments: Definitely; it WILL happen (WeightWatchers).
In some cases, this use of the emphatic type of epistemic modality can
undermine the strength of the message, by being modal at all, where
a simple categorical statement might have sounded more convincing.
However, in the spirit of this kind of text, it reflects the very common
spoken style of language where speakers often mistakenly overstate their
convictions in this way:
They’ll soon forget, I promise. (Mizz)

It’s definitely an exciting prospect ; certainly a little alarming. (Body
Beautiful)
Just pop a few drops into a bowl of boiling water to create an instant
facial sauna which will leave your skin glowing and your mind feeling
invigorated. Honestly! (Pregnancy and Birth)
so pleased; so natural; so well; I always wanted; really want perfection.
(Body Beautiful)
There is something odd about the intensifiers in the last example here
and it almost seems as if the speaker doesn’t really believe what she is
saying. Note that there is almost no modality in the verbs, as one might
expect perhaps in a narrative in past tense. However, the emphatic use
of intensifiers seems to cast a little doubt on this version of history.
The other uses of modality in this data to reflect different points of
view include the uncertainties of the first person narrators:
I believe that if anyone wants a breast enlargement, they should have

it done. It really does make you happy. (Body Beautiful)
Perhaps even more than the articles written in the voice of a journalist
or expert, this sounds like protesting too much. A categorical version,
It makes you happy, may, ironically, sound more convincing since, as
Simpson (1993: 49) points out:
This distinction is crucial, yet it may strike some as counter-intuitive

to argue that You are right is actually epistemically stronger than the
modalized You must be right.
Simpson bases this comment on Lyons (1977: 763), who maintains that
‘categorical assertions express the strongest possible degree of speaker
commitment’. Thus, the more that a text insists, the more it undermines
its case.
However, the writers of the texts in this study, and the people that
they quote, often make the understandable and very human assumption
that strongly certain epistemic modality as well as hedging with weaker
epistemic modality, can give an impression of authority. Such effects can
be seen in quotations from the ‘experts’, such as plastic surgeons, who
wish to emphasize their sense of responsibility by distancing themselves
from what they might see as bad practice as in these extracts from
Woman’s Own:
We would never remove more than three litres of fat

This may help for a while
Irregularities can start showing through
you could actually see the tracks
The emphatic use of never in the first example shows the surgeon
protesting his sense of responsibility and the doubt introduced by may
about some techniques seems calculated to impress upon the reader his
own credentials as a reliable and knowledgeable practitioner who won’t
cut corners. Similar effects are achieved by the use of epistemic modality
in the two final examples, using can and actually, where the reliability
of someone so honest can hardly be doubted by the reader.
Modality does, however, supply other means of the writer or other
‘voice’ asserting her (or occasionally his) authority. The deontic system,
using some of the same modal verbs, but a different set of adverbs and
adjectives, sets out the writer’s view of what should happen or what the
addressee ought to do:
Don’t worry; it’s good. (Bliss)

You need to; got to. (Sugar)
It’s a good idea; should keep; should visit; it’s important. (Sugar)
In Sugar, the letter-writer asks for advice and gets the precise advice she
doesn’t want; to see the doctor:
I’m too embarrassed to see a doctor or talk to anyone about it. What
should I do?
I know you might find it embarrassing, but you should still get it
checked out.
This imperative is delivered by deontic modality (you should, it’s better),

though there is some epistemic modality to soften the blow (It’s more
likely to be due to the breast bud developing; she’ll be quite used to doing
breast examinations).
The use of deontic modality in teenage magazines will not surprise
the reader, since she will be used to adults telling her what she should
do, and this is part of the ideology of childhood; that adults know better
than children what is good for them. Again, though this reflects the
experience of those of us who are parents, it should still be recognized
as a naturalized ideology, in just the same way as the privileging of the
experts’ opinions over those of friends and family.
The latter is the norm for many of the adult texts, where the assump-
tion that the writer has the authority to tell the reader what to do is
not only found in the imperative verb forms that we saw earlier (Discuss
your options; tell your GP; take folic acid), but also occurs in more subtle
ways in the deontic modality:
Mel should tell the midwife; she should see her GP; Mel needs to avoid
contact. (Pregnancy and Birth)
you should not smoke; your diet should consist of; milk should be
avoided. (Slimmer Magazine)
You must take care; no diet sheet should be. (Slimmer Magazine)
By contrast with the authority of the writers, the anxiety and lack
of confidence of the readers as represented in the letters to problem
pages, readers’ stories and so on may also be delivered by modality. This
insecurity of the readers manifests itself as a combination of lack of
certainty (epistemic modality) and expressions of desire or hope (boulo-
maic modality):
I don’t want to have sex in case there’s something wrong with me.
(Bliss)
This example combines boulomaic lack of desire (I don’t want) with

epistemic uncertainty (in case) about the writer’s body, which results
in an impression of a letter-writer that is insecure and plagued by self-
doubt.
Though modal in the sense that they express an opinion, value judge-
ments, because they are very much like categorical statements, have an
authority that is missing from the earlier modal examples:
A neat arm workout is the best exercise for you (Bliss)
Speech and thought
The final aspect of the data that will be investigated here is that
concerning the speech and thought presentation in those articles where
this representation of others’ words is of relevance to the ideology of the
body. The terms used here will be those introduced in Leech and Short
(1981). Whereas they might have simply been interested in how a partic-
ular novel constructed the ideas of its characters, and to what extent
they differ from the author’s and/or narrator’s ideas, this approach sees
the interweaving of different people’s ideas and words as part of the
overall ideology-construction of texts. The tracing of free indirect style,
in particular, is crucial to understanding the range of opinions and
outlooks which are being set out in a text, and the possible hidden
viewpoints which arise from this merging of voices.
The presentation of speech and thought has a particular role in this
data which may differ in some ways from its role in other texts, such
as news reporting or fictional writing. Here, it allows different voices to
enter what is often presented as a straightforward narrative or factual
report, and this can have a range of effects as shall see from the examples
in this section. For example, an apparently neutral article will suddenly
include a statement that is clearly in the writer’s ‘voice’:
You may have a rush of energy at this stage and start cleaning and
preparing your baby’s room and clothes – this is called ‘nesting’ ,
and is normal, but try not to overdo it as it’s really important to conserve
energy now. (Our Baby)
This diary-style article about pregnancy is fairly informal in tone, but

mostly factual, until the imperative (try not to), followed by the modal
(it’s important) brings the writer’s own authority and voice into the
article. A similar effect is seen in Pregnancy and Birth where, despite the
byline Words Elizabeth Lismore, the tone is mostly neutral, with small
exceptions in the form of imperatives:
You’ll experience your greatest weight gain during this time – around
1 kg (2lb) a week. Remember that you don’t need to eat vast amounts
of food on top of your normal daily diet –
This imperative is entirely interpersonal in function, as it introduces the

writer’s voice and reminds the reader of her authority without adding
any ideational material at all. The same passage without the imperative
would not be substantially different in content, but would lack the
intervention of the writer in this personal way. Similarly, one of the
extracts quoted earlier as using epistemic modality to assert the writer’s
authority also has the effect of a factual article interrupted by purely
interpersonal functions:
Just pop a few drops into a bowl of boiling water to create an instant
facial sauna which will leave your skin glowing and your mind feeling
invigorated. Honestly! (Pregnancy and Birth)
This cross-over article, which is framed as advice but actually also advert-
ises products, is introduced as Jo Hansford answers your haircare questions.
However, although we know who is writing the text, and although the
style is fairly informal (pop a few drops), the use of a direct appeal to the
reader such as Honestly! stands out as a reminder of the voice behind
the remainder of the ‘facts’ on offer.
The other way in which the voice of an expert may come through is in
the choice of vocabulary used. In some problem pages, the vocabulary
of the letter-writer is reflected back by the advisor, but in other cases,
there is a distinct difference in the choice of words:
My problem is I have huge boobs

don’t be embarrassed about your breasts (Shout)
This change of word is relatively unusual in the data here, where quite
often the voice of the advisor takes on the ‘jokey’ or informal word of
the question (such as boobs) rather than choosing to distance herself
from the letter-writer and using a more neutral word. Here, the effect
of what might be seen as ‘correcting’ the language of the letter-writer
may be the one that such advisors possibly fear – of seeming distant
from their concerns, but there is also the possibility that the answer to
this question will be seen as treating this part of the body with respect,
rather than joining in with the ridicule that the letter-writer suffers. In
both cases, the authority of the advisor is asserted by this vocabulary
change.
In the standard terminology of speech and thought presentation,
‘direct speech’ refers to quoted language which is normally contextu-
alized within a report or narrative, though this is relatively rare in the
current data. In a text, for example, which deals with problems like body
hair and vaginal discharge, there are quotations from ‘typical’ girls:
Carrie was 14 when she had her first moustache scare: ‘I pretended to
be ill for a week. I didn’t want to see anyone or go anywhere. Then I
noticed just how many beauty products there were in the shops for
facial hair bleaching and removal. I realised it wasn’t just me. Now I
bleach my upper lip and nobody’s any the wiser.’ (Bliss)
Note that this is semi-free direct speech, since there is no reporting

clause, though there are quotation marks and the extract is in the first
person and present tense. The damascene conversion storyline is acted
out in miniature here, though it has all the same features as those we saw
earlier. The suspicion that, if not invented, Carrie at least has words put
into her mouth arises from the slight inconsistency in the story – how
do you notice things in shops if you don’t go out? It can be explained
as it provides the necessary turning point in Carrie’s life and indirectly
suggests the solution for all readers who have this problem. This gives
the writer two possible authorities to help influence her readers; her
own and the authority of the peer group.
The more straightforward use of direct speech tends to be from experts
who are brought in as additional authority in some texts:
It’s an exciting thought, but surgery is not a substitute for weight loss,
warns Mr Dai Davies, consultant plastic surgeon and Medical Director
of the Stamford Hospital in west London. ‘The only real treatment is
to eat less and exercise more’, he stresses. (Woman’s Own)
The merging of free direct and direct speech here echoes the develop-
ment in the speech and thought presentation model made recently by
Semino and Short (2004) where these are no longer treated as separate
categories because there is no difference in the claim to faithfulness
between them. In other words, the attribution of direct speech to a third
party is perceived as being as faithful to the original utterance whether it
is signalled as direct speech or whether it is presented in a freer way. The
example here shows both free direct speech (but surgery is not a substitute
for weight loss) and direct speech (‘The only real treatment is to eat less and
exercise more,’ he stresses) as having similar functions, in persuading the
reader of the sense of these words. The free direct speech is attributed
to the doctor, but faithfulness does not seem to be important and one
might easily suspect that these are not his exact words. Equally, with the
direct speech the question of how accurate they are is almost irrelevant,
as their task is to make the reader take in a particular message, and the
attribution – to either writer or expert – is simply that of giving the
words more authority.
The texts in the data which are in a sense more like faithful direct
speech are those which are wholly ‘in’ the voice of a reader or advisor.
These include problem page letters and readers’ stories, though here
again the issue of faithfulness is less significant than the advisory
function:
During my teens there were times when I spotted dresses I really

liked, but didn’t buy. (Bliss)
During my period I get tired, depressed and my body aches. (Sugar)
In these cases, the suspicion that they are either invented or

‘ghostwritten’ by a journalist arises from the formality of the language,
including the use of during to introduce a time adverbial, and the list
in the second example, where the comma between the first and second
items indicates a relatively formal style. If these letters are indeed written
by someone other than the apparent writer, this only serves to high-
light the overriding function of the text, which is to inform and advise
according to the current received wisdom of those producing the public-
ation and their advisors. Any sense that this is a forum where ‘real’
women share their anxieties and concerns is undermined by the control
that is clearly exercised over all the language in the magazines, including
language which is presented as others’ verbatim speech or writing.
The use of indirect speech and free indirect speech is more patchy
than the direct speech in this data, and does not have a clear relation
to the construction of the female body, except in that much indirect
speech is reporting the words of experts, friends and acquaintances, and
normally not the woman or women at the centre of the text’s concerns.
This is not surprising in a first-person narrative, where other people’s
ideas are being reported, but the content of the indirect speech at times
clearly reflects some of the ideologies that we have been examining in
this book. The following, from Bliss, illustrate this reporting of male
speech:
I’ve told him to leave them alone, and to be less rough, but he says
all girls enjoy this and there must be something wrong with me.
A (boy)friend told me last night that he and his friends like ‘big, big, big’
breasts.
I’m worried when I have sex with a boy he’ll be put off, tell his mates
and I’ll be a laughing stock.
These extracts come from three different problem-page letters, but each
exhibits the problem as being with the viewpoint of a boy or boys, and
in particular what they are reported as saying – or what the writer is
afraid that they will say. It may be that here the faithfulness of what is
reported is more significant, even though the presentation is indirect.
Notice that the second example uses a small amount of direct speech
(‘big, big, big’) which seems to confirm the fact that the actual words
used are important, and can be very hurtful.
Summary
The analysis of transitivity processes in these texts indicates a tendency
for women not to have agency in relation to their bodies, except when
they overeat or, conversely, when they have been inducted into the
regime that will save them from themselves. Though the female protag-
onists appear as actors in material action processes relatively rarely, their
body parts have a life of their own and are frequently to be found ‘doing
things’. The nightmare quality of bodies that do things like sag or curve
of their own volition feeds the impetus to ‘get back into shape’, particu-
larly after a pregnancy, with the emphasis on returning to a shape that
preceded this life-changing event. Supervention and event processes, as
well as agentless passives also contribute to this sense of the woman
being out of control, with the main material action intention processes
occurring in the instructions for exercises to give her back this control.
The other aspect of transitivity that relates to the bodily experi-
ence of women is the important difference between being and having
(intensive and relational processes). Where there is a choice of expres-

sion, the significance of using the intensive (you are a virgin) rather than
the possessive (you haven’t had sex) is to make the characteristic more
intrinsic to the person, and thus more defining of her as a whole. This
may have different effects, depending on the views of the reader, though
I imagine the pressure on young girls to have sex at an early age is
made greater by the creation of this enormous dividing line between
those who have, and those who haven’t been initiated. The same mech-
anism is at work where we see the possession of certain kinds of breast
contrasted with being small-chested or large-breasted. The effect may be
different, with the possession version leading towards the more techno-
logical view of breasts which can be fixed.
The function of modality and speech and thought presentation in
these texts seems to be to create and sustain the authority of the writer
in informing the reader and telling her what she should do. Epistemic
modality allows the writer to make generalizations whilst covering other
possibilities, with the illusion of more information content than is some-
times really the case. Deontic modality asserts the right of the writer to
tell the reader what is the right thing to do, and this is supported by
the quotation of experts, including self-appointed experts, whose words
may be semi-integrated into the text by the use of free direct speech, so
that the voices of authority merge into one.
8
Conclusion
This study provides evidence from the early twenty-first century that
what magazines published for the mass market are presenting to us
and our daughters is an ideology of the body which emphasizes the
stable, youthful and clean (unleaky) body over the real lived experience
of women. The division of their bodies into parts that can be fixed
by medical technologies and the normative pressures towards being
heterosexual, maternal and slim face the women and girl readers of
these magazines. Perhaps, ironically, it is easier for those who read these
magazines who know they are not reflecting their own bodies – lesbians,
black women and the old (certainly anyone over 50) will not feel the
pressure in quite the same way as young, pale skinned and heterosexual
readers.
This concluding chapter aims to draw together some of the main
insights arising from this study of women’s magazines’ construction
of the female body at the turn of the twenty-first century. Though
I suspected at the outset that the enlightened view of the body that
I thought prevailed in the wake of the second-wave feminism of my
own generation might not be fully represented here, I was nevertheless
surprised at the extent to which the naturalization of certain attitudes
towards perfection and constructed naturalness – often, but not only
through surgery – had taken hold.
Teaching feminist linguistics to young female students in recent years
has been a wearying activity, where repeatedly confronting attitudes to
the body that appear to me part of a frightening backlash are presented
by the confident young women I see before me as a step forward, as
‘girl power’; the power to take control. This (as I see it) skewing of
the feminist ideology of equality by re-constructing femininity as an
attainable ideal body is one that is hard to counter, since women are
194
Conclusion 195
apparently choosing freely to starve themselves, go under the knife,

squeeze into uncomfortable clothes and generally spend ever more time
and money in the pursuit of perfection.1
Critical discourse analysis: an evolution
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) appealed as a general approach to the

work I wanted to do in this area, as it legitimized the inclination to use
one’s expertise in linguistics to investigate socio-political issues such as
the one I perceived as being at the root of the problem in relation to
women’s bodies. However, as Walsh (2001: 27) points out, ‘a number
of approaches to CDA, including that of Fairclough, marginalize the
importance of specifically gendered identities and the social inequalities
to which these contribute’.
The hypothesis, then, was simple, the expected findings very vague.
I thought that magazines may be at the centre of the reproduction of
ideologies about the body that seemed to me the opposite of freedom
and equality. I did not know quite what to expect in detailed ideological
construction of the female form. This, then, was a largely inductive
project working within a deductive framework in that it was testing
the larger hypothesis by exploring any patterning in the language of
magazines which would support the general view that women’s bodies
were being naturalized in oppressive ways.
CDA began as a left-wing reaction to the hands-off objectivity of early
linguistics, when there was clearly so much wrong with the world that
was based in texts, and so much information about manipulation and
political dishonesty that could be revealed by a few judicious uses of
some fairly accessible tools of analysis:
Language is therefore important enough to merit the attention of all

citizens. In particular, so far as this book is concerned, nobody who
has an interest in modern society, and certainly nobody who has an
interest in relationships of power in modern society, can afford to
ignore language. (Fairclough 1989: 3)
Fairclough’s laudable aim, then, was to educate the masses about one
of the causes of their own oppression. The direction that CDA took
following his and others’ early forays into a more socially engaged
linguistic practice was an inevitably more and more contexualized and
thus more sociological direction. Perhaps because of the political focus of
those concerned, the details of analytical techniques, particularly those
concerned with the texts themselves, have not been thoroughly debated.
The discussion initiated by Widdowson (1996, 1998) and reviewed in
Chapter 1 did focus on the methodological circularity of CDA and to
that extent was more textually-focused. What has not happened is the
same kind of focus on methodology that, say, sociolinguistics itself, or
stylstics, have had, with the result that there is still not even a provi-
sionally agreed set of tools or procedures for practising CDA.
I hope that this study will in a small way contribute to the evolution of
CDA as a text-based practice, particularly in the kinds of situation where
there is a relatively stable assumed audience for the text concerned, as
in the current case. The questions about hegemony and reader response
remain, of course, and there is no doubt that some readers can and
sometimes will resist the ideological force of these magazines. These
issues remain to be investigated.
The female body in women’s magazines
This book began life as a reaction to the naming conventions relating to

parts, particularly sexually significant parts, of the woman’s body. The
result, however, is very much more than a commentary on the naming
of parts in women’s magazines. Cameron (1998) comments that:
sexist language is not best thought of as the naming of reality from

a single, male, perspective. It is a multifaceted pheonomenon, taking
different forms in different representational practices, which have
their own particular histories and characteristics. (Cameron, 1998: 11)
This view is upheld by the findings of this study to the extent that even
when I tried to concentrate on the naming of parts in the data, I found
that the more interesting features of language were in the modification
of names, not the choice of names themselves on the whole.
Summarizing the findings of this study, then, is more than a list
of names. It involves commenting on the rhetorical strategies used
to persuade readers that they ought to be like the exemplary women
in the data. It requires a reminder of the almost religious flavour to
some of the advice on slimming. It needs a reprise of the comparative
lack of material actions performed by women in the data, unless they
have passed through their damascene turning point or are giving sexual
pleasure to their (male) partner.
These summaries, however, belie the complexity of the data. Much
of it is surely intended to – and probably does – help women deal with
Conclusion 197
their everyday embodied experiences. The findings here do, however,

confirm the kinds of pressure that are culturally loaded upon women
which necessitate support in their physical lived experience. Thus, there
is pressure to maintain a low body weight and ideal shape, even shortly
after giving birth. There is pressure to ‘balance up’ the body visually by
clothing choices. There is pressure to undergo surgery or other interven-
tionist techniques to preserve youthful features or improve one’s body
shape or looks.
Despite the many pedagogical-style definitions, explanations and
information, there is not a great deal of real educational potential arising
from these magazines whose first aim is presumably to entertain and
thus to sell widely. I have argued that some of the information content
is only apparent, and that the use of technical vocabulary is of value
to the magazines in being indicative of authority rather than full of
insight. Likewise, the value of readers’ stories appears to be in their feel-
good happy endings as much as in any vicarious learning that readers
may do.
Whilst the pleasure gained from reading women’s magazines cannot
be denied, given their popularity and ubiquity, the question also arises
in the light of the findings in this study to what extent they reinforce
the insecurity that women feel about their physical form, and thus
perpetuate the need for their own existence. Finding out the answer to
that question will require a different kind of research project.
Studying the female form: future directions
As already indicated, there is more that could be done to follow up the

research presented here, and just a few of these directions are indicated
in this final section as a pointer to the work still to do.
In order to try and get at the effect of these texts on readers, we might
take one or two possible directions. The most empirical route would
be to work on reader-responses in a psychological framework such as
the one used by Emmott (1999) or Gibbs (1994). In both cases, these
researchers use the techniques of psychology to obtain information
about cognitive processes involved in reading (narrative structures and
metaphors respectively). The same kinds of technique could be used to
try and access the cognitive effects of the data considered here, including
the testing of perceptions of female bodies after reading certain items
from magazines. Similar studies have been undertaken in the past, and
Grogan (1999) reports on these and on some of the theories of self-
perception that have informed such studies as well as her own study
(Grogan et al. 1996) where she looked at ‘the effects on both men and
women of viewing same-gender, slim, conventionally attractive models’
and the results suggested that ‘these men and women felt signific-
antly less satisfied with their bodies after viewing attractive same-gender
models’ (Grogan 1999: 104). This study could be usefully replicated but
using controlled texts with different linguistic indicators of bodily ideo-
logy as demonstrated in the current study.
A less-empirical direction to turn would be to start to apply all of the
cognitive stylistic developments of the last few years to the question of
how readers respond to texts like these. Stockwell (2002) introduces the
range of approaches that have grown up in recent years from the basic
premise that it is legitimate to consider the likely cognitive effects of
reading text. Obvious applications, which have not yet been taken up
in by many researchers, are to investigate the possibilities for building
of text worlds (Werth 1999), adopting a text’s point of view (Simpson
1993), being affected by deictic shifting in texts (McIntyre 2006) and the
potential of blending as a process of assimilation (Dancygier 2005). In
other words, the same processes that are at work when we laugh or cry
with the characters of a novel are also in play when we read a problem
page or a reader’s slimming narrative. What is different is the context
and our assumption that there is a difference between reading fiction
and reading non-fiction.
At the other extreme from reader response studies, we can see a flour-
ishing of corpus-based studies in the wake of the development of ever
more powerful computers. Baker (2006) is just the latest in a number
of recent corpus-focused works in which questions of discourse context
as well as the minutiae of searchable textual features is considered.
A number of the findings of this study could usefully be followed
up by a corpus study using magazine data. These include the use of
definite articles versus possessive determiners in the premodification
of nouns referring to internal/external body parts; tracing the use of
superordinate opposites such as natural/unnatural, normal/abnormal and
healthy/unhealthy in women’s magazines; investigating opposition trig-
gers, such as but, to establish patterns of opposite use and creation in
these texts. A tagged corpus could also investigate structures like appos-
ition and listing to see where there are equivalences being created and
where the ambiguity between these structures may be ideologically inter-
esting. Naming conventions for body parts would also be easy to trace
by computer, and confirmation of the apparent link between large size
and terms like boobs2 would be relatively accessible.
Conclusion 199
Perhaps the biggest challenge facing feminist linguistics in the near

future is to make itself relevant again in the context of a general cultural
acceptance that ‘political correctness’ has indeed gone mad, and in the
face of young women – some of them our daughters – to whom a nose
job is the most natural thing in the world.
The picture of what women and girls were reading around the turn
of the millennium is not a simple one, and from a feminist perspective
we may conclude that this post-structuralist confusion of messages is
entirely in keeping with the post-feminist spirit of the times. The analysis
presented here, however, undermines such a notion of conflicting
messages to the extent that the patriarchal, clean (that is, masculine)
body is still held up as superior to our own, leaky ones, and the destiny
of women still tied intrinsically to childbirth and other bodily func-
tions is not celebrated in a second-wave feminist manner, so much as
managed and coped with in an increasingly technological manner. The
illusion of the ever-youthful perfect body is repeatedly held up here as
achievable, though only through the most extreme of means. What’s
most striking of all, perhaps, is that one of the bundle of ‘readers’ that
makes up our individual identity can usually be found to agree.
Notes
1 Studying the Language of the Female Body

1 Some large-scale corpus studies informed by CDA have been undertaken, most
notably Baker (2006).
2 The arguments of this section are discussed in more detail in Jeffries (2000).
The idiom of ‘throwing out the baby with the bathwater’ was first used by me
in relation to the rejection of code-based theories of language in that article.
3 Note that implicatures, first proposed by Grice (1975) are more technically
defined than the vague ‘implications’ of everyday life and depend on the
flouting of conversational maxims. See Chapter 5, and in particular page 131,
for more information.
4 There may be some mileage in using some of the more recent developments
in cognitive stylistics, including Text World Theory, Deictic Shift Theory and
Blending Theory to explore the extent of ideological influence that texts
may have and the mechanisms by which this influence is exerted. Work in
literary stylistics on empathy and affect may be of great interest to such an
endeavour.
5 Though, admittedly, some of the force of his attack is that counter-evidence
is very clearly ignored in favour of the preferred interpretation.
6 A southern British English intonation system is assumed here, whereby the
fall-rise in each case indicates the ‘proclaiming tone’ of David Brazil’s (1997)
discourse intonation system of notation.
7 Which is not to deny that men have to do so too, but to emphasize the fact
that women’s bodies present a particular range of challenges to certain kinds
of public activity which are perhaps not as severe for men.
8 Notice, however, that the problematic body is not left as the only outcome, as
we shall see in reference to the ‘happy ending’ rhetorical strategy in Chapter 2.
2 Genre, Text Type and Rhetorical Strategy

1 This research was carried out with girls in a youth organization of about 10–
11 years old and with sixth formers aged 17–18 years. They were given a
questionnaire on their reading habits and amongst other things they were
asked whether they would only read sections of articles that were relevant to
them. They overwhelmingly answered ‘no’ – they read everything, in case it
might be relevant in the future.
2 Though I am calling these text types ‘quizzes’, they are in fact more like
questionnaires. However, the magazines themselves tend to use the term ‘quiz’
for this text type and they are distinct from the kind of questionnaire used
by researchers where the results are cumulative, rather than individual as in
these cases.
200
Notes 201
3 Naming and Describing

1 In one case here the man is also referred to as his penis, though whether this
is common or spreads more widely to other body parts as it does for women,
it is hard to know.
4 Equating, Contrasting, Enumerating and Exemplifying

1 A book on this topic is currently being produced by the author, and the PhD
thesis of Matt Davies (Huddersfield) will also be an investigation of the textual
construction of opposites.
2 Some grammatical models may well hypothesize that such structures are
reduced relative clauses, with ellipses accounting for the missing words. This
example would thus be derived from Mr Bun, who is the baker. However, this
point does not distinguish between the list and the co-referential apposition at
surface structure level, and the reader is thus obliged to draw some conclusions
which are relevant for him/herself.
5 Assuming and Implying

1 It is generally the case that definite noun phrases do trigger existential presup-
positions and indefinite ones do not. However, the context can alter this
general rule, as in the current case.
8 Conclusion
1 It is no comfort to realize that men are travelling down a similar road, albeit
at a slower pace, and not in such numbers. A casual glance at the many male
magazines on display in W.H.Smith would confirm that male looks are also
beginning to be a major drain on their finances, and male anorexia and plastic
surgery are on the increase.
2 One interesting observation is the complete lack of the use of the word tits
in this data. It would, presumably, occur frequently in ‘lads’ magazines’ and
the differences could easily be studied in a corpus project. It is also interest-
ingly different in its sound symbolism, having a close front vowel and sharp
(unvoiced) plosive consonants, in contrast to the open back vowel and voiced
consonants of boobs. Thanks to Dan McIntyre for this latter point.
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Index
actions 169, 170–6 Body Beautiful 33–4, 43, 53, 70, 77–8,
adjectives 64 83, 83–4, 84–5, 87, 91, 111–12,
choice of adjective vs noun 71–2 122–3, 127, 138, 139, 141–2,
choice and positioning 84–101 143–4, 145–6, 160–1, 165, 174,
advertising 44–5 179–80
blurring with other text types 46–8 body language 14
advice body parts 160–1
readers’ letters 31–4, 68–9 advice in sections 43–4
in sections 43–4 naming 64–5, 72–8
step-by-step 40–2 people as 70–1
agentless passives 180–2 transitivity and 175–6
agony aunts 31 body shape 42–3, 117–18
alpha-foetoprotein (AFP) test 116, perfection and attraction 142–4
120 Bordo, S. 21
analytical categories 16–17 boulomaic modality 187–8
analytical tools 11, 12–15 bras, measuring for 40–1, 126
Anderson, P. 53, 127 breasts 76–7, 177
anorexia 22–3, 72 enlargement 87, 111–12
antonymy 102–3, 104–5 sexual attractiveness and 140–2
see also contrasting size 93–6
anxiety 148–9 bulimia 22–3, 72, 177–8
apposition 103, 104, 107, 109, 148 Butler, J. 3, 21–2
assuming see presupposition
attraction 139–50 Cameron, D. 18, 196
see also sexual attractiveness categories
authority 183–8, 189–90 analytical 16–17
naming and describing people 70
bad/good distinction 84–5, 87–8, of women 42–3, 177
109–16 see also genre and text types
Bakare-Yusuf, B. 22 celebrities 53
Baker, P. 198 stories 34–9, 174–5
Barky, S. 21 Celin, Dr J.F. 33–4
Battersby, C. 22–3 cellulite 76
beauty 100 childbirth 111, 154
Berlin, B. 6 see also pregnancy
Best Diet Now 38 circular time 156–7
black women 24, 150 circumstantial relations 169
Bliss 31, 35, 44, 50, 55, 58, 67, 94, clarity 16
95, 107, 117, 132–3, 146, 147, clothing 83–4, 141–2
157, 159, 177, 178, 179, 181–2, code 4–7
184, 185, 188, 190, 192 cognition 169
bodily functions 18–19, 50 research into cognitive effects
naming 72–8 197–8
bodily hair 112, 145 cognitive semantics 22–3
bodily lived experience 22–3 Coleman, M. 34
206
Index 207
comparative adjectives 96 demonstrative adjectives 81–2

complements 110, 119–20 deontic modality 186–7, 193
see also opposition depth 158–9
compound adjectives 100 Derham, K. 36–7, 54, 90, 174
conceptual metaphors 162–5 describing 17, 61–101
conduct book 60 adjectives 84–101
Conley, R. 47–8 constructing the reader 66–78
constructing the reader determiners 78–84
naming and describing 66–78 naming and 63–6
presupposition and implicature determiners 78–84
132–9 diary-style articles 35, 39–40
container metaphor 158–9, 165 Diet and Fitness 38, 84, 98, 137, 154,
contracted time 152–8 172, 175
contrasting 17, 102–3, 104–5, difference 19–20
109–20, 128 direct speech 190–1
control of bodily functions 19 discursive construction, body as
conversational implicature 7, 131 20–2
see also implicature distal deictic terms 81
conversions, Damascene 57–9 Dowling, D. 38
correct/incorrect distinction 87 duration, time as 157
co-occurrence, and contrasting
118–19 eating disorders 22–3, 72, 177–8
corpus-based studies 198 eating habits 138
cosmetic surgery 19, 43, 49, 155, 174 Ebony 41, 57
breast enlargement 87, 111–12 education 197
describing 81–2, 87 equivalence 106–8
examples and generalizations exemplification 121–2
122–3 intensive relations 179
exemplary women 53–4 Emmott, C. 197
liposuction 49, 81–2, 145–6 emotions 98–9
naming 77–8 intensive relations 179–80
Cosmopolitan 41, 47, 70, 97–8, 138, physical–emotional divide 118
139 emphatic epistemic modality 185–6
credibility 33–4 enumeration 17, 109, 120–7, 128
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) three-part lists 105–6, 123–7, 128
1–2, 2–10 epistemic modality 183–6, 187–8,
analytical categories 16–17 193
critical stylistics 15–16 equating (equivalence) 17, 103, 104,
criticisms of 4–10; methodological 106–9, 127–8
8–10; theoretical 4–8 ethos 59
evolution of 195–6 euphemism 73, 75–6
Hallidayan functionalism 10–12 evaluative adjectives 64, 84–98
‘traditional’ analytical tools in evaluative oppositions 109–16, 124,
12–15 128, 198
critical stylistics 15–16 events 169, 180–2
Cruse, D.A. 7, 103 exemplary women 29, 53–5, 70, 132
cult of femininity 58 exemplifying 17, 109, 120–7, 128
examples and generalizations
Damascene conversions 57–9 121–3
Dancygier, B. 198 existential presuppositions 130
data collection and analysis 23–5 experts 188–90
Davies, M. 104 expressive modality 183–6
death 168 external surface of the body 158–61
definite articles 78–81, 83–4, 198 extremes 96–8
208 Index
facts vs myths 55–6, 110 Grice, H.P. 116, 131, 148

factual articles 39 Grogan, S. 197–8
Fairclough, N. 3, 9, 11–12, 28, 62,
183, 184, 195 hair, bodily 112, 145
family background, assumptions Halliday, M.A.K. 167–8
about 133–4 Hallidayan functionalism 10–12
female reader, assumption of 132–3 Halmari, H. 28–9
femininity, cult of 58 Hansford, J. 189
feminism 1–2, 194–5, 199 happiness 98–9, 119
constructed nature and happy endings 29, 36, 51–2, 153
performativity of gender 3 health and fitness 88–9
constructing the female body healthy/unhealthy distinction
17–23 114–16, 119
first-wave 18–19, 20, 49, 161 Hepburn, A. 106
second-wave 19–20, 49 hermeneutic model of interpretation
third-wave 20–1 10
Ferguson, M. 58 heroines, fictionalized 50
fictionalized heroines 50 heterosexuality, assumption of 134
first-wave (rationalist) feminism
history 2, 3
18–19, 20, 49, 161
hypothetical time 152–8
flat stomach 144
food 114–15, 138
Fowler, R. 9, 12, 62, 64 ideational process 11–12
free direct speech 190–1 identification with the reader 68–9
free indirect speech 191–2 ideology 2, 3–4, 15–16
Fresh 32, 79–80, 123–4, 157, 158, 184 critique of CDA 7–8, 9
fresh foods 115 ideological norms 131–2
functionalism, Hallidayan 10–12 transitivity and 168
future time 156 imperative 67, 170–2
imperfection 19
see also perfection
‘gals’ 94–5
implicature 17, 129–51
Gatens, M. 21
constructing the reader 132–9
generalizations 121–3
perfection and attraction 139–50
genre mixing 28, 32–4, 46–8, 59
indirect speech 191–2
genre and text types 17, 26–8,
29–48, 59–60 informal vocabulary 76
advertising 44–5, 46–8 informing see education
advice in sections 43–4 inner space, body as 158–61
categories of women 42–3 insemination 116
diary-style articles 35, 39–40 instructions 40–2
factual articles 39 integrationists 5–6
glossaries 44 intensifiers 96–8
instructions/advice 40–2 intensive relations 169, 176–80,
personal opinion pieces 45 192–3
question and answer 31–4, 47–8 intensive verb 108
quizzes 45–6 intention 168, 169, 170–2
readers’ and celebrities’ stories internal body parts 73–4, 78–81
34–9, 47–8 interpersonal process 11–12
Gibbs, R. 197
‘girlies’ 94–5 Jeffries, L. 2–3, 6, 103, 104
glossaries 44 Johnson, M. 22, 162
good/bad distinction 84–5, 87–8, Jones, S. 103
109–16 journey metaphor 163–4, 166
gradable opposites 119–20 Jump 45, 56–7, 113–14, 140, 155, 161
Index 209
Katz, J.J. 6, 46 modal adverbs 14

Kay, P. 6 modal auxiliary 13–14
keyword approach to sorting 30 modal intonation 14
Kress, G. 5, 8 modality 11, 12, 13–14, 182–8, 193
mode 27–8
Labov, W. 9, 16 moment, time as 157
Lakoff, G. 22, 162 More 39–40, 57, 126–7, 139, 160, 165
Lanis, K. 1 Morrish, E. 3
Leech, G. 188 Mumby, M. 57
lesbianism 24, 69, 71–2, 147–8 mystification 62
letters, readers’ 31–4, 68–9 myths, puncturing 55–6, 110
Levinson, S. 7, 130–1
lexical semantics 103 naming 17, 61–78, 101, 196, 198
lexical verbs 14 constructing the reader 66–78;
life as a journey 163, 166 choice of adjective vs noun
lifestyle 149–50 71–2; parts, substances and
linguistic determinism, Whorfian processes 72–8; people
4–5 66–70; people as body parts
liposuction 49, 81–2, 145–6 70–1
Lismore, E. 189 and describing 63–6
lists 17, 109, 120–7, 128 see also describing
examples and generalizations natural childbirth 111
121–3 natural/unnatural distinction
three-part 105–6, 123–7, 128 110–14
logical presuppositions 130–1 nominalization 11, 12, 61–3, 64,
logos 59 77–8
Looks 43–4 see also naming
Lucy, J.A. 5 non-systemic opposites 103
Lyons, J. 6, 186 normality 69, 178–9
normal/abnormal distinction
machine metaphor 165 85–7, 110–14, 116
MacLaury, R. 6–7 perfection and attraction 146–8
marginalization 22, 24 norms, ideological 131–2
masturbation 182 noun, choice of adjective vs 71–2
material processes 169 nuclear family assumption 133–4
actions 169, 170–6
events, supervention and agentless objectivity 9–10
passives 169, 180–2 older women 23, 100–1, 146
McIntyre, D. 198 opinions 17, 182–92, 193
menopause 84, 100–1 modality 182–8, 193
menstruation 79–80, 146, 156–7, personal opinion pieces 45
178 presentation of speech and thought
mental processes 169–70, 180 169, 188–92, 193
Meredith, S. 73 opposition 17, 102–3, 104–5,
metaphors 158–65 109–20, 198
outer and inner space 158–61 Our Baby 32, 35, 36, 40, 44, 47, 49,
Mettinger, A. 103 51–2, 52, 54–5, 57, 80, 132, 134,
Milroy, L. 16 136, 153, 156, 157, 158, 163, 171,
mind and body 161 173, 184, 188–9
Minx 140, 159 outer surface of body 158–61
Mizz 40–1, 67–8, 68–9, 94, 126, overweight assumption 137–9
133, 141, 146, 147–8, 157,
177, 184 pain relief 111
modal adjectives 14 parts, body see body parts
210 Index
passive voice 82 pressure on women 194, 196–7

past-tense narrative 152–5 presupposition 11, 17, 129–51
pathos 59 constructing the reader 132–9
pedagogy see education perfection and attraction 139–50
people Price, J. 18–21, 50
as body parts 70–1 Pride Magazine 150
naming and describing 66–70 problem pages 31–4, 46–7
perception 169 problematic body 18
perfection 19, 112–13, 199 processes
presupposition and implicature naming 72–8
139–50 presenting see transitivity
performativity 3 prototype theory 6–7, 46
permanence 116–17 pseudo-science 48–50
personal opinion pieces 45 psychological distancing 81–2
Peter, M. 36, 55
phonological clues 125 question and answer 31–4, 46–7
physical–emotional divide 118 quizzes 45–6
places metaphor 159–60, 162–3
plastic surgery see cosmetic surgery radical (second-wave) feminism
possessive determiners 78–81, 83–4, 19–20
198 rationalist (first-wave) feminism
possessive relations 169, 177–8 18–19, 20, 49, 161
Postal, P. 6, 46 reaction 169
postmodern (third-wave) feminism reader-response studies 197–8
20–1 readers’ letters 31–4, 68–9
power 2–3, 21 readers’ stories 34–9, 47–8
relations 183 real time 152–8
preaching 56–7 real women 52
‘precious pregnancies’ 76, 90 register 27–8
pre-conception diet 57 reification 62–3
pregnancy 32–3 relational processes 169, 176–80,
adjectives 89–90, 92–3 192–3
contrasting 112–13, 115–16 reproduction 71
exemplary women 54–5 reproductive organs 73–4
happy endings 51–2 see also childbirth; pregnancy
minimization of scientific detail research directions 197–9
49–50 rhetorical strategies 17, 28–9, 48–59,
modality 184–5 59–60
‘precious pregnancies’ 76, 90 Damascene conversions 57–9
presupposition and implicature exemplary women 29, 53–5, 70,
142, 144 132
problems of conception and fictionalized heroines 50
complications 74, 92–3, 136–7 happy endings 29, 36, 51–2, 153
readers’ and celebrities’ stories pseudo-science 48–50
35–7 puncturing myths 55–6, 110
three-part lists 125–6 real women 52
transitivity analysis 171, 175–6 sermon-style 56–7
see also under names of pregnancy steps toward salvation 57
magazines Rich, A. 72
Pregnancy and Birth 33, 36–7, 44, Robinson, L. 51
54, 89, 90, 110, 116, 117, 120, Rosch, E. 6
125, 128, 149–50, 154, 155, 156,
157, 189 scaremongering 122
present tense narrative 155–6 Schulz, M. 8
Index 211
science, pseudo- 48–50 Slimming Magazine 93

scientific/technical vocabulary 73–5, sociolinguistics 16
100 space 17, 158–66
second person 66–9, 83–4 body as outer/inner space 158–61
second-wave (radical) feminism constructing in texts 152
19–20 other metaphors of bodily space
sections, advice in 43–4 162–5
Semino, E. 190–1 speech presentation 169, 188–92,
sense relations 102–28 193
contrasting 17, 102–3, 104–5, states, presenting see transitivity
109–20, 128 Steen, G. 162
enumerating and exemplifying 17, steps toward salvation 57
109, 120–7, 128 stewardship 53
equating 17, 103, 104, 106–9, Stockwell, P. 27–8, 198
127–8 stomach, flat 144
textual construction of 102–6 structural metaphors 162–5
sermon-style 56–7 stylistics 9–10
sex tips 37–8, 39–40, 126–7, 171, 173 critical 15–16
adjectives 90–2 sub-genre 27–8
advice in sections 43 see also genre and text types
instructions 41 suffering, and silence 22
presupposition and implicature Sugar 42, 46–7, 68, 97, 106, 108, 114,
134–5, 140 116, 132–3, 143, 152, 153, 155,
sexist language 18, 196 156, 157, 173, 187
sexual attractiveness 56–7, 100, 138–9 superlatives 96–8
perfection and attraction 139–50 superordinate opposites 109–16,
sexual body parts 124, 128, 198
naming 64–5, 73–8 supervention 168, 169, 180–2
people as 71 surgery see cosmetic surgery
sexuality Swales, J.M. 26–7, 28
assumption of heterosexuality 134 Sweetex 47
lesbianism 24, 69, 71–2, 147–8 synonymy 103
naming 71–2 see also equating (equivalence)
teenagers and 69, 71–2, 147–8 systemic opposites 103
shape, body see body shape
Shildrick, M. 18–21, 50
Shine 159 Tampax 46–7, 127
Short, M. 188, 190–1 tautological statements 108
Shout 47, 97, 142–3, 153, 155, 177 technical/scientific vocabulary 73–5,
silence 22 100
Simpson, P. 8, 13, 130, 131, 167, technologization of the body 19
168, 169, 182, 186, 198 teenage magazines 35
size 93–6 adjectives 85–6
Slim from Within 58, 59 categories of women 42–3
Slimmer Magazine 33, 45–6, 49, 51, constructing the reader 67–9
57, 58, 93, 98–9, 126, 137, 138, modality 184, 187
143, 159, 163, 172, 178 presupposition and implicature
slimming 47–8, 154 135, 146–8
presupposition and implicature puncturing myths 55
137–9 see also under names of individual
readers’ stories 38 magazines
transitivity analysis 171–3 temporary vs permanent 116–17
see also under names of slimming text types 27–8
magazines see also genre and text types
212 Index
third-wave (postmodern) feminism universal bodily experience 22–3

20–1
thought value judgements 179, 188
language and 4–5 van Leeuwen, T. 13
presentation 169, 188–92, 193 verbalization processes 169, 188–92,
three-part lists 105–6, 123–7, 128 193
time 17, 152–8, 165–6 vessel metaphor 158–9, 165
constructing in texts 152 virginity 178
permanence vs temporariness virtue 53
116–17
real, hypothetical, contracted and Walsh, C. 195
circular 152–8 weight 71, 143–4
titles, suggestive 31–2 weight loss see slimming
Toolan, M. 4, 5–6 WeightWatchers 58–9
top–bottom division 117–18 WeightWatchers 51, 59–60, 137, 154,
torture 22 161
transferred epithets 99 Werth, P. 198
transitivity 11, 12, 14–15, 17, Whorfian linguistic determinism 4–5
167–82, 192–3 Widdowson, H.G. 4–5, 7–10, 196
agentless passives 180–2 Wodak, R. 2, 10
events 169, 180–2 Woman 34, 36, 42, 52, 54, 86, 92,
intensive relations 169, 176–80, 107, 113, 126, 133, 136–7, 153,
192–3 160, 171
material actions 169, 170–6 Woman’s Own 42, 49, 55–6, 58–9,
model 168–9 81–2, 96–7, 138, 145–6, 155,
supervention 168, 169, 180–2 160, 172–3, 174, 180, 181,
Trask, R.L. 26, 27, 28 186, 190–1
traveller metaphor 163–4 women, categories of 42–3, 177
Trudgill, P. 16 Women’s Health 41, 88–9, 113, 123,
Tuffin, K. 105–6 159, 174
Turner, M. 162
turning points 154–5 youth 145–6
type 27–8
see also genre and text types zones, body as 159–60

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Other books by Lesley Jeffries published by Palgrave Macmillan

1 Studying the Language of the Female Body:

3 Naming and Describing 61

7 Processes and Opinions 167

I would like to thank my colleagues, students, friends and family who

Certain formulations of the radical constructivist position appear

is altered. In philosophical terms, the constative claim is always to

The following is an intervention in the above passage, with the radical

Certain formulations of the radical integrationist position appear

What this passage achieves in relation to both the perceptions of the

everyday experience of it, but is nonetheless relatively stable and can be

Theories and practices

Analysis on a larger body of data than has recently been attempted by a

Critical discourse analysis

Small qualitative case studies can be found as well as large data

Wodak also emphasizes the theoretical and descriptive range of CDA,

Influenced by Foucault, Judith Butler asserts that discourse is

readers will therefore often be in a relatively weak position in relation

the reaffirmation of the familiar Whorfian notion of linguistic

Though he doesn’t say so explicitly, Widdowson implies that a strongly

Whilst the strong version of Whorf is not accepted by many linguists

The range of materials relevant to providing an adequate theoret-

The theory of language suggested here, then, is a theory of semi-

He then goes on to criticize Kress for failing to demonstrate how such

language by describing the position of Lyons, who Toolan quotes as

despite their undoubted importance, a full account of these contex-

This is not only of practical, but also of theoretical significance.

the notion of conversational implicature offers a way out, for it

Another criticism of CDA rests on the notion that there is a meth-

If these discursive practices have not been adequately taken into

precisely because they are dissociated from the contextual conditions

I would disagree that concentrating on the texts themselves necessarily

can, of course, be taken up to further any cause, right wing as well

He is not so neutral in describing what those techniques are as I would

What strikes a particular reader, even one as astute as Fairclough, is

He is right, of course, to criticise the evident interpretative positivism

labels that arise from a Hallidayan approach, tend to be intermediate

Texts are social spaces in which two fundamental social processes

world, interpersonally in constituting social interaction between

‘Traditional’ tools of analysis in CDA

This chapter has provided some explanatory notes, and illustrations, of

There is no neat fit between sociological and linguistic categories,

Susan might come to the party, if only to please her mother.

Although the range of meaning of modals, and their assignment to

John used the hammer to knock in the nail.

It is therefore not possible on purely formal grounds to identify the

that texts ostensibly written for women, such as women’s magazines,

• Naming: choice of nominals, nominalization, construction of noun

Feminism, theory and the body

Constructing the female body

In my own view, sexist language is not best thought of as the

This book contributes in a small way to the analysis of this complex

Whilst all such marginalized bodies are potentially unsettling, what is

intrinsically unpredictable, leaky and disruptive. Price and Shildrick

The apparently unstable female material body, viewed negatively from

in the more perverse and general of ways; the legitimizing of focus on

The stress given to the embodied nature of sexual difference has

To say that the body is a discursive construction is not to deny