Battle of Thermopolae

Battle of Thermopylae 1
Battle of Thermopylae
The Battle of Thermopylae (pronounced /θərˈmɒpɨliː/, thər-MOP-i-lee; Greek: Μάχη τῶν Θερμοπυλῶν, Machē tōn
Thermopylōn) was fought between an alliance of Greek city-states, led by Sparta, and the Persian Empire of Xerxes I
over the course of three days, during the second Persian invasion of Greece. It took place simultaneously with the
naval battle at Artemisium, in August or September 480 BC, at the pass of Thermopylae ('The Hot Gates'). The
Persian invasion was a delayed response to the defeat of the first Persian invasion of Greece, which had been ended
by the Athenian victory at the Battle of Marathon. Xerxes had amassed a huge army and navy, and set out to conquer
all of Greece. The Athenian general Themistocles had proposed that the allied Greeks block the advance of the
Persian army at the pass of Thermopylae, and simultaneously block the Persian navy at the Straits of Artemisium.
A Greek force of approximately 7,000 men marched north to block the pass in the summer of 480 BC. The Persian
army, alleged by the ancient sources to have numbered in the millions, arrived at the pass in late August or early
September. Vastly outnumbered, the Greeks held off the Persians for seven days in total (including three of battle),
before the rear-guard was annihilated in one of history's most famous last stands. During two full days of battle, the
small force led by King Leonidas I of Sparta blocked the only road by which the massive Persian army could pass.
After the second day of battle, a local resident named Ephialtes betrayed the Greeks by revealing a small path that
led behind the Greek lines. Aware that his force was being outflanked, Leonidas dismissed the bulk of the Greek
army, and remained to guard the rear with 300 Spartans, 700 Thespians, 400 Thebans and perhaps a few hundred
others, the vast majority of whom were killed.
After this engagement, the Greek navy at Artemisium received news of the defeat at Thermopylae. Since their
strategy required both Thermopylae and Artemisium to be held, and given their losses, the Greek navy decided to
withdraw to Salamis. The Persians overran Boeotia and then captured the evacuated Athens. However, seeking a
decisive victory over the Persian fleet, the Greek fleet attacked and defeated the invaders at the Battle of Salamis in
late 480 BC. Fearing to be trapped in Europe, Xerxes withdrew with much of his army to Asia, leaving Mardonius to
complete the conquest of Greece. The following year, however, saw a Greek army decisively defeat the Persians at
the Battle of Plataea, thereby ending the Persian invasion.
Both ancient and modern writers have used the Battle of Thermopylae as an example of the power of a patriotic
army of freemen defending native soil. The performance of the defenders at the battle of Thermopylae is also used as
an example of the advantages of training, equipment, and good use of terrain as force multipliers and has become a
symbol of courage against overwhelming odds.
Sources
The primary source for the Greco-Persian Wars is the Greek historian Herodotus. Herodotus, who has been called
the 'Father of History',[1] was born in 484 BC in Halicarnassus, Asia Minor (then under Persian overlordship). He
wrote his 'Enquiries' (Greek—Historia; English—(The) Histories) around 440–420 BC, trying to trace the origins of
the Greco-Persian Wars, which would still have been relatively recent history (the wars finally ending in 450 BC).[2]
Herodotus' approach was entirely novel. He does seem to have invented history as we know it.[2] As Holland has it:
"For the first time, a chronicler set himself to trace the origins of a conflict not to a past so remote so as to be utterly
fabulous, nor to the whims and wishes of some god, nor to a people's claim to manifest destiny, but rather
explanations he could verify personally."[2]
Some subsequent ancient historians criticized Herodotus, starting with Thucydides.[3] [4] Nevertheless, Thucydides
chose to begin his history where Herodotus left off (at the Siege of Sestos); Finley thought this implied "that there
was no need to go over that ground again".[4] Plutarch criticized Herodotus in his essay "On The Malignity of
Herodotus", describing Herodotus as "Philobarbaros" (barbarian-lover), for not being pro-Greek enough, which
suggests that Herodotus might actually have done a reasonable job of being even-handed.[5] A negative view of
Herodotus was passed on to Renaissance Europe, though he remained well read. However, since the 19th century his
reputation has been dramatically rehabilitated by archaeological finds which have repeatedly confirmed his version
of events.[6] The prevailing modern view is that Herodotus generally did a remarkable job in his Historia, but that
some of his specific details (particularly troop numbers and dates) should be viewed with skepticism.[6]
Nevertheless, there are still some historians who believe Herodotus made up much of his story.[7]
The Sicilian historian Diodorus Siculus, writing in the 1st century BC in his Bibliotheca Historica, also provides an
account of the Greco-Persian wars, partially derived from the earlier Greek historian Ephorus. This account is fairly
consistent with Herodotus'.[8] The Greco-Persian wars are also described in less detail by a number of other ancient
historians including Plutarch, Ctesias of Cnidus, and are referred to by other authors, such as the playwright
Aeschylus. Archaeological evidence, such as the Serpent Column, also supports some of Herodotus' specific
claims.[9]
Background
The Greek city-states of Athens and Eretria had supported the unsuccessful Ionian Revolt against the Persian Empire
of Darius I in 499-494 BC. The Persian Empire was still relatively young, and prone to revolts amongst its subject
peoples.[10] [11] Moreover, Darius was a usurper, and had spent considerable time extinguishing revolts against his
rule.[10] The Ionian revolt threatened the integrity of his empire, and Darius thus vowed to punish those involved
(especially those not already part of the empire).[12] [13] Darius also saw the opportunity to expand his empire into
the fractious world of Ancient Greece.[13] A preliminary expedition under Mardonius in 492 BC, to secure the land
approaches to Greece, re-conquered Thrace, and forced Macedon to become a client kingdom of Persia.[14]
In 491 BC, Darius sent emissaries to all the Greek city-states, asking for a gift of 'earth and water' in token of their
submission to him.[15] Having had a demonstration of his power the previous year, the majority of Greek cities duly
obliged. In Athens, however, the ambassadors were put on trial and then executed by throwing them in a pit; in
Sparta, they were simply thrown down a well.[15] [16] This meant that Sparta was also effectively at war with
Persia.[15]
Darius thus put together an amphibious task force under Datis and Artaphernes in 490 BC, which attacked Naxos,
before receiving the submission of the other Cycladic Islands. The task force then moved on Eretria, which it
besieged and destroyed.[17] Finally, it moved to attack Athens, landing at the bay of Marathon, where it was met by a
heavily outnumbered Athenian army. At the ensuing Battle of Marathon, the Athenians won a remarkable victory,
which resulted in the withdrawal of the Persian army to Asia.[18]
Darius therefore began raising a huge new

army with which he meant to completely
subjugate Greece; however, in 486 BC, his
Egyptian subjects revolted, indefinitely
postponing any Greek expedition.[11] Darius
then died whilst preparing to march on
Egypt, and the throne of Persia passed to his
son Xerxes I.[19] Xerxes crushed the
Egyptian revolt, and very quickly re-started
the preparations for the invasion of
Greece.[20] Since this was to be a full scale
invasion, it required long-term planning,
stock-piling and conscription.[20] Xerxes
decided that the Hellespont would be
bridged to allow his army to cross to
A map showing the Greek world at the time of the battle Europe, and that a canal should be dug
across the isthmus of Mount Athos
(rounding which headland, a Persian fleet had been destroyed in 492 BC).[21] These were both feats of exceptional
ambition, which would have been beyond any other contemporary state.[21] By early 480 BC, the preparations were
complete, and the army which Xerxes had mustered at Sardis marched towards Europe, crossing the Hellespont on
two pontoon bridges.[22]
The Athenians had also been preparing for war with the Persians since the mid-480s BC, and in 482 BC the decision
was taken, under the guidance of the Athenian politician Themistocles, to build a massive fleet of triremes that
would be necessary for the Greeks to fight the Persians.[23] However, the Athenians did not have the manpower to
fight on land and sea; and therefore combating the Persians would require an alliance of Greek city states. In 481
BC, Xerxes sent ambassadors around Greece asking for earth and water, but making the very deliberate omission of
Athens and Sparta.[24] Support thus began to coalesce around these two leading states. A congress of city states met
at Corinth in late autumn of 481 BC,[25] and a confederate alliance of Greek city-states was formed. It had the power
to send envoys asking for assistance and to dispatch troops from the member states to defensive points after joint
consultation. This was remarkable for the disjointed Greek world, especially since many of the city-states in
attendance were still technically at war with each other.[26]
The 'congress' met again in the spring of 480 BC. A Thessalian delegation suggested that the Greeks could muster in
the narrow Vale of Tempe, on the borders of Thessaly, and thereby block Xerxes' advance.[27] A force of 10,000
hoplites was dispatched to the Vale of Tempe, through which they believed the Persian army would have to pass.
However, once there, they were warned by Alexander I of Macedon that the vale could be bypassed through the
Sarantoporo Pass, and that the army of Xerxes was overwhelming, the Greeks retreated.[28] Shortly afterwards, they
received the news that Xerxes had crossed the Hellespont.[27]
A second strategy was therefore suggested by Themistocles to the Greeks. The route to southern Greece (Boeotia,
Attica and the Peloponnesus) would require the army of Xerxes to travel through the very narrow pass of
Thermopylae. This could easily be blocked by the Greek hoplites, despite the overwhelming numbers of Persians.
Furthermore, to prevent the Persians bypassing Thermopylae by sea, the Athenian and allied navies could block the
straits of Artemisium. This dual strategy was adopted by the congress.[29] However, the Peloponnesian cities made
fall-back plans to defend the Isthmus of Corinth should it come to it, whilst the women and children of Athens had
been evacuated en masse to the Peloponnesian city of Troezen.[30]
Prelude
The Persian army seems to have made rather
leisurely progress through Thrace and
Macedon, but finally, in August, news of the
imminent Persian approach reached
Greece.[31] At this time of year the Spartans,
de facto military leaders of the alliance,
were celebrating the festival of Carneia.
During the Carneia, military activity was
forbidden by Spartan law; the Spartans had
arrived too late at the Battle of Marathon
because of this requirement.[32] It was also
the time of the Olympic Games, and
therefore the Olympic truce, and thus it
would have been doubly sacrilegious for the
whole Spartan army to march to war.[32] [33]
On this occasion, the ephors decided the
urgency was sufficiently great to justify an
advance expedition to block the pass, under
one of its kings, Leonidas I. Leonidas took
with him the 300 men of the royal
bodyguard, the Hippeis, and a larger number
of support troops drawn from other parts of
Lacedaemon (including helots).[33] This Map showing Greek & Persian advances to Thermopylae and Artemisium
expedition was to try to gather as many
other Greek soldiers along the way as possible, and to await the arrival of the main Spartan army.[33]
The legend of Thermopylae, as told by Herodotus, has it that the Spartans consulted the Oracle at Delphi earlier in
the year. The Oracle is said to have made the following prophecy:
O ye men who dwell in the streets of broad Lacedaemon!
Either your glorious town shall be sacked by the children of Perseus,
Or, in exchange, must all through the whole Laconian country
Mourn for the loss of a king, descendant of great Heracles.[34]
Herodotus tells us that Leonidas, in line with the prophecy, was convinced he was going to certain death since his
forces were not adequate for a victory, and so he selected only Spartans with living sons.[35]
En route to Thermopylae, the Spartan force was reinforced by contingents from various cities (see below) and
numbered more than 5,000 by the time it arrived at the pass.[36] Leonidas chose to camp at, and defend, the 'middle
gate', the narrowest part of the pass of Thermopylae, where the Phocians had built a defensive wall some time
before.[37] News also reached Leonidas, from the nearby city of Trachis, that there was a mountain track which could
be used to outflank the pass of Thermopylae; in response, Leonidas stationed 1,000 Phocians on the heights to
prevent such a manoeuvre.[38]
Finally, in mid-August, the Persian army was sighted across the Malian Gulf, approaching Thermopylae.[39] With the
Persian army's arrival at Thermopylae, the Greeks held a council of war.[40] Some Peloponnesians suggested
withdrawal to the Isthmus of Corinth and blocking the passage to Peloponnesus.[40] The Phocians and Locrians,
whose states were located nearby, became indignant and advised defending Thermopylae and sending for more help.
Leonidas calmed the panic and agreed to defend Thermopylae.[40]
A Persian emissary was sent by Xerxes to negotiate with Leonidas; the Greeks were offered their freedom and the
title "Friends of the Persian People," moreover they would be re-settled on better land than they currently
possessed.[41] When these terms were refused by Leonidas, the ambassador asked him more forcefully to lay down
his weapons; Leonidas' famous response was for the Persians to "Come and get them" (Μολὼν λαβέ).[42] With the
Persian embassy returning empty-handed, battle became inevitable. However, Xerxes delayed attacking for four
days, waiting for the Greeks to disperse, before sending troops to attack them.[43]
Opposing forces
Persian army
For a full discussion of the size of the Persian invasion force, see Second Persian invasion of Greece
The numbers of troops which Xerxes mustered for the second invasion of Greece have been the subject of endless
dispute, because the numbers given in ancient sources are very large indeed. Herodotus claimed that there were, in
total, 2.6 million military personnel, accompanied by an equivalent number of support personnel.[] The poet
Simonides, who was a near-contemporary, talks of four million; Ctesias gave 800,000 as the total number of the
army that was assembled by Xerxes.[44]
Modern scholars tend to reject the figures given by Herodotus and other ancient sources as unrealistic, and as a result
of miscalculations or exaggerations on the part of the victors.[45] Modern scholarly estimates are generally in the
range 70,000–300,000.[46] b[›] These estimates usually come from studying the logistical capabilities of the Persians
in that era, the sustainability of their respective base of operations, and the overall manpower constraints affecting
them. Whatever the real numbers were, however, it is clear that Xerxes was anxious to ensure a successful
expedition by mustering an overwhelming numerical superiority by land and by sea.[47] The number of Persian
troops present at Thermopylae is therefore as uncertain as the number for the total invasion force. For instance, it is
unclear whether the whole Persian army marched as far as Thermopylae, or whether Xerxes left garrisons in
Macedon and Thessaly.
Greek army
According to Herodotus,[36] [48] and Diodorus Siculus,[49] the Greek army included the following forces:
Group Number – Herodotus Numbers – Diodorus Siculus
Spartans 300 300
Lacedaemonians/ [50] 1,000

900?
Perioeci (including the Spartans?)
Spartan helots [50] –

900?
Mantineans 500 3,000

(other Peloponnesians sent with Leonidas)
Tegeans 500
Arcadian Orchomenos 120
Other Arcadians 1,000
Corinthians 400
Phlians 200
Mycenaeans 80
Total Peloponnesians [36] [51] 4,000 or 4,300

3,100 or 4,000
Thespians 700 –
Malians – 1,000
Thebans 400 400
Phocians 1,000 1,000
Opuntian Locrians "All they had" 1,000
Grand Total 5,200 (or 6,100) plus the Opuntian Locrians 7,400 (or 7,700)
Notes:
• The number of Peloponnesians
Diodorus suggests that there were 1,000 Lacedemonians and 3,000 other Peloponnesians, for a total of 4,000.
Herodotus agrees with this figure in one passage, quoting an inscription by Simonides saying there were 4,000
Peloponnesians.[51] However, elsewhere, in the passage summarized by the above table, Herodotus tallies 3,100
Peloponnesians at Thermopylae before the battle[36] Herodotus also reports that at Xerxes' public showing of the
dead, "helots were also there for them to see",[52] but he does not say how many or in what capacity they served.
Thus, the difference between his two figures can be squared by supposing (without proof) that there were 900 helots
(three per Spartan) present at the battle.[50] If helots were present at the battle, there is no reason to doubt that they
served in their traditional role as armed retainers to individual Spartans. Alternatively, Herodotus' "missing" 900
troops might have been Perioeci, and could therefore correspond to Diodorus' 1,000 Lacedemonians.[50]
• The number of Lacedemonians
Further confusing the issue is Diodorus' ambiguity about whether his 1,000 Lacedemonians include the 300 Spartans.
At one point he says: "Leonidas, when he received the appointment, announced that only one thousand men should
follow him on the campaign'".[49] However, he then says that: "There were, then, of the Lacedaemonians one
thousand, and with them three hundred Spartiates".[49] It is therefore impossible to be clearer on this point.
Pausanias' account agrees with that of Herodotus (whom he probably read) except that he gives the number of
Locrians, which Herodotus declined to estimate. Residing in the direct path of the Persian advance, they gave all the
fighting men they had; according to Pausanias 6,000 men, which added to Herodotus' 5,200 would have given a
force of 11,200.[53]
Many modern historians, who usually consider Herodotus more reliable,[54] add the 1,000 Lacedaemonians and the
900 Helots to Herodotus' 5,200 to obtain 7,100 or about 7,000 men as a standard number, neglecting Diodorus'
Melians and Pausanias' Locrians.[55] [56] However, this is only one approach, and many other combinations are
plausible. Furthermore, the numbers changed later on in the battle when most of the army retreated and only
approximately 3,000 men remained (300 Spartans, 700 Thespians, 400 Thebans, possibly up to 900 helots and 1,000
Phocians stationed above the pass; less the casualties sustained in the previous days).[54]
Strategic and tactical considerations

From a strategic point of view, by defending Thermopylae, the Greeks were making the best possible use of their
forces.[57] As long as they could prevent further Persian advance into Greece, they had no requirement to seek a
decisive battle, and could thus remain on the defensive. Moreover, by defending two constricted passages
(Thermopylae and Artemisium), the Greeks' inferior numbers became less problematic.[57] Conversely, for the
Persians the problem of supplying such a large army meant that the Persians could not remain in the same place for
too long.[58] The Persians must therefore retreat or advance; and advancing required the pass of Thermopylae to be
forced.[58]
Tactically, the pass at Thermopylae was ideally suited to the Greek style of warfare.[57] A hoplite phalanx would be
able to block the narrow pass with ease, with no risk of being outflanked by cavalry. In the pass, the phalanx would
have been very difficult to assault for the more lightly armed Persian infantry.[57] The major weak point for the
Greeks was the mountain track which led across the highland parallel to Thermopylae, and which would allow their
position to be outflanked. Although probably unsuitable for cavalry, this path could easily be traversed by the
Persian infantry (many of whom were versed in mountain warfare).[59] Leonidas was made aware of this path by
local people from Trachis, and he positioned a detachment of Phocian troops there in order to block this route.[38]
Topography of the battlefield

At the time, the pass of Thermopylae consisted of a
track along the shore of the Malian Gulf so narrow that
only one chariot could pass through at a time.[60] On
the southern side of the track stood the cliffs that
overlooked the pass, and on the north side was the
Malian Gulf. Along the path itself was a series of three
constrictions, or "gates" (pylai), and at the center gate a
short wall that had been erected by the Phocians in the
previous century to aid in their defense against
Thessalian invasions.[60] The name "Hot Gates" comes
from the hot springs that were located there.[37]
Today, the pass is not near the sea but is several miles
Map of Thermopylae area with modern shoreline and reconstructed
inland because of sedimentation in the Malian Gulf.
shoreline of 480 BC
The old track appears at the foot of hills around the
plain, flanked by a modern road. Recent core samples
indicate that the pass was only 100 meters wide and the waters came up to the gates; "Little do the visitors realize
that the battle took place across the road from the monument."[61] The pass still is a natural defensive position to
modern armies, and British Commonwealth forces in World War II made a defense in 1941 against the Nazi invasion
metres from the original battle field.
• Maps of the region:[62] [63]

• Image of the battlefield, from the east[64]
Battle
First day
On the fifth day after the Persian arrival at
Thermopylae (which would become the first day of the
battle), Xerxes finally resolved to attack the Greeks.
First of all, he sent Medes and Cissians against the
Greeks, to take them prisoner and bring them before
him.[43] [66] They soon found themselves launching a
frontal assault on the Greek position.[43] The Greeks
fought in front of the Phocian wall, at the narrowest
part of the pass.[67] [68] Details of the tactics are scant; Greek phalanx formation based on sources from The Perseus Project
[65]
Diodorus says "the men stood shoulder to shoulder" .
and the Greeks were "superior in valor and in the great

size of their shields."[69] This is probably describing the standard Greek phalanx, in which the men formed a wall of
overlapping shields and layered spear points, which would have been highly effective as long as it spanned the width
of the pass.[70] The wicker shields and shorter spears of the Persians prevented them from effectively engaging the
Greek hoplites.[69] [71] Herodotus says that the units for each city were kept together; units were rotated in and out of
the battle to prevent fatigue, which implies the Greeks had more men than necessary to block the pass.[72] The
Greeks killed so many Medes that Xerxes is said to have started up off the seat from which he was watching the
battle three times.[73] According to Ctesias, the first wave was "cut to ribbons" with only two or three Spartans
dead.[44]
According to Herodotus and Diodorus, the king, having taken the measure of the enemy, threw his best troops into a
second assault the same day: the Immortals, an elite corps of 10,000 men.[69] [71] However, the Immortals fared no
better than the Medes had, failing to make headway against the Greeks.[71] The Spartans apparently used a tactic of
feigning retreat, and then turning on, and killing the enemy troops when they ran after the Spartans.[71]
Second day
On the second day, Xerxes again sent in the infantry to
attack the pass, "supposing that their enemies, being so
few, were now disabled by wounds and could no longer
resist."[73] However, the Persians fared no better on the
second day than on the first.[73] Xerxes at last stopped
the assault and withdrew to his camp, totally
perplexed.[44]
Late on the second day of battle, however, as the

Persian king was pondering what to do next, he
received a windfall; a Trachinian traitor named
Ephialtes informed him of the mountain path around
Thermopylae and offered to guide the Persian army.[74]
Depiction of Persian warriors, probably the Immortals.
Ephialtes was motivated by the desire of a reward.[74]
For this act, the name of Ephialtes received a lasting
stigma, his name coming to mean "nightmare" in the Greek language and becoming the archetypal traitor in Greek
culture.[75]
Herodotus reports that Xerxes sent his commander Hydarnes that evening, with the men under his command, the
Immortals, to encircle the Greeks via the path. However, he does not say who those men are.[76] The Immortals had
been bloodied on the first day, so it is possible that Hydarnes may have been given overall command of an enhanced
force including what was left of the Immortals, and indeed, according to Diodorus, Hydarnes had a force of 20,000
for the mission.[77] The path led from east of the Persian camp along the ridge of Mt. Anopaea behind the cliffs that
flanked the pass. It branched with one path leading to Phocis and the other down to the Malian Gulf at Alpenus, first
town of Locris.[78]
Third Day
At daybreak on the third day, the Phocians
guarding the path above Thermopylae
became aware of the outflanking Persian
column by the rustling of oak leaves.
Herodotus says that they jumped up and
were greatly amazed.[79] Hydarnes was
perhaps just as amazed to see them hastily
arming themselves as they were to see him
and the Persian forces.[80] He feared that
they were Spartans but was informed by
Ephialtes that they were not.[79] The
Phocians retreated to a nearby hill to make
their stand (assuming that the Persians had
come to attack them).[79] However, not
wishing to be delayed, the Persians gave Leonidas at Thermopylae, by Jacques Louis David, 1814. This is a juxtaposition of
them a volley of arrows, before passing by various historical and legendary elements from the Battle of Thermopylae.
to continue with their encirclement of the

main Greek force.[79]
Learning from a runner that the Phocians had not held the path, Leonidas called a council of war at dawn.[81] Some
of the Greeks argued for withdrawal, but Leonidas resolved to stay at the pass with the Spartans.[81] Many of the
Greek contingents then either chose to withdraw (without orders), or were ordered to leave by Leonidas (Herodotus
admits that there is some doubt about which actually happened).[81] [82] The contingent of 700 Thespians, led by
their general Demophilus, refused to leave with the other Greeks but committed themselves to the fight.[83] Also
present were the 400 Thebans, and probably the helots that had accompanied the Spartans.[80]
Leonidas' actions have been the subject of much discussion. It is commonly stated that the Spartans were obeying the
laws of Sparta by not retreating, but it seems it was actually the failure to retreat from Thermopylae that gave rise to
the notion that Spartans never retreated.[84] It is also possible that recalling the words of the Oracle, Leonidas was
committed to sacrifice his life in order to save Sparta. However, since the prophecy was specific to him, this seems a
poor reason to commit 1,500 other men to a fight to the death.[84] The most likely theory is that Leonidas chose to
form a rearguard so that the other Greek contingents could get away.[84] [85] If all the troops had retreated, the open
ground beyond the pass would have allowed the Persian cavalry to run the Greeks down. If they had all remained at
the pass, they would have been encircled and would eventually have all been killed.[80] By covering the retreat, and
continuing to block the pass, Leonidas could save more than 3,000 men, who would be able to fight at some later
point.[85] The Thebans have also been the subject of some discussion. Herodotus suggests that they were brought to
the battle as hostages to ensure the good behavior of Thebes.[35] However, as Plutarch long ago pointed out, if they
were hostages, why not send them away with the rest of the Greeks?[84] The likelihood is that these were the Theban
'loyalists', who unlike the majority of the fellow citizens, objected to Persian domination.[84] They thus probably
came to Thermopylae of their own free will, and stayed at the end because they could not return to Thebes if the
Persians conquered Boeotia.[80] The Thespians, resolved as they were not to submit to Xerxes, faced the destruction
of their city if the Persians took Boeotia.[84] However, this alone does not explain the fact that they remained; the
remainder of Thespiae was successfully evacuated before the Persians arrived there.[84] It seems that the Thespians
volunteered to remain as a simple act of self-sacrifice, all the more amazing since their contingent represented every
single hoplite the city could muster.[86] This seems to have been a particularly Thespian trait – on at least two other
occasions in later history, a Thespian force would commit itself to a fight to the death.[84]
At dawn Xerxes made libations, pausing to allow the Immortals sufficient time to descend the mountain, and then
began his advance.[68] The Greeks this time sallied forth from the wall to meet the Persians in the wider part of the
pass in an attempt to slaughter as many Persians as they could.[68] They fought with spears until every spear was
shattered and then switched to xiphē (short swords).[87] In this struggle, Herodotus states that two brothers of Xerxes
fell: Abrocomes and Hyperanthes.[87] Leonidas also died in the assault, and the two sides fought over his body, the
Greeks taking possession.[87] As the Immortals approached, the Greeks withdrew and took a stand on a hill behind
the wall.[88] The Thebans "moved away from their companions, and with hands upraised, advanced toward the
barbarians..." (Rawlinson translation), but a few were slain before their surrender was accepted.[88] The king later
had the Theban prisoners branded with the royal mark.[89] Of the remaining defenders, Herodotus says:
"Here they defended themselves to the last, those who still had swords using them, and the others
resisting with their hands and teeth."[88]
Tearing down part of the wall, Xerxes ordered the hill surrounded, and the Persians rained down arrows until every
last Greek was dead.[88] In 1939, archaeologist Spyridon Marinatos, excavating at Thermopylae, found large
numbers of Persian bronze arrowheads on Kolonos Hill, changing the identification of the hill on which the Greeks
died from a smaller one nearer the wall.[90]
The pass at Thermopylae was thus opened to the Persian army according to Herodotus, at the cost to the Persians of
up to 20,000 fatalities.[91] The Greek rearguard meanwhile, was annihilated, with a probable loss of 2,000 men,
including those killed on the first two days of battle.[92] Herodotus says at one point that 4,000 Greeks died, but
assuming that the Phocians guarding the track were not killed during the battle (as Herodotus implies), this would be
almost every Greek soldier present (by Herodotus' own estimates), and this number is probably too high.[93]
Aftermath
When the body of Leonidas was recovered by the Persians, Xerxes, in a rage against Leonidas, ordered that the head
be cut off and the body crucified. Herodotus observes that this was very uncommon for the Persians, as they had the
habit of treating "valiant warriors" with great honor (the example of Pytheas, captured off Skiathos before the Battle
of Artemisium, strengthens this suggestion).[88] [94] However, Xerxes was known for his rage, for instance, when he
had the Hellespont whipped because it would not obey him.[22] After the Persians' departure, the Greeks collected
their dead and buried them on the hill. After the Persian invasion ended, a stone lion was erected at Thermopylae to
commemorate Leonidas.[95] A full forty years after the battle, Leonidas' bones were returned to Sparta where he was
buried again with full honors; funeral games were held every year in his memory.[87] [96]
With Thermopylae now opened to the Persian army, the continuation of the blockade at Artemisium by the Greek
fleet became irrelevant. The simultaneous naval Battle of Artemisium had been a tactical stalemate, and the Greek
navy was able to retreat in good order to the Saronic Gulf where they helped to ferry the remaining Athenian citizens
across to the island of Salamis.[85]
Following Thermopylae, the Persian army proceeded to burn and sack the Boeotian cities which had not submitted to
the Persians, Plataea and Thespiae, before marching on the now evacuated city of Athens.[97] Meanwhile, the Greeks
(for the most part Peloponnesian) prepared to defend the Isthmus of Corinth, demolishing the single road that led
through it, and building a wall across it.[98] As at Thermopylae, to make this an effective strategy required the Greek
navy to stage a simultaneous blockade, barring the passage of the Persian navy across the Saronic Gulf, so that
troops could not be landed directly on the Peloponnese.[99] However, instead of a mere blockade, Themistocles
persuaded the Greeks to seek a decisive victory against the Persian fleet. Luring the Persian navy into the Straits of
Salamis, the Greek fleet was able to destroy much of the Persian fleet in the Battle of Salamis, which essentially
ended the threat to the Peloponnese.[100]
Fearing that the Greeks might attack the bridges across the Hellespont and trap his army in Europe, Xerxes now
retreated with much of the army back to Asia.[101] He left a hand picked force under Mardonius to complete the
conquest the following year.[102] However, under pressure from the Athenians, the Peloponnesians eventually agreed
to try to force Mardonius to battle, and marched on Attica.[103] Mardonius retreated to Boeotia to lure the Greeks into
open terrain and the two sides eventually met near the city of Plataea.[103] There, at the Battle of Plataea, the Greek
army won a decisive victory, destroying much of the Persian army, and ending the invasion of Greece.[103]
Meanwhile, at the near-simultaneous naval Battle of Mycale they also destroyed much of the remaining Persian fleet,
thereby reducing the threat of further invasions.[104]
Significance
Thermopylae is arguably the most famous battle in European ancient history, repeatedly referenced in ancient, recent
and contemporary culture. In western culture at least, it is the Greeks who are lauded for their performance in
battle.[105] However, within the context of the Persian invasion, Thermopylae was undoubtedly a defeat for the
Greeks.[106] It seems clear that the Greek strategy was to hold off the Persians at Thermopylae and Artemisium;[57]
whatever they may have intended, it was presumably not their desire to surrender all of Boeotia and Attica to the
Persians.[57] The Greek position at Thermopylae, despite being massively out-numbered, was near-impregnable.[85]
If the position had been held for even slightly longer, the Persians may have had to retreat for lack of food and
water.[58] Thus, despite the heavy losses, forcing the pass was a clear Persian victory, both tactically and
strategically.[85] The successful retreat of the bulk of the Greek troops, though morale-boosting, was in no sense a
victory, though it did take some of the sheen off the Persian victory.[85]
It is sometimes stated that Thermopylae was a Pyrrhic victory for the Persians [107] [108] , that is, one in which the
victor is as damaged by the battle as the defeated party. However, there is no suggestion in Herodotus that this was
the effect of the Battle of Thermopylae on the Persian forces. Furthermore, this idea ignores the fact that the Persians
would, in the aftermath of Thermopylae, conquer the majority of Greece,[109] and the fact that Persians were still
fighting in Greece a year later.[110] Alternatively, the argument is sometimes advanced that the last stand at
Thermopylae was a successful delaying action that gave the Greek navy time to prepare for the Battle of Salamis.c[›]
However, compared to the probable time (c. 1 month) between Thermopylae and Salamis, the time bought by the last
stand at Thermopylae was negligible.[111] Furthermore, this idea also neglects the fact that Greek army was fighting
at Artemesium during the Battle of Thermopylae, incurring losses in the process.[112] Cawkwell suggests that the gap
between Thermopylae and Salamis was caused by Xerxes systematically reducing Greek opposition in Phocis and
Boeotia, and not as a result of the battle of Thermopylae; thus, as a delaying action, Thermopylae was insignificant
compared to Xerxes’s own procrastination.[109] Far from labeling Thermopylae as a pyrrhic victory, modern
academic treatises on the Greco-Persian Wars tend to emphasise the success of Xerxes in breaching the formidable
Greek position, and in the subsequent conquest of the majority of Greece. For instance Cawkwell states that "he was
successful on both land and sea, and the Great Invasion began with a brilliant success...Xerxes had every reason to
congratulate himself",[113] whilst Lazenby describes the Greek defeat as "disastrous".[106]
The fame of Thermopylae is thus principally derived, not from its effect on the outcome of the war, but for the
inspirational example it set.[111] [114] Thermopylae is famous because of the doomed heroism of the rearguard, who,
facing certain death, remained at the pass.[105] Ever since, the events of Thermopylae have been the source of
effusive praise from many sources; e.g. "...the fairest sister-victories which the Sun has ever seen, yet they would
never dare to compare their combined glory with the glorious defeat of King Leonidas and his men" [115] A second
reason is the example it set of free men, fighting for their country and their freedom:
"So almost immediately, contemporary Greeks saw Thermopylae as a critical moral and culture lesson.
In universal terms, a small, free people had willingly outfought huge numbers of imperial subjects who
advanced under the lash. More specifically, the Western idea that soldiers themselves decide where,
how, and against whom they will fight was contrasted against the Eastern notion of despotism and
monarchy — freedom proving the stronger idea as the more courageous fighting of the Greeks at
Thermopylae, and their later victories at Salamis and Plataea attested."[116]
Whilst this paradigm of "free men" outfighting "slaves" can be seen as a rather sweeping over-generalization (there
are plenty of counter-examples), it is nevertheless true that many commentators have used Thermopylae to illustrate
this point.[57] Militarily, although the battle was actually not decisive in the context of the Persian invasion,
Thermopylae is also of some significance, on the basis of the first two days of fighting. The performance of the
defenders is used as an example of the advantages of training, equipment, and good use of terrain as force
multipliers.[117]
Legacy
Monuments
There are several monuments around the battlefield of Thermopylae.
Epitaph of Simonides
Simonides composed a well-known

epigram, which was engraved as an epitaph
on a commemorative stone placed on top of
the burial mound of the Spartans at
Thermopylae. It is also the hill on which the
last of them died.[51] The original stone has
not been preserved. Instead the epitaph was
engraved on a new stone erected in 1955.
The text from Herodotus is:[51]
Ὦ ξεῖν', ἀγγέλλειν Λακεδαιμονίοις ὅτι

τῇδε
κείμεθα, τοῖς κείνων ῥήμασι
πειθόμενοι. Epitaph with Simonides' epigram
Ō ksein', angellein Lakedaimoniois

hoti tēide
keimetha tois keinōn rhēmasi peithomenoi.
"O stranger, tell Lacedaemonians that here
We lie to their sayings in obedience."
An ancient alternative substitutes πειθόμενοι νομίμοις for ῥήμασι πειθόμενοι; i.e., substitutes "laws" for "sayings."
The sayings in question are not personal but refer to official and binding phrases (the Ancient Greek term can also
refer to a formal speech).[118]
The form of this ancient Greek poetry is an elegiac couplet, commonly used for epitaphs. Some English renderings
are given in the table below.
Translation +
William Lisle Bowles

Go tell the Spartans, thou who passest by,
[119]
That here, obedient to their laws, we lie.
William Golding
Stranger, tell the Spartans that we behaved
[120]
as they would wish us to, and are buried here.
Francis Hodgson
Stranger! To Sparta say, her faithful band
[121]
Here lie in death, remembering her command.
Stranger, report this word, we pray, to the Spartans, that lying George Campbell Macaulay
[122]
Here in this spot we remain, faithfully keeping their laws.
William Roger Paton

Stranger, bear this message to the Spartans,
[123]
that we lie here obedient to their laws.
Steven Pressfield
Go tell the Spartans, stranger passing by,
[124]
that here obedient to their laws we lie.
George Rawlinson
Go, stranger, and to Lacedaemon tell
[125]
That here, obeying her behests, we fell.
Cyril E. Robinson
Go, way-farer, bear news to Sparta's town
[126]
that here, their bidding done, we laid us down.
Aubrey de Sélincourt
Go tell the Spartans, you who read:
[127]
We took their orders, and lie here dead.
William Shepherd
Friend, tell Lacedaemon
Here we lie
[128]
Obedient to our orders.
From the 1962 film The 300 Spartans

Oh Stranger, tell the Spartans
[129]
That we lie here obedient to their word.
J. Rufus Fears
Stranger, go tell the Spartans
That we lie here
True, even to the death
[130]
To our Spartan way of life.
Frank Miller
Go tell the Spartans, passerby:
[131]
That here, by Spartan law, we lie.
John Ruskin expressed the importance of this ideal to Western civilization as follows:
Also obedience in its highest form is not obedience to a constant and compulsory law, but a persuaded
or voluntary yielded obedience to an issued command .... His name who leads the armies of Heaven is
"Faithful and True"... and all deeds which are done in alliance with these armies ... are essentially deeds
of faith, which therefore ... is at once the source and the substance of all known deed, rightly so called ...
as set forth in the last word of the noblest group of words ever, so far as I know, uttered by simple man
concerning his practice, being the final testimony of the leaders of a great practical nation ... [the epitaph
in Greek][132]
Leonidas monument
Additionally, there is a modern monument at the site, called the "Leonidas Monument", in honor of the Spartan king.
It features a bronze statue of Leonidas. A sign, under the statue, reads simply: "Μολών λαβέ" ("Come and get
them!"--as in answer to Xerxes' demand that the Greeks give up their weapons). The metope below depicts battle
scenes. The two marble statues on the left and the right of the monument represent, respectively, the river Eurotas
and Mount Taygetos, famous landmarks of Sparta.
Leonidas Monument Leonidas monument Leonidas Leonidas

Monument
Thespian monument
In 1997, a second monument was officially unveiled by the Greek government, dedicated to the 700 Thespians who
fought with the Spartans. The monument is made of marble and features a bronze statue depicting the god Eros, to
whom the ancient Thespians accorded particular religious veneration. Under the statue, a sign reads "In memory of
the seven hundred Thespians".
A plate, below the statue, explains its symbolism:

• The headless male figure symbolizes the anonymous sacrifice of the 700 Thespians to their country.
• The outstretched chest symbolizes the struggle, the gallantry, the strength, the bravery and the courage.
• The open wing symbolizes the victory, the glory, the soul, the spirit and the freedom.
• The broken wing symbolizes the voluntary sacrifice and death.
• The naked body symbolizes Eros, the most important god of the ancient Thespians, a god of creation, beauty and
life.
The monument to the Thespians is placed beside the one to the Spartans.
Thespians' Monument, Eros A plate, below the statue

Associated legends
Herodotus' colorful account of the battle has provided us with many apocryphal incidents and conversations away
from the main historical events. These accounts are obviously not verifiable, but they form an integral part of the
legend of the battle. They often demonstrate the Laconic speech (and wit) of the Spartans to good effect.
For instance, Plutarch recounts in his Sayings of Spartan Women that upon his departure, Leonidas' wife Gorgo
asked what she should do if he did not return; to which Leonidas replied, "Marry a good man and have good
children."[133]
It is reported that, upon arriving at Thermopylae, the Persian sent a mounted scout to reconnoiter. The Greeks
allowed him to come up to the camp, observe them, and depart. When the scout reported to Xerxes the size of the
Greek force and that the Spartans were indulging in calisthenics and combing their long hair, Xerxes found the
reports laughable. Seeking the counsel of Demaratus, an exiled Spartan king in his retinue, Xerxes was told that the
Spartans were preparing for battle and that it was their custom to adorn their hair when they were about to risk their
lives. Demaratus called them "the bravest men in Greece" and warned the Great King that they intended to dispute
the pass. He emphasized that he had tried to warn Xerxes earlier in the campaign, but the king had refused to believe
him. He added that if Xerxes ever managed to subdue the Spartans, "there is no other nation in all the world which
will venture to lift a hand in their defense".[134]
Herodotus also describes the reception of a Persian embassy by Leonidas. The ambassador told Leonidas that Xerxes
would offer him the kingship of all Greece if he joined with Xerxes. Leonidas answered: "If you had any knowledge
of the noble things of life, you would refrain from coveting others' possessions; but for me to die for Greece is better
than to be the sole ruler over the people of my race."[135] Then the ambassador asked him more forcefully to
surrender their arms. To this Leonidas gave his famous answer: Μολὼν λαβέ (pronounced Greek
[136]
pronunciation: /moˈlɔːn laˈbe/) "Come and get them".
Such Laconic bravado doubtlessly helped to maintain morale. Herodotus writes that when Dienekes, a Spartan
soldier, was informed that Persian arrows would be so numerous as "to block out the sun", he retorted, unconcerned;
"So much the better...then we shall fight our battle in the shade."[137]
After the battle, Xerxes was curious as to what the Greeks had been trying to do (presumably because they had had
so few men) and had some Arcadian deserters interrogated in his presence. The answer was that all the other men
were participating in the Olympic Games. When Xerxes asked what was the prize for the winner, the answer was "an
olive-wreath". Upon hearing this, Tigranes, a Persian general, said: "Good heavens, Mardonius, what kind of men
are these that you have pitted against us? It is not for riches that they contend but for honor!" (Godley translation) or
otherwise "Ye Gods, Mardonius, what men have you brought us to fight against? Men that fight not for gold, but for
glory."[138]
In popular culture
The Battle of Thermopylae has been an icon of western civilization from its very aftermath. This icon expresses
itself in countless instances of adages, poetry and song, literature, films, television and video games. A more serious
aspect has been its didactic use. The battle appears in many books and articles on military topics. The movie 300
(2007) was based on the events during and close to the time of the battle.
Prior to the battle, the Hellenes remembered the Dorians, an ethnic distinction to which the Spartans belonged, as the
conquerors and displacers of the Ionians in the Peloponnesus. After the battle, Spartan culture became an inspiration
and object of emulation, a phenomenon known as Laconophilia.
See also
• Aristodemus (Spartan)
• Battle of the Persian Gate
• Gates of Fire
• Spartan Army
Notes
^ a: Although some authors state the result was a Pyrrhic victory for Persia[107] [108] , the majority of authors do not
apply this label to the result: see above.
^ b: A huge number of estimates have been made since the 19th century, ranging from 15,000 to acceptance of
Herodotus' 1,800,000. No real consensus exists; even the most recent estimates by academics vary between 70,000
and 300,000. As Holland puts it, "in short...we will never know."[46]
^ c: "The Battle of Thermopylae was a Pyrrhic victory for [the Persians]. But it offered Athens invaluable time to
prepare for the decisive naval battle of Salamis one month later."[139]
References
[1] Cicero, On the Laws I, 5
[2] Holland, pp. xvi–xvii.
[3] Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, e.g. I, 22 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Thuc. + 1. 22)
[4] Finley, p. 15.
[5] Holland, p. xxiv.
[6] Holland, p. 377.
[7] Fehling, pp. 1–277.
[8] Diodorus XI, 28–34 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Diod. + 11. 28),
[9] Note to Herodotus IX, 81 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 9. 81)
[10] Holland, p47–55
[11] Holland, p203
[12] Herodotus V, 105 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 5. 105)
[13] Holland, 171–178
[14] Herodotus VI, 44 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 6. 44. 1)
[15] Holland, pp178–179
[16] Herodotus VII, 133 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 7. 133. 1)
[17] Herodotus VI, 101 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 6. 100. 1)
[18] Herodotus VI, 113 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 6. 113)
[19] Holland, pp206–206
[20] Holland, pp208–211
[21] Holland, pp213–214
[22] VII, 35 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 7. 35. 1)
[23] Holland, p217–223
[26] Holland, p226
[27] Holland, pp248–249
[29] Holland, pp255–257
[30] Herodotus VIII, 40 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 8. 40. 1)
[31] Holland, pp255–256
[33] Holland, pp258–259.
[34] Rawlinson translation of Herodotus VII, 242 (http:/ / www. greektexts. com/ library/ Herodotus/ Polymnia/ eng/ 242. html)
[36] Herodotus, VII, 202 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 7. 202. 1)
[38] Holland, pp262–264

[39] Holland, pp269–270
[41] Holland, pp270–271
[42] Plutarch, Apophthegmata Laconica,saying 11
[44] Ctesias, Persica (http:/ / www. livius. org/ ct-cz/ ctesias/ photius_persica2. html) (from Photius' Epitome)
[45] Holland, p237
[46] Holland, p. 394.
[47] de Souza, p. 41.
[49] Diodorus Siculus XI, 4 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Diod. + 11. 4)
[50] Macan, note to Herodotus VIII, 25
[53] Pausanias X, 20 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Paus. + 10. 20. 1)
[54] Green, p140
[55] Bradford, p106
[56] Bury, pp271–282
[57] Lazenby, pp248–253
[58] Holland, pp285-287
[59] Holland, p 288
[61] Dore, pp285–286
[62] Web.archive.org (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070930030341/ http:/ / www. mlahanas. de/ Greeks/ Cities/ Thermopylae. jpg)
[63] Uoregon.edu (http:/ / uoregon. edu/ ~klio/ maps/ gr/ Thermopylae. jpg)
[64] Livius.org (http:/ / www. livius. org/ a/ battlefields/ thermopylae/ thermopylae. JPG)
[65] http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plb. %2B18. 29
[66] Diodorus Siculus XI, 6 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Diod. + 11. 6. 1)
[69] Diodorus Siculus XI, 7 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Diod. + 11. 7. 1)
[70] Holland, p274
[75] Tegopoulos, entry for Εφιάλτης
[77] Green (2006), p59
[80] Holland, p291–293
[84] Lazenby, pp144–145
[85] Holland, p294
[86] Lazenby, pp259–260
[89] Herodotus VII 233 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 7. 233. 1)
[90] Crawford, p302
[92] Holland, p397
[93] Lazenby, p148
[96] Pausanias III, 14 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Paus. + 3. 14)
[99] Holland, pp299–303
[100] Holland, pp327–334
[102] Holland, p327–329
[103] Holland, pp338–341
[104] Holland, p357–359
[105] Holland, p. xviii.
[106] Lazenby, p. 151.
[107] Tung & Tung, p. 239.
[108] Marozzi, p. 74.
[109] Cawkwell, pp. 105–106
[110] Herodotus IX, 1 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 9. 1. 1)
[111] "Greco-Persian Wars: Battle of Thermopylae" (http:/ / www. historynet. com/ greco-persian-wars-battle-of-thermopylae. htm/ 6).
HistoryNet. . Retrieved 2009-03-27.
[112] Herodotus VIII, 1–19 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Hdt. + 8. 1. 1)
[113] Cawkwell, p. 104.
[114] Lazenby, p150
[115] Michel de Montaigne, quoted in Holland, p. xviii.
[116] "Victor Hanson article" (http:/ / www. victorhanson. com/ articles/ hanson101106. html). Victor Hanson article. 2006-10-11. . Retrieved
2009-03-27.
[117] Eikenberry, 1996
[118] Macan, note to Herodotus VII, 228
[119] Strachey, p481
[120] Golding, exceprt from The Hot Gates.
[121] Merivale, p64
[122] Macauley translation of Herodotus, p220
[123] Paton, p139
[124] Pressfield, p384
[125] Rawlinson translation of Herodotus, p51
[126] Robinson, p65
[127] Sélincourt translation of Herodotus (1954)
[128] Translation by WIlliam Shepherd, from the Cambridge series of translations by Greek and Roman authors.
[129] Credited writers for the film are: George St. George, Gian Paolo Callegari, Remigio Del Grosso, Giovanni d'Eramo, and Ugo Liberatore.
[130] Translation by American historian, Professor J. Rufus Fears in his Ancient Greeks lectures for the Teaching Company.
[131] Miller, 300 (comic)
[132] Ruskin, p212
[133] Plutarch, Moralia, 240, saying 6
[135] Plutarch, Moralia, 225, saying 10
[136] Plutarch, Apophthegmata Laconica, Saying 11.
[139] Tung & Tung, p. 239
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External links
• EDSITEment (http://www.edsitement.neh.gov) Lesson Plan: 300 Spartans at the Battle of Thermopylae:
Herodotus' Real History (http://edsitement.neh.gov/view_lesson_plan.asp?id=735) (from the National
Endowment for the Humanities)
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herodotus/logos7_22.html). Livius articles on ancient history. Retrieved 2007-10-19.
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David L. Smith, Symposion Lectures (http://symposionlectures.googlepages.com), 30
June 2006.
• Modern monument (http://www.siu.edu/~dfll/classics/Johnson/HTML/Thermopylae/Tmon.jpg) at siu.edu
• Spartan burial mound (http://www.coloradocollege.edu/dept/CL/images/thermop.jpg) at
coloradocollege.edu
Geographical coordinates: 38°48′0″N 22°32′0″E
Article Sources and Contributors 21
Article Sources and Contributors

Battle of Thermopylae Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=392542479 Contributors: .:Ajvol:., .K, 3rdAlcove, 5 albert square, A3RO, A8UDI, ANTIcarrot, ASmartKid, Aaxiler,
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Image:Map Greco-Persian Wars-en.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Map_Greco-Persian_Wars-en.svg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5
Contributors: User:Bibi Saint-Pol
File:Thermopylae & Artemisium campaign map.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Thermopylae_&_Artemisium_campaign_map.png License: GNU Free
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Image:Thermopylae map 480bc.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Thermopylae_map_480bc.png License: Public Domain Contributors: User:ChrisO
Image:Greek Phalanx.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Greek_Phalanx.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Bibi Saint-Pol, Makthorpe, Reggaeman, Tungsten,
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Image:Jacques-Louis David 004 Thermopylae.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Jacques-Louis_David_004_Thermopylae.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors:
Bohème, G.dallorto, Itu, Vissarion, Zolo
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Image:Thermopiles memorial epitaph.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Thermopiles_memorial_epitaph.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License
Contributors: Rafal Slubowski, N. Pantelis
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Image:Spartans monument 1.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Spartans_monument_1.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Contributors: vaggelis vlahos
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Battle of Thermopylae 1

Darius therefore began raising a huge new

Group Number – Herodotus Numbers – Diodorus Siculus

Spartans 300 300

Lacedaemonians/ [50] 1,000

Spartan helots [50] –

Mantineans 500 3,000

Arcadian Orchomenos 120

Other Arcadians 1,000

Total Peloponnesians [36] [51] 4,000 or 4,300

Thebans 400 400

Phocians 1,000 1,000

Opuntian Locrians "All they had" 1,000

Strategic and tactical considerations

Topography of the battlefield

• Maps of the region:[62] [63]

and the Greeks were "superior in valor and in the great

Late on the second day of battle, however, as the

to continue with their encirclement of the

Simonides composed a well-known

Ὦ ξεῖν', ἀγγέλλειν Λακεδαιμονίοις ὅτι

Ō ksein', angellein Lakedaimoniois

William Lisle Bowles

William Roger Paton

From the 1962 film The 300 Spartans

Leonidas Monument Leonidas monument Leonidas Leonidas

A plate, below the statue, explains its symbolism:

Thespians' Monument, Eros A plate, below the statue

[38] Holland, pp262–264

Ltd.. Retrieved 2007-10-19.

• Eikenberry, Lt. Gen. Karl W. (Summer 1996). "Take No Casualties" (http://www.carlisle.army.mil/usawc/

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